MEDIA FRAMINGS OF RIOT

______

A Thesis

Presented to

The Faculty of the Department

of Sociology

University of Houston

______

In Partial Fulfillment

Of the Requirements for the Degree of

Master of Arts

______

By

Andrew Strange

August 2016

MEDIA FRAMINGS OF

______

An Abstract of a Thesis

Presented to

The Faculty of the Department

of Sociology

University of Houston

______

In Partial Fulfillment

Of the Requirements for the Degree of

Master of Arts

______

By

Andrew R. Strange

August, 2016

ABSTRACT

In February 2012, three members of the feminist punk group Pussy Riot, Nadezhda

Tolokonnikova, , and Yekaterina Samutsevich, were arrested on charges of

“” for guerilla performances of their controversial music in 's Cathedral of Christ the Savior. The group simultaneously captured the popular imagination of Americans while being labeled as criminals in their home nation of . By doing a comparison between Pussy Riot’s own literature and the articles written about the group by popular news agencies, one may uncover differences and similarities in the framing of the Pussy Riot narrative, as well as key themes that may have popularized the group among Americans while criminalizing them at home. This work looks at 99 articles sampled from Ms. Magazine, The

New York Times, and USA Today for emergent themes about Pussy Riot that has helped frame the group’s identity for American readers, and compares these works to Pussy

Riot’s own writings (N=25) for discrepancies and commonalities in how the group is framed.

Specific findings include Pussy Riot being framed as having an activist identity by both the group themselves, as well as by the majority of media outlets, with the exception of USA

Today, which offered a balanced (50/50) presentation of the group as both activists and musicians. Pussy Riot is also examined through the lens of social movement literature, as members of the group evolve from street performers engaging in contentious politics to internationally known activists leading the charge for prison reform in Russia and other types of social reform.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction 1

Literature Review 3

Research Question 34

Hypotheses 35

Methods 36

Analysis and Discussion 42

Conclusion 77

Bibliography 85

Appendix 115

Strange 1

Introduction:

Pussy Riot began as a collective of artistic, political street performers who formed after the re-election of Russian President Valdimir Putin in 2012 (Lerner and Pozdorovkin

2013). Using non-violent, guerilla-style punk performances, the group engages in contentious politics, protesting against patriarchal structures, Church-State relations, anti-LGBTQ laws, and gender inequality. In February of 2012, the group gained international fame after being arrested for staging a guerilla-style performance protest inside of the Cathedral of Christ the

Savior. Members of the group were detained by bystanders and handed over to police who charged them with criminal hooliganism motivated by religious hatred. The authorities‘ harsh response to the women‘s peaceful (albeit loud) non-violent protest caused an international uproar. There is a good case for studying Pussy Riot as they highlight the way music and artistic performance may be utilized in social movement repertoires, as well as the manner in which Western values and notions of freedom and protest have begun to spread internationally. The group also illustrates effectively, and in a relatively short period of time

(2012-2014), the various stages of social movements. From the political threats that led to contention, to the opportunities for protest and change that those threats present. The group also illustrates the abeyance process, which suspends the group‘s riskier strategies in their repertoire by taking advantage of abeyance structures such as the media and eventually a formal nongovernmental organization (NGO). Abeyance reduces personal threats, harm or liability to individual actors in the movement while broadening the base of the Pussy Riot movement. This work will locate Pussy Riot within the social movement literature and discuss the situations and networks that lead to their international fame as activists. There is currently very little academic literature on the group; this project is intended to help close

Strange 2 gaps in the sociological literature. This work will highlight themes of contention among the

Pussy Riot literature, as well as explore the media framing of the group‘s identity and message. In addition, this work will uncover similarities and discrepancies between media and Pussy Riot narratives regarding the group.

Strange 3

Literature Review:

A Brief History of Punk

According to Moore (2004), social challenges and ―socioeconomic conditions can enable multiple cultural possibilities‖ (Moore 2004:324). These possibilities may include the emergence of particular genres of art and behaviors that speak to the social conditions people face and the way in which they cope with the anomie and alienation created by a society that has seemingly left them behind (Lena and Peterson 2008; Milenković2007).

―Youth cultures and popular music provide a portal into the formative thoughts, aspirations, and concerns of a not insubstantial (and often overlooked) section of the population‖ (Worley 2006:5). Genres often emerge as a conceptual tool for categorizing cultural phenomena such as art, music, film, and literature. Genres include an often distinct manner of expression that manifests itself in various forms of artistic, personal and cultural expression. Genres often include communities of actors and audiences who subscribe to the accompanying aesthetic of a particular genre (Lena & Peterson 2008, Becker 1982; Bourdieu

1993). An analysis of punk can offer insights into working class youth culture during a period of ―significant socio-economic change‖ (Worley 2006:5). ―(The) punk music genre and style emerged from a social context shaped by deindustrialization and economic stagnation, the rise of reactionary political powers, the exhaustion of 1960s social movements and countercultures, and a general mood of social decline and imminent collapse‖ (Moore

2004:323).

Punk performance is an often overlooked critique of society. The movement began among the working class in England in the mid-1970s in response to poor social conditions, and high rates of unemployed youth (Milenković 2007). The punk movement is a deliberate

Strange 4 violation of social values to express the rejection and confrontation with hypocritical society

(Milenković2007:68). Punk can also be viewed as a commentary of the intertextuality of the postmodern age. Postmodernism is defined by ―hybridity, intertextuality, by its license to

(re)create using recycled objects and images from the past while locating residue of previously authored texts within the modern and ‗original‘‖ (Moore 2004:305). In addition, postmodernism represents the ―fragmentation of revolutionary subjectivity into a collection of identities and differences, or the dissolution of class politics in favor of the nomads of the

‗new social movements‘‖ (Moore 2004:305-06; Gitlin 1995; Laclau & Mouffe 1985;

Melucci 1989). Often a pastiche of varied styles of rock and reggae, punk was performed with both youthful enthusiasm and a social awareness, reflecting a distorted reflection of all of the post-World War Era subcultures (Milenković 2007:68). The crisis of representation in capitalist society poses issues that Punk music and performance addresses through parody, irony and, often overt, criticism. imposes itself upon consumer‘s identities.

Commodities have come to stand in for identities, and as one becomes defined by the products she consumes, she becomes alienated from the experiences that once defined her, and instead becomes a walking advertisement for consumerist culture. Punk performance challenges (often ironically) the fragmentation of postmodern society into ever specific niches through non-nationalism, negative stances toward religion and the church institution, and non-consumer mentality (Milenković2007).

Despite the anti-capitalist leanings of punk, by 1977, groups like The Clash and The

Sex Pistols had begun to enjoy commercial success with support from major record labels

(Milenković2007). Milenković describes the manner in which punk divided into sub-groups due to criticisms of its commercialization, giving rise to bands like Black Flag and Minor

Strange 5

Threat. retained the atheistic, anti-consumerist nature of its sister-scene, but included the added elements of individualism, anti-globalism, anti-militarism, and social and ecological awareness (Milenković2007:69). Other factions, like Oi!, also focused on reasserting punk as a form of ―working-class protest,‖ and emphasized pride in one‘s class background and fighting against the status quo (Worley 2013).

Culture and the Crisis of Representation

Moore (2004) discussed the crisis of representation in the postmodern world. Ever expanding markets and technologies, and the commodification of culture have led to alienation and blended identities. Subcultures seek some form of authentic identity in the pre- defined and commoditized world. However, being no longer bound to traditional cultural forms, the consumer is categorized into ever specific niches of demographics based in part on her consumption of cultural goods. Products and technologies, and one‘s method of consumption come to represent identities that reflect the mirage of society that uses labor and cultural goods as the ―backbone‖ of the global political economy (Lena and Peterson 2008;

Moore, 2004, Baudrillard, 1983, 1987, 1988).

Many other researchers have also discussed the categorization of cultural products and styles into specific genres and the influence of the social environment on this categorization

(Ahlkvist and Kaulkner 2002; Ballard Dodson and Bazzini 1999; Becker 1982; Bielbly and

Beilby 1994; Bourdieu 1993, 1995; Griswold 1987; Hirsch 1972; Negus 1999; Lena and

Peterson 2008; Lizardo 2006). Music scholars often focus on the text of a style and its relationship with the context in which it is found (Bourdieu 1984; Cerulo 1995; Dowd 1992;

Peterson and Kern 1996; Lena and Peterson 2008). In the case of Punk, the social and economic context in England in the 1970s informed the punk sub-culture and identity.

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Bennett (1997, 2004; Bennett and Peterson 2004) discusses the sub-cultural music scenes, and how they are embedded within a particular social context. The social environment and the gaze of the spectator interact with performers and texts in such a way as to both create identities and genres and confine performers and texts to these intellectual spaces

(Baudrillard 1983, 1987, 1988; Becker 1982; Lena and Peterson 2008; Moore 2004).

―Prosperity, war, depression, ethnic rivalries, gender relations, demographic shifts, and culture wars, for example shape the course of genre histories‖ (Lena and Peterson 2008:704).

Moore states that the simulacra described by Baudrillard as a form of symbolic mockery, must be informed by ―an alternative, utopian vision which looks to the way society could and should be organized as a point of departure for its criticism of the alienation and dehumanization inflicted in late capitalist society‖ (Moore, 2004:325). Punk performances have personified this crisis of meaning and authenticity by highlighting hypocrisy, parodying authority and nihilism, and consciously promoting overt forms of social unrest (Moore

2004:324). ―Ideas and traditions of protest matter when social movements revitalize them‖

(Eyerman and Jamison 1998: 47). Eyerman and Jamison (1998) say that these revitalizations of ideas and methods of protest occur because they have been objectified as cultural artifacts in songs and music, and other ―symbolic‖ representations. ―Musical traditions embody particular experiences and frameworks of meaning, and utopian visions of possible futures which limit their re-invention‖ (Eyerman and Jamison 1998:46). Therefore, the use of punk in Pussy Riot‘s repertoire is an interpretation of societal factors through the lens of punk, drawing on the parallels in punk discourse and Pussy Riot ideology such as anti-consumerist, anti-state, and anti-capitalist leanings.

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Some hardcore punk performers‘ dissatisfaction with commoditized culture is represented in their identities as they condemn those who strive for accessibility as

―sellouts.‖ However, Moore (2004) warns the reader that the ―political legacy of punk‖ should not be seen solely as a nihilistic criticism of culture, but that one must recognize the creative drive and variety of perspectives that can bring the discourses of ―authenticity and deconstruction together in fresh and powerful new ways‖ (Moore 2004:324).

Coopting Repertoires

Repertoires of contention are the varied strategies social movements employ to disseminate their message and gather sympathizers and followers; they are often modular,

―being easily transferable from one setting or circumstance to another‖ (Tarrow 2011:41).

According to Clemens (1999), ―by adopting models of organization that are simultaneously familiar and novel, social movement groups may bring about changes in the taken-for- granted rules about what political organization is and what it is for‖ (Clemens 1999:106). In contemporary Russia, Pussy Riot has co-opted the punk medium to protest against patriarchal structure, censorship, , and Church-State relations. In so doing, they have been accused and convicted of ―hooliganism motivated by religious hatred,‖ and seen as espousing

Western values. Their ―Punk Prayer,‖ performed in Moscow's Cathedral of Christ the Savior, challenged social institutions in Russia. Pussy Riot entered a sacred space reserved for men only, violating the norms of the church and the gendered divisions within the Orthodox

Church‘s structure. With lyrics like ―The head of the KGB, their chief saint‖ (Pussy Riot

2013:13), their performance challenged the relationship between church and state. The line

―Gay pride (is) sent to in chains‖ (Pussy Riot 2013:13) can be seen as being critical of Russian laws regarding ―homosexual propaganda.‖ The song asks, ―Virgin Mary, Mother

Strange 8 of God,‖ to ―Put Putin Away.‖ and Virgin Mary, Mother of God, become a feminist‖ (Pussy

Riot 2013:13). In the United States and other Western countries, people are allowed to stage protests and be critical of their government and social structures and institutions. Through contention and collective action, movements have motivated positive social change. Freedom of political speech is a luxury Americans largely take for granted. To see the members of

Pussy Riot beaten by police, arrested, caged during their court proceedings, found guilty of

―hooliganism‖ and forced to serve prison time for exercising their ―right‖ to political speech was seen as an injustice by the international community. Pussy Riot quickly went from being called a ― band‖ to a ―feminist collective‖ or ―feminist activist group.‖ They became a symbol for free speech and a positive force for empowering women.

While punk performance in the 1970s and 1980s spoke against consumerist culture, the mid-1980s and 1990s brought the Guerilla Girls, ―a collective of anonymous artist•activists… who, in the mid•1980s, began protesting the near total absence of female artists represented in United States museum collections and exhibitions‖ (Pollak Sept. 14,

2014). The group assumed and wore gorilla masks to protect their identities while staging pieces and protests in front of museums and other public venues. Pussy Riot has combined the punk aesthetic and attitude with the Guerrilla Girls methods of masked, guerilla-style protest to create a unique and strategic repertoire.

―‗Pussy Riot are our kind of girls: feminist activists in masks making

trouble,‘ two longtime Guerrilla Girls, ‗Frida Kahlo‘ and ‗Kathe Kollwitz, wrote in

an email, reported in 2012.They added: ‗The world needs more

feminist masked avengers. We urge everyone to make trouble, each in her own way‘‖

(Pollak: Sept.14, 2014).

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Pussy Riot has co-opted the elements of both the punk aesthetic and the Guerilla

Girls‘ tactics to protest against patriarchal structure, consumerism, censorship, and Church-

State relations in Russia. Wearing brightly colored masks and other signature dress, they use guerilla performances of their pro-feminist and anti-establishment fueled music to disseminate their message to elites, the media, bystanders and potential followers.

Russian Speech

According to Tarrow (2011), ―state actors are constantly framing issues to gain support for their policies‖ and are not only agents of control and repression, but are important instruments used for meaning construction (Tarrow 2011:32). Goldfarb (1978) discusses the

20th Century history of expression in Communist societies and the reduction of all forms of expression to conform to the official political ideology. He cites Marcuse (1961) as describing the notion that, in traditional Russian political thought, the good of the society takes precedence over the individual. In Goldfarb‘s discussion, he explains that even before the Communist rise to power, Lenin made clear that ―All Social-Democratic literature must become Party literature‖ – demanding that every newspaper, journal, and publishing house must reorganize ―and merge with the movement of the really advanced and thoroughly revolutionary class" (Goldfarb 1978: 921; Lenin 1974). The expression of artists and writers was influenced through a hierarchical system of control that dealt economic rewards and social authority to those whose individual expression aligned with party guidelines, and harsh punishments to those whose did not. The media and sciences were typically controlled administratively (Goldfarb 1978; Moore 1954; Simmons 1961). These guidelines did produce a rich collection of traditional art and literature that conformed to party ideology

(Goldfarb 1978). The official stance for work that did not conform was that it was influenced

Strange 10 by outside forces. The party did not allow for structural explanations for things like poverty or crime (Hollander 1973; Goldfarb 1978). However, Goldfarb notes that traditional literature that was approved by the party was also very popular as it often involved ideas that deviated from the strict guidelines of the Communist system (Goldfarb 1978:926). Artists, performers, writers, and scientists whose work did not conform to party guidelines, often found themselves ―at odds‖ with the state. Their work often found an audience in the international community where their voices were heard rather than censored (Goldfarb 1978).

Artists and writers in the former were often critical of the quality, value or truth to be found in their country‘s art and literature, finding ―government approved‖ narratives at odds with the lived experience of actual people. Lukaics (1971) argues that to produce quality work, one must create an accurate representation of ―the genuine tension underlying the struggle of socialism‖ (Lukaics 1971:129). Since the fall of the Soviet Union, we have seen a regime change in Russia and the combination of old and new repertoires

(Tarrow 2011:160). ―Opportunities, threats, and regime change came together in the former

Soviet Union, producing a new and hybrid form of regime‖ (Tarrow 2011:161). This new hybrid regime also brought with it the opportunities for new hybrid repertoire strategies for contentious politics. In the past, artists and writers espousing Western values went against the idea that Russian values and culture lead to the most advanced, civilized form of society

(Goldfarb 1974:927). Under the current regime, new political ideologies may be said to have blended with a persistent tolerance for chauvinistic nationalism and the social controls exercised by a ―strong man‖ government. This helps one understand the Pussy Riot situation because, due to regulations on the media and free speech, the group‘s complaints against the

Strange 11

State are seen as illegitimate. Their dissident voices are stifled with incarceration, as Pussy

Riot‘s views do not align with the official state position.

The governmental framing of Russia through its media still persists under Putin, with the state having control over 75% of all media companies in Russia (Captain 2003:10).

Russia has been cracking down on various forms of expression including social media

(Kaufman 2014) and music (Bennetts 2014). ―Upon assuming office in January 2000,

Russian President under took major efforts to increase state ownership of the media and tighten restrictions on journalistic freedom,‖ (Captain 2003:09). According to

Captain (2003), Putin‘s tactic for controlling the Russian media is more covert than that of his communist predecessors; rather than passing blanket legislation to control dissenting or rebellious opinions, Putin puts pressure on television networks threatening to revoke their broadcasting licenses for reporting on undesirable topics and arresting journalists with

―especially ‗dangerous views.‘‖ (Captain 2003:09).

Journalists from the international community have been very critical of Putin; ―The

American Journalism Review placed Putin fifth on its 2001 list of the ‗10 Worst Enemies of the Press.‘‖ (Captain 2003:10). However, while the United States and other Western nations found Putin‘s practices at controlling media disturbing, post 9/11, their attention shifted away from opposition to Putin‘s anti-democratic policies toward a coalition with Russia to combat terrorism (Captain 2003:10).Making matters more difficult, ―economic stagnation combined with political corruption‖ led to ―disillusionment in the democratic experiment‖ with 79% of

Russians regretting the fall of the Soviet Union, and 57% of Russians approving of the restoration of censorship in the Russian media (Captain 2003:10). Captain (2003) cites

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―Putin‘s subtle campaign against free media‖ as ―the single most significant obstacle to the success of Russia‘s experiment with democracy (Captain 2003:10).

This regime change has led to new threats and opportunities that help situate Pussy

Riot in the social movement literature. As new relations and policies are formed under the new regime, opportunities present themselves to protesters like Pussy Riot that, given the right circumstances and forms of collective action, may lead to desired outcomes by attempting to ―weaken the state‘s ability to reward its followers or opponents, or to pursue a coherent policy or that shift domestic or outside support away from the regime‖

(Tarrow2011:160). Put more simply, as in a closing courtroom statement by Pussy Riot member Katya, ―Our sudden musical appearance in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior with the song "Virgin Mary, Put Putin Away" violated the integrity of the media image that the authorities had spent such a long time generating and maintaining, and revealed its falsity‖

(Pussy Riot 2013:89).

Social Movement Framing

According to Goffman (1974:21), framing refers to a ―schemata of interpretation‖ of events in one‘s life that allows one to label and identify the phenomenon. It is the meaning that people give to events. Framing is a subjective activity - different perspectives may frame a particular event differently. Therefore, frame alignment is viewed as an essential component in movement participation (Benford, Snow, Rochford, and Worden 1986:464).

Framing actively constructs shared meaning for social actors and observers and helps guide collective action (Benford and Snow 1988, 2000). In this case, framing is contentious as the meaning Pussy Riot constructs through framing, which challenges existing framing models and norms (Benford and Snow 2000:614). Social movements both frame their mode of action

Strange 13 and the environment in which they are acting. They target specific individuals, or organizations, and often disrupt daily routines to draw attention to their grievances. The movement‘s effectiveness depends largely on the effective framing of an event or phenomenon. Thus, an understanding of the movement identity and collective action largely depends on an understanding of an effective framing of said occurrence (Benford, Snow,

Rochford, and Worden 1986:466). Framing allows challengers to relate grievances to broader claims and creates a shared meaning to mobilize potential allies and bystanders into action

(Snow and Benford 1988:198). Pussy Riot bridges frames of inequality and injustice that allow them to coopt causes from separate movements. Their attention to women and gay and lesbian rights, as well as their focus on censorship and the perceived Putin dictatorship, frames these issues as unjust and intolerable.

Researchers (Rosenthal and Flacks 2012; Tarrow 2011) have pointed out how social realities, including music and other artistic media, are socially constructed through collective frames. These frames help activists create order and construct identities within their social context (Stokes 2004). However, social constraints are often placed on individuals and communities through external power structures. Activists re-interpret traditional social realities and frame them in terms of present needs in what Alberoni (1984) calls

―historicization.‖ Music in social movements has the ability to create community through shared understanding and experience of ―ritualized performance,‖ while transcending the self and placing one within a larger collective (Eyerman and Jamison 1998:163; Stokes 2004).

Music gives performers the platform to creatively frame issues and movement identities in a way that may attract popular attention. Social movements provide the platform for artists to become political and cultural agents who might challenge existing norms, values, systems

Strange 14 and structures, thus shaping ―emergent cultural formation(s)‖ (Eyerman and Jamison

1998:164-65, Morant 2011; Stokes 2004). Through music and performance, activists are able to create a counter discourse to the existing power structures (Eyerman and Jamison 1998,

Morant 2011). The interplay between established structures and their challengers is responsible for the creation of new norms, identities, and traditions (Alberoni 1984, Eyerman and Jamison 1998, Morant 2011, Nash 2000, Stokes 2004; Tarrow 2011). ―What is heard implies forms and processes of embodied social interaction… (that) may be broadly recognizable in the more submerged repertoires of fantasy, play, and pleasure, and it is this recognition that facilitates their cultural mobility‖ (Stokes 2004:68). In much the same manner, the interplay between the spectator and the activist is also responsible for the creation of new discourses, as the spectator can and may interpret the activist‘s creative interpretation of the issues differently than from the original intent (Rosenthal 2012, Taft

2011). Thus, creative symbolism must be overt enough to be communicated effectively without getting lost in translation.

Repertoires of Contention

Social movement researchers (Tilly 1978, 2004, 2008; McAdam 1982; McAdam,

Tarrow, and Tilly 2001; Tarrow 1998; Tarrow 2011; Tilly and Tarrow 2007) view movements as ―interactive performances… in which actors make collective claims against elites, authorities or some other group‖ (Taylor Kimport, Van Dyke, Andersen 2009:866).

Charles Tilly (2008) calls these performances ―repertoires‖ of collective action. He says that contentious performances ―consist of individual actions and interactions, which compound into repertoires that characterize a set of political relations‖ (Tilly 2008:201). However, a strong repertoire can significantly constrain actors (Tilly 2008:204). Repertoires generally

Strange 15 have certain characteristics than constrain performers: performances are clustered into well- defined types and locations which lead to boundaries in their repertoire preventing linking events or other possible action (Tilly 2008:204-05).

Several researchers have discussed the use of loosely organized guerilla theatre or street theatre as a useful repertoire to express contention, communicate the transgressions of their oppressors, and influence public opinion (Martin 2008, Oliver and Meyer 1999, Davis and Robertson 2009, Zhao 2000). Zhao notes that particular repertoire strategies may be more useful if they capture the hearts and minds of sympathetic observers whose acceptance of movement rhetoric is shaped by their perception of the state (Zhao 2000:1617). While many news reports frame Pussy Riot as a feminist, activist punk-rock ―band,‖ the ―band‖ and the music they perform is but a vehicle for their activism. Punk rock performance is part of

Pussy Riot‘s repertoire of contention - in a nod to Marshall McCluhan (1964), the ―medium is the message.‖ Pussy Riot‘s guerilla-style performances, as well as their lyrics, are integral parts of their contentious performances. Rather than their performances promoting their own record sales (although they have produced videos, to date, Pussy Riot has not published a record album for mass consumption), their music and performances promote their activism and spread their message of contention. The vehicle Pussy Riot chose to disseminate their message, guerilla-style punk-rock performances, acknowledges Western ideas of freedom and expression and thus resonated with Western audiences. The medium, while controversial in Russia, is fairly common place in progressive Western nations. Western street performers, musicians, and performance artists enjoy the freedom of speech and expression to communicate their joys or grievances in a public space. Part of what attracted the Western media to Pussy Riot is the localized perception of these actions as being criminal. The

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American mind is largely free to express contention through various forms of art and media.

Because of our own perceived universal freedoms, such as freedom of speech, the arrest and imprisonment of Pussy Riot resonates in Western media as a social injustice leading to

Western scrutiny of the Russian judicial system.

Research (Nettl 1978; Stokes 2004:67-68) suggests that the cultural hegemony of the

United States often leads to the Westernization and modernization of music in the global market, which lends to other appropriation of Western ideas including cultural, religious and political commentaries. The combined Westernization and modernization of music in foreign nations can cause those listeners to take an introspective look at their own culture through the lens of the Western music they are consuming. These frames construct new identities based on the co-opted art form as well as the discourse therein. Beyond simply playing for a niche audience, Pussy Riot‘s criticism of Russian norms and politics deconstruct the assumed authority of contemporary Russian culture, while promoting social change and presenting utopian ideas toward a shift in cultural meanings. Their performances highlight a desire for progressive ―Western‖ values that espouse uninhibited speech, equality among the genders, and separation of Church and State. Pussy Riot‘s performances both challenge the status quo in Russia, and promote a utopian alternative. Similar to the way the working class youth in the British and American punk scene in the 1970s and 1980s challenged the discourse surrounding contemporary events, Pussy Riot takes the political message in punk rock and places it in contexts that juxtapose their deconstructive and utopian message with the realities of oppressive Russian norms and practices. Researchers (Davis and Robertson 2009, Winston

1999) have discussed the concept of secularization of sacred spaces. The group‘s performances, such as the now famous ―Punk Prayer‖ performance in the new Cathedral of

Strange 17

Christ the Savior (CCS) in Moscow, attempt to (re)secularize sacred space by violating the

Church‘s institutional norms. True to the punk tradition, Pussy Riot‘s fragmented lyrics parallel the fragmentation of society and offer a powerful critique of Russian culture and politics through the parody and irony epitomized by punk (Moore 2004:325).

Pussy Riot‘s satirical ―Punk Prayer‖ asks ―Virgin Mary, Mother of God,‖ to ―Put

Putin Away.‖(Pussy Riot 2013:13) It says that ―Gay pride (is) sent to Siberia in chains,‖

(Pussy Riot 13) – highlighting the unpopular anti-gay propaganda laws in Russia. And ―The head of the KGB, their chief saint‖ (Pussy Riot 2013:13) – making ties between the church and state. ―In order not to offend His Holiness, Women must give birth and love‖ (Pussy Riot

2013:13) –discussing gender inequality issues. And asks the ―Virgin Mary, Mother of God,‖ to ―become a feminist‖ (Pussy Riot 2013:13) – this request in the context of their performance taking place in a male only designated area of the church is a re-secularization of the both the ―sacred‖ male space and the state mandated religious practice, all while undermining the traditional male patriarchy in its own house.

In ―Art or Politics‖ a letter written by Masha while in prison on March 23, 2012, she states that the group‘s performance was ―a political gesture to address the problem of the

Putin government‘s merger with the (ROC)‖ (Pussyy Riot

2013:15). She says that their ―Punk Prayer‖ was performed at the male altar to undermine the

―conservative worldview that does not fit into values such as freedom of choice; the formation of political, gender, or sexual identity; critical thinking; multiculturalism; or attention to contemporary culture…‖ stating the ―Orthodox Church seems to lack all of these values‖ (Pussy Riot 2013:15-16).

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Political opportunities are described as structures of support outside of the group‘s own resources that are made available to them, but do not ―belong‖ to the group (Tarrow

2011:33). The timing of Pussy Riot‘s repertoire takes advantage of opportunities that brought global attention to the situation in Russia – the transition of Vladimir Putin from Prime

Minister to President of Russia, Putin‘s controversial ―anti-gay propaganda‖ laws and foreign adoption policies, as well as the then approaching 2014 Winter Olympics. The already skeptic observation of the international community on Russia would serve as an opportunity that would cast Pussy Riot‘s repertoire of contention from an Orthodox altar onto the world stage.

The success or failure of a movement largely depends on the movement‘s ability to mobilize potential actors (Tarrow 2011:33). By engaging in forms of protest familiar to

Westerners, namely, Rock and Roll, or Punk Rock, but also guerilla theatre and political speech, Pussy Riot was able to tap into the minds and media of Europe and the United States, converting spectators into allies. While Pussy Riot bore the brunt of their actions, their repertoire and the court case that followed brought them international attention, as well as powerful allies that, according to Tarrow (2011:33), can help lower the costs of collective action. A movement‘s repertoires of contention, or ―the ways that people act together in pursuit of shared interests,‖ create additional political opportunities that reinforce the group‘s framing model (Tarrow 2011:29, 39).

Franchising

The literature (Clemens1999, Tarrow 2011) suggests bureaucratization is good for sustaining a movement. Many movements quickly gain support, but may also quickly lose that support without an apparatus to help maintain it. ―When a group adopts a specific model

Strange 19 of organization, it signals its identity both to its own members and to others‖ (Clemens

1999:83). To help gain support of bystanders, elites and potential members, some movements may franchise the organization‘s identity such that different cells or factions may remain independent from the original group but still co-opt the group‘s identity or repertoires of collective action. ―Franchises allow a small national umbrella organization to coordinate the activities of a broad base without expending the scarce resources on maintaining the formal connective structures of a large mass organization‖ (Tarrow2011:136). ―Tolokonnikova and

Alyokhina maintain that anyone can be a part of the (Pussy Riot) collective – one simply needs to co-opt their aesthetic and repertoires of action (Bennett 2014, Lerner & Pozdorovkin

2013) – allowing the organization to become broader and more active than if localized in a central location with only its primary members. This is not unlike the franchising of any other organization or corporation that may have locally run chapters, branches or locations that are essentially run by local actors, but follow the general rules and aesthetic of the larger chain or umbrella organization. These also increase the visibility and widen the base of said organization, increasing both the size of the organization and its general network. In the case of Pussy Riot, the group gives creative license to its franchises. The only aesthetic requirement being the Pussy Riot ―uniform‖ of brightly colored masks, leggings and dresses, and the creative requirement being expression through seemingly spontaneous guerilla performances of contentious musical expression. The ―franchisees‖ do not have to perform the same songs as the originating members of Pussy Riot, but are given the creative freedom to write their own music in the name of their own causes (Lerner &Pozdorovkin 2013).

―Protesting groups put issues on the agenda with which other people identify and that demonstrate the utility of collective action that others can copy or innovate upon‖ Tarrow

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2001:167). Pussy Riot has distinguished themselves through their aesthetic such that others have co-opted the Pussy Riot ―‖ as a familiar image to serve as a ―face‖ of the larger

―anti-Putin‖ movement. An anti-Putin protest that took place in Russia in September of 2012 featured several co-opted aesthetic elements of Pussy Riot, despite not being a ―Pussy Riot‖ protest. Pussy Riot itself has gained enough recognition and popularity that the general anti-

Putin movement has co-opted elements of the Pussy Riot aesthetic as a symbol of solidarity in their movement:

―The trademark neon balaclavas of Pussy Riot, whose members were

prosecuted for singing an anti-Putin song in a cathedral, appeared on buttons and

balloons and, in a basket carried by one marcher, on three disembodied mannequin

heads. One demonstrator opened his vest for a photographer to show that he had

shaved the image of a balaclava into his chest hair‖ (Barry and Herzenhorn: Sept. 15,

2012).

Movement appropriation ―allows movements to use infrastructures of more stable organizations and to mobilize into movement campaigns of people who would not be interested in permanent movement activity‖ (Tarrow2011:136). In the case of Pussy Riot, the group has appropriated the punk movement identity, and positioned themselves very carefully to take advantage of abeyance structures in place, such as the Internet and media, to help disseminate their message to a larger audience, potentially gaining support and increased membership, while allowing fledgling activists the opportunity to package themselves successfully by coopting an already successful ―brand.‖Despite Pussy Riot‘s anti- corporatist leanings, ―by adopting business practices as models of organization, women‘s groups (can) accommodate themselves to the generic bureaucratic procedures common to

Strange 21 both corporations and state agencies‖ (Clemens 1999:95). This shift from strict street activism to coopting business models and strategies signals the beginning of an abeyance process, which lessens the personal liability to any individual Pussy Riot member while simultaneously expanding the group‘s base and legitimating their cause. ―Abeyance structures emerge when society lacks sufficient status vacancies to integrate surpluses of marginal and dissident people… they temporarily retain potential challengers to the status quo…‖ (Taylor 1989:762). Pussy Riot engages abeyance structures, such as the media and

Internet, not only retains the group to the status quo, but elevates and legitimates their claims against the status quo by using abeyance structures to garner international support. This reduces threats to the Pussy Riot members while still reaching a broader audience. Rather than performing and broadcasting dangerous and ―illegal‖ street performances on social media, the group is able to discuss their issues in Western media without the threat of arrest.

Transnational Advocacy Networks and Disseminating Contention

Pussy Riot‘s repertoire and media charisma has led to transnational advocacy networks of political and cultural elites to speak out against Russian policies regarding free speech, gender and other social issues, proving their strategies and issue framing decisions have been successful, albeit personally and politically dangerous.

According to Stokes (2004), music ―plays an active role in creating and shaping global spaces that otherwise would not have ―happened‖ (Stokes 2004:66). In the Pussy Riot case, forces outside of Russia would come to celebrate Pussy Riot more than those in Russia.

One byproduct of this is the group is perceived as aligning with Western philosophies and is considered anti-Russian (Storch 2014). Seemingly private or isolated contentious performances are often connected to larger networks or political causes (Keck and Sikkink

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1999). Pussy Riot‘s performances are often for small audiences. However, their sites are chosen carefully for symbolism that will draw broader interest and discussion from the media and the international community, making their repertoire strategy effective beyond their immediate audience. Many researchers cite the media as the link between social movements and the public sphere (Oliver and Meyer 1999; Tarrow 2011, 1998; Lipsky 1968; Downs

1972). Public exhibitions often attract the attention of the mass media and disseminate the movement‘s message to a much larger audience than those in their physical space. Therefore, the media plays a significant role in framing movement causes and actions, and shaping public opinion about the movement (Oliver and Meyer 1999; Gamson 1992; Gans 1980). The media has its own history of framing various forms of speech or behavior as acceptable or deviant (Binder 1993; Lena and Peterson 2008; Lopes 2002; Chang 2005; Thornton 1996).

Lena and Peterson (2008) describe ways in which the media may ignite a ―moral panic‖ regarding particular artists or genres. In the case of Pussy Riot, on the local level, the group is labeled socially deviant and charged with hooliganism. Their pro-women and pro-LGBTQ stance flies in the face of established customs and legislation regarding these issues.

However, the international media framed the arrest of Pussy Riot as an injustice. Gamson

(1992b) writes that for an issue to be framed as an injustice, it must be interpreted and communicated publicly in a way that is shared by fellow challengers. The international community responded to the violent arrest, public caging during their trial, and conviction for expressing contention through guerilla theatre with great scrutiny. The international pressure motivated by a sense of injustice eventually led to reduced sentencing for the members of

Pussy Riot.

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Borrowed from Mizruchi (1983), Taylor (1989) discusses the abeyance process and the role that networks can play in activism. In the Pussy Riot case, the local climate is not necessarily supportive of the group. The seemingly isolated contention of Pussy Riot creates political threats to their performances. Without a local base of support, the group is in constant danger of arrest or physical abuse by Russian authorities. Taylor (1989:762) and other researchers (McCarthy and Zald 1973; Barkan 1984; Jenkins 1983) discuss the way that changing opportunity structures may shape the performances of activists. As the theory suggests, due to inadequate domestic support and increasing threats, spurred in part by the group‘s increased visibility, alternative structures and networks of support have emerged to both support and protect the group from further legal action by re-channeling their activism to ―less disruptive activities.‖ Participating in lectures on feminism and free speech, and appearing on American television shows gives Pussy Riot platforms and venues to discuss their concerns without putting themselves at risk of being arrested by Russian officials.

Taylor says the abeyance process becomes ―a cadre of activists who create or find a niche for themselves‖ (Taylor 1989:762). In the case of Pussy Riot, the increased visibility through magazine interviews, television and other media appearances, as well as discourse among cultural and political elites regarding the group, has made it less necessary for Pussy Riot to engage in dangerous guerilla performances in Russia. They are able to engage in a discourse in venues that allow the public to hear and sympathize with their message without the danger of the violent arrests they have experienced in the past.

While Pussy Riot‘s performances include the inherent threat of arrest and physical abuse, they also contain the opportunity for international air-time, potential solidarity with other groups who may champion similar causes, and the accruement of powerful allies.

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Often, a minority among political and cultural elites will align with challengers, such as

Pussy Riot. These alliances become political opportunities for challengers, creating an advocacy network of social and political support (Tarrow 2011:166). Keck and Sikkink

(1999) describe these networks as ―forms of organization characterized by reciprocal and horizontal patterns of communication and exchange;‖advocacy networks serve as ―stand ins‖ for other people or ideas, pleading a case or defending a cause on behalf of others (Keck and

Sikkink1999:91). Elites within these networks may help communicate the message of the challengers and gather support beyond the scope of the resources available to challengers themselves. They may provide social or political pressure, or provide assistance with financial or judicial problems (Tarrow 2011:166). Advocacy networks have proven effective in applying pressure to promote change regarding ―value-laden‖ issues like human rights, environmental and women‘s issues (Keck and Sikkink 1999:91; Tarrow 2011:166).

Having captured the popular Western imagination with progressive declarations of rights some Americans might take for granted, Pussy Riot‘s supporters range from the working class to the elite of a variety of disciplines. They have gathered such supporters as

Hillary Clinton, Sir Paul McCartney, Slavoj Zizek, , and a variety of other well-known names in American and European culture and politics. A number of researchers have shown these outside forces can provide outside support beyond the group‘s own nation state (Boli and Thomas 1999; Charnovitz 1997; Maney 2001; Nadelmann 1990;

Risse, Ropp, and Sikkink 1999; Smith, Pagnucco, and Chatfield 1997; Stamatov 2010).

Despite being rooted in Russia, Pussy Riot‘s grievances resonate across cultures, bringing the group to an international stage. Tarrow calls these types of activists ―rooted cosmopolitans‖

(Tarrow1994:238). These types of transnational relationships place Pussy Riot in a global

Strange 25 context by bringing international attention and pressure to localized problems (Keck and

Sikkink 1999:90).

The agents of contention, with the support of international actors, place pressure on existing structures to implement change in line with international standards (Keck and

Sikkink 1999:90). Pussy Riot is able to use relationships with international actors as platforms for movement communication. Guest appearances and lectures at Western universities, on television shows and news segments provide a ―more stable universe of shared understanding‖ while Pussy Riot contests the policies of their home government

(Keck and Sikkink 1999:91).

Rooted Cosmopolitans

Pussy Riot is what Tarrow (2011) calls rooted cosmopolitans, which are ―people whose activities are based mainly in their own countries but who also engage in transnational activism on behalf of claims that go beyond the nation state" (Tarrow 2005; Tarrow

2011:238). Most activists who participate in transnational actions are domestically rooted, even when they frame their demands in ―global terms‖ (Tarrow 2011:238; Appiah 1996;

Hannerz 1990). Some rooted cosmopolitans are active outside of their country of origin while most stay rooted in their domestic space for the networks, resources and opportunities that space provides them (Tarrow 2005:42ff; Tarrow 2011:238). ―Some are primarily active in domestic space, while others are more deliberately transnational in their perspectives‖

(Tarrow 2011:238). In the case of Pussy Riot, the group takes advantage of threats and opportunities in their domestic space, purposely reserving their performances for high profile locales within the public sphere. The group actually anticipates and depends on the negative attention they receive from Russian officials to generate international attention. The group

Strange 26 also engages in special appearances, speeches and other forms of activism outside of their domestic space, which are less personally dangerous and may reach a broader audience through broadcast and print media, as well as special concert appearances.

While being anti-consumerist in nature and working outside the capitalist system, the group utilizes what Baudrillard (1994) calls ―antimedia‖ – those aspects of free speech such as Pussy Riot‘s guerilla performances and underground videos that subvert the mainstream media as well as the capitalist and consumerist culture on which it depends. On the other hand, Pussy Riot also utilizes capitalist-controlled media, Internet, and social networks to disseminate its message, in addition to communicating through networks run by international human rights groups. The transnational networks the group forms through media and social networks place Pussy Riot in a global context by bringing international attention and pressure to localized problems (Keck and Sikkink 1999:90). Seemingly localized, domestic or isolated contentious performances are often connected to larger networks or political causes (Keck and Sikkink 1999, Taylor, Kimport, Van Dyke, Andersen 2009:886).

Gender:

Butler (2004) says that to become the oppressed, one must first become intelligible, or have access to humanity which is often determined by a privileged class in society.

Instead, the relegated class goes through the motions of humanity with muted voices because

―the norms by which recognition takes place‖ are not in one‘s favor. She says that when one fights for rights, they are not to one‘s person, but to ―be conceived as persons.‖ She says that to be part of a sexual or gender minority means one‘s life depends upon structures and norms that recognize a need for protections and rights as human beings (Butler 2004:32-33).

Therefore, Butler argues the struggle for a social transformation of personhood is an avenue

Strange 27 to enter into the social and political process (Butler 2004:32-33). Gender and racial minorities‘ identities and experiences are thus shaped by their social, cultural and political context. Within that context often exists ―interlocking systems of oppression‖ that further shape one‘s experience (Neville and Hamer 2001:440).Minorities are seen not as agents, but as victims of their own destiny (Mohanty 1991:56). However, scholars who have looked at feminism in parts of the Third World found that despite not meeting middle-class criteria

(access to a living wage, education, child and healthcare, etc.) women are no less conscious of their social location and make efforts toward change (Ray and Kortweg 1999). Berger

(1992) argues that women often define their identities through their struggles. Thus, some women‘s movements have shifted from framing women as victims of patriarchal structures to framing women as agents of strength motivating social change (Kumar 1993).

Pussy Riot illustrates this point in their performances, which expose vulnerabilities women face in structural norms, while challenging masculine cultural and political authority.

Pussy Riot‘s struggle for humanity is further illustrated during their trial by images of Pussy

Riot members in court cages, which held them like animals during court proceedings. What better way could Russia have proven the second class nature of women in their country than by arresting Pussy Riot for violating masculine religious discourse, and then caging them like animals on public display for an international audience? The Russian government cites safety concerns for both the public and defendants as their justification for using the cages or

―docks.‖ However, the practice has come under scrutiny by the European Court of Human

Rights as inhumane (Herszenhorn: Nov. 18, 2013).

Women activists around the globe have found ways to give themselves a voice, and re-interpret the norms that define their gender and its location in the social world. Activism

Strange 28 does not exist in a vacuum, but in a social and political context that informs one‘s action and identity, but also presents both challenges and opportunities (Leblanc 2008, Taft 2011;

Tarrow 1998; Taylor 1989). In Taft‘s (2011) discussion of feminine resistance among youth activists in the Americas, she found that women re-interpret wide-spread discourses about gender to construct their own identities that include activism. They created events that would resonate with other actors or bystanders of similar tastes and demographics to gather support and disseminate information about their cause. In Leblanc‘s (2008) discussion of the construction of femininity in punk and gendered resistance, she also found a negotiation between broader discourses and the sub-culture discourse of punk. For the punk girls, it was not simply hard to be a punk girl, but it was hard to be punk and a girl and being a punk girl meant negotiating one‘s own gender in a male-dominated subculture (Leblanc 2008:135). In constructing themselves as activists, punks, athletes or other non-traditionally female roles, some women rejected parts or all of hetero-normative femininity (Leblanc 2008, Taft 2011,

Pascoe 2011).

Pussy Riot‘s cry for humanity is located in overlapping spheres of inequality. Pussy

Riot‘s members are not merely navigating their gender, but the social and political landscape of Russia, as well as the punk sub-culture to which their performances belong. They have become a symbol of modern feminism in a way that has stirred international attention and begun a political movement. In a letter written by Masha in prison she states:

―Second-wave feminists said ‗the personal is political.‘ It‘s true. The Pussy

Riot case is showing how three people who are charged with disorderly conduct can

give birth to a political movement. This special case of suppression and persecution

of those who dared to speak up against an authoritarian country stirred up the entire

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world…. These private problems have truly become a political matter‖ (Pussy Riot

2013:23).

When looking at populations that any given society considers deviant, one may notice an ―amplification of deviance,‖ whereby deviant characteristics may be used in constructing identities outside of the mainstream (Karner and Warren 2010:20). However, in the case of

Pussy Riot, these deviant behaviors and characteristics are repertoires of contention, defined as ―the ways that people act together in pursuit of shared interests‖ (Tilly 1995:41). The group challenges normative notions of Russian femininity and appropriate gender roles in what researchers have described as a site of ―intense social control‖ (Karner and Warren

2010:179).

Art as Collective Action:

According to Becker (1974), art is social in nature and may be seen as a form of collective action. Works of art and performances often involve elaborate networks of cooperation as well as many people participating in the work, which may not otherwise be produced (Becker 1974:768). There is a division of labor that exists in art. ―Producing art works requires elaborate modes of cooperation among specialized personnel‖ (Becker

1974:770). In the case of music, one may consider the craftsmen who builds the instruments, the various people who make up an ensemble, the authors of the musical work itself, and the people who record or otherwise document or capture the performance. ―The artist thus works in the center of a large network of cooperating people, all of whose work is essential to the final outcome. Wherever he depends on others, a cooperative link exists‖ (Becker 1974:769).

―Emile Durkheim in ‗The Division of Labor in Society,‘ called this ‗interdependence:‘ the way specialization had created bonds of ‗organic solidarity‘ between people who needed

Strange 30 each other for the completion of complex tasks‖ (Kanter1993:170). Pussy Riot is no exception. While the group has anti-capitalist/anti-consumerist leanings, it does rely on commercially made instruments and amplifiers, as well as taking advantage of commercially operated and supported structural entities such as the media, the Internet and social media, without which they could not have captured a global audience. This might help explain why, with eleven plus known members in the Pussy Riot collective, only three women were arrested at their performance at the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in 2012. While the three women arrested were performing, other members were documenting the event to post on the

Internet. This highlights the division of labor within the group itself with different members serving different functions: with some recording, some playing instruments, some singing, and others performing a boxing style dance routine representing the fight for gender equality in Russia. Each must perform her individual task for the performance piece to occur and be documented.

Conventions: Functions and Constraints

Becker (1974) discusses the function of conventions within art worlds, how they can help to both facilitate and constrain an artist‘s work. He also discusses the ripple effects of change within art worlds and how it can affect other artists. He says that while conventions place constraints on artists, they do so within an interlocking system of dependency with other actors who perform various necessary activities for the production of a work of art to take place. He says that changing any one mechanism or process in the system will have an effect on others within the system. ―A system of conventions gets embodied in equipment, materials, training, available facilities and sites, systems of notion and the like, all of which must be changed if any one segment is‖ (Becker 1974:772). From the artists and craftsman,

Strange 31 as well as those producing the raw materials from which a work or instrument, canvas or brush is made, to the owners of galleries and music halls – all must adapt or perish when actors working outside the existing system provoke change within an art world.

Becker (1974) comes to several conclusions. ―Conventions dictate the materials to be used‖ (Becker 1974:771) such as Pussy Riot‘s guitars, microphones, and amplifiers.

―Conventions dictate abstractions to be used to convey particular ideas or experiences…suggest the appropriate dimensions of a work…, (and) regulate the relations between artists and audience, specifying the rights and obligations of both‖ (Becker

1974:771). He says that artists and audiences use these conventions to help make sense of an artist‘s work (Becker 1974). Here, Pussy Riot both adheres to and deliberately deviates from convention. The group adheres to convention by using a medium that is accessible to a wide variety of people: music. However, conveying a movement or artist‘s message in a way that people can understand is important (Becker 1974, Rosenthal 2012, Taft 2011) – this is where

Pussy Riot diverges from convention. Clemens (1999) suggests actors to break from

―established conventions and mobilize in ways that are not anticipated or constrained by the dominant rules or political actors‖ to ―make use of nonpolitical models of organization for political purposes‖ (Clemens 1999:82). By using guerilla-style punk performances to disseminate their message of contention, rather than performing their music through traditional channels such as on the radio, or in music halls, or organizing political actors to march or other familiar repertoires, Pussy Riot breaks from established conventions of both political and artistic expression.

In the choice of the musical genre (punk), the guerilla-style delivery of the group‘s message, as well as the location and timing of their performances, Pussy Riot deviates from

Strange 32 conventional ways of expressing their ideas or message in a way and medium that the audience may misunderstand. However, when novel repertoires are deployed by unfamiliar groups, they can have unsettling consequences on political institutions (Clemens 1999:82).

Pussy Riot deliberately deviates from conventional ways of delivering their art for the purpose of evoking a negative emotional response from their immediate audience. The negative response from domestic authorities would ultimately help Pussy Riot gather support from the Western international community that does have an understanding of guerilla art, art performances, and peaceful artistic-political protest. The actions against Pussy Riot for their peaceful, albeit loud, protest would cause the international community to put pressure on

Russia for the women‘s release.

Conventions: Understanding the Repertoire

Art activism is contextual and involves a high degree of symbolic interaction.

Audiences may interpret creative interpretation of issues differently from the artist‘s original intent (Rosenthal 2012, Taft 2011). Becker (1974) also notes the importance of an audience that can understand and respond to the performance. Therefore, the appropriateness of the repertoire versus the context of the performance is crucial. The message in the performance should be overt enough to be communicated effectively without getting lost in translation to its intended audience. At a protest rally in New York in support of Pussy Riot, one supporter,

East Villager Kate Conroy said ―she felt that Pussy Riot resonated because of an increased international awareness of political and economic imbalances. ‗Everybody feels the squeeze from the government, and every kind of squeeze,‘ she said. Arts activism, she added, was a platform everybody could understand‖ (Garner: March 20, 2013).

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Conventions: Lost in Translation

―Artists often create works which existing facilities for production or exhibition cannot accommodate‖ (Becker 1974:770), such as with Pussy Riot‘s guerilla-style performances which take place outside of appropriate venues such as galleries or music halls.

Becker (1974) states that by accommodating their work to existing conventions, artists accept the constraints imposed on them by the existing art world. However, the constraints of the existing art world are not all encompassing, stating that one may always do things differently if prepared to pay the price (Becker 1974:773).

Pussy Riot presents a threat to the Russian political and art world because they operate outside of conventional standards. Baudrillard (2005) asks ―What happens when you no longer have a system of values suitable for judgement, for aesthetic pleasure?‖

(Bauldrillard 2005:63). But this assumes Pussy Riot is interested in aesthetic pleasure. And while the group does have a particular aesthetic, their purpose is not to entertain, but to inform bystanders and challenge authorities. So this begs the question, are Pussy Riot entertainers, or are they activists using music as a vessel for their message? Pussy Riot is a threat to Russian authorities and the current art and media world because ―when new people successfully create a new world which defines other conventions as embodying artistic value, all the participants in the old world who cannot make a place in the new one lose out (Becker

1974:774). Pussy Riot is setting a new precedent in Russia through their performances, one that has not been seen due to threats of incarceration. However, these threats do not deter

Pussy Riot. In fact, the challenges Pussy Riot faced brought with them opportunities for international attention, fame, and the power and voice that comes with that status.

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Research Question:

This work will use a grounded theory approach (Charmaz 2014, Glaser and Strauss

1999) to explore emergent themes in Pussy Riot‘s literature as well as among news articles about the group. The purpose is to search for discrepancies and similarities among the media narratives versus Pussy Riot‘s own narrative. The literature suggests that social movements often compete with the media in framing the movement identity. The media transmits messages about movements that movements must then try to shape and influence (Gamson

2004, Tarrow 2011). The researcher anticipates similarities regarding Pussy Riot‘s motives, but discrepancies regarding the group‘s identity. While some media frames Pussy Riot as a punk rock collective, or feminist punk band, I anticipate Pussy Riot‘s own narrative will help place them firmly within social movement literature as a feminist collective that uses punk rock as a vessel to disseminate their message. The main research question being: ―What are the differences and similarities in the framing of the Pussy Riot identity among the population of Pussy Riot literature versus a sample of news articles about the group?‖

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Hypotheses:

An initial grounded theory research method was used to allow dominant themes to emerge from the data. The two dominant themes that emerged were Pussy Riot as activists using music as a strategic part of their repertoire, and/or Pussy Riot as musicians with political leanings in their music. These dominant themes allowed me to develop the following research hypotheses that were then investigated using a more generalized qualitative content analysis.

Pt. 1 It is the researcher‘s belief that Pussy Riot will frame themselves as activists promoting social change using music, while the media will present them as musicians in a

―punk band‖ with political leaning in their music. By analyzing the language used in Pussy

Riot texts and Western media stories about the group, one may uncover how the Pussy Riot identity is framed by both the group themselves and by the media. This will help uncover any discrepancies in the group‘s identity framing between the group and the media.

Pt. 2 In addition, it is the researcher‘s belief that an in depth look at Pussy Riot through a social movement lens will help the reader better understand the group‘s motives, repertoires of action, and group identity. Furthermore, the social movement lens will provide a framework to analyze the Pussy Riot timeline from 2012-2014 as well as the group‘s and its members‘ evolution as activists during that time period.

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Methods:

Among the best ways to examine a population is to look at its culture. Culture provides a window into the mores of a community. Karner and Warren (2010) describe culture as ―the material and non-material social artifacts and representations that surround us, from TVs and computers to the structure of language and the proscriptions and prescriptions of social roles‖ (Karner and Warren 2010:177). Pussy Riot media is an excellent subject of study because it highlights existing and changing views of gender and social liberties in

Russian culture, and issues of contention that arise due to those social factors. ―The master narratives of both status- and non-status-based movements can be explored through in-depth case study approaches‖ (Bernstein2005:67). For this study, I will be looking at a total of 99 texts sampled from news articles from two major publications that discuss Pussy Riot, a feminist magazine, a music magazine, and texts from Pussy Riot‘s own writings. Through an in depth analysis of the sampled texts regarding Pussy Riot, a narrative should emerge to describe both how the group identity is framed by themselves as well as by the Western media.

I will be looking for textual themes that epitomize the broader themes identified as progressive values and characteristics of social movements. By doing a comparison between

Pussy Riot‘s own literature (N = 25) and the articles written about the group (N = 99), one may uncover differences and similarities in the Pussy Riot narrative. This may highlight cross-cultural issues that help to further locate Pussy Riot in a unique point in history as well as the global community. Pussy Riot serves as a catalyst for discussion about US and Russian relations, the changing attitudes about the Russian culture, and their relationship with the US and other developed nations with progressive social policies.

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Pussy Riot texts have been conveniently translated and published by the Feminist

Press in 2013. This provides a reliable, albeit limited, outlet to examine the group‘s lyrics and ideas and offers insight into their lives. In addition, Verso (2014) has made available translations of letters between (Nadya) and philosopher Slavoj

Zizek. To address the issue of language in the analysis, I will be using pre-translated

American publications of Pussy Riot‘s media. The Verso and Feminist Press books serve as a chronicle of contention in the Pussy Riot case, providing the reader with insight into the group‘s and individual‘s motives by making available translations of their writings.

For this analysis, I will only be using letters from Pussy Riot so that the group member‘s voices are allowed to weave the Pussy Riot narrative. To obtain a sample for analysis, lyrics and poems, every letter in the Feminist Press book, as well as court statements from Pussy Riot members will be analyzed, along with letters from Nadya to

Zizek from the Verso book. The resulting number of Pussy Riot texts for analysis is twenty five (N=25). Due to the limited number of Pussy Riot documents and the necessity of painting an accurate and complete narrative, randomization will not be used to obtain a sample of the Pussy Riot texts. The Pussy Riot texts themselves varied in size, with about 2/3 of the texts being long form and about 1/3 of the texts (8 of the total 25) being short form poems or song lyrics.

This research is concerned with news reports about a specific group of people rather than statistical generalization about a larger population. I will use an open coding technique to allow themes to emerge from the texts organically. Using the same method to code news articles from four different reputable news sources about the group, the four sets of coded data will be analyzed for themes in the media‘s narrative regarding Pussy Riot. The four

Strange 38 sources will be The New York Times and USA Today, each chosen for their reputation as sources of record, and their high circulation figures (Stynes 2014), Ms. Magazine, for a feminist perspective, and Rolling Stone Magazine for a music/entertainment perspective.

I will use a grounded theory approach (Glaser and Strauss 1999; Charmaz 2014), wherein texts will be read first with an eye toward identifying dominant themes. I will then re-read through each of the themes to refine and develop the themes by looking for words that are associated with the categories of themes and my topic of analysis. As an inductive researcher, my aim is to approach the text with an open mind as to its content. However, my primary goal is to discover how Western media use Pussy Riot‘s story to frame the group identity in popular media, and, finally, if and how Western media frame Pussy Riot differently than the group presents itself in its own writings. Therefore my coding process will pay particular attention to these kinds of themes.

Figure 1 shows a breakdown of the sample size for the Pussy Riot Texts as well as each media outlet.

Total Number of Samples Per Source 60 56

50 39 40

30 25 23

Sample Sample Size 18 20

10

0

Pussy Riot Ms. Mag. NY Times Rolling Stone USA Today Fig. 1

Strange 39

In order to obtain a sample of news reports, I conducted a search for Pussy Riot articles in USA Today in the America‘s Newspapers Database. I first searched for articles published between January 1, 2012 and December 31, 2014 that contained ―Pussy Riot‖ in the body. I filtered out duplicate articles, favoring similar articles with the highest word count. News agencies typically cut from the bottom of news stories, as they are organized with the most important information at the top of the story. By choosing duplicates with the highest word count, I am capturing the most complete version of the story before it has been cut to suit the needs of various news outlets. I chose to use a complete sample of articles from USA Today ranging from 2012 to 2014.The search yielded 39 results after sorting out duplicates. Each article was saved as a PDF file on a USB for convenient access and analysis.

For The New York Times sample I used the news agency‘s website, as The New York

Times was not included on the America‘s Newspapers Database. The New York Times website search engine allows you to conduct detailed searches. I first searched for articles published between January 1, 2012 and December 31, 2014 that contained ―Pussy Riot‖ in the body. The search yielded 321 results. I then did a random sample of 56 articles, selecting every third article until my goal was reached. In instances where I ran into broken links, the next consecutive article was chosen and my random count was started over from that selection. Each article was saved as a PDF file on a USB for convenient access and analysis.

For a music entertainment perspective on Pussy Riot, a selection of long form articles were sampled from Rolling Stone magazine (n = 23). Long form articles included articles with a 300 to 400-plus word count. The higher word count in the Rolling Stone articles helps to balance the smaller sample size. Each article was saved as a PDF file on a USB for convenient access and analysis.

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Ms. Magazine (n = 18) was also sampled for a feminist perspective on Pussy Riot.

For this selection process every article that mentions Pussy Riot within the selected time frame (2012-2014) were included due to the small number of articles in the sample. Each article was saved as a PDF file on a USB for convenient access and analysis.

After selecting my samples, I scanned the Pussy Riot articles as searchable word documents. I also converted any articles in PDF format to a searchable text format. This process allowed me to search for words associated with key themes once they were identified. In coding the data, I read the texts looking for dominant identity themes to emerge. The two dominant identity themes that stood out were framing Pussy Riot as activists and/or musicians. I then looked for words associated with those themes, coding them with the appropriate theme according to the word‘s usage in the context of the article.

Upon identifying a word associated with my two main themes, I first read the passage for context and to identify how the word is being used. If the word was used in a way that commented on my topic of analysis, I coded it as either under the activist category or the musician category. I then counted each coded word to get totals of how many times each word appeared supporting the broader themes of either musicians or activists. Word-by-word coding can be useful in coding documents and forces the researcher to make look at the context and sentence structure to make sense of the words are being used (Charmaz

2014:124).

The variables were counted for each individual media outlet, as well as the Pussy Riot texts. The numbers for the various media texts were added together and converted to percentages for comparison against the Pussy Riot texts.

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Analysis and discussion:

Hypothesis, Pt. 1:

The researcher‘s first asserted hypothesis was not supported by the data in this project. While the researcher anticipated Western Media to frame Pussy Riot as musicians, the majority of sampled texts frame Pussy Riot as activists, save for USA Today, who had a

50% activist frame and 50% musician frame split. While the initial hypothesis was proven false, the data still reveals useful information about the how the Pussy Riot identity is framed. In addition, the data also provides a timeline of the group‘s activity helping locate

Pussy Riot within the social movement and organizational literature.

Hypothesis Pt. 2

The second part of my hypothesis was that Pussy Riot can be seen through the lens of social movement literature such that the group can be considered more than a feminist-punk band, but instead as social actors engaged in contentious politics. This part of my hypothesis was supported by the data and narratives therein.

The Emergent Variables

As the sampled texts were read for initial themes, the two primary themes that emerged from the texts framed Pussy Riot as 1,artists/musicians and 2,as activists. As the texts were re-read with these themes in mind, words associated with these two categories were coded as either part of the activist category or the music/artist category. Because the project looks at the potential difference in framing of the Pussy Riot identity by looking at

Pussy Riot texts and Western media, the Pussy Riot texts served as a baseline for comparison against the texts sampled from the media.

Strange 43

When reading the texts, 19 words or variations on a word or theme organically emerged that are associated with the activist frame. These are: 1. anti-Putin/put Putin away/Putin has pissed himself; 2. riot; 3. variations on the word activist, such as act, action, activism, activist; 4. collective; 5. feminist/feminism; 6. human rights, 7. group*, 8. organize/organization; 9. protest; 10. strike; 11. reform; 12. movement; 13. anarchist; 14. revolution/revolutionary/revolutionaries; 15. radical; 16. performances**; 17. hooliganism;

18. resistance; and 19. protest/political/feminist art.

When reading the texts, 9 words organically emerged that are associated with the musician frame. These words are: 1. act; 2. band; 3. song/sing/sang; 4. group*, 5. punk*; 6. rock; 7. concert; 8. music/musician; and9. art/artist.

*The word ―group‖ appears in both the activism and musician frames. To deal with this, the context of how the words are used is considered to determine its appropriate coding.

For example, if Pussy Riot was described as a punk-rock group, the words would be coded in the music frame. However, if Pussy Riot is described as a feminist group, the word ―group‖ would be coded in the activist frame. This same tactic was employed when dealing with other words that may fit into either category, such as ―art.‖ If art is described as political or feminist art it is coded in the activist frame. If the word is used to describe Pussy Riot as punk or music artists, ―art/artist‖ is coded in the musician frame.

**The word ―performance‖ was coded within the activist theme exclusively. This is because Pussy Riot does not engage in legal performances. The media often let Pussy Riot speak for themselves on this issue, ―The only performances we‘ll participate in are illegal ones,‖ a Pussy Riot member told The New York Times, ―We refuse to perform as part of the capitalist system, at concerts where they sell tickets,‖ (Garner: March 20, 2013).Rolling

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Stone quotes the group as saying ―We‘ll never give a gig in a club or in any special musical space‖ (Murray: Feb. 6, 2014). Thus far, Pussy Riot has kept that promise. Within the sampled data, any mention of performances by Pussy Riot are framed as spontaneous, and/or highlight the authorities‘ negative and often violent response, such as when Pussy Riot was beaten and detained for attempting to perform and record a video at the Sochi Winter

Olympics. When Pussy Riot was invited to an concert alongside performers like Madonna and Bjork, the group declined to perform, instead using the platform to discuss social issues (Murray: Feb. 6, 2014).

Immediately one will notice the number of words associated with an activist frame that emerged is double that of words associated with the musician counterpart, which may already lead one to some preliminary conclusions about how the group is being framed by both Pussy Riot and the Western media. Therefore, it is likely that the data will support an activist identity frame for Pussy Riot being derived from both sets of sampled texts.

The Data:

Figure 2 shows the total percentages of word mentions associated with either the activist frame or the musician frame. Here we see that the activist frame clearly out-weighs the musician frame in both the Pussy Riot Texts and the media texts.

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Total Percentages 90% 77% 80% 70% 63.00% 60% 50% 37% 40% 30% 23% 20%

10% Percentage Percentage of TotalMentions 0% Pussy Riot Percentages Media Percentages Activism Total Musician Total Fig. 2

Of the articles written about Pussy Riot by Western Media, 63% of the total coded words mentioned are in the activist frame with 37% in the musician frame.

Pussy Riot Results

Of the Pussy Riot texts, 77% of the total word mentions were associated with the activist frame, and only 23% of the total word mentions were associated with the musician frame. The activist frame outweighs the musician frame in the Pussy Riot texts by 54%. This is to be expected as Pussy Riot‘s music is merely a vessel for their message. Pussy Riot‘s music, along with the guerilla-style delivery of the music, and the ―Pussy Riot image‖ of tights, dresses, and balaclavas are each a part of the group‘s repertoire (Pussy Riot 2013).

In an Essay by Pussy Riot titled ―Art or Politics?‖ the group says that their performance at the Cathedral of Christ the Savior was ―a political gesture to address the problem of the Putin government‘s merger with the Orthodox Church‖ (Pussy Riot 2013:15).

In a letter by Nadya, she describes her role in Pussy Riot as ―political art‖ and ―political action‖ (Pussy Riot 2013:21). Masha describes how the experiences of Pussy Riot gave rise to a ―political movement‖ (Pussy Riot 2013:23).

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In closing courtroom statements by Tolokonnikova, the Pussy Riot member said,

―Pussy Riot's performances can either be called dissident art, or political action that engages art forms. Either way, our performances are a kind of civic activity amidst the repressions of a corporate political system that directs its power against basic human rights, and civil and political liberties‖ (Pussy Riot 2013:91). Here we see that Pussy Riot considers their performances a kind of ―civic activity‖ rather than an effort at pop-stardom. They are focused on ―human rights and civil and political liberties‖ rather than record sales or finding a place on the entertainment charts.

Even the group‘s discussions of the punk genre and punk performance coincide with their activist identity. In Tolokonnikova‘s court room statements, the activist said, ―We were searching for real sincerity and simplicity, and we found these qualities in the yurodstvo [the holy foolishness] of punk…We put on political punk performances in response to a government that is rife with rigidity, reticence, and caste-like hierarchical structures‖ (Pussy

Riot 2013:92).

While Pussy Riot discusses punk in terms of its artistic value, they also do so in political terms – in the kind of ―symbolic mockery‖ described by Moore (2004) as a kind of utopian vision where women of Russia are allowed to have a critical voice and to protest for equality, and the truth must no longer be sanitized and ―government approved.‖ Pussy Riot

(2013) even goes as far as to call their song a ―punk prayer‖ mocking the relationship between the Orthodox Church and the Russian government, thus loading the word ―punk‖ with political meaning.

Pussy Riot claims that their punk performances are a direct reaction to their social, political, and economic environment. In an opening courtroom statement by Tolokonnikova,

Strange 47 the Pussy Riot Member said, ―The themes of our songs and performances are dictated by the present moment. We simply react to what is happening in our country, and our punk performances express the opinion of a sufficiently large number of people‖ (Pussy Riot

2013:41). Tolokonnikova describes their performances in Russia as a ―newly developed genre – the unexpected political punk performance‖ (Pussy Riot 2013:43).

When framing themselves as musicians, the group only seems to do so in the courtroom setting. Tolokonnikova, when describing the Pussy Riot repertoire said quite simply to the court, ―We came with what we have; our musical performance‖ (Pussy Riot

2013:42).

Using the artist/musician frame to downplay the group‘s political interests is employed here by Tolokonnikova:

―Since its origin in October 2011, the band has played concerts in the subway,

on the roof of a trolleybus, on the roof of the detention center for administrative

detainees, in clothing stores, at fashion shows, and on the Lobnoye Mesto in Red

Square. We believe that our art should be accessible to everyone, therefore we

perform in diverse public spaces. Pussy Riot never means to show disrespect to any

viewers or witnesses of our punk concerts. This was the case on the roof of the trolley

bus and on the Lobnoye Mesto, and this was the case at the Cathedral of Christ the

Savior‖ (Pussy Riot 2013:41).

Take note of the way the group is framed here: as a ―band‖ that has played ―(punk) concerts,‖ who believe their ―art‖ should be widely accessible, which is why they perform in

―diverse public spaces.‖ The context in which the frame is being used is helpful because it shows the Pussy Riot member is using the artist frame to appeal to the court as an artist

Strange 48 merely performing music, who may have inadvertently offended the public, rather than as an activist with the intention of engaging in civil disobedience.

By looking at the data and reading the group‘s words, whether being quoted or from their own texts, we take away the message that the members of Pussy Riot are punk- feminists, anti-Church-and-State, anti-capitalist, political guerilla artists actively engaged in contentious politics. Therefore, the dominant framing of Pussy Riot as activists in their own texts is to be expected.

Pussy Riot Activist Frame 47

50 45 40 36 35 30 25 21 20 13 14 15 6 8 6 7 10 3 3 2 4 3 5 0 0 1 0 1

0 NumberMentions of

Fig. 3a

Figure 3a shows the frequency of mentions of each word associated with the activist frame. The two with the most frequent mentions were variations on ―act/activism/action‖ at

45 mentions, and ―performances‖ at 36 mentions. The next highest were mentions associated with an anti-Putin message (anti-Putin, put Putin away, Putin has pissed himself/on Russia) at 21 mentions, protest at 14 mentions and ―feminist/feminism‖ at 13 mentions. Overall, as shown in Figure 2, the Pussy Riot texts fell into a categories of activist at 77% and musician at 23%.

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Pussy Riot Musician Frame

25 21 20 15 12 10 10 5 4 5 3 0 1 0

0 NumberMentions of

Fig. 3b

The most frequently occurring words in the Pussy Riot text‘s musician frame, as shown in Figure 3b, are ―punk‖ at 21 mentions followed by ―song/sing‖ at 12 mentions and

―art/artist‖ at 10 mentions.

American Media Results

The unexpected result is that of the media percentages. With the activism column making up 63% of total mentions and the musician column making up only 37% of total mentions, the activism column out-weighs the musician column in the media sample set by

26%. Before I begin to discuss why that might be, let‘s first look at a breakdown per media outlet of the total number of mentions as well as the percentages representing each category.

Frequency of Mentions 284 300 268

250 208 200 184 140 150 133 102 102 100 78 56

NumberMentions of 50

0 Pussy Riot Ms. Mag. NY Times Rolling Stone USA Today Activism Total Musician Total Fig. 4

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The higher number of total mentions in Rolling Stone can be attributed to articles with a higher word count. As mentioned in the methods section of the paper, long-form articles of

400-plus words were sampled for this project for the purpose of capturing a more accurate and detailed description of Pussy Riot and their potential motives. Media samples with a lower total number of mentions are in part due to shorter form articles. In addition, there were about twice as many articles from The New York Times (n = 56), as Rolling Stone articles (n = 23), as seen in Figure 1.

For an evenly weighted look at how each outlet‘s total mentions were divided, let us look at the percentage breakdown among the various media outlets and Pussy Riot texts in

Figure 3.

Percentage Breakdown 90% 77%

80%

66% 70% 63% 58% 60% 50% 50% 50% 42% 37% 40% 34%

30% 23%

20% Percentage Percentage of Mentions 10% 0% Pussy Riot Ms. Mag. NY Times Rolling Stone USA Today Activism Total Musician Total Fig. 5

Figure 3 shows the activist frame significantly outweighing the musician frame in most media outlets, except for USA Today, which came out even at 50% / 50%.

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Media Activist Frame

140 131 120 109 95 100 80 59 60 51 49 48 38 36 40 29

Number ofMentions 16 16 10 11 8 20 4 4 4 4 1

0

Riot

Strike

revolt

Group

Radical

Protest

Reform

Anarchist

Collective

Resistance

Movement

Hooliganism

Feminist/ism

Performances

Human Rights Human

protest/political…

Revolution/ary/ies

Act/ivist/ism/action Anti-Putin/put Putin… Anti-Putin/put Organize/organization Fig. 6a

Figure 6a shows the actual word count for the media activist frame. The words with the highest number of mentions were ―protest‖ with 131 mentions, variations of the word act/activism/action with 109 mentions, and performances with 95 mentions.

Media Musician Frame

160 145

140 132

120 100 80 60 38 40 33 30 31

NumberMentions of 20 12 20 3 0

Fig. 6b

Figure 6b shows the actual number of word mentions for the media musician frame.

Here we see that the words ―band‖ with 145 mentions, and ―punk‖ with 132 mentions are the dominant words used to emphasize the group as musicians. While these numbers are

Strange 52 comparable to (and even outweigh) uses of words related to the activist frame, at 22, the total number of emergent words associated with the activist frame are more than double that of the

9 words that emerged associating Pussy Riot with a musician frame.

When looking at the data, the pattern clearly shows a dominant activist frame. But why? I believe it is because the Pussy Riot collective fails to meet the essentialized and essentially capitalist notions of what it means to be ―musicians,‖ in the contemporary era: specifically recording and selling records, touring and performing in for-pay venues, and marketing merchandise. Only by rejecting all forms of commodification to an extent virtually unheard of in today‘s music industry, does Pussy Riot become successful at embracing an identity as activists who incidentally use music as a vessel for their message.

―When movements appear to rest on essentialist assumptions, theorists must determine whether that essentialism is strategic, influenced by social, political, and cultural factors, and how activists themselves understand the sources of their identities‖ (Bernstein

2005:67). In the case of Pussy Riot, their activist identities were shaped through all of those means: they were strategic in their dress, performance, lyrical symbolism and the symbolism of the location of their performances, and they were influenced by social, political and cultural factors, which led to their contentious performances. Both Pussy Riot and the

Western media frame the group‘s identity through the context of their struggles as activists living in Russia. This can be supported through the data as well. When looking at the data in

Figure 2, one can immediately see the activist frame outweighs the musician frame. The essentialist notions of what it means to be an activist are reasonably unchanging –

―Contentious politics occurs when ordinary people… join forces in confrontation with elites, authorities, and opponents. Such confrontations go back to the dawn of history‖ (Tarrow

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2011:6). Tarrow (2011) says that while historical, cultural, and power conditions both determine and are determined by contentious politics, the unchanging factor in social movements is that ―ordinary people have power because they challenge power holders, produce solidarities, and have meaning to particular population groups, situations, and national cultures‖ (Tarrow 20011:8).

Breakdown of Western Media Results:

Ms. Magazine Results

When we look at the different outlets in Fig. 5, we see that Ms. Magazine, a feminist magazine, frames the group as activists with a 26% difference between the activist frame at

63% and musician frame at 37%. Because Ms. Magazine is a feminist magazine, one would anticipate the outlet would frame Pussy Riot as activists. Of the media outlets, Ms. Magazine had the second highest mentions of words associated with the activist frame used to describe

Pussy Riot at 63%.

Ms. Magazine had the highest number mention of the words feminist and feminism at

24 mentions, the second highest was Rolling Stone at 17. Again, this is to be expected as Ms.

Magazine is a feminist magazine. The most common description of Pussy Riot in Ms.

Magazine was as a ―feminist punk band,‖ highlighting both the group‘s motives as feminists and their method of using punk music to spread their message. At 25 mentions, there were about an even number of mentions of the group by Ms. Magazine as a ―band.‖ However, all but 11 of the 25 mentions of the word ―band‖ are prefaced with the word ―feminist,‖ such as

―feminist band,‖ or ―feminist punk band.‖

Even in the allies category (a frame which I use to track mentions of Pussy Riot‘s academic, political and cultural allies who speak in solidarity with the group), the attention

Strange 54 was focused primarily on Pussy Riot as prisoners of conscience, thus reinforcing the activist frame. Ms. Magazine associates Pussy Riot with several other musicians who spoke out as allies in solidarity with the incarcerated members of the group such as The Red Hot Chili

Peppers and Sting, each with three mentions, with two mentions, and Bjork and

Madonna each with one mention. So while the actors in question are indeed musicians, they are speaking to Pussy Riot‘s incarceration, not the quality or style of their music or their integrity as performers. A Feminist Wire Daily News Brief report in Ms. Magazine stated:

―Musicians and human rights groups around the world have been standing in

solidarity with the radical feminist band both online and in the streets. Amnesty

International has named the women prisoners of conscience, and artists like Sting,

Peter Gabriel, and the Red Hot Chili Peppers are speaking out in support‖ (Ms.

Magazine: Feminist Wire: July 30, 2012).

The greatest number of allies mentioned was in the international/global category with

15 mentions. This category represents mentions of ―international‖ or ―global‖ pressure on

Russia, and international/global support and/or solidarity with Pussy Riot. This number, while not pointing to a specific population, does show the presence of international interest in the Pussy Riot case.

Amnesty International was mentioned 5 times in association with Pussy Riot.

Pussy Riot, the entity, was nominated as one of Ms. Magazine‘s Person of the

Year, citing Alyokhina and Tolokonnikova‘s arrest and sentencing as well as stating that

―their disproportionate punishment instigated a public outcry from those who believe in free speech, uniting Pussy Riot supporters from around the world‖ (Kassenbrock: Nov. 29. 2012).

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This statement frames the group as feminist-freedom fighters being unjustly imprisoned for exercising their right to free speech.

The following year, Tolokonnikova was named one of Ms. Magazine‘s ―Feminist

Heroes of 2013.‖ Calling her ―a member of the now famous Russian feminist punk protest band Pussy Riot,‖ the magazine discusses Tolokonnikova‘s time served in a Siberian prison colony for being convicted of ―hooliganism motivated by religious hatred.‖ They discuss

Tolokonnikova‘s work exposing the human rights violations in the prison colony where she was being held, as well as her and Alyokhina‘s plans to start a human rights organization to fight for prison reform (McGein: Dec. 26, 2013).

Hunger strikes and human rights organizations are a significantly different set of strategies to challenge authorities from their days of punk-rock guerilla street performances. According to Tarrow (2011), innovation in collective action often results from interaction between challengers and opponents. Adapting strategies to address their experiences in the prison colony is a direct response to the interaction between Pussy

Riot and prison authorities. Alyokhina and Tolokonnikova both participated in hunger strikes in protest of their treatment in prison, eventually having their demands met. The two Pussy Riot members would also go on to form a human right‘s organization to fight for prison reform as a direct response to their treatment while in prison.

The New York Times Results

Among The New York Times totals, the total number of words associated with the activist frame is 284 while the number of words associated with the musician frame is 208.

At 58%, the activist frame was 16% higher than the musician frame at 42%. The most common words mentioned that were associated with the activist frame were ―protest‖ with

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66 mentions, variations of the word ―act/action/activism‖ with 44 mentions, and 42 mentions of Pussy Riot performances which The New York Times quotes Pussy Riot as noting all of their performances are ―illegal,‖ leading to the word‘s association with the activist frame.

The most common words associated with the musician frame were ―band‖ with 75 mentions and ―punk‖ with 73 mentions.

The New York Times articles fall in line with the concept of essentialized notions of music versus activism. According to The New York Times, Pussy Riot rejects ―legitimate‖ performances all together, favoring illegal and seemingly spontaneous guerrilla performances as a statement against the all devouring capitalist system. A 2013 report on Pussy Riot in The

New York Times said, ―The band rejects the criminal capitalism so prevalent in Russia. When

Madonna and Björk offered to perform alongside the group, a Pussy Riot member replied:

‗The only performances we‘ll participate in are illegal ones. We refuse to perform as part of the capitalist system, at concerts where they sell tickets‘‖ (Garner: March 20, 2013). While

Pussy Riot performances are often videoed and posted online, they are also one-off performances. The group does not have a collection of songs for the purpose of performing a concert or producing an album. ―If the women wanted, they could most likely become rich from speaking gigs and tours. They certainly have the fan base. But that is not their goal.

‗What we do is political art,‘ Ms. Alyokhina said‖ (Bennett: May 21, 2014). ―‗We always insisted from the very beginning that Pussy Riot is first and foremost a political group which is using art as a way to express its political opinion because it‘s impossible to do so through any legal means,‘ Ms. Tolokonnikova said‖ (Gladstone: Feb. 5, 2014).

Pussy Riot is vigilant in their activism. Even after serving nearly two years in a prison colony, Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina remain true to their cause of challenging authorities

Strange 57 through collective action. They are leaders who unite followers and inspire bystanders under a common cause. ―When the whole country sees completely innocent people being jailed, and authorities make it very clear that this can happen to absolutely anyone, that of course is going to make a lot of people become more silent,‖ Ms. Tolokonnikova said. ―But not everybody agrees to be silent, and right now our task is to unite those people once again‖

(Gladstone: Feb. 5, 2014).

―(When) Asked why they were released, Ms. Tolokonnikova said, ‗Because there was a lot of pressure from the West to release us, and the lesson that we learned from this is that

Putin is concerned with the opinion of the West and Western press‘‖ (Gladstone: Feb 5,

2014). This interest in the opinion of the Western press could be why Pussy Riot has turned to the West as an ally, making appearances on talk shows, doing press interviews, and appearing at concerts to talk about their mission. While the literature suggests that Putin makes efforts to control his and the Russian image by manipulating the Russian press and social media, he has no such influence in the West. Pussy Riot is free to discuss their opinions and issues of contention openly without out fear of arrest or other repercussions.

Tarrow (2011) points out the opportunity for repressive regimes to jam air-waves or block Internet signals. As the literature suggests, Putin has his own tactics for suppressing

―especially dangerous views‖ (Captain 2003:09). In 2012, efforts were made to suppress videos of Pussy Riot in Russia (Barry: Nov. 30 2012). A Moscow court ruled that videos of performances by Pussy Riot were considered extremist and fell under a law ―intended to rein in hate speech.‖ (Barry: Nov. 30, 2012). Videos of Pussy Riot were to be removed from the country‘s internet. However, as the article points out, the law only applies to servers in

Russia, which will not prohibit the videos from being shared internationally. With the

Strange 58 government attempting to censor or otherwise control Pussy Riot content, the idea that Putin is concerned about what the Western press thinks is not completely unfounded.

However, Pussy Riot is located in a unique place in history where, unlike feminist actors before them, they can take advantage of ―the work of art in the age of (digital) reproduction‖ [to borrow from Walter Benjamin (1969)]. The speed at which their actions and message can be broadcast is far greater than what feminist actors experienced in the past, allowing for what Tarrow calls ―distant mobilization‖ (Tarrow 2011:99). Tarrow (2011) says the Internet offers so many different kinds of support to social movements that it is reductive to discuss the Internet as a way for social movements to simply relay message transmission.

―Electronic networks… constitute organizational structures joining diverse and often widely dispersed activists‖ (Tarrow 2011: 137; Bennett, Givens, and Willnat 2004.) Pussy Riot could be considered part of a Fourth-wave feminist movement that has utilized the media, technology, social media, and the Internet to reach an audience their predecessors could not.

In a 2009 New York Times article titled ―Fourth-Wave Feminism: Questions for Jessica

Valenti,‖ Valenti, author and founder of the feminist blog Feministing, says the Internet has been a liberator for women, suggesting the fourth wave of feminism is ―online‖ (Solomon:

Nov. 13, 2009).

Rolling Stone Results

Rolling Stone is a music magazine devoted to entertainment. While Pussy Riot may be entertaining to some extent, their focus is not to entertain, but to inform bystanders and challenge authorities through collective action. Among the Rolling Stone results, there were

268 words associated with the activist frame and 140 associated with the musician frame. At

66%, the activist frame in this case was 32% higher than the musician frame, and the highest

Strange 59 among the sampled news media outlets. Again, this could be due in part to the essentialization of their specialty: music – or more importantly, commercial ―pop‖ music.

When Rolling Stone covers stories about Pussy Riot, they are largely framed as activists because they do not fit the musician model. The group operates outside of the established artistic conventions. Pussy Riot does not record or sell records, they do not go on musical tours, the group does not perform in any bars, music halls or other traditional music venues, nor does the group sell any merchandise.

By and large, Rolling Stone allows Pussy Riot to speak for their own identity, quoting

Alyokhina as saying, ―We really are provocateurs. But there's no need to say that word like it's a swear word. Art is always provocation‖ (Reevell Dec. 27, 2013). Alyokhina and her fellow Pussy Riot members are not merely engaging in art for art‘s sake. They are activists breaking the established norms within the Russian political and art worlds to help focus the attention of bystanders and the media on the issues they are protesting.

Rolling Stone did make links between Pussy Riot and popular musicians who support the group:

―The women's conviction drew international scrutiny, and artists like Paul

McCartney, the Red Hot Chili Peppers, Sting and Bruce Springsteen, among others,

called for the release of the Pussy Riot protestors‖ (Grow Dec. 192013).

In Rolling Stone alone there were three mentions of support for Pussy Riot by Paul

McCartney, nine mentions of support by the Red Hot Chili Peppers, one mention of Bruce

Springsteen, one mention of Peter Gabriel, four mentions of Patti Smith, and 17 mentions of support from Madonna who faced her own difficulties with Russian authorities. Reporting on an Amnesty International concert in :

Strange 60

―Madonna (black coat, Grammys cane, Comme des Fuckdown beanie)

introduced recently freed Pussy Riot members Nadya Tolokonnikova and Maria

Alyokhina, recalling how the Russian leg of her latest tour was threatened for

encouraging of ―gay behavior‖ before Nadya and Maria themselves addressed the

crowd‖(Murray: Feb. 6, 2014).

The Platform of the Amnesty International Concert would have been a perfect opportunity for Pussy Riot to play alongside modern music legends. However, that is not what happened. True to Pussy Riot‘s word, the platform was instead used to discuss their issues of contention.

―Though many had hoped for a performance of some sort, what we received

instead was undoubtedly more appropriate, a nod to Amnesty, a ―thank you for the

support‖ and an account of ongoing struggles back home. As another member of the

collective had told Vice nearly two years ago, ―We‘ll never give a gig in a club or in

any special musical space‖ (Murray: Feb. 6, 2014).

Rolling Stone‘s framing of the group as activists is consistent with that of the other outlets in framing Pussy Riot as activists. As an entertainment magazine, they recognize that the group is not a collective of performers for entertainment, as they do not perform in any dedicated artistic space such as music halls or galleries, favoring spontaneous performances in symbolic locations.

In January of 2013, Rolling Stone ran a report on the 2013 film by Lerner and

Pozdorovkin called ―Pussy Riot: A Punk Prayer.‖ The headline called the Pussy Riot case

―one of the stories of the decade‖ (Hyman: Jan. 3, 2013). In discussing the 2013 film by

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Lerner and Pozdorovkin, who described the film as a ―classic courtroom drama,‖ Rolling

Stone reported that:

―The Pussy Riot trial went viral, capturing global headlines as the world bore

witness to what Lerner can only describe as a modern-day ‗medieval witch-hunt. The

women certainly would have been burned [at the stake] 500 years ago, (Learner said).

‗It's feminism on trial,‘ he adds, emphasizing that it was ‗[the women‘s]

ideology and their daring to oppose or protest against the church in any way‘ that

posed the biggest threat to the Russian government‖ (Hyman: Jan. 3, 2013).

The filmmakers Lerner and Pozdorovkin also pointed out the divided stance on Pussy

Riot in Russian society. With some advocating for their release, while others ―wanted them to burn‖:

―The world may have been aghast at the trumped-up charges brought against

the three outspoken women. But filming in Russia, Pozdorovkin encountered a much

more divided society. ‗One of the strange things is that most Russians are against

[Pussy Riot],‘ he explains. ‗There are people who wanted them to burn; there are

Orthodox believers that are for them that say they should be forgiven. There's

political activists of every sort. It really brought out all the radical elements in society

around this issue‘‖ (Hyman: Jan. 3, 2013).

For Russians, Pussy Riot‘s performance is more than an instance of a group of musicians pulling a publicity stunt that got them arrested. Pussy Riot committed violence against sacred institutions with their performance: first by staging their disruptive performance in a sacred space, the Cathedral of Christ the Savior; by entering a men only space in the church, the altar; by wearing inappropriate dress, brightly colored dresses, leggings, and masks; finally,

Strange 62 by using profanity in a sacred space to insult the Russian President Vladimir Putin and his relationship with the Church.

Rolling Stone also received exclusive information in an email regarding Pussy Riot‘s

NGO, ―The Zone,‖ which will use lawyers and other professionals to work toward prison reform in the colonies where they were being held. This also represents members of the group actively engaging in the suspension of previous strategies and working with abeyance structures such as the NGO, which faces threats as a collective structural entity rather than a select group of individuals. Innovations in repertoires, such as the bureaucratization of one‘s mission into an NGO, can help the movement ―cross broad cultural and spatial divides, even where established lines of interaction are weak‖ (Tarrow 2011:254). NGOs help serve as bridges of communication to voice claims against authorities. They aid in the transnational diffusion of causes that help attract international attention to domestic issues (Tarrow

2011). Tarrow describes the manner in which NGO participation in the UN has begun to increase as well as an increase in UN partnerships with NGOs participating in humanitarian issues (Tarrow 2011:446; Mingst 2009), which could serve as a potential opportunity for

Pussy Riot‘s NGO, ―The Zone.‖ These opportunities made possible through bureaucratization have not only received international attention due to Pussy Riot‘s fame, but have also helped to lessen personal risks to Pussy Riot members.

USA Today Results

Perhaps the most intriguing results are those from the USA Today, simply because they came in at 50/50 employing the activist and musician frames equally. The words associated with the activist frame with the highest number of mentions were ―protest‖ with

30 mentions, followed by ―performances‖ with 14 mentions, and variations of

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―act/activist/activism/action,‖ with 13 mentions. Words associated with the musician frame with the highest number of mentions were ―band‖ with 45 mentions and ―punk‖ with 33 mentions.

For example, one article stated:

―Yes, those protesting Putin‘s anti-gay propaganda law, including the punk

activists Pussy Riot, did make their voices heard, which was good. And the

authorities didn‘t handle that well, at one point taking a whip to one member of the

band‖ (Brennan: Feb. 23, 2014).

Here we see one mention of ―punk‖ and one mention of ―band,‖ words associated with the musician frame, are balanced by one mention of ―protesting‖ and one mention of ―activists,‖ which are associated with the activist frame.

In an article about the Sundance Film Festival, the USA Today mentions the documentary ―Pussy Riot: A Punk Prayer,‖ by Lerner and Pozdorovkin (2013). In an article describing the documentary about the group, the USA Today says:

―Pussy Riot – A Punk Prayer, in which British filmmaker Mike Lerner and

Russian filmmaker Maxim Pozdorovkin examine the feminist punk band that was

jailed after sparking a protest against Russian President Vladimir Putin in 2012‖

(Alexander Jan. 18, 2013).

Again we see a balance of words associated with both the activist and musician frame. There is one mention each of the words ―punk‖ and ―band‖ associated with the musician frame, and one mention each of the words ―protest‖ and ―feminist‖ associated with the activist frame.

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While not all passages or articles in USA Today are as neatly balanced, the overall distribution of words associated with each frame was evenly distributed. The most common description of Pussy Riot by USA Today is as a ―band,‖ with 28 mentions, or as a ―punk band,‖ with 17 mentions. However, the context in which the words are used often employed the activist frame such as ―feminist punk band‖ (Stanglin: Dec. 23 2013) or a ―punk rock protest group‖ (Stanglin, Feb. 15, 2014), or the articles would discuss Pussy Riot‘s activism or performances, while still referring to them as a ―band.‖

Tarrow (2011) cites the link between social movements and the media as well as the

Internet and how these structures and technologies aid in the transnational diffusion of movement issues. As Tarrow (2011) suggests, the media does help shape the public image of

Pussy Riot. Thus, the group uses their charisma with the media to help frame their identity such that there is little to no competition between the Western media framing and the self- identity framing of the group.

The cultural hegemony of the West described by researchers (Nettl 1978; Stokes

2004:67-68) may also help one make sense of the ambiguous nature of the USA Today results. When music is employed by social movements, there is a fine line between music and ideology and propaganda (Eyerman and Jamison 1998:46), and Pussy Riot walks that line. Pussy Riot has co-opted elements of Western culture and ideology into their identity as well as their repertoire. On the surface, the combination of the Western aesthetic and Pussy

Riot‘s method of message transmission – punk-rock street performances – do appear to have musical inspirations, if not implications. If one were to witness a Pussy Riot performance in a vacuum, one might come to the conclusion that they are indeed a punk-rock band. However, in the same way that identities and genres are informed by their social context (Baudrillard

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1983, 1987, 1988; Becker 1982; Lena and Peterson 2008; Moore 2004), the roots of collective action can be discovered in ―the routines and organization of everyday social life‖

(Tarrow 2011:9; Tilly 1986:4). As Pussy Riot (2013) states, their performances (and eventual advancement into NGOs) are a direct reaction to the social conditions they face in Russia. So while the Pussy Riot identity is indeed informed by Western culture and discourses, ―the holy foolishness of punk‖ is but a metaphor for Pussy Riot. A step back from the performance itself reveals the group is located within a complex contextual environment among intersecting issues of contention. The two frames of activist and musician associated with

Pussy Riot are both apparent. Thus the two frames are both employed equally by USA Today to describe the group.

Influential Allies

Research shows a positive correlation between influential allies and a movement‘s success (Gamson 1990:64-66; Tarrow 2011:166). In William Gamson‘s research of conflict groups, the presence or absence of political allies was closely related to whether or not a social movement succeeded (Gamson 1990:64-66; Tarrow 2011:166).

Media: Allies

50 43 45 40 35 35 30 27 25 20 20 15 15 12 6 6 10 5 5 4 5 3 5 0 1 2 1 1 1 0

NumberMentions of 0

Sting

Bjork

Bono

RHCP

Clinton

riot grrrls riot

The West The

Madonna

YokoOno

LadyGaga

Patti Smith Patti

(Slavoj) Zizek (Slavoj)

PeterGabriel

Guerrilla Girls Guerrilla

PeteTownsend

Paul McCartney Paul

Bruce Springsteen Bruce

Orthodox Christians Orthodox Global/International Amnesty International Amnesty Fig. 7

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Figure 7 shows a breakdown of Pussy Riot‘s allies mentioned within the coded data.

Among the media data, Pussy Riot‘s allies with the most number of mentions were Madonna, with 43 mentions; the global/international community, with 35 mentions; and Amnesty

International, with 27 mentions. Among those in the music community, Madonna had the most mentions at 43, followed by Sting with 15 mentions, The Red Hot Chili Peppers with

12 mentions and Sir Paul McCartney with six mentions. Representing the political community among the allies was former United States Secretary of State and 2016 US

Presidential hopeful, Hillary Rodham Clinton, with 6 mentions.

Among the Pussy Riot data, few allies were mentioned. Pussy Riot acknowledged

Madonna‘s gesture toward solidarity with Pussy Riot with one mention. At a performance in

Moscow where the performer had the words ―Pussy Riot‖ written on her back (Pussy Riot

2013:94).The highest number of mentions of a single ally was of Slavoj Zizek, representing the intelligentsia, with 14 mentions. There were three mentions of international or global support. There was also a single mention of Orthodox Christians speaking out on their behalf.

The mentions of allies, combined with Pussy Riot‘s assertion that Putin is concerned

about the opinion of the West and Western media is an indicator that not only was there

pressure from the West to release the members of Pussy Riot, but that the pressure was

effective. The remaining incarcerated members of Pussy Riot, Tolokonnikova and

Alyokhina, were released by Putin under an Amnesty bill that the group calls a publicity

stunt to appease the West (Roth Dec. 18, 2013; Bacon: Dec. 26, 2013).

Adapting Strategies: Activists from the Streets to the Prison Cell

The Pussy Riot movement and identity would begin to evolve after the group‘s

incarceration, focusing primarily on the narratives on the three incarcerated members. ―On

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October 10, 2012, Pussy Riot appealed the guilty verdict. Katya‘s sentence was suspended

but Nadya and Masha‘s was denied‖ (Pussy Riot 2013:9). Katya‘s sentence was suspended

because the video of the performance at the cathedral shows that while the other members

of the group were already performing, Katya was still struggling to put on her guitar and

did not participate in the actual 40-second performance, despite her intentions (Lerner and

Pozdorovkin 2013).

While in prison, Pussy Riot members were subjected to ―slave-like conditions‖ and denied the ability to attend their own parole hearings. However, the power derived from their

―ability to get things done,‖ as defined by Kanter (1993), was not diminished. There were 38 total mentions (29 media mentions and nine mentions from the Pussy Riot texts) of

Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina going on hunger strike in protest of their treatment while in prison. Alyokhina went on hunger strike because prison authorities would not allow her to attend her own parole hearing. She was hospitalized and her strike ended when authorities agreed to meet her demands (Coulehan: Sept. 23, 2013).

Tolokonnikova claimed the administration at the camps where she was being held breached Russian law by making prisoners work 16 hours a day. She also accused a prison official of making a death threat toward her (Reevell: October 3, 2013). ―Tolokonnikova declared a hunger strike in protest of working conditions at the colony, refusing food for nine days before the threat of permanent damage to her health forced her to stop‖ (Reevell: Oct. 3;

17, 2013). However, the hunger strike got the attention of the Presidential Human Rights

Council, Russia's top official human rights body, who conducted an investigation of the camp where she was being held and found merit to Tolokonnikova‘s claims (Reevell: Oct. 3,

2013).

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Rolling Stone reported on October 17, 2013 that ―Tolokonnikova‘s move into prison advocacy appeared to have already had an effect. Last week the prison service announced that it would reduce the number of hours worked by inmates and raise their rate of pay.

Her hunger strike, and the open letter she released at its outset, have brought public scrutiny onto the camps not seen in decades‖ (Reevell; Oct. 17, 2013). A day later, Rolling Stone reported that prison authorities met Tolokonnikova‘s demands for a transfer to a safer prison colony (Grow: Oct. 18, 2013).

Despite the effectiveness of the method, these hunger strikes still came at an extreme personal cost and risk to the individual actors involved. Both Pussy Riot members were hospitalized due to their hunger strikes. Alyokhina ended her strike and was hospitalized after authorities agreed to meet her demands (Coulehan: Sept. 23, 2013), and Tolokonnikova was hospitalized after a nine-day hunger strike threatened ―permanent damage‖ to her health

(Reevell Oct. 3, 2013). It would not be until after their release that the two Pussy Riot members would be able to take full advantage of the various opportunities available to the activists in light of their newfound international fame.

The Abeyance Process and the Evolution of Tolokonnikova

Mentions of post-trial appearances were also coded and counted equaling 64 total mentions, with the highest number of mentions being in The New York Times, with 52 mentions of post-release appearances by Pussy Riot. It is important to note that this number reflects the number of mentions of post-release appearances, not the actual number of appearances. These appearances are important because they emphasize the abeyance process described by researchers (Mizruchi 1983, Taylor 1989; McCarthy and Zald 1973; Barkan

1984; Jenkins 1983) of activists progressively engaging in activities that lessen the threat or

Strange 69 risk of physical harm or personal liability, such as incarceration. The high number of mentions shows that there is an interest in the West regarding Pussy Riot‘s activities after their release. Compared to the 21 times The New York Times mentioned the group was convicted of ―hooliganism,‖ with 52 mentions of post-release appearances in The New York

Times, it suggests that the interest in Pussy Riot continued to grow after the Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina‘s release as Western journalists and readers waited to see what the group would do next.

After serving nearly two years in prison, Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina were released in December of 2013. ―Since then, the women have been appearing on talk shows to talk about prison reform and at Amnesty International's Bringing Human Rights Home concert in

Brooklyn to speak out on behalf of ‗prisoners of conscience.‘ When Stephen Colbert asked the women why they felt Putin had released them, Tolokonnikova said, ‗They got fed up with us‘‖ (Grow Feb. 18, 2014).

The group planned to appear in Sochi to record a video for a song called ―Putin Will

Teach You to Love the Motherland,‖ but were detained by police for questioning for reasons unrelated to their planned protest. Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina were walking with journalists near a ferry, 20 miles north of Sochi when they were approached and forcefully detained by 10 plain-clothed police. The two Pussy Riot members were held for questioning related to a theft that took place in their hotel in Alder. The two women were held for questioning for 10 hours (Grow Feb. 18, 2014). This is clearly an act of intimidation on the part of authorities. With the ongoing Sochi Winter Olympics, Pussy Riot‘s presence signaled a potential protest performance that could further embarrass Russian authorities in the international media.

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According to Rolling Stone, Russian authorities decreed that protests during the

Olympics must take place in an area called Khosta, between the cities of Adler and Sochi

(Grow Feb. 18, 2014). In a report in The New York Times, Tolokonnikova was quoted saying

―The Olympics has created an environment of sweeping violations of .

We are banned from speaking out there‖ (Roth: Feb. 20, 2014). However, neither the group being detained by authorities for 10 hours, nor the demands of the authorities regarding the relegation of protests to Khosta would deter Pussy Riot from following through with their plans to stage their protest in Sochi.

The New York Times reported that Pussy Riot‘s presence in Sochi topped the coverage of Olympic news. While filming a video for their song ―Putin Will Teach You to

Love the Motherland,‖ Pussy Riot members were beaten and arrested by authorities, all while the cameras rolled:

―(The) video begins with a serene shot of the Black Sea far from the

Olympic Park. Yet it quickly becomes clear that this is a film the state

unwittingly helped produce, with scenes of the women being shoved roughly

into police cars bursting out of a police station‘s gates into a media frenzy,

and being whipped by , an attack that sent several members of the

group to the hospital and topped Olympics coverage on Wednesday‖ (Roth:

Feb 20, 2014).

These protests/videos that are staged/recorded by Pussy Riot are designed to show the force and efforts at censorship used by Russian authorities, and they do just that. They have brought international attention and scrutiny down upon Russia and its leaders and authorities.

However, they do so with a great deal of personal risk to the freedom and individual safety of

Strange 71 the Pussy Riot members. As time progresses, we see that Pussy Riot begins to take advantage of their already famous ―brand.‖ Pussy Riot begins to engage in less of what Baudrillard

(1994) calls ―antimedia,‖ instead using the media to speak about the issues they are concerned with. This allows them to spread their message to an international audience without the risk of arrest or personal harm, such as with their performances.

Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina appeared on ‘s ―The Colbert Report‖ in February of 2014. The two ―incited raucous cheers from the audience with comeback lines at the host, Stephen Colbert. (When) asked by Mr. Colbert what crime they had committed,

Ms. Alyokhina said: ‗We sang a fun song in a church.‘ When Mr. Colbert defended Mr.

Putin‘s desire to lead Russia into a bright future, Ms. Tolokonnikova responded: ‗We have different ideas about a bright future and we don‘t want a shirtless man on a horse leading us into that bright future‘‖ (Gladstone: Feb. 5, 2014).

Tolokonnikova was referring to the now infamous photos of a shirtless Putin on horseback. While the Russian

President takes great pains to control his image, as well as that of the nation, this particular photo was used by many

(including Pussy Riot) to poke fun at Putin. Huffington Post used the photo (seen to the right) for a funny caption contest

(Huffington Post: May 12, 2013), while CBS News.com

(2016) used similar images of the shirtless equestrian Huffington Post: May 12, 2013 ―doing manly things.‖ CBSNews.com (2016) notes that

Putin makes efforts to perpetuate a ―strongman image‖ in

Strange 72 the media. Unfortunately for the Russian president, those efforts more often make him the punchline to a joke rather than him being viewed as a competent world leader.

Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina also appeared on ―Real Time with Bill Maher‖ in

April of 2014 (Shattuck: April 11, 2014). The appearance on ―The Colbert Report‖ and ―Real

Time with Bill Maher‖ gave American viewers a chance to see Tolokonnikova and

Alyokhina as something other than the masked crusaders of Pussy Riot, or the criminals they were made into by Russian authorities – it was an opportunity for them to be human, have fun, and to talk about their issues of contention as people with a genuine interest in their cause.

Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina also made an appearance at an Amnesty International concert in Brooklyn where, rather than performing, the two spoke on behalf of other political prisoners:

―Speaking through a translator, the duo opened with the sort of truisms we had

been hearing all night – ‗We have to remember that freedom is not a given‘ – for

instance – before offering the sort of specific, goal-oriented call-to-action that had

heretofore been missing, reading closing statements of trials for political prisoners

currently awaiting sentencing. ‗This is our last chance to say something to them

before they are locked up for five or six years,‘ they explained‖ (Murray: Feb. 6,

2014).

The crowd responded to Pussy Riot‘s words with chants of ―Russia will be free‖(Murray:

Feb. 6, 2014).This appearance holds true to Pussy Riot‘s word that they will never perform in any sort of ―musical space,‖ while still spreading their message to a large audience with the opportunity to gain potential followers and sympathizers.

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Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina’s Nongovernmental Organization

Upon their release from prison, Tolokonnikova and Alyokhina held a press conference to discuss their plans to continue their activism by heading a nongovernmental organization to fight for prison reform in the region where they were being held.

―‗The system ought to be in shape. We're going to force it to get into it‘

Tolokonnikova told hundreds of journalists at the studios of the Russian opposition

TV station, TV Rain. ‗We intend to help with the advancement and reaction to

complaints of prisoners about the conditions of their incarceration. We want to

provide them with legal aid‘‖ (Reevell: Dec. 27, 2013).

Creating formal organizations to deal with issues of contention can sometimes lower the personal costs and risks to individual actors within a movement through professionalization of the movement with the inclusion of lawyers and other experts, and by increasing their resources through outside financial support (Tarrow 2011). ―Some movements emerge without formal leadership, producing leaders out of experience and struggle‖ (Tarrow 2011: 123). In the case of Pussy Riot, the movement would emerge from daily struggle experienced by feminine actors who felt like second class citizens in the current political climate in Russia. Yet, in spite of their trials and harsh experiences, the

Pussy Riot members stayed strong and vigilant – continuing their activism, even behind prison bars. After reports of the activists having to work in ―slave-like conditions,‖ receiving death threats, and being denied the right to attend their own parole hearings, it is no surprise that the two would have formulated plans for their next move into prison advocacy during their incarceration.

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According to Tarrow (2011), nongovernmental organizations ―navigate the corridors of national and international institutions on behalf of environmental, developmental, and climate change goals‖ (Tarrow 2011:129). Rolling Stone reports that Tolokonnikova will be heading a NGO called "Zone of Law," a play on "the zone" (shorthand for "prison camp" in

Russian), to fight for prison reform in the region where she was being held (Reevell: Dec. 27,

2013). The NGO ―will employ experienced lawyers and activists to inspect the region's prisons, visit prisoners and assist in legal appeals and other procedural issues.

Tolokonnikova's NGO will focus solely on the region, which is home to one of the largest prison complexes in Europe, with roughly 15,000 prisoners held there‖ (Reevell: Oct.

17, 2013, RS). ―The decision to start the NGO is the culmination of a recent campaign by

Tolokonnikova against the authorities of her colony, which she accuses of treating prisoners like slaves (Reevell: Oct. 3; 17, 2013).

Peter Verzilov, Tolokonnikova‘s husband, said of the organization, ―‗Basically, it will be an NGO to fight for prisoners‘ rights in the [Mordovia] region,‘ Verzilov told Rolling

Stone by phone. ‗Nothing of this sort exists in this region. This will be Nadya‘s main legacy from this whole situation‘" (Reevell: Oct 17, 2013). ―Tolokonnikova will play an active role in the organization's work, writing texts and serving as its public face‖ (Reevell: Oct 17,

2013). Tolokonnikova‘s new-found fame make her a good candidate for a leader and symbol of the NGO. For with her fame comes a certain amount of power, defined by Kanter (1993) as ―the ability to get things done, to mobilize resources, to get and use whatever it is that a person needs for the goals he or she is attempting to meet‖ (Kanter 1993:166).Tolokonnikova has proven herself to be intelligent and well read, she is charismatic, she is strategic in her actions and aware of their consequences, and she uses potential threats as opportunities to

Strange 75 challenge the status quo and spread her own and the Pussy Riot message through performances and mobilization of the Pussy Riot movement.

By adopting ―business practices,‖ women activists can ―diminish the gendered organizational forms in constituting their public identity‖ (Clemens 1999:94).

Bureaucratization has helped to broaden the public identity of the Pussy Riot movement from a collective of individual feminine actors to a non-gendered structural organizational entity.

In addition, there is a shift in focus from issues like gender equality and feminine agency to less gendered issues such as prison reform. Rather than a group of feminist actors taking on social institutions, the NGO becomes a structural entity that is taking on another structural entity – Russia‘s prison system. These business practices help distinguish Tolokonnikova‘s

NGO from the Pussy Riot punk, anti-consumerist, feminist identity. While Pussy Riot worked outside of the system to achieve their goals, Tolokonnikova‘s NGO is working within the system to bring about positive social reform.

Clemens (1999) states that spending within an organization is ―a sign of full political citizenship‖ (93). Rolling Stone obtained plans for the project in an email that ―lays out the organizational structure of a ‗Mordovian prison control NGO.‘ It gives the number and type of staff required to manage the project, as well as the costs involved, including wages and monthly rent for an office in one of the small towns close to the prison camps. The total annual cost of the project is estimated at $120,000….‖ (Reevell: Oct 17, 2013). The article state that Tolokonnikova‘s NGO will be paid for through ―crowd-funding and private donations‖ (Reevell: Oct 17, 2013).

Creating organizations can ―provide movements with strategic and tactical leadership, and with a focal point for the interaction of activists – a mechanism for framing how events

Strange 76 and relationships are interpreted and a source for recruiting new members and identifying future leaders‖ (Tarrow 2011:123). Tolokonnikova could be what is considered a transformative organizational leader (Ott, Parkes and Simpson 2008:65). Instead of heading her NGO down the historical track of Pussy Riot, advocating for gender equality and the abolition of church-state relations, she has transformed her mission, heading it down a new track of prison reform. ―We call these new leaders transformational leaders, for they must create something new out of something old: out of an old vision and get others not only to see the vision but also to commit themselves to it‖ (Ott, Parkes and Simpson 2008:65). This adaptability of Tolokonnikova can help ensure longevity of her movement and/or organization because as one goal or mission is accomplished, there is always another social issue left to tackle. Without this adaptability, the movement or organization may dissolve after reaching its goals.

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Conclusion

The punk movement emerged in the 1970s in response to poor housing and working conditions and high rates of unemployed youth. The punk genre itself is a response to the social context from which it emerged during a time of ―significant socioeconomic change‖

(Worley 2006:5). Punk music often challenges social institution through negative stances toward capitalism and consumerism, nationalism, religion and the church institution

(Milenković2007). The feminist group Pussy Riot coopted the punk medium and combined it with guerilla-style one-off performances to ―address the problem of the Putin government‘s merger with the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC)‖ and the conservative worldview that the

Church and the Russian president are promoting (Pussy Riot 2013:15).The group‘s interests include ―political activism, ecology, and the elimination of authoritarian tendencies in the

Russian state system through the creation of a civil society‖ (Pussy Riot 2013:41). Their performances are a reaction to what is happening in Russia, reflecting what the group believes to be the opinion of a large number of Russian people (Pussy Riot 2013:42).

After the group‘s performance at the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in 2012, three members of the group was arrested and sentenced to two years for the charge of hooliganism motivated by religious hatred. The women‘s arrest and sentencing caused an international uproar, with Western press following the story. While the group has put forth their agenda in their own writings, their identity as a social movement is also dependent upon its framing by the media. There is often competition that occurs between identity frames created by movements versus frames created by media outlets that social movements must help shape and influence (Tarrow 2011:32, Gamson 2004). This project looks at texts from Pussy Riot

(N = 25) as well as articles about the group written by four popular Western media outlets (N

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= 99) to address whether or not and to what degree that competition occurs in identity framing between Pussy Riot and the Western media. The project looks at two major news outlets, USA Today and The New York Times, as well as one feminist magazine, Ms.

Magazine, and one entertainment magazine, Rolling Stone. This approach is meant to capture varied perspectives on Pussy Riot within Western Media.

Using a grounded theory approach (Glaser and Strauss, 1999; Charmaz 2014), two dominant identity frames emerged from the texts, Pussy Riot as activists and Pussy Riot as musicians. Codes were counted and revealed a dominant activist theme among both the

Pussy Riot texts and the articles sampled from the Western media. The distribution of the identity frame versus the musician frame from within Pussy Riot‘s own texts came in at 77% activist and 23% musician, while the Western media framed the group as 63% activist and

37% musician. While there is a 14% difference in the Pussy Riot frames versus the media frames, both sets of sampled texts revealed dominant activist framing of the group. The essentialist, or static notions of what it means to be a musician or activist help explain this outcome. According to Tarrow (2011),the essentiallist notions of what it means to be an activist go back to the ―dawn of history‖ stating that ―contentious politics occurs when ordinary people… join forces in confrontation with elites, authorities, and opponents‖

(Tarrow 2011:6). Tarrow (2011) says the unchanging factor in social movements is that

―ordinary people have power because they challenge power holders, produce solidarities, and have meaning to particular population groups, situations, and national cultures‖ (Tarrow

2011:8). However, in today‘s consumerist culture, the essentialized notions of what it means to be a musician seem to circle around production and sales, neither of which Pussy Riot engages in. Pussy Riot has promised never to perform in any sort of musical space or

Strange 79 participate in the ―corrupt capitalist system,‖ and this day the group has kept that promise, having produced no records nor performing any musical tours - for without a record to promote, a performance tour would be costly and rather pointless – especially with the limited number of songs in Pussy Riot‘s repertoire [during the sample period 2012-14, the group had only published five songs in the Feminist Press book, Pussy Riot: A Punk Prayer for Freedom (Pussy Riot 2013). To this day, there are no studio recordings available for purchase of Pussy Riot‘s work. However, videos do exist on social media sites such as

YouTube with songs that serve more as social commentary that entertainment, such as the song ―I Can‘t Breathe,‖ written in response to the escalating amounts of police violence committed against black citizens in the United States, and the 2014 death of New York‘s Eric

Garner at the hands of NYPD officers]. However the group did go on a speaking tour in the

US holding press conferences and interviews, they appeared talk shows like Real Talk with

Bill Maher, and The Colbert Report, and addressed the crowd at an Amnesty International concert in Brooklyn with a speech regarding political prisoners.

When looking at the Pussy Riot case, as well as the data from this project, through the lens of the social movement literature, it becomes evident that Pussy Riot is more than a punk band performing music, Pussy Riot is a social movement engaged in contentious politics. The group uses political threats as opportunities to expose the corruption and/or weaknesses of elites and authorities, bearing the forefront of retaliation from those parties.

Pussy Riot used that retaliation as another opportunity to address social and political issues, utilizing the press and social media to bring international scrutiny on the Russian judicial system during their performances, arrests, court proceedings, and sentencing.

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The issues the group addresses are informed by their context, adapting goals and strategies as their context changes. Once in prison, the members of the group would turn to prisoner‘s rights, adapting their repertoire strategies from performances to hunger strikes, while planning an NGO to begin upon their release to fight for prison reform. The NGO as well as their public and media appearances after their release signify the group engaging in an abeyance process. ―Social movement abeyance structures provide organizational and ideological bridges between different upsurges of activism by the same challenging group‖

(Taylor 1989:761), while simultaneously reducing threats to any individual member by distributing them across the entire structure (Taylor 1989:762). Thus Pussy Riot is able to speak freely about Putin‘s politics in Western media because Putin cannot challenge or regulate Western media in the same way he regulates Russian media. In addition, Pussy Riot remains visible in the public eye through their stories and appearances in Western media – their voices clear and fresh rather than quietly forgotten. This is accomplished without resorting to previous strategies that could lead to Pussy Riot members‘ incarceration, such as at the performance at the Cathedral of Christ the Savior, thus suspending their previous strategies for those with fewer personal or political threats, with optimal gains, and, due to their fame as activists, an ever increasing audience.

Pussy Riot shows that sustainable movements are adaptable to their contextual environments and able to set appropriate goals to fit those contexts. The group illustrates the various strategies social movements can employ to challenge authorities, capture the attention of media, bystanders and potential allies or supporters, as well as the adaptability that it takes to sustain a movement. The group found its roots and its voice in the anti- capitalist/anti-consumerist ―holy foolishness‖ of punk – employing the punk aesthetic to

Strange 81 spread their message through musical guerilla performances and other forms of anti-media that subverts the mainstream media and other standard methods of message dissemination.

However, we quickly see the adaptability of the Pussy Riot actors as they change their strategies according to their environmental context. While incarcerated, two members of the group challenged prison authorities and procedures through hunger strikes, which eventually led to the women‘s demands being met. Upon their release from prison, Tolokonnikova and

Alyokhina began engaging the Western, mainstream corporate media, making appearances on talk shows to discuss their goals and experiences. They suspended their previous and personally dangerous strategies of Russian street performances and began to engage abeyance structures that both help spread their message and further their causes while keeping the actors safe from potential harm or threats from authorities. Their evolution also illustrates the group‘s multilingual activism as they learn to appeal to audiences from different cultures through appearances on mainstream media and other special appearances such as at the Amnesty International concert in Brooklyn. They take advantage of opportunities to be humanized in these appearances, appealing to audiences by showing they are real people who were able to expose and challenge social injustices. The humanization of the Pussy Riot actors also helps readers and viewers sympathize with the women‘s experiences in a way that audiences may not have been able to connect to feminine masked crusaders. The group also begins to take on organizational strategies and establishing corporate-like structures, evolving into more than a group of pun-rock activists. In a short, two-year period, we see the group‘s evolution from a collective of anti-establishment punk street performers to a bureaucratized NGO fighting for prison reform.

Strange 82

There is a tension between the early anti-corporate identity and the evolution of individual Pussy Riot members who would go on to bureaucratize their cause of prison reform into a formal NGO. While the group Pussy Riot rejects the consumerist culture that coincides with musical production and distribution in the music industry, their NGO embraces business models that aid in their mission of prison reform. Pussy Riot is able to adapt their strategies, while maintaining their integrity as activists. Being framed as activists rather than musicians helps the group avoid being seen as ―sell outs‖ as they move from anti- media to engaging corporate media. However, Pussy Riot does evolve from an anti- corporate, anti-capitalist, anti-media group to one that uses bureaucratic structures and organizations and engages the corporate media. Further research might explore how activist groups that make evolutions from anti-corporate and anti-capitalist leanings to engaging in corporate strategies through bureaucratization and engage with capitalist structures, such as the corporate run media, reconcile or negotiate this new set of strategies with their previous repertoires and identities. In the Pussy Riot case, it should also be noted that their NGO is not called Pussy Riot, but ―The Zone,‖ thus separating the two intellectual identities despite being organized by the same individual actors. Yet ―Pussy Riot‖ does make a switch from

―anti-media‖ performances to engaging with the corporate media, which is less personally dangerous to the individual actors in the Pussy Riot collective. Additional research may look at the benefits of engaging abeyance structures such as NGOs, human rights organizations, and the corporate media and the impact that has on the group‘s identity as activists.

The label of ―sell outs‖ might be less avoidable were the group to engage in music distribution through corporate entities within the industry, and with the group‘s fame, this would have been an easy and potentially successful transition. Additional research might

Strange 83 explore how groups with anti-consumerist leanings who enjoy commercial success, in punk or other genres, reconcile their integrity as artists and identity as anti-corporate/anti- capitalist, etc., in light of their new–found fame. However, this is not what we see from

Pussy Riot. The group maintains their position that they are activists who incidentally used music as part of their strategy. Through their interactions with authorities, individual members of the group adapted their goals and strategies to encourage and help bring about social reform.

In their total rejection of the musician identity, it should be noted that the group sets up a false dichotomy of the activist versus the musician frames, suggesting that participation in one precludes participation in another. However, there is a history of musicians engaging in political, ecological, and social issues. From folk artists like Woodie Guthrie, to rock bands like Rage Against the Machine, musicians have been known to be very vocal regarding their stances on social issues in their music itself. The country group The Dixie Chicks have been vocal regarding their stances on social and political issues. Individual actors such as

Bono from U2 or Eddie Vedder from Pearl Jam are also vocal regarding their position on social, political, ecological and other important issues. It is evident that one can be an activist and musician at the same time – this is just not the identity that Pussy Riot embraces nor the path they have chosen to take. Their art is second to their activism.

Throughout Pussy Riot‘s evolution as activists, we see the group learning the cultural language of the West. The group become multi-lingual activists, adapting their behavior for specific audiences. Their appearances on late-night talk shows appealed to an American audience that has grown accustomed to seeing the ―human side‖ of cultural elites. Future research may explore this multi-lingual activism further, looking into other transnational

Strange 84 activist groups to discover how they communicate to differently to different cultural audiences.

Strange 85

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FEMINIST WIRE NEWSBRIEFS. 2013. ―Pussy Riot Member Starts Hunger Strike.‖ Ms.

Magazine. May-24-13.

http://www.msmagazine.com/news/uswirestory.asp?id=14356

Strange 99

FEMINIST WIRE NEWSBRIEFS. 2013. ―Pussy Riot Documentary Premieres Tonight.‖ Ms.

Magazine. June 10, 2013.

http://www.msmagazine.com/news/uswirestory.asp?id=14393

Hill, Jenni. 2012 ―How to Have a Feminist Halloween‖ Ms. Magazine Blog. October 23,

2012. http://msmagazine.com/blog/2012/10/23/how-to-have-a-feminist-halloween/

Kassenbrock, Rachel. 2012. ―Who Do You Think Is Person of the Year?‖November 29,

2012. http://msmagazine.com/blog/2012/11/29/who-do-you-think-is-person-of-the-

year/

Kort, Michelle. 2012. ―NEWSFLASH: Pussy Riot Sent to .‖ Ms. Magazine Blog.

October 22, 2012.http://msmagazine.com/blog/2012/10/22/newsflash-pussy-riot-sent-

to-gulag/

Lindsay, Kitty. 2014. ―7 Feminist Human Rights Icons Who Are Changing the World.‖Ms.

Magazine Blog. December 10, 2014.http://msmagazine.com/blog/2014/12/10/7-

feminist-human-rights-icons-who-changed-the-world/

McGein, Melissa. 2013. ―Feminist Heroes of 2013‖ Ms. Magazine. December 26, 2013.

http://msmagazine.com/blog/2013/12/26/feminist-heroes-of-2013/

McGlensey, Melissa ―NEWSFLASH: Freedom for Pussy Riot? UPDATE: Yes!!!‖ Ms.

Magazine Blog. December 19, 2013.

http://msmagazine.com/blog/2013/12/19/newsflash- freedom-for-pussy-riot/

McGlensey, Melissa. 2013. ―Feminist Heroes of 2013.‖ Ms. Magazine Blog. December 26,

2013. http://msmagazine.com/blog/2013/12/26/feminist-heroes-of-2013/

O'Brien, Lindsey. 2014. ―From Russia With Hate‖ Ms. Magazine Blog. February 19, 2014.

http://msmagazine.com/blog/2014/02/19/from-russia-with-hate-2/

Strange 100

Quint, Chella. 2012. ―Day of Action for Pussy Riot.‖ Ms. Magazine Blog. October 1, 2012.

http://msmagazine.com/blog/2012/10/01/day-of-action-for-pussy-riot/

Schutte, Gillian. 2012. ―C is for Cunt.‖ Ms. Magazine Blog. November 27, 2012

http://msmagazine.com/blog/2012/11/27/c-is-for-cunt/

Turner. Natasha. 2013. ―Pussy Riot: A Punk Prayer.‖ Ms. Magazine Blog.June 24, 2013.

http://msmagazine.com/blog/2013/06/24/pussy-riot-a-punk-prayer/

The New York Times Citations:

Alyokhina, Maria. 2014. ―Sochi Under Siege: Maria Alyokhina of Pussy Riot on the

Olympics‘ Deceptive Face.‖ The New York Times. FEB. 20, 2014.

http://nyti.ms/1fBAzcP.

Barry, Ellen. 2012. ―Medvedev Says Rockers Have Served Enough Jail Time for Cathedral

Performance.‖ The New York Times. SEPT. 12, 2012. http://nyti.ms/1Jp4Uvq.

Barry, Ellen. 2013. ―As Putin‘s Grip Gets Tighter, a Time of Protest Fades in Russia.‖ The

New York Times. Jan. 5, 2013. http://nyti.ms/1k2LG8j.

Barry, Ellen and David M. Herszenhorn. 2012. ―Undaunted by Arrests, the Opposition

Marches Against Putin.‖ The New York Times. SEPT. 15, 2012.

http://nyti.ms/1Dmar7x.

Bennett,Jessica. 2014. ―From a Prison Cell to the Red Carpet.‖ The New York Times. May

21, 2014. http://nyti.ms/1h9y4zX.

Bohlen, Celestine. 2013. ―Art Paris Shines a Spotlight on Russia.‖ The New York

Times. April 1, 2013. http://nyti.ms/1k81jv3.

Strange 101

Cohen, Ariel. 2012. ―Putin‘s New ‗Fortress Russia.‘‖ The New York Times. Oct. 18,

2012. http://nyti.ms/1HP7LNj.

Cowell, Alan. 2013. ―A Fine Line for Activists in Russia.‖ The New York Times. Nov.

14, 2013. http://nyti.ms/1k803bq.

Eddy, Melissa and Chris Cottrell. 2014. ― Criticizes Inaction on

Syria.‖ The New York Times. Jan. 21, 2014. http://nyti.ms/19Ke08X.

Friedman Thomas L., 2012. ―Pussy Riot, Tupac and Putin.‖ The New York Times.

DEC. 18, 2012. http://nyti.ms/1LmBKgD.

Garner, Dwight. 2013. ―A Litany of Betrayals, Petty yet Terrifying: ‗It‘s No Good‘ by

Kirill Medvedev.‖ The New York Times. MARCH 20, 2013.

http://nyti.ms/1J2ncB7.

Gessen, Masha. 2014. ―The Living Ghosts of Moscow.‖ The New York Times. May 28, 2014.

http://nyti.ms/1gzWNTl.

Gessen, Masha. 2014. ―The Debt to One‘s Homeland.‖ The New York Times. July 6, 2014.

http://nyti.ms/1mXEyn1.

Gladstone, Rick. 2014. ―Pussy Riot Members Take Tour Of New York.‖ The New York

Times. Feb. 5, 2014. http://nyti.ms/1VwQk7.

Goldfarb, Sylviane. 2014. ―A Post-Soviet, Punk-Feminist Story: A Review of ‗The

Fairytale Lives of Russian Girls‘ at Yale.‖ The New York Times. Feb. 13,

2014.http://nyti.ms/1gvxpdH.

Herszenhorn, David M. and Andrew Roth. 2012. ―Moscow Court Frees One Member of

Punk Protest Band.‖ The New York Times. OCT. 10, 2012. http://nyti.ms/1k7pWbf

Strange 102

Herszenhorn,David M. 2012. ―In Russia, Madonna Defends a Band‘s Anti-Putin Stunt.‖ The

New York Times. AUG. 7, 2012. http://nyti.ms/1VUwoUc.

Herszenhorn, David M. 2013.―‗Propaganda‘ by Gays Faces Russian Curbs Amid Unrest.‖

The New York Times. JAN. 25, 2013. http://nyti.ms/1LmPxDO.

Herszenhorn, David, M. 2013. ―Presumed Innocent, but Caged in Court.‖ The New

York Times. NOV. 18, 2013. http://nyti.ms/18xGW40.

Itzkoff, Dave. 2012. ―ARTSBEAT; Madonna Alters a Concert Video.‖ The New York Times.

August 24, 2012.

http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=990CE1D7103AF937A1575BC0A96

49D8B63.

Kishkovsky, Sophia. 2012. ―Punk Riffs Take on God and Putin.‖ The New York

Times. Aug. 23, 2012. http://nyti.ms/1IXy6NC.

Kishkovsky, Sophia. 2012. ―Pussy Riot‘s Perky Antithesis.‖ The New York Times.

NOV. 26, 2012. http://nyti.ms/1k7EJmj.

Kishkovsky, Sophia. 2012. ―Russia: Prosecutors Investigate After Exhibition Draws

Complaints.‖ The New York Times. DEC. 7, 2012. http://nyti.ms/1k2OKBq.

Kishkovsky, Sophia. 2014. ―Gleb Yakunin, Russian Priest and Dissident, Is Dead at 80.‖ The

New York Times. DEC. 29, 2014. http://nyti.ms/1twhTsr.

Kordunsky, Anna. 2012. ―Russian Band in Trademark Dispute.‖ The New York Times. Nov.

3, 2012. http://nyti.ms/1k7sExx.

Strange 103

Kordunsky, Anna and David M. Herszenhorn. 2012. ―Russians Call Pussy Riot Note at

Murder Site a Diversion.‖ The New York Times. AUG. 31, 2012.

http://nyti.ms/1LjjMvw.

Kramer, Andrew E. 2012. ―Amid Political Prosecutions, Russian Court Issues Ruling

Favorable to Oil Tycoon.‖ The New York Times. Aug. 1, 2012.

http://nyti.ms/1k81yqd.

Kramer, Andrew E. 2013. ―Russia Passes Bill Targeting Some Discussions of

Homosexuality.‖ The New York Times. JUNE 11, 2013.

http://nyti.ms/1On9rmp

Kramer, Andrew E. 2013. ― Leader Offers Himself to Aid Detainees.‖

The New York Times. OCT. 9, 2013. http://nyti.ms/1QxMCvQ

Kramer, Andrew E. 2014. ―Court in Russia Says Associate of Ex-Oil Tycoon Should Be

Freed.‖ The New York Times. JAN. 23, 2014. http://nyti.ms/1cYOZ4V.

Kramer, Andrew E. 2013. ―Amnesty by Russians Includes Greenpeace Case.‖ The New York

Times. DEC. 24, 2013. http://nyti.ms/1LmLWWC.

LETTER, The Opinion Pages. 2012. ―On Behalf of Stifled Russian Voices.” The New

York Times. AUG. 23, 2012. http://nyti.ms/1k2BuN8.

Mouzykantskii, Ilya and Robert Mackey. 2012. ―THE LEDE; Russia: Hackers Derail Web

Site Of Court That Jailed Punk Band.‖ The New York Times. August 22, 2012.

http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9D07E3DB153AF931A1575BC0A9

649D8B63.

Murphy, Kate. 2013. ―SundayReview: Leonid Tishkov.‖ The New York Times. FEB.

16, 2013. http://nyti.ms/1VURMZA.

Strange 104

Myers, Steven Lee. 2013. ―Pinpricks, but No Dagger in Putinland: Moscow Biennale Draws

Official Praise, and Some Grumbling.‖ The New York Times. Sept. 25, 2013.

http://nyti.ms/1LmS4hy

Myers, Steven Lee. 2013. ―3 From Greenpeace Ship Free on Bail in Russia.‖ The New

York Times. NOV. 18, 2013. http://nyti.ms/1LmRKz8

Nikitin, Vadim. 2012. ―The Wrong Reasons to Back Pussy Riot‖ The New York

Times. AUG. 20, 2012. http://nyti.ms/193XNf9.

Nocera, Joe. 2014. ―Pussy Riot Tells All.‖ The New York Times. FEB. 7, 2014.

http://nyti.ms/1f33sy6

Pareles, Jon. 2014. ―Words Spoken and Sung in Service of Freedom: ‗Bringing Human

Rights Home‘ at .‖ The New York Times. FEB. 6, 2014.

http://nyti.ms/1eD50lW.

Pollak, Michael. 2014. ―What Are the Guerrilla Girls Doing Now?‖ The New York Times.

Sept. 14, 2014. http://nyti.ms/XAlmqg.

Reevell, Patrick. 2014. ―Legislation Merging Russia‘s 2 Top Courts Stokes

Worries.‖ The New York Times. FEB. 6, 2014. http://nyti.ms/1fXw9jq.

Reuters. 2013. ―Russia: Activists Supporting Band Are Detained After

Demonstration.‖ The New York Times. MARCH 8, 2013.

http://nyti.ms/1VQAfBM.

Roth, Andrew. 2012. ―Russian Authorities Seek Others in Dissident Punk Band.‖ The New

York Times. AUG. 20, 2012. http://nyti.ms/1VUw0VB.

Strange 105

Roth, Andrew. 2012. ―Unruly Proceedings in Trial of Russian Punk Group.‖ The New York

Times. AUG. 3, 2012. http://nyti.ms/1QoSWpe.

Roth Andrew. 2013. ―Amnesty Bill in Russia Could Free Activists.‖ The New York Times.

Dec. 18, 2013. http://nyti.ms/1LmBmPj.

Roth, Andrew. 2014. ―Court Orders House Arrest, and No Internet, for Fierce Critic of

Putin.‖ The New York Times. Feb. 28, 2014. http://nyti.ms/1fYmIxj.

Roth, Andrew. 2014. ―Russian Punk Group Ends Protest Tour of Sochi.‖ The New York

Times. Feb. 20, 2014. http://nyti.ms/1fDK9fh.

Ryzik, Melena. 2014. ―Members of Russian Punk Band Get Warm Greeting in Brooklyn.‖

The New York Times. FEB. 6, 2014. http://nyti.ms/1eWDzjx.

Ryzik, Melena. 2012. ―On Eve of Sentencing, an Artistic Show of Solidarity for Russian

Punk Band.‖ The New York Times. Aug. 17, 2012. http://nyti.ms/1VUAo73.

Ryzik, Melena. 2013. ―Russia Screening of Pussy Riot Film Is Blocked.‖ The New York

Times. Dec. 28, 2013. http://nyti.ms/1VUAADu.

Shattuck, Kathryn. 2013. ―What‘s on Sunday.‖ The New York Times. March 24, 2013.

http://nyti.ms/1QxQrkr.

Shattuck, Kathryn. 2014. ―What‘s On Friday.‖ The New York Times. April 11, 2014.

http://nyti.ms/1qnDZaA.

Simone, Alina. 2014. ―The ‗How Are You?‘ Culture Clash‖ The New York Times.

Jan. 19, 2014. http://nyti.ms/1cK0rkV.

Tatlow, Kirsten. 2012. ―A Merry Band of Rights Pranksters.‖ The New York Times. Dec. 4,

2012. http://nyti.ms/1A4VFLn.

Strange 106

The Editorial Board. 2014. ―A Spotlight on Mr. Putin‘s Russia.‖ The New York Times. FEB.

6, 2014. http://nyti.ms/1d0V7yw.

The Editorial Board. 2014. ―A Rational Response to Ukraine‘s Crisis.‖ The New York

Times. March 4, 2014. http://nyti.ms/1f4AHAW.

Rolling Stone Citations:

Anderson, Stacey. 2013. ―Pussy Riot Member Released from Prison, Slam Russian

Government: ‗I never felt like a convict because I always felt free,‘ Maria Alykhina

tells Rolling Stone.‖ Rolling Stone. December 23, 2013.

http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/pussy-riot-members-released-from-prison-

slam-russian-government-20131223.

Blisten, Jon. 2013. ―Ailing Pussy Riot Member Ends Hunger Strike: Nadezhda

Tolokonnikova‘s Protest against unfair conditions ends after nine days.‖ Rolling

Stone. October 1, 2013. http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/ailing-pussy-riot-

member-ends-hunger-strike- 20131001.

Doyle, Patrick. 2012. ―What‘s Next for Pussy Riot? Imprisoned band members‘ legal team

prepares for October 1st appeal hearing.‖ Rolling Stone. September 26, 2012.

http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/what-s-next-for-pussy-riot-20120926.

Grow, Kory. 2013. ―Pussy Riot Member Granted Prison Transfer: Hunger strike prompts

move for activist‘s ‗personal safety.‘ Rolling Stone. October 18, 2013.

http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/pussy-riot-member-granted-prison-transfer-

20131018.

Grow, Kory. 2013. ―Pussy Riot Covered by Russian Amnesty, Putin Confirms: President

says he ‗was not sorry‘ protestors landed in prison.‖Rolling Stone.” December 19,

Strange 107

2013. http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/pussy-riot-covered-by-russian-

amnesty-putin-confirms-20131219.

Grow, Kory. 2014. ―2 Pussy Riot Members Arrested and Released Near Sochi: Nadezhda

Tolokonnikova and Maria Alyokhina questioned over theft at hotel.‖ Rolling Stone.

February 18, 2014. http://www.rollingstone.com/culture/news/2-pussy-riot-members-

arrested-and-released-near-sochi-20140218.

Hyman, Dan. 2013. ―Pussy Riot is ‗One of the Stories of the Decade,‘ Says Filmaker:

Documentary set to debut at Sundance this month.‖ Rolling Stone. January 3, 2013.

http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/pussy-riot-is-one-of-the-stories-of-the-

decade-says-filmmaker-20130103.

Murray, Nick. 2014. ―Pussy Riot Inspire Brooklyn at Amnesty International Concert:

Flaming Lips, Blondie, Tegan and Sara perform at Bring Human Rights Home

show.‖ Rolling Stone. February 6, 2014.

http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/pussy-riot-inspire-brooklyn-at-amnesty-

international-concert-20140206.

Narizhnaya, Khristina. 2012. ―Q&A: Pussy Riot‘s YekaterinaSamutsevitch on Their Fight

for Freedom: ‗I don‘t see a big difference between being in jail and out.‘ Rolling

Stone. October 15, 2012. http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/q-a-pussy-riots-

yekaterina-samutsevich-on-the-fight-for-freedom-20121015.

Narizhnaya, Khristina. 2012. Pussy Riot Trial Nears Verdict in Moscow: jailed feminist

rockers could face up to three years in prison for ‗punk prayer.‘ Rolling Stone.

August 7, 2012 http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/pussy-riot-trial-nears-

verdict-in-moscow-20120807.

Strange 108

Narizhnaya, Khristina. 2012. ―Pussy Riot Make Final Pleas in Moscow Court: Jailed feminist

punks await verdict for controversial church performance.‖ Rolling Stone. August 8,

2012. http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/pussy-riot-make-final-pleas-in-

moscow-court-20120808.

Narizhnaya, Khristina. 2012. ―Pussy Riot Trial in Moscow Erupts in Chaos: Feminist punks

have been jailed for performing a ‗punk prayer‘ in a cathedral.‖ Rolling Stone.

August 3, 2012. http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/pussy-riot-trial-in-

moscow-erupts-in-chaos-20120803.

Prato, Greg. 2012. ―CBGB, Amnesty International Deliver Letter of Support for Pussy Riot:

Roger Waters, Peter Gabriel, family of Joey Ramone among the signees.‖ Rolling

Stone. August 29, 2012. http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/cbgb-amnesty-

international-deliver-letter-of-support-for-pussy-riot-20120829.

Reevell, Patrick. 2013. ―Pussy Riot Member Was Approaching ‗Unrecoverable Damage‘:

‗She was extremely weak and she had a bad infection,‘ a source close to the musician

says. Rolling Stone. October 3, 2013.

http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/pussy-riot-member-was-approaching-

unrecoverable-damage-20131003.

Reevell, Patrick. 2013. ―Jailed Pussy Riot Member Launches Fight for Prisoner‘s Rights:

NadezhdaTolokonnikova will be the face of a crowd-funded organization.‖ Rolling

Stone. October 17, 2013. http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/jailed-pussy-riot-

member-launches-fight-for-prisoners-rights-20131017.

Reevell, Patrick. 2013. ―Missing Pussy Riot Inmate Feared to Be in Deep Siberia: Nadezhda

Tolokonnikova has not been seen since October 20th.‖ Rolling Stone. November 5,

Strange 109

2013. http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/missing-pussy-riot-inmate-feared- to-

be-in-deep-siberia-20131105.

Reevell, Patrick. 2013. ―Pussy Riot‘s Maria Alyokhina: ‗I Was Free Because I Felt Free‘:

Russian activist/musician speaks out after being released from prison after nearly two

years.‖ Rolling Stone. December 24, 2013.

http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/pussy-riots-maria-alyokhina-i-was-always-

free-because-i-felt-free-20131224.

Reevell, Patrick. 2013. ―Pussy Riot Unveil Plans for Human Rights Organization: Freed

musicians return to Moscow to announce next steps, which do not include touring.‖

Rolling Stone. December 27, 2013. http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/pussy-

riot-unveil-plans-for-human-rights-organization-20131227.

Rolling Stone. 2012. ―Chili Peppers, Sting Voice Support for Jailed Russian Band Pussy

Riot: Punk group on trial for ‗inciting religious hatred.‘‖ Rolling Stone July 31, 2012.

http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/chili-peppers-sting-voice-support-for-

jailed- russian-band-pussy-riot-20120731.

Rolling Stone. 2012. ―Madonna Calls for Pussy Riot‘s Release at Moscow Show: ‗I think

they have done something courageous,‘ singer says.‖ Rolling Stone. August 8, 2012.

http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/madonna-calls-for-pussy-riots-release-at-

moscow-show-20120808.

Rolling Stone. 2012. ―Sinead O‘Connor Pleads for Pussy Riot‘s Release in Letter to Putin:

Singer asks Russian president to think of captive musician‘s children.‖ Rolling Stone.

September 19, 2012. http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/sinead-oconnor-

pleads- for-pussy-riots-release-in-letter-to-putin-20120919.

Strange 110

Shepherd, Julianne Escobedo. 2014. ―Kim Jordan, James Murphy and Jake Gyllenhaal Party

for Pussy Riot: A-List celebs celebrate the Russian activists at a chic Manhattan

spot.‖ Rolling Stone. February 7, 2014.

http://www.rollingstone.com/culture/news/kim-gordon-james-murphy-and-jake-

gyllenhaal-party-for-pussy-riot-20140207.

Van Syckle, Katie. 2013. ―Pussy Riot Member at Sundance Premiere: No plans to

make an album: ‗We reject commercialism of any sort.‘ Rolling Stone. January 21,

2013 http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/pussy-riot-member-skypes-at-

sundance-premiere-20130121.

USA Today Sample Citations:

Alexander, Brian. Jan. 18, 2013. ―Eagles, Grohl to take flight at Sundance - Other

documentaries land in Muscle Shoals, Pussy Riot's Russia.‖ USA Today. p. 6D.

Alexander, Bryan. January 27, 2013. ―'Fruitvale,' 'Blood Brother' win Sundance Awards.‖

USA Today. p. ARC.

Arutunyan, Anna. 2012. ―Anti-Putin activist to face charges.‖ USA Today. July 31, 2012. p.

ARC.

Beehner, Lionel. 2013. ―Putin resets relations to Cold War era - Time to treat remnant of

Soviet empire like the broken bully it has become.‖ USA Today. August 21, 2013. P.

8A.

Bennetts, Marc. 2012. ―Putin bites back at dissent.‖ USA Today. Sept. 13. 2012. p. ARC.

Bianco, Robert. 2014. ―'Today' does it the same, but it's doing it better.‖ USA Today. Feb. 19,

2014. p. ARC.

Strange 111

Bianco, Robert. 2014. ―Same shtick, different - and better - 'Today' - At least there's news

along with the stunts.‖ USA Today. Feb. 20, 2014. p. 11B.

Branson, Louise. 2014. ―Sochi makes Putin face realities - Olympics are apolitical events.

But these Games are laying bare a dictatorial society.‖ USA Today. Feb. 6, 2014. p.

8A.

Brennan, Christine. 2014. ―Russian punk band pops Putin‘s bubble.‖ USA Today. Feb. 19,

2014. P. 2A.

Brennen, Christine. 2014. ―Brennan: In an upset, Sochil pulled off the Olympics.‖ USA

Today. February 23, 2014. P. ARC.

Brennan, Christine. 2014. ―Safe to say Hitch-free Games a hit - U.S. dance team, Canada

hockey, extreme sports, Russia shined.‖ USA Today. February 24, 2014. P. 5D.

Camia,Catalina. 2014. ―'s photo with Pussy Riot goes viral.‖ USA Today.

April 7, 2014.p. ARC.

Dorell, Oren. 2014. ―Prisons are new focus for Pussy Riot.‖ USA Today. November 19, 2014.

P. ARC.

Editorial. 2012. ―Et cetera - Smart insights on the news of the day.‖ USA Today. Aug. 21,

2012. p.6A.

Foster, Hal and Tatyana Goryachova. 2014. ―Ukrainian female pilot faces murder charges in

Moscow.‖ USA Today. July 16, 2014. P. ARC.

Gannett News Service. 2014. ―Inside the First Amendment: Vladimir Putin's Potemkin

village.‖ USA Today. Feb. 10, 2014. p. ARC.

Gannett News Service. 2014. ―GANNETT 8:15 A.M. ADVISORY FOR TUESDAY, FEB.

18, 2014.‖ USA Today. February 18, 2014.

Strange 112

Gannett News Service. 2014. ―USA TODAY SPORTS MEDIA GROUP WINTER

OLYMPICS BUDGET FOR TUESDAY, FEB. 18.‖ USA Today. Feb. 18, 2014. p.

ARC.

Gannett News Service. 2014. ―Feb 19 - Here is the USA TODAY Sports Olympics budget:

‗BEATING‘‖ USA Today. Feb. 19 2014. p. ARC.

Gannett News Service. 2014. ―Feb 20 - Here is the USA TODAY Sports Olympics budget:

‗IOC.‘‖ Feb. 20, 2014. USA Today. P. ARC.

Gannett News Service. 2014. ―GANNETT 8:15 A.M. ADVISORY FOR THURSDAY, FEB.

20, 2014.‖ USA Today. February 20, 2014. P. ARC.

Gannett News Service. 2012. ―Briefs: For Publication Oct. 1, 2012‖ USA Today. Sept. 30,

2012. p. ARC.

Gundersen, Edna. 2013. ―50-plus acts on board for Live Music Day Festival.‖ USA Today.

June 4, 2013. p. ARC.

Hjelmgaard, Kim. 2014. ―Weird eats: Tea and sympathy by the minute.‖ USA Today. Jan. 13,

2014. p. ARC.

Kintner, Thomas. 2014. ―Pussy Riot, Madonna put brave face on human rights.‖ USA Today.

Feb. 6, 2014. p. ARC.

Kravitz, Bob. 2014. ―Sochi Games' winners, losers.‖ USA Today. February 22, 2014. p.

ARC.

Kravitz, Bob. 2014. ―Sochi goes out with not a whimper, but a bang.‖ USA Today. February

23, 2014. P. ARC.

Lopez, Korina. 2014. ―Pussy Riot girls freed from the band.‖ USA Today. Feb. 7, 2014. p.

ARC.

Strange 113

Madhani, Aamer. April 19, 2013. ―Boston bombing could have U.S.-Russia implications.‖

USA Today. p. ARC.

Mallenbaum, Carly. 2013. ―Royals Report.‖ USA Today. December 26, 2013. P. 1D.

Mansfield, Brian. 2014. ―Flaming Lips create tasty EP reissue.‖ USA Today. Feb. 3, 2014. p.

ARC.

Stanglin, Doug. 2014. ―Upon exit, Russia envoy optimistic, but urges 2nd 'reset.'‖ USA

Today. Feb. 15, 2014. p. ARC.

Stanglin, Doug. 2014. ―Voices: They don't make cold wars like they used to.‖ USA Today.

July 29, 2014. P. ARC.

Stanglin, Doug. December 23, 2013. ―Freed Pussy Riot members call Russia amnesty a PR

stunt.‖ USA Today. p. ARC.

Stanglin, Doug. 2013. ―Timeline: Pussy Riot's journey from protest to prison.‖ USA Today.

December 23, 2013. P. ARC.

USA Today. 2012. ―Show of power.‖ USA Today. Sept. 14, 2012. p. 5A.

USA Today. 2013. ―Online TODAY - What we're following.‖ USA Today. December 20,

2013. P. 3A.

USA Today. 2013. ―Online TODAY - What we're following.‖ USA Today. December 24,

2013.P. 3A.

USA Today. 2013. ―As games near, some…‖USA Today. December 26, 2013. p.11A.

Whiteside, Kelly. 2013. ―SOCHI GAMES TO TEST GAY RIGHTS‖ USA Today. February

6, 2013. P. ARC.

Whiteside, Kelly. 2013. ―SOCHI GAMES TO TEST GAY RIGHTS - Russia might ban

promotion of homosexuality.‖ USA Today. February 7, 2013. P. 4C.

Strange 114

Wolken, Dan. 2014. ―ActiviSTS worry post-games - They say retribution possible with light

off Olympics.‖ USA Today. Feb. 24, 2014. P. 9D.

Wolken Dan. 2014. IOC: Pussy Riot beating ‗unsettling‘ but not Olympic problem.‖ USA

Today. February 20, 2014.

www.usatoday.com/story/sports/olympics/sochi/2014/02/20/winter-games-pussy-riot-

gay-rights-protest-putin/5634255/.

Wolken, Dan. 2014. ―Pussy Riot cites beatings.‖ USA Today. Feb. 20, 2014. p. 5D.

Wolken, Dan. 2013. ―As Sochi Olympics end, activists worry about retribution.‖ USA Today.

February 23, 2014. p. ARC.

Wolken, Dan and Elena Vlasova. 2014. ―Pussy Riot band members released after being

detained in Sochi.‖ USA Today.

www.usatoday.com/story/sports/olympics/sochi/2014/02/18/pussy-riotband-

members-detained-sochi-winter-olympics/5573207/.

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Appendix:

Codes and Graphs: Allies: Clinton 0 % Bjork 0 Totals Lady Gaga 0 Pussy Riot Texts 25 Madonna 1 Pussy Riot 53 Paul McCartney 0

Anti-Putin/put Putin Sting 0 away/Pissed himself 21 Yoko Ono 0 Riot 6 riot grrrls 0 Act/ivist/ism/action 47 Patti Smith 0 Collective 3 Bruce Springsteen 0 Feminist/ism 13 RHCP 0 Human Rights 3 Bono 0 Group 8 Peter Gabriel 0 Organize/organization 2 Pete Townsend 0 Protest 14 Orthodox Christians 1 Strike 6 Guerrilla Girls 0 Reform 0 (Slavoj) Zizek 14 Movement 4 The West 0 Anarchist 0 Amnesty International 0 Revolution/ary/ies 1 Global/International 3 Radical 0 PR Allies Total 19 Performances 36 Hooliganism 1 Resistance 3 protest/political feminist/art 7 Pussy Riot Texts revolt 9 Activism Total 184 77% Post-trial Appearances 0 56, 23% act 0 Band 5 184, 77% Song/sing 12 group 1

Punk 21 Activism Total Musician Total rock 0 concert 3 Music/musician 4 Art/artists 10 Musician Total 56 23%

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% Allies: Totals Clinton 0 Ms. Magazine 18 Bjork 1 Pussy Riot 67 Lady Gaga 0

Madonna 1 Anti-Putin/put Putin Paul McCartney 0 away/Pissed himself 3 Riot 1 Sting 3 Act/ivist/ism/action 20 Yoko Ono 0 Collective 0 riot grrrls 0 Feminist/ism 24 Patti Smith 0 Human Rights 9 Bruce Springsteen 0 Group 6 RHCP 3 Organize/organization 1 Bono 0 Protest 22 Peter Gabriel 2 Strike 3 Pete Townsend 0 Reform 0 Orthodox Christians 0 Movement 2 Guerrilla Girls 0 Anarchist 1 (Slavoj) Zizek 0 Revolution/ary/ies 0 The West 0 Radical 2 Amnesty International 5 Performances 21 Global/International 15 Hooliganism 12 Ms. Allies Total 30 Resistance 0 protest/political feminist/art 6 revolt 0 Activism Total 133 63% Ms. Magazine

Post-trial Appearances 1 act 0 78, 37% Band 25 133, Song/sing 10 63% group 2 Punk 27 rock 5 Activism Total Musician Total concert 0 Music/musician 6

Art/artists 3 Musician Total 78 37%

Strange 117

% Allies: Totals Clinton 1 The New York Times 56 Bjork 2 Pussy Riot 172 Lady Gaga 0 Madonna 18 Anti-Putin/put Putin Paul McCartney 2 away/Pissed himself 11 Sting 1 Riot 0 Act/ivist/ism/action 44 Yoko Ono 3 Collective 6 riot grrrls 1 Feminist/ism 16 Patti Smith 0 Human Rights 8 Bruce Springsteen 0 Group 32 RHCP 0 Organize/organization 3 Bono 0 Protest 66 Peter Gabriel 1 Strike 0 Pete Townsend 0 Reform 5 Orthodox Christians 2 Movement 6 Guerrilla Girls 1 Anarchist 1 (Slavoj) Zizek 0 Revolution/ary/ies 2 The West 16 Radical 4 Amnesty International 12 Performances 42 Global/International 3 Hooliganism 21 NYT Allies Total 63 Resistance 2 protest/political feminist/art 15 revolt 0 Activism Total 284 58% New York Times

Post-trial Appearances 52 act 1 208, 42% 284, Band 75 58% Song/sing 10 group 20 Punk 73 Activism Total Musician Total rock 12 concert 10 Music/musician 5 Art/artists 2 Musician Total 208 42%

Strange 118

% Allies: Totals Clinton 0 Rolling Stone 23 Bjork 1 Pussy Riot 117 Lady Gaga 0 Madonna 17 Anti-Putin/put Putin Paul McCartney 3 away/Pissed himself 0 Sting 8 Riot 1 Yoko Ono 1 Act/ivist/ism/action 43 riot grrrls 0 Collective 2 Patti Smith 4 Feminist/ism 17 Human Rights 19 Bruce Springsteen 1 Group 11 RHCP 9 Organize/organization 30 Bono 0 Protest 41 Peter Gabriel 1 Strike 24 Pete Townsend 0 Reform 9 Orthodox Christians 1 Movement 1 Guerrilla Girls 0 Anarchist 0 (Slavoj) Zizek 0 Revolution/ary/ies 0 The West 2 Radical 0 Amnesty International 7 Performances 30 Global/International 9 Hooliganism 14 RS Allies Total 64 Resistance 0 protest/political feminist/art 25 revolt 1 Rolling Stone Activism Total 268 66%

Post-trial Appearances 8

140, act 0 34% 268, Band 43 66% Song/sing 11 group 6 Punk 30 Activism Total Musician Total rock 12 concert 8

Music/musician 25 Art/artists 5 Musician Total 140 34%

Strange 119

% Allies: TotalsClinton 5 USA Today 39 Bjork 1 Pussy Riot 68 Lady Gaga 0 Madonna 7 Anti-Putin/put Putin away/Pissed Paul McCartney 1 himself 2 Sting 3 Riot 0 Yoko Ono 1 Act/ivist/ism/action 13 riot grrrls 0 Collective 1 Patti Smith 0 Feminist/ism 4 Bruce Springsteen 1 Human Rights 12 RHCP 0 Group 9 Bono 1 Organize/organization 0 Peter Gabriel 1 Protest 30 Pete Townsend 1 Strike 2 Orthodox Christians 0 Reform 0 Guerrilla Girls 0 Movement 0 (Slavoj) Zizek 0 Anarchist 0 The West 2 Revolution/ary/ies 0 Amnesty International 3 Radical 0 Global/International 8 Performances 14 USAT Allies Total 35 Hooliganism 11 Resistance 1 protest/political feminist/art 3 revolt 0 USA Today Activism Total 102 50%

Post-trial Appearances 7 102, 102, act 2 50% 50% Band 45 Song/sing group 9 Activism Total Musician Total Punk 33 rock 7 concert 2 Music/musician 2

Art/artists 2 Musician Total 102 50%

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% Allies: MediaTotals Totals Clinton 6 Media Totals 99 Bjork 5 Pussy Riot 358 Lady Gaga 0 Madonna 43 Anti-Putin/put Putin Paul McCartney 6 away/Pissed himself 16 Sting 15 Riot 4 Yoko Ono 5 Act/ivist/ism/action 109 Collective 10 riot grrrls 1 Feminist/ism 59 Patti Smith 4 Human Rights 38 Bruce Springsteen 2 Group 51 RHCP 12 Organize/organization 36 Bono 1 Protest 131 Peter Gabriel 5 Strike 29 Pete Townsend 1 Reform 16 Orthodox Christians 3 Movement 11 Guerrilla Girls 1 Anarchist 4 (Slavoj) Zizek 0 Revolution/ary/ies 4 The West 20 Radical 8 Amnesty International 27 Performances 95 Global/International 35 Hooliganism 49 Media Allies Total 192 Resistance 4 protest/political feminist/art 48 revolt 1 Media Totals 63.00 Activism Total 723 %

Post-trial Appearances 64 428, 37% 723, 63% act 3 Band 145 Song/sing 33 group 30 Activism Total Musician Total Punk 132 rock 31 concert 20 Music/musician 38 Art/artists 12 Musician Total 428 37%

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Total number of samples per outlet 60 56

50 39

40

30 25 23

Axis Axis Title 18 20

10

0

Pussy Riot Ms. Mag. NY Times Rolling Stone USA Today Fig 1; p. 42

Total Percentages 90%

77% 80% 70% 63.00% 60% 50% 37% 40% 30% 23% 20%

10% Percentage Percentage of TotalMentions 0% Pussy Riot Percentages Media Percentages Activism Total Musician Total Fig. 2; p. 47

Strange 122

Frequency of Mentions

300 284 268

250 208 200 184

150 133 140 102 102 100 78

NumberMentions of 56 50

0 Pussy Riot Ms. Mag. NY Times Rolling Stone USA Today Activism Total Musician Total Fig 4; p. 52

Percentage Breakdown 0.9 0.8 0.77 0.66 0.7 0.63 0.58 0.6 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.42 0.37 0.4 0.34

0.3 0.23

0.2 Percentage Percentage of Mentions 0.1 0 Pussy Riot Ms. Mag. NY Times Rolling Stone USA Today Activism Total Musician Total Fig. 5; p. 53

Strange 123

Pussy Riot Musician Frame 25

21 20

15 12 10 10 5 4 5 3 NumberMentions of 0 1 0 0

Fig 3b; p.51

Pussy Riot Activist Frame 47

50 45 40 36 35 30 25 21 20 13 14 15 6 8 6 7 10 3 3 2 4 3 5 0 0 1 0 1

0 NumberMentions of

Fig 3a; p. 50

Pussy Riot: Allies

20 18 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2

0

NumberMentions of

Sting

Bjork

Bono

RHCP

Allies:

Clinton

Amnesty…

riot grrrls riot

The West The

Orthodox…

Madonna

YokoOno

Lady Gaga Lady

Patti Smith Patti

(Slavoj) Zizek (Slavoj)

PeterGabriel

Guerrilla Girls Guerrilla

PR Allies Total PR

PeteTownsend

Paul McCartney Paul Global/Internatio… Bruce Springsteen Bruce Not used

Strange 124

Media Activist Frame

131 140 109 120 95 100 80 59 51 49 48 60 38 36 29 40 16 10 16 11 20 4 4 4 8 4 1

0 NumberMentions of

Words Fig 6a; p. 53

Media Musician Frame 145

160 132 140 120 100 80 60 33 30 31 38 40 20 12 20 3

0 NumberMentions of

Words Fig 6b; p. 54

Media: Allies

50 43 45 40 35 35 30 27 25 20 20 15 15 12 6 6

NumberMentions of 10 5 5 4 5 3 5 0 1 2 1 1 1 0 0

Fig 7; p. 68