Chansons, Madrigales & Motetz À 3 Parties by Noé

CHANSONS, MADRIGALES & MOTETZ À 3 PARTIES BY NOÉ FAIGNIENT: A COMPOSER’S DEBUT IN 16TH-CENTURY ANTWERP by SIENNA M. WOOD B.A., Colorado College, 2005 ______

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Musicology 2015 ______

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ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106 - 1346 This dissertation entitled Chansons, madrigales & motetz à 3 parties by Noé Faignient: A Composer’s Debut in 16th-Century Antwerp written by Sienna M. Wood has been approved for the Department of Musicology

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Wood, Sienna M. (Ph.D., Musicology) Chansons, madrigales & motetz à 3 parties by Noé Faignient: A Composer’s Debut in 16th- Century Antwerp Dissertation directed by Associate Professor Jeremy L. Smith

Chansons, madrigales & motetz à 3 parties of 1568 is one of two volumes that constitute the debut of Antwerp composer Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578). This musical collection

(henceforth CM&M à 3) survives only in manuscript in three partbooks held at the Stifts- och

Landsbiblioteket in Linköping, Sweden and has never before appeared as a complete modern edition. Like its sister volume for 4, 5, and 6 voices, Faignient’s 3-voice collection contains

French chansons, Italian madrigals, Latin motets, and Dutch liedekens. A multi-genre debut was well chosen for the diverse city of Antwerp, the center of commerce and culture in the Low

Countries in the 16th century, and for international distribution in pursuit of patronage or permanent employment abroad. The commercial value of chansons, madrigals, and motets had been well established in Western Europe by this time, but liedekens did not share the international marketability of the other genres. Liedekens are included in CM&M à 3 not for commercial reasons, but as vehicles of political propaganda and expressions of national identity corresponding with the outbreak of the Dutch Revolt against Spanish rule of the Low Countries.

Faignient’s posture of religious nonalignment in CM&M à 3 parallels early rebel propaganda, but also reveals the composer to be a careerist; one of many composers of his generation to separate his professional and creative activities from religion in order to serve his professional ambitions and his political ideals amid the turbulence of the Reformation.

iii For my first music teacher, Ron Owens, whose generosity and love of music set me on the path that led me here

And for my husband and daughter, the loves of my life

Acknowledgements

My husband is neither a musician nor a historian but knows so much about 16th-century music now that he must have been paying attention over the last few years when I would talk about this project. His patient support and gentleness towards this whole endeavor were remarkable, and served as a constant reminder of how lucky I am to have such a kind and generous partner.

When I began writing this dissertation, our daughter was an infant. My mother changed diapers, went to the park, and watched Frozen a thousand times while I poured over my computer. She was also the person who nurtured my initial interest in music and shuttled me to and from lessons, rehearsals, auditions, and performances throughout my childhood. She was not without concerns when I decided on a career in music, but her philosophy was “feed the happy hunger” and her support of my pursuits never faltered. For all her efforts on my behalf she will always have my gratitude and respect.

My daughter, too, has helped me get through this project in her own way. Her presence in my life encourages me to cultivate patience and reminds me of what is most important.

Thanks to my sisters for keeping me grounded with friendly skepticism and for smiling and nodding indulgently during my monologues about this project. And thanks to my friends, most of whom I met though music, who have always urged me forward and inspired me with their own triumphs and capacity for hard work.

It was during my time as an undergraduate at Colorado College that I developed a love for the music of the 16th century through singing and playing in the Collegium Musicum, and it

v was the music faculty at CC who first showed me what it is to be a musicologist and inspired me to fashion myself into one. I will always think of those scholars and my formative time at CC with great affection and gratitude.

I am also grateful to the library staff at the British Library, the University of Colorado at

Boulder libraries, and the Stifts- och Landsbiblioteket in Linköping, Sweden. Thanks particularly to the Linköping library for granting permission to prepare this edition and to Eva

Nilsson Sjöquist and Mathias von Wachenfeldt for their kind help in accessing Chansons, madrigales, et motetz à 3 parties both digitally and in person.

The translations in this project have been greatly improved with the help of native speakers and scholars specializing in these languages. Thanks to Reina Callier for translations of the Latin motets, and thanks to Samuel Junod, Suzanne Magnanini, and Louis Peter Grijp for generously providing corrections and advice for my translations of song texts and other primary sources in French, Italian, and Dutch.

Finally, thanks to the faculty at the University of Colorado at Boulder for guiding me in my studies and inspiring me with your own work. It has been a pleasure learning from and working with you. I am especially grateful to my advisor, Jeremy Smith, for bringing my attention to this remarkable manuscript and ushering me through this project with the ideal balance of ambition and kindness.

vi Contents

Part 1. Context, Analysis, Investigation...... 1 Chapter I. Introduction ...... 2 Chapter II. Musicians Navigating Religious Discord During the Reformation...... 9 Chapter III. An Imitator of Lassus?: Faignient’s Compositional Style ...... 19 The Role of 3-Part Polyphony in the 16th Century ...... 38 Chapter IV. Noé Faignient: An Emerging Composer in 16th-Century Antwerp ...... 42 Religious Aspects of Faignient’s Biography ...... 51 Chapter V. The Marketing Strategy of Faignient’s Debut ...... 60 Arts Patronage in Antwerp...... 60 Multi-Genre Collections Printed in Antwerp ...... 63 Religious Nonalignment in CM&M à 3 ...... 66 The Susanna Complex ...... 69 Chapter VI. Political Propaganda in Chansons, madrigales & motetz à 3 parties ...... 72 The Decline of Hapsburg Authority in the Low Countries (1555‑ 1566) ...... 73 The Inquisition, Economic Distress, and the Dawn of the Dutch Revolt (1567‑ 1568) ...... 75 Early Gueux Propaganda and Parallels in CM&M à 3 ...... 82 Liedekens as Symbols of National Identity ...... 86 Faignient’s Liedekens as Rebel Propaganda ...... 91 Pro-Woman Texts and Margaret of Parma ...... 92 Implications for Distribution...... 98 Chapter VII. Chansons, madrigales et motetz à 3 parties in Manuscript and Print .... 100 The Linköping Partbooks ...... 102 Contents ...... 102 Physical Description and Use ...... 106 Indications of Provenance ...... 110

vii Evidence and Circumstances of Printing ...... 117 Evidence of Print Distribution ...... 117 Publication of the CM&M Collections: Elizabeth Saen and Music Printing in Antwerp in 1568-1569 ...... 121 House Style of the Waelrant & Laet Press in the CM&M Collections ... 124 Chapter VIII. Summary of Conclusions ...... 134 Part 2. Edition ...... 138 Preface to the Edition ...... 139 Editorial Policies and Practices ...... 139 Recommendations for Performance ...... 143 Pronunciation of Liedeken Texts ...... 144 Reports on Individual Pieces ...... 145 Chansons, madrigales & motetz à 3 parties (1568) by Noé Faignient ...... 170 Sources of the CM&M Collections and Other Works by Faignient ...... 313 Published Output ...... 313 Single-Author Collections Other than the CM&M Collections ...... 314 Anthologies ...... 316 Faignient in the Anthologies of the Phalèse Press ...... 317 Livre septième (1560-1643) ...... 318 La fleur des chansons à trois parties (1574) ...... 321 The ‘Antwerp Anthologies’ (1583) ...... 322 Musica Transalpina and Anglo-Netherlandish Relations in the Late 16th Century ...... 323 Instrumental Arrangements ...... 325 Manuscript Sources ...... 329 Madrigal Society Collection ...... 333 St. Michael’s College, Tenbury ...... 335 Thysius Lute Book (Leiden, Bibliotheca Thysiana 1666) ...... 336 Sacred Contrafacta ...... 338 Simon Goulart’s Premier and Second livre du meslange des pseaumes et cantiques ...... 339

viii Joannes Stalpart van der Wiele’s Madrigalia ...... 340 Part 3. Bibliography and Appendices ...... 343 Bibliography ...... 344 16th- and 17th-Century Music Sources (listed chronologically) ...... 365 Appendix A. An Inventory of the Printed Works of Noé Faignient ...... 371 Appendix B. Textual Concordances with CM&M à 3 ...... 389 Appendix C. Alphabetical Incipit Index ...... 424

ix List of Tables

Table 1: Patronage of poets and musicians in Antwerp by the Genoese Nation ...... 61 Table 2: Mixed-genre debuts published in Antwerp between 1555 and 1570 ...... 64 Table 3: Surviving copies (complete and incomplete) of CM&M à 4-6 ...... 100 Table 4: Contents of the partbooks in which CM&M à 3 is found ...... 102 Table 5: Pieces borrowed from Faignient by Flori for Modulorum aliquot tam sacrorum quam prophanorum cum tribus vocibus… (Louvain: Phalèse, 1573) ...... 120 Table 6: Transcription of note values ...... 140 Table 7: Collections of instrumental intabulations containing works by Faignient ...... 325 Table 8: Faignient works found in manuscripts and their prior printed sources ...... 330 Table 9: Transcription and translation of the contrafactum text to “Ogn’ uno sap’ hor mai la pena mia” found in the Thysius Lute Book ...... 338 Table 10: Phalèse’s Antwerp Anthologies as sources for contrafacta in Stalpart’s Madrigalia 342

x List of Figures

Figure 1: Polyphonic and homophonic textures in “Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach” (“Sij spracken secreet en stille”) ...... 22 Figure 2: Polyphonic and homophonic textures in “Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach” (“Ken sals nijet ontgaen”) ...... 22 Figure 3: Affective and symbolic expression in “Tot u, o Heer inden hemel vol eeren” ...... 23 Figure 4: Proportia tripla in “Filius sapiens letificat patrem” ...... 27 Figure 5: Proportia tripla in “Domine Jesu Criste respicere” ...... 27 Figure 6: Proportia tripla in “Susann’ ung jour” ...... 28 Figure 7: Word painting in “Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne” ...... 28 Figure 8: Chromaticism in “Cagion non e ne fia che ’l mio pensier” ...... 29 Figure 9: Imitation in second phrase of “Benedicite domino oculi omnium” ...... 30 Figure 10: Examples of direct 5th and octaves in Faignient’s 3-voice counterpoint ...... 31 Figure 11: Cantus parts from Faignient’s and Lassus’s settings of “Las voules vous” ...... 32 Figure 12: Faignient’s “Susann’ ung jour” with excerpts from Lupi’s tenor indicated...... 33 Figure 13: Two-against-one textures in Faignient’s “Susann’ ung jour” ...... 35 Figure 14: Guillaume de Poetou’s sonnet dedicated to Faignient ...... 54 Figure 15: Front cover of cantus, spine of tenor, and back cover of bassus partbooks ...... 106 Figure 16: Detail of front cover of cantus partbook, barely visible is the year “1590” written in ink under the central decoration ...... 107 Figure 17: Detail of gold-tooled decoration from bassus partbook ...... 107 Figure 18: Remnant of inset ribbon tie under front endpaper of cantus partbook ...... 108 Figure 19: Paper tags on bottom spine of tenor and bassus partbooks ...... 111 Figure 20: The watermark of Siméon Nivelle, the most common watermark on the pages of CM&M à 3, example from adjacent pages in the bassus partbook (fo.1r and facing page) 113 Figure 21: Handwriting on front endpaper of cantus partbook ...... 114 Figure 22: Drawing on back endpaper of tenor partbook ...... 115

xi Figure 23: Front endpaper of bassus partbook, showing library stamp and pencil markings as well as handwriting in ink ...... 116 Figure 24: Title page of CM&M à 4-6 (superius part) and of CM&M à 3 (cantus part) ...... 125 Figure 25: Irregularities in staff lines: “Que peult au fol richesse proufiter,” “Quant le fol rit,” and “Io mi son giovenett’ e volontieri” in cantus partbook ...... 127 Figure 26: “Que peult au fol richesse proufiter” and “Quant le fol rit” listed in the table of contents of CM&M à 3, cantus partbook ...... 129 Figure 27: Proportia tripla and coloration in “Filius sapiens letificat patrem” as indicated in the source (fo.45r, cantus part), and the interpretation of this passage in the present edition .. 141 Figure 28: Scientific pitch notation system ...... 145 Figure 29: Concert by the Madrigal Society at the Freemasons’ Hall, London: engraving from the Illustrated London News (January 24, 1846) ...... 335

xii List of Abbreviations

CM&M à 3 Faignient, Noé. Chansons madrigales & motetz a 3 parties, par Noe Faignient. 1568. Linköping, Stifts- och Landsbiblioteket, s.s. CM&M à 4-6 Faignient, Noé. Chansons, madrigales & motetz a quatre, cinq & six parties, nouvellement composees par Noe Faignient. Le premier livre. Antwerp: Widow of Jean Laet, 1568. RISM A/I Répertoire International des Sources Musicales. Einzeldrucke vor 1800. Series A/I. Kassel, Germany: Bärenreiter, 1971-2012. Newly available online at https://opac.rism.info/. Catalogue numbers from this series begin with the first letter of the composer’s last name followed by a number (ex. F61). RISM A/II Répertoire International des Sources Musicales. Musikhandschriften nach 1600. Series A/II. https://opac.rism.info/. RISM B/I Répertoire International des Sources Musicales. Récueils imprimés, XVIe- XVIIe siècles. Series B/I. Munich, Germany: G. Henle, 1960. Catalogue numbers from this series consist of the year of publication followed by a number in superscript (ex. 15743). USTC University of St Andrews, Reformation Studies Institute. “Universal Short Title Catalogue.” http://ustc.ac.uk/.

xiii Part 1. Context, Analysis, Investigation

Chapter I. Introduction

Much recent scholarship concerning the Low Countries in the Early Modern period has explored the ideology and political culture surrounding the Dutch Revolt (1568-1648). Studies concerning political, national, and confessional identity, particularly those of Alastair Duke, assert that a collective national identity was a necessary precursor for the Low Countries to launch “one of the very few successful rebellions in early modern Europe,” while simultaneously acknowledging that such an identity was “fluid and elusive.” In order to achieve a sense of unified nationhood, the Low Countries needed to merge fragmented provincial identities, overcome linguistic variance, and transcend contemporary debates about the geographical, cultural, and political definition of ‘Gallus,’ ‘Germania,’ and ‘Deutschland’ which might variously claim or exclude the Low Countries, in part or in whole.1

Judith Polmmann, Gary K. Waite, Peter Arnade, and other scholars examining the propaganda and political culture of this period have noted the important role played by literature,

1 Alastair Duke, Dissident Identities in the Early Modern Low Countries, ed. Judith Pollmann and Andrew Spicer (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009), 2, 10-11, and 39. See also Judith Pollmann and Andrew Paul Spicer, eds., Public Opinion and Changing Identities in the Early Modern Netherlands, Studies in Medieval and Reformation Traditions (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill 2007); Duke, “The Elusive Netherlands: The Question of National Identity in the Early Modern Low Countries on the Eve of the Revolt,” BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 119, no. 1 (2004): 10-38; Duke, “Posters, Pamphlets and Prints: The Ways and Means of Disseminating Dissident Opinions on the Eve of the Dutch Revolt,” Dutch Crossing 27 (2003): 23-44; and Duke, Reformation and Revolt in the Low Countries. Ronceverte, WV: Hambledon Press, 1990. For studies focused on the Habsburg and Catholic perspectives on the Dutch Revolt, see Monica Stensland, Habsburg Communication in the Dutch Revolt (Amsterdam, Netherlands: Amsterdam University Press, 2012); and Judith Pollmann, Catholic Identity and the Revolt of the Netherlands, 1520-1635 (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2011).

2 drama, visual art (including cartography), and songs as sites for the negotiation and reinforcement of collective identities:2

By 1568… sentiment about the fatherland became a touchstone for fomenting opposition to the king and his policies. It proved one of the strongest cultural legacies of these central years of the Revolt… offering to the new United Provinces a clear model of political identity, a “fatherland”…3

However, the role of music in the culture of the Dutch Revolt has yet to be fully explored.

Monophonic songs of the 16th and 17th centuries – including ‘Beggar’s Ballads’ and the Orangist

“Wilhelmus” (now the national anthem of the Netherlands) – have been examined as political speech,4 but the political dimensions of contemporaneous polyphonic music in the Low

Countries have not yet been thoroughly considered.5

Noé Faignient’s Chansons, madrigales, et motetz à 3 parties (henceforth CM&M à 3) is a collection of 3-voice polyphonic songs with several features that immediately suggest connections to political events and ideology: (1) the year it was issued, 1568, was the same year that William of Orange carried out the first armed assaults on Spanish troops thereby launching

2 Judith Pollmann, “‘Hey Ho, Let the Cup Go Round!’ Singing for Reformation in the Sixteenth Century,” in Cultural Exchange in Early Modern Europe, vol. 1, ed. Heinz Schilling and István György Tóth, 294-316 (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Gary K. Waite, Reformers on Stage: Popular Drama and Religious Propaganda in the Low Countries of Charles V, 1515-1556 (Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press, 2000); and Peter Arnade, Beggars, Iconoclasts, and Civic Patriots: The Political Culture of the Dutch Revolt (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008). 3 Arnade, Beggars, Iconoclasts, and Civic Patriots, 11. 4 Pollmann, “‘Hey Ho, Let the Cup Go Round!’”; René van Stipriaan, “Words at War: The Early Years of William of Orange’s Propaganda,” Journal of Early Modern History 11, no. 4 (November 2007): 331-349; Natascha Veldhorst, “Pharmacy for the Body and Soul: Dutch Songbooks in the Seventeenth Century,” Early Music History 27 (2008): 217-285. 5 The religious aspects of polyphonic music from the Low Countries have received a great deal of attention, but the political implications of these elements are rarely explored. One nominal exception to this is Jan Willem Bonda, De meerstemmige Nederlandse liederen van de vijftiende en zestiende eeuw / The Polyphonic Songs in Dutch of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (With a Summary in English) (Hilversum, Netherlands: Uitgeverij Verloren, 1996). This excellent survey of Dutch polyphonic music in the 15th and 16th centuries offers a few remarks here and there about the political aspects of these works.

3 the Dutch Revolt; (2) the collection contains polyphonic Dutch liedekens,6 which are rare despite the prominence of musicians from the Low Countries in this period, and which suggest nationalist feelings because they represent a more elevated role for the Dutch language; and (3)

CM&M à 3 includes three settings of the apocryphal story of Susanna and the Elders, a favorite subject in religious and political propaganda on both sides of the Reformation divide.7 With so many connections to politics apparent on the surface, it is clear that an examination of this collection must include a penetrating consideration of its political context and implications. In this study I will reveal the political dimensions of CM&M à 3, showing that Faignient’s polyphonic liedekens function as expressions of nationalism and vehicles of political propaganda parallel to early rebel writings.

CM&M à 3 was indeed deeply political, but it was also the debut of an emerging composer. This function is illuminated by the collection’s relationship to a parallel volume for 4,

5, and 6 voices. Both volumes appeared in 1568 and contain French chansons, Dutch liedekens,

Italian madrigals, and Latin motets. Their similar content, parallel texts, organization, and the designation of the 4-6-voice volume as “le premier livre” clearly show that the two volumes were paired. The only piece in either volume that can be found in an earlier source is “Vel puo giurar’ amore” by Vincenzo Ferro, which is also the only piece that is attributed to someone

6 On Dutch polyphonic song see Bonda, De meerstemmige Nederlandse liederen; Timothy McTaggart, Introduction to Musyck Boexken, Books 1 and 2: Dutch Songs for Four Voices by Tielman Susato, Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 108 (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 1997); Rene Lenaerts, Het Nederlands polifonies lied in de zestiende eeuw (Mechelen, Belgium: Het Kompass; Amsterdam, Netherlands: De Spieghel, 1933); Eugeen Schreurs, Het nederlandse polyfone lied (Peer, Belgium: Musica-Alamire, 1986); and Charles van den Borren, Geschiedenis van de muziek in de Nederlanden, 2 vols. (Amsterdam: Wereldbibliotheek N.V., 1949), 1:376-392. 7 On Susanna in propaganda see Dan W. Clanton, The Good, the Bold, and the Beautiful: The Story of Susanna and Its Renaissance Interpretations (New York, NY: T & T Clark International, 2006); and Jeremy L. Smith, “Mary Queen of Scots as Susanna in Political Propaganda,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 73 (2010): 209-220. On Susanna in music see Kenneth Jay Levy, “‘Susanne un jour’: The History of a 16th-Century Chanson,” Annales musicologiques 1 (1953); and Jeremy L. Smith, “Imitation as Cross-Confessional Appropriation: Revisiting Kenneth Jay Levy’s ‘History of a 16th-Century Chanson,’” in Sleuthing the Muse: Essays in Honor of William F. Prizer, ed. Kristine K. Forney and Jeremy L. Smith, 287-304 (Hillsdale, NY: Pendragon Press, 2012).

4 other than Faignient. No earlier sources of works by Faignient have been identified, and biographical evidence shows that he was about 31 years old at the time that these volumes appeared. These characteristics plus the description of the contents as “les premiers fruitz de mon jardinet” in the dedication of the 4-6-voice volume show that these collections constitute the two-volume debut of the composer.

The 16th-century composer’s debut has been the topic of studies by Kristine Forney

(Orlande de Lassus’s ‘Opus 1’) and Ignace Bossuyt and Saskia Willaert (Jean de Castro’s debut)8 and, significantly, both of these studies examine debuts printed in the cultural and commercial capital of the Low Countries, Antwerp.9 The city’s position on the river Scheldt made it easily accessible for commerce by sea, and was therefore preferred over Brussels, the seat of the

Spanish royal government, for international trade. Merchants from Italy, Spain, Portugal, and

England were permanent residents of Antwerp, and the variety of languages they spoke and religions they practiced made the city quite diverse. Banking services and moneylending offered at the Antwerp market gave the city strong economic and political ties to the wealthy and powerful of Western Europe, and the city’s prominent role in scholarship, the arts, and printing made its sphere of influence quite substantial. The wealthy foreign merchants of Antwerp were

8 Kristine K. Forney, “Orlando di Lasso’s ‘Opus 1’: The Making and Marketing of a Renaissance Music Book,” Revue belge de Musicologie / Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Muziekwetenschap 39/40 (1985/1986): 33-60; and Ignace Bossuyt and Saskia Willaert, “Jean De Castro’s Il primo libro di madrigali, canzoni e motetti,” in Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation, vol. 2, ed. Eugeen Schreurs and Henri Vanhulst (Peer, Belgium: Alamire, 1997), 333-352. 9 On 16th-century Antwerp see John J. Murray, Antwerp in the Age of Plantin and Brueghel, Centers of Civilization Series (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1970). For an economic examination, see G.D. Ramsay, The End of the Antwerp Mart, Part II: The Queen’s Merchants and the Revolt of the Netherlands (Dover, NH: Manchester University Press, 1986); and Herman Van der Wee, The Growth of the Antwerp Market and the European Economy: Fourteenth-Sixteenth Centuries (The Hague, Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff, 1963). Concerning music in 16th-century Antwerp, see Robert Lee Weaver, A Descriptive Bibliographical Catalog of the Music Printed by Hubert Waelrant and Jan de Laet (Warren, MI: Harmonie Park Press, 1994), 3-37; Kristine K. Forney, “16th-Century Antwerp,” in The Renaissance: From the 1470s to the End of the 16th Century, ed. Iain Fenlon (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1989), 361-378; Eugeen Schreurs, “Musical Life and Performance Practices in Antwerp During Lassus’ Stay, 1554-1556,” in Orlandus Lassus and His Time: Colloquium Proceedings, Antwerpen 24-26.08.1994, ed. Ignace Bossuyt, Eugeen Schreurs, and Annelies Wouters (Peer, Belgium: Alamire Foundation, 1995), 363-381.

5 keen supporters of the arts, many of them fashioning themselves as “tasteful world citizens” and generously patronizing local poets and musicians.10 Music printers Pierre Phalèse, Tielman

Susato, Christopher Plantin, and the partnership of Hubert Waelrant and Jan de Laet operated in

Antwerp and nearby Louvain, and their output was distributed throughout Europe by way of the

Antwerp market.11 This convergence of commerce and culture made Antwerp the ideal place for a young composer to print his debut and launch his career.

Prior studies of Antwerp debuts12 explore the appeal of the city to an emerging composer, the role of various wealthy and powerful patrons in supporting the composer’s efforts, as well as the circumstances of putting the debut into print. However, consideration of the marketing strategy of these debut volumes has been largely limited to cover pages and dedicatory remarks, and little has been said about the musical content of these collections and how it might affect the commercial potential of the debut. This study will reveal how the content of Faignient’s debut was designed to appeal to the broadest possible audience, to present the composer as a worthy object of patronage to the Antwerp elite (both foreign and domestic) and a desirable candidate for a permanent position at a church or court of any religious persuasion.

And was he indeed a capable composer whose works appealed to benefactors and employers of musicians? Although there is no indication that Faignient ever held a regular

10 Quote from Bossuyt and Willaert, “Jean De Castro’s Il primo libro,” 335. See Table 1 on page 61 on the patronage of the merchants of the Genoese Nation in Antwerp. See also Katrien Derde and Saskia Willaert, “Het mecenaat van de Genuese natie in Antwerpen in de tweede helft van de 16de eeuw,” in Orlandus Lassus en Antwerpen 1554-1556, exhibit at Museum Vleeschuis, Antwerp, August 20-November 27, 1994 (Antwerp, Belgium: Stad Antwerpen, 1994), 46-57; and Karel Bostoen, “Italian Academies in Antwerp: Schiappalaria and Vander Noot as ‘Inventors’ for the Genoese Community,” in Italian Academies of the Sixteenth Century, ed. D.S. Chambers and F. Quiviger (London, United Kingdom: University of London, 1995), 195-203. 11 On music printing in the Low Countries see Robert Lee Weaver, A Descriptive Bibliographical Catalog of the Music Printed by Hubert Waelrant and Jan de Laet (Warren, MI: Harmonie Park Press, 1994), 85-110; Susan Bain, “Music Printing in the Low Countries in the Sixteenth Century” (PhD diss., University of Cambridge, 1974); and Alphonse Goovaerts, Histoire et bibliographie de la typographie musicale dans les Pays-Bas (Amsterdam, Netherlands: Frits A.M. Knuf, 1963). 12 See footnote 8.

6 position at a church or court, the surviving print and manuscript sources of his compositions suggest there was appreciation for his work both during his life and after his death. Faignient’s works continued to be printed for a century after the release of his debut, appearing alongside pieces by Orlande de Lassus, Cipriano de Rore, Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, Josquin des

Prez, and other celebrated composers, suggesting that he was respected as a peer of these masters. Some scholars have noted comparisons between Faignient and Orlande de Lassus and have erroneously concluded that Faignient was an unimaginative imitator, but 16th-century attitudes towards imitation and intellectual property suggest that a comparison to the great

Lassus should be interpreted as praise rather than censure.13 Through an examination of

Faignient’s compositional style and a consideration of related works by Lassus and other contemporaries, I will show Faignient to be a skillful and sensitive polyphonist (albeit a conservative one) in his own right and an expressive composer both in symbolic and affective terms.

And what of the man himself? Few details are known about Faignient’s life outside of his strong connection to Antwerp.14 An archival study brought new evidence to light in 1992,15 but this scholarship has not yet penetrated most English-language sources nor has it been considered alongside Faignient’s musical works. Furthermore, some of the new evidence contradicts scholarship passed down from the late 19th-century, so a cohesive biography has thus

13 Johann Gottfried Walther, Musicalisches Lexicon oder Musicalische Bibliothec (Leipzig, Germany: Deer, 1732), 238; François-Joseph Fétis, Biographie universelle des musiciens et bibliographie gé ér le de la musique (Brussels, Belgium: Meline, Cans et Compagnie, 1837-1844), 4:64-65; Ernest Closson, Charles van den Borren, et al, La Musique en Belgique du moyen age à nos jours (Brussels, Belgium: La Renaissance du Livre, 1950), 133; Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 1954 edition, s.v. “Faignient (Faignant), Noé oder Noël,” by Albert van der Linden. Walther and Fétis compare Faignient to Lassus, Closson et al and Van der Linden misinterpret this comparison. 14 Only one source that has been connected to Faignient places him anywhere but Antwerp; see Chapter IV. 15 Godelieve Spiessens, “Nieuwe biografische gegevens over Noe Faignient,” Musica antiqua 9, no. 1 (1992): 15- 17.

7 far remained elusive.16 In this study, I will closely examine the evidence concerning Faignient’s biography and present a sharper narrative within which his musical output can be situated and interpreted.

A broader work at the lives and works of composers in the 16th century shows that

Faignient was one of many careerists in his generation to adopt a flexible approach to religion in order to serve a patron or institution of any creed, and to involve himself in various political, religious, and economic machinations.17 In doing so, these musicians exemplified the humanist agenda of the era by emphasizing earthly life over preparation of the soul for afterlife, and by viewing themselves as creatures of agency, capable of shaping themselves18 and of influencing the larger structures of society. The artifacts that these composers left behind can help us develop a deeper understanding of the social forces that were experienced and exerted by men and women working in the arts, and how these incoming and outgoing ripples of influence are manifested in their work and in the larger cultural landscape.

16 Alphonse Goovaerts, “Faignient (Noé ou Noël),” Biographie nationale 6 (1878): col.847-851; Grove Music Online, s.v. “Faignient, Noë,” by Lavern J. Wagner, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/09235 (accessed July 24, 2014); Jan Willem Bonda, De meerstemmige Nederlandse liederen van de vijftiende en zestiende eeuw / The Polyphonic Songs in Dutch of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (With a Summary in English) (Hilversum, Netherlands: Uitgeverij Verloren, 1996), 142-143. 17 On careerism, politics, and religious fidelity in the career of William Byrd, see Joseph Kerman, “William Byrd: Catholic and Careerist,” Sacred Music 135, no. 3 (Fall 2008): 12-19. 18 On Renaissance self-fashioning see Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood; and Stephen Greenblatt, Renaissance Self- Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1980; Reprint 2005).

8 Chapter II. Musicians Navigating Religious Discord During the Reformation

The 16th century was a turbulent time, in no small part because of the Protestant

Reformation. Martin Luther, Ulrich Zwingli, John Calvin, and other Protestant leaders objected to corrupt and questionable practices by the Catholic Church and offered new theological perspectives and modes of worship around the idea that salvation could be achieved through faith alone. As various forms of Protestantism gained popularity throughout Europe, institutions and practices that had united the region since the early Middle Ages were disrupted and the balance of political power began to shift away from long-standing institutions such as the papacy and the

Holy Roman Empire. Adherents of the old faith and supporters of the status quo tried to suppress the new religions and enforce Catholic worship, bringing civil unrest. Neighboring countries and trade partners of the Low Countries, including Germany, France, and England, were embroiled in religious violence and outright war throughout the 16th century. Politics and religion were enmeshed as rulers leveraged religion for their own empowerment and dissidents battled against sovereigns and institutions that were unfriendly to their beliefs.

These political and religious conflicts profoundly influenced the music and musicians of the 16th century. The Protestant Reformation and Catholic Counter-reformation had made religion a dangerously contentious topic, and music was so closely linked to religion in the 16th century that career-minded musicians were obliged to confront the issue. Composers of this era produced work to meet the needs of changing religious practices and used different strategies to

9 build careers for themselves and avoid trouble with the authorities in this volatile time.

Understanding the political, religious, and economic environment in which these men lived and worked and how each composer made his own way under difficult circumstances can help illuminate the meanings behind the music that they created.

Noé Faignient’s debut appeared when the Low Countries were on the brink of the Dutch

Revolt, a conflict rooted in economic distress, political discord, and religious oppression. In this time of great religious and political upheaval, Faignient’s strategy for navigating the volatile issue of religion was nonalignment (see Chapter V); he produced a collection containing several sacred works, but managed to avoid expressing a clear affiliation with either Catholicism or

Protestantism. This was a practical strategy in the diverse city of Antwerp, but this approach was also parallel to the early propaganda writings of the rebels that would soon take arms against

Spanish rule (see Chapter VI). Religious nonalignment combined with the political propaganda embedded in the 3-voice volume of Faignient’s debut, Chansons, madrigales & motetz à 3 parties, show that Faignient, like many musicians of this era, was savvy about the political situation and the role that religion played in it.

Faignient was not the only working musician of his generation to approach religion with ambivalence or neutrality; his life and career reflect the challenges of a time when “a clear position in religious matters [must have been regarded] as unnecessary foolhardiness” rather than heroic conviction.19 Rather than ‘opportunistic,’ I would characterize this as a pragmatic approach to the question of religion. As composers, Faignient and his contemporaries would have been painfully aware of the connection between music and religious practice and would have known that their ability to make a living as a musician (and to avoid problems with the

19 Karel Bostoen, Dichterschap en koopmanschap in de zestiende eeuw: omtrent de dichters Guillaume de Poetou en Jan vander Noot, Deventer studiën 1 (Deventer, Netherlands: Sub Rosa, 1987), 322.

10 authorities) would require sensitivity to the religious turbulence around them. They knew that expressing loyalty to the “wrong” religion could result in loss of employment, imprisonment, and even execution. Although some musicians had strong personal religious convictions and sought out like-minded patrons that would appreciate their fervor and could provide them with stability and safety, others, particularly those of the generation following that of Orlande de Lassus, demonstrate greater flexibility in terms of religion, adopting a variety of strategies to maintain their careers and avoid trouble with the authorities.

All professionals working in the patronage system in the 16th century had to navigate the topic of religion carefully, but in no secular profession (aside from politics, perhaps) was religion a more powerful force than in music. The role of music in medieval liturgy was profound, and many of the musical practices from that time were continued in Catholic services and monasteries in the 15th and 16th centuries. Medieval chant repertoire also became the basis for new sacred polyphonic music, both for liturgical purposes and for amateur performance in the home. With the Reformation came demand for settings of psalms and sacred texts in vernacular languages to serve the needs and reflect the values of Calvinists, Lutherans, Anglicans, and other

Protestant creeds. Following the Council of Trent (1545-1563), Catholics too made reforms to their musical practices: secular music was not to be intermingled with sacred music (for example, masses should not be based on secular melodies), and intelligibility of the text should be prioritized in polyphonic settings of sacred texts.20

20 There was no approved decree from the Council regarding the intelligibility of text, but the topic had been raised in discussions and we find in subsequent practice that composers did take greater care with this aspect of their music. See Craig Monson, “Renewal, Reform, and Reaction in Catholic Music,” in European Music, 1520-1640, ed. James Haar (Rochester, NY: Boydell & Brewer, 2006), 402-404.

11 With music so closely associated with religious worship, and with changes in requirements for devotional music creating demand for new sacred music, it is no surprise that religion was a major force in the lives and careers of musicians in the 16th century. Many composers spent their careers working at churches overseeing music for worship, recruiting performers, and composing new music (often both sacred and secular). A contemporary and countryman of Faignient, Gérard de (or Geert van) Turnhout (c. 1520-1580), was one such composer. Turnhout’s early career was spent at Our Lady of Antwerp and the church of St.

Gummarus in Lier. It is known that he took holy orders, but the date of this cannot be established. In 1571 Turnout was appointed maestro de capilla of Philip II’s Capilla Flamenca

(Flemish Chapel) in Madrid and he spent the remainder of his career in that position.21

Even court musicians were sometimes major composers of religious music, either in order to meet the needs of their patrons or out of personal religious fervor. Orlande de Lassus

(1530/32-1594), for example, composed many polyphonic masses, Magnificat settings, and other liturgical or quasiliturgical pieces for Duke Albrecht V and his heir, Wilhelm V, during his 30- year tenure as maestro di cappella for the Bavarian court in Munich.22 Claudin de Sermisy (c.

1490-1562), too, was a prolific composer of masses, motets, and liturgical polyphony during his time with the royal chapel of King François I of France.23

Other composers minimized their engagement with sacred music by focusing on secular genres. Clément Janequin, for example, worked freelance for churches and Catholic patrons for the majority of his career, but produced only two masses and one motet that survive. Janequin

21 Lavern J. Wagner, Preface to Sacred and Secular Songs for Three Voices, by Gérard de Turnhout (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 1970), 7-8. 22 Grove Music Online, s.v. “Lassus: (1) Orlande de Lassus,” by James Haar, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/16063pg1 (accessed May 19, 2015). 23 Grove Music Online, s.v. “Sermisy, Claudin de,” by Isabelle Cazeaux and John T. Brobeck, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/25468 (accessed May 11, 2015).

12 devoted most of his creative energies to chansons, composing more 250 over the course of his life. Avoiding the Latin genres at the height of his career may have been an effort to avoid overt statements of religious allegiance, a prudent choice for a freelance musician. Later in life

Janequin composed many settings of chansons spirituelles and French translations of the psalms, suggesting sympathy for the Protestant cause.24

In some cases composers kept their religions secret, either out of simple self-preservation or in order to operate as a spy among the opposition. Musicians made ideal spies and couriers because they had access to the rich and powerful and could travel around Europe with relative freedom. Furthermore, career-minded musicians had to be politically savvy in order to navigate the treacherous religious and political environment of 16th-century Europe, making them well prepared to carry out diplomatic and covert errands.

Several composers have been connected to the English spy network of the 16th century, including Alfonso Ferrabosco, Peter Philips, Thomas Morley, and William Byrd. Byrd was a lifelong Catholic, which was apparently an open secret. The composer suffered fines and was put under house arrest for violation of laws against recusancy (refusal to attend Church of

England services), and he was a known associate of Catholic activists including Jesuits (some of whom he may have harbored as fugitives), the Earl of Northumberland (who was arrested for involvement in the Throckmorton plot against Elizabeth), and the Paget family (Thomas, Lord

Paget, the Earl of Worcester, and his brother, Charles, a Catholic conspirator and suspected double agent).25

24 Grove Music Online, s.v. “Janequin, Clément,” by Howard Mayer Brown and Richard Freedman, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/14127 (accessed May 11, 2015). 25 Grove Music Online, s.v. “Byrd, William,” by Joseph Kerman and Kerry McCarthy, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/04487 (accessed May 15, 2015); Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. “Percy, Henry, eighth earl of Northumberland” by Carole Levin, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/21938 (accessed November 9, 2015).

13 In the face of these incriminating activities and associations, many scholars have condemned Byrd as a traitor to Queen Elizabeth I and her Protestant administration. However, more recent examinations of both Charles Paget and Byrd suggest that the motives and status of these men may have been misunderstood. While in exile Paget was in contact with the Queen and her closest advisors, respectfully seeking improved conditions for Catholics in England and

“willing… to countenance some sort of accommodation with the English government in return for a degree of religious toleration in England.”26 Byrd, too, might be better understood as an advocate for greater tolerance of English Catholics rather than an enemy of Elizabeth and her government. From this perspective, Byrd’s steadfast Catholicism can be seen not as a threat to

Elizabeth, but as a non-violent protest against the treatment of Catholics in England. This view is supported by the fact that Queen Elizabeth never brought the full force of the law against Byrd for his recusancy and Catholic activities, and that she herself was among Byrd’s benefactors.27

Peter Philips and Thomas Morley were both pupils of Byrd and the master may have encouraged his pupils towards pro-Catholic associations and activities. Philips fled England in

1582 as a Catholic refugee, settling first at the English College in Rome where he encountered the Pagets, also in exile over religion. Philips then moved to Antwerp in 1591 and edited one of

Phalèse’s four ‘Antwerp Anthologies,’ Melodia olympica, that same year (see p. 322). In 1593, while traveling in the Protestant north of the Low Countries, Philips was accused of involvement in a plot against Elizabeth. The traditional narrative of this incident assumes that Philips was the innocent victim of a false accusation, but recent scholarship has shown inconsistencies in this

26 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. “Paget, Charles” by Peter Holmes, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/21103 (acessed May 27, 2015). 27 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. “Byrd, William” by Craig Monson, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/4267; and Jeremy Smith, “‘Unlawful Song’: Byrd, the Babington Plot and the Paget Choir,” Early Music 38, no. 4 (2010): 497-508.

14 interpretation. We now know that Philips was arrested after Roger Walton, a fellow Englishman, was detained for possession of a letter from Paget that implicated them both. The letter was clearly clandestine in nature because it included text written in onion or lemon juice, which would have been invisible at one time. Following an inquiry, Philips was released and returned to Antwerp before the end of the year, most likely because the evidence against him was insufficient for a conviction.28

One way that composers could participate in politics without endangering themselves was to covertly incorporate propaganda into their works, sending coded messages through allusion, groupings of pieces, indicators of nationality, or choice of genre or language. Thomas

Morley’s 1601 publication, The Triumphes of Oriana, is an example of covert propaganda.

Ostensibly in honor of Elizabeth I, Triumphes was most likely intended as propaganda in support of the succession of James VI of Scotland, with the character of Oriana as a representation of his queen consort, Anne of Denmark. The collection was apparently undertaken as a project in honor of those supporting James’s succession, especially the Earl of Essex who was its principal proponent. If Triumphes had been published with its original propagandist meanings fully in place, Essex’s protection might have shielded Morley from problems with the authorities, but in

1601 the arrest, trial, and execution of Essex for treason changed the political landscape

28 David J. Smith, “The Interconnection of Religious, Social and Musical Networks: Creating a Context for the Keyboard Music of Peter Philips and its Dissemination,” in Networks of Music and Culture in the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries: A Collection of Essays in Celebration of Peter Philips’s 450th Anniversary, ed. David J. Smith and Rachelle Taylor (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2013), 13-15; and Grove Music Online, s.v. “Philips, Peter,” by John Steele, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/21570 (accessed May 15, 2015). For a thorough study on the topic of musicians as political spies, see Rachelle Taylor, “Musicians and Intelligence Operations, 1570-1612” (PhD diss., McGill University, 2007).

15 dramatically. Without a powerful defender to protect him from punishment, Morley may have reframed the collection as a tribute to Elizabeth as an act of self-preservation.29

Some musicians (as well as artists, poets, playwrights etc.) were willing to change their religious affiliations or produce work contrary to their personal convictions in order to please a patron or avoid trouble with the authorities. Alfonso Ferrabosco (c. 1543-1588) is one composer who appears to have been driven by careerist pragmatism more than religious convictions. He served Elizabeth as a courtier between 1562 and 1578, but was imprisoned as a spy in 1578 in

Rome, despite declaring his allegiance to the Catholic faith to his accusers. In 1580 he was released on parole after Elizabeth had interceded on his behalf. He spent the remainder of his career in the service of the Duke of Savoy, Carlo Emanuele I, a Catholic who allied himself with the Protestant League against the Spanish Habsburgs in 1610. It is not clear whether the accusations against Ferrabosco were true, but the composer’s willingness to work for both

Protestants and Catholics suggests that he, like Morley, was more interested in pleasing his patrons and preserving his career than he was in religious loyalty. Ferrabosco’s attitude towards religion is parallel to the ambivalence and pragmatism that can be seen in both Elizabeth I

(especially in her treatment of Byrd) and Carlo Emanuele, suggesting that in this, too, Ferrabosco may have been following the example of his patrons.30

It is clear from this brief survey of the religious changefulness, ambivalence, and secrecy among many 16th-century composers that music has a distinctive and remarkable connection to the political and religious machinations of this period. Composers were uniquely positioned to function as spies and propagandists, but many were also pragmatists, acting for their personal

29 Jeremy L. Smith, “Music and Late Elizabethan Politics: The Identities of Oriana and Diana,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 58, no. 3 (Fall 2005): 507-558. 30 Grove Music Online, s.v. “Ferrabosco: (2) Alfonso Ferrabosco (i),” by Christopher D.S. Field, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/09507 (accessed May 15, 2015).

16 and professional benefit above political or religious agendas. Career-minded composers were willing to put aside their personal religious convictions or adopt those of their current patron or institution in order to maintain their livelihoods. In doing so, they separated their professional ambitions and creative activities from religion, exemplifying the humanist agenda of the era by emphasizing earthly life over preparation of the soul for afterlife. This trend among composers reflects the major cultural shift that defines the Renaissance period, and the artifacts they left behind give us important insight into changing attitudes not only towards religion, but also towards social and political issues such as systems of governance, national identities, and human rights.

The life and career of Noé Faignient demonstrate a response to the Reformation that is underemphasized in our narrative of this period. Antwerp was a major battleground in the struggle between Catholic and Protestant interests, especially during the Dutch Revolt (1568-

1648), making it a dangerous and uncertain place to live and work. But Faignient’s careful neutrality in religious matters allowed him to successfully run a shop in Antwerp for as many as

14 years, and no evidence has been uncovered that he had problems with either local or Spanish- controlled authorities more serious than his widow’s petition for rent forgiveness (see Chapter IV on Faignient’s biography). His works were printed and distributed all over Europe, in Protestant and Catholic areas alike, and he enjoyed connections with artists and patrons on both sides of the religious divide. If Faignient had taken a strong religious stance in his music, not only would his works have had a more limited appeal, but they might have also caused him to flee from

Antwerp or face legal trouble. Faignient’s professional success and stability were in many ways contingent upon his religious nonalignment; whatever Faignient’s personal feelings about

17 religion may have been – Catholic, Protestant, ambivalent, or indifferent – his life tells the story of someone fighting for, and achieving, a stable and successful life among the chaos of a dangerous and intolerant era.

18 Chapter III. An Imitator of Lassus?: Faignient’s Compositional Style

In 16th-century Europe, no musician was more admired or well-known than Orlande de

Lassus.31 He was a prolific composer, and although Lassus spent the majority of his career in the service of Duke Albrecht V of Bavaria, his compositions were published in Venice, Antwerp,

Louvain, Munich, Nuremberg, and Paris, and they set the standard for the international polyphonic style that dominated court and church music of the time. It is no surprise, then, that many composers imitated Lassus, hoping to achieve the same international success. It is important to note that this kind of imitation was standard practice in the 16th century, as was the borrowing of musical materials from admired compositions, and that the use of these techniques did nothing to diminish the status or perceived skillfulness of a composer.

Faignient is described as a studious imitator of Orlande de Lassus in Johann Gottfried

Walther’s Musicalisches Lexicon oder Musicalische Bibliothec (1732). François Fétis echoes this idea in his Biographie universelle des musiciens et bibliographie générale de la musique

(1835-44), asserting that Faignient “a presque égalé son maitre pour la douceur de son harmonie”

(has almost equaled his master [Lassus] in the sweetness of his harmony). Indeed, some of

Faignient’s works are settings of texts that had previously been set by Lassus, and some of these contain musical quotations from Lassus’s pieces.

31 Grove Music Online, s.v. “Lassus: (1) Orlande de Lassus,” http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/16063pg1 (accessed November 21, 2015). There are many excellent sources concerning the life and works of Lassus, one such is Peter Bergquist, ed., Orlando di Lasso Studies (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1999).

19 In its 16th-century context, Faignient’s comparison to Lassus should be understood as high praise for the Antwerp composer. However, readers of Walther and Fétis were not always aware of 16th-century attitudes toward intellectual property and may have concluded that

Faignient’s imitation was deceitful and that the composer must have lacked the compositional skill or musical innovation to produce quality works independently. A deprecatory tone can be found in some mid-20th-century sources that suggests that Walther’s and Fétis’s remarks were indeed misinterpreted in this way:

[Ces œuvres] pèchent par une platitude [These works] suffer from a bourgeois bourgeoise qui n’est pas sans inspirer quelque dullness that does not fail to inspire some appréhension concernant la qualité de la apprehensions concerning the quality of the production restant de ce maître. rest of the output of this master.32

Ohne jeden Zweifel ist Faignient Nachahmer Without a doubt Faignient is an imitator of von Lassus, aber er bedient sich einer Lassus, but he uses an expressionless ausdruckslosen Homophonie, die ihn zu einem homophony that marks him as a mimic Epigonen ohne große Originalität stempelt.” without much originality.33

It is ironic that the very scholars who condemned Faignient for imitation were making the same error by handing down a distortion of the work of his previous biographers.

Newer sources that look more closely at Faignient’s works reach altogether different conclusions about their quality. Frits Noske, who was the first to examine CM&M à 3 in 1964, describes Faignient as “a cosmopolitan personality” with a “versatile mind” and a successful career. Noske does not attempt an in-depth analysis of Faignient’s compositional style in his

32 Ernest Closson, Charles van den Borren, et al, La Musique en Belgique du moyen age à nos jours (Brussels, Belgium: La Renaissance du Livre, 1950), 133 (translation mine). 33 Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 1954 edition, s.v. “Faignient (Faignant), Noé oder Noël,” by Albert van der Linden (translation mine).

20 article, but he does offer several remarks that can help illustrate his reasons for having such a high opinion of Faignient’s compositional skill.34

Noske’s first observation is that Faignient’s pieces contain a balance between homophony and polyphony, with text-declamation prioritized in the homophonic sections. This technique is similar to that found in Josquin des Prez’s familiar motet, Ave maria virgo serena (c.

1484-1485), in which the final phrase is set homophonically in contrast to the imitative polyphony that dominates the rest of the piece. Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina also made extensive use of homophonic textures for textual clarity following the Council of Trent and new urgency surrounding text intelligibility for sacred Catholic writings. Like many 16th-century sources, we find that Faignient uses homophony for both clear text declamation and dramatic effect.

In his setting of “Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach,” a unique translation of Guillaume Guéroult’s famous “Susann’ ung jour,” Faignient uses shifts between polyphonic and homophonic textures to support textual meanings. For example, the homophonic setting of the phrase “Sij spracken secreet en stille” (They spoke, secretly and softly) causes the text to stand out against the flow of the previous polyphony (Figure 1). This contrast is made even more dramatic by the addition of a rest preceding the phrase. The text certainly suggests that the line should be performed quietly, which would once again heighten the effect created by the juxtaposition of the two textures.

34 Frits Noske, “The Linköping Faignient-Manuscript,” Acta Musicologica 36 (1964): 152-165. Quotes from page 153.

21 Figure 1: Polyphonic and homophonic textures in “Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach” (“Sij spracken secreet en stille”)

A later phrase in this same piece, “ken sals nijet ontgaen” (I still will not escape death), is another example of this technique (Figure 2). The text to be emphasized is once again set homophonically, but in this case the rests follow the phrase. This pause forces the listener to consider the plight of Susanna, who, though no fault of her own, finds herself in a situation that will most likely lead to her own death.

Figure 2: Polyphonic and homophonic textures in “Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach” (“Ken sals nijet ontgaen”)

These homophonic textures maximize the intelligibility of the words, but these settings are designed to achieve more than simple text comprehension. The contrast of the homophony from the surrounding polyphony brings prominence to the words and the addition of rests seems to encourage listeners to reach a deeper understanding by connecting with the emotions behind

22 them. Noske recognizes Faignient’s use of both ‘affective’ expression and ‘symbolic’ expression (i.e. word painting), and points out that these techniques appear together in some cases. Noske’s example of this is the conclusion of “Tot u, o Heer inden hemel vol eeren,” which is given in Figure 3.

Figure 3: Affective and symbolic expression in “Tot u, o Heer inden hemel vol eeren”

Alsoo hebben wij ons ooghen op siende ghehecht Thus we have our eyes raised, fixed Tot onsen Godt in al ons suchten en kermen To our God, in all our sighs and groans. Tot dat hem believe onser tonfermen. To those who believe in him mercy will be granted.

Noske describes the cross-relations and large intervals used to set the first two poetic lines as “giving the impression of fear and distress,” whereas the final phrase is a “depiction of the divine commiseration” with “quiet melodic lines, well balanced harmonies.” However, I find that this passage is better characterized as an exploration of instability and uncertainness contrasted with solidity and predictability. The cross-relations and leaps are surprising to the ear,

23 causing the listener to feel disoriented by the constantly shifting aural landscape. These unsettled sounds are not intended to resemble “sighs and groans,” but the mood created by them supports the meaning of the text in the sense that “sighs and groans” are expressions of restlessness caused by pain and suffering.

In contrast, the virtually homophonic final line is a portrayal of steadiness and stability.

In the first three measures of this phrase, each time a voice changes pitches at least one other voice remains steady by repeating a pitch. Thus, each new harmony is anchored in the previous harmony in some way, giving the impression of steadiness and predictability. Yet the final cadence upsets this impression by surprising the listener with a triad on C.

Until this point in the piece, every major cadence was on G, and in isolation the final phrase seems to suggest that we will arrive at F, but all these expectations are upset when the pitches on the penultimate syllable are simply repeated as the final cadence. Noske suggests that

Faignient was creating a “special effect” with this cadence in order to suggest the “mystical aspect of the Almighty.”35 However, this surprising harmony can also be seen as a further exploration of predictability versus volatility: the repetition of a harmony is one of the strongest portrayals of stability in music, so it is ironic that in making the most stable choice Faignient confounds expectations and gives listeners a sense of instability.

Another observation made by Noske is that Faignient makes little distinction between musical techniques suitable for use in sacred versus secular genres. This was characteristic of the time, as Noske acknowledges, especially in extra-liturgical works such as motets.36 Since there are no masses or other liturgical works in Faignient’s output, we do not have an example of

Faignient’s approach to music for formal worship, but there are several examples of sacred

35 Noske, “The Linköping Faignient-Manuscript,” 163. 36 Ibid., 160.

24 works (both in Latin and vernacular languages) and secular songs in CM&M à 3 that we can

compare. Noske claims that similarity between “Amour me donne pain’ et douleurs,” “Misero

me deh com’ amor m’ ha posto,” and “Peccantem me quotidie” demonstrates Faignient’s equal

treatment of sacred and secular texts, but he does not elaborate about his reasons for drawing this

conclusion. Let us take a moment to examine this claim.

Although all three pieces share a time and key signature, clefs and range vary. “Misero”

is one of only three pieces in CM&M à 3 in which the bassus part is notated with an F-clef (the

equivalent of the modern standard bass clef) and covers a true bass voice range, in this case from

G2 to B 3.37 The range of “Peccantem” is more moderate, with B 2 the lowest note in the bassus ♭ ♭ and D5 the highest in the cantus, while “Amour” has the highest range, with G3 the lowest note

in the bassus and G5 the highest in the cantus. Both “Amour” and “Peccantem” begin with a

point of imitation, at the octave in the former and at the 5th and the octave in the latter, but

“Misero” contains only brief imitative gestures with no true points of imitation. All three pieces

include semiminims (transcribed as eighth notes in the edition), but their treatment varies. In

“Amour” the text underlay for semiminims is syllabic, whereas in “Peccantem” they are

primarily melismatic, and in “Misero” we find a mix between the two.

From this brief catalogue of features, it is hard to see why Noske would describe these

three pieces as being in “exactly the same style.”38 However, a comparison between “Filius sapiens letificat patrem” and “Misero” is more fruitful. Like “Misero,” “Filius” is one of the few pieces to use an F-clef and exploit the lower bassus range. The highest note in the cantus of

37 Octaves are numbered according to Scientific Pitch Notation where the lowest C on a grand piano is C1, followed by D1, E1, F1, G1, A1, B1, C2, D2, etc. Middle C is C4. System from Robert W. Young, “Terminology for Logarithmic Frequency Units,” The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 11 (1939): 134-139. See also Figure 28 on page 145. 38 Noske, “The Linköping Faignient-Manuscript,” 160.

25 “Filius” is B 4 and the lowest in the bassus is G2.39 Both make use of standard cadential ♭ formulas with fusae rhythms, and both use a combination of syllabic and melismatic text setting on semiminims. Both pieces contain suspensions, although in “Misero” they are generally more dissonant than those in “Filius.”

These similarities between “Misero” and “Filius” do indeed suggest that Faignient used similar techniques for setting sacred and secular texts. However, if we take a broader look at

Faignient’s output, we find a tendency to be more experimental and innovative with secular pieces and more traditional with sacred ones, resulting in the following characteristics: (1) imitation is more pervasive and a higher priority in Faignient’s sacred works, (2) smaller rhythmic divisions are more likely to appear in his secular works (particularly madrigals) than in sacred ones, (3) chromatic passages are more common in secular than sacred works. The tendency of 16th-century composers to be more conservative in sacred works is well documented and typical of the time. Although these traits differentiate Faignient’s body of sacred songs from his secular works overall, they do little to differentiate the character of individual pieces from one another.

One special feature found in a few of Faignient’s sacred works deserves particular mention. A proportia tripla section can be found near the conclusion of “Filius” (Figure 4) on the word “confusioni” (disorder, trouble, ruin). This sudden proportion change portrays disruption and disorder, making this an example of word painting. Similar uses of proportia tripla can be found in “Susann’ ung jour” (a chanson spirituelle) and “Domine Jesu Criste respicere” (Figure 5 and Figure 6, respectively). In the latter, the tripla occurs on the text “in secula seculorum te videam” (to look upon you forever). The tripla in “Susann’ ung jour”

39 The only other piece in CM&M à 3 to use the F-clef is “Ta déité en nostre chair enclose,” but this piece makes little use of the lower range (C3 is the lowest note).

26 occurs on a repetition of “Que d’offencer par péché le Seigneur” (Than to offend the Lord by sinning). In this case the pitch content is the same in both statements of this poetic line, but on the repetition the rhythm is transformed into triplets. Noske asserts that “the sudden and bizarre change of rhythm clearly symbolizes the concept of disturbance.” In “Filius” he interprets it as the disturbance of the “order of reason” and in the other two instances it is the “order imposed by

God” that is disrupted.40

Figure 4: Proportia tripla in “Filius sapiens letificat patrem”

Figure 5: Proportia tripla in “Domine Jesu Criste respicere”

40 Noske, “The Linköping Faignient-Manuscript,” 160-161.

27 Figure 6: Proportia tripla in “Susann’ ung jour”

Figure 7: Word painting in “Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne”

Other examples of symbolic word painting can be found throughout CM&M à 3. On

“fleuronne” (flourish), the final word of “Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne,” we find melismas combining semiminims and fusae in all three voices, suggesting blossoming and abundance (see Figure 7). Melismas of this kind are also used to portray “vivre” (to live) in “O grand beaulté, remplie de soucis,” “vloeijen” (flows) in “Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt gebenedijen,” and “verblijden” (happy) in “Die onder Gods beschermsel is geseten.” Fusae are

28 also used to portray “riso” (laughter) in “Alma Susanna” and a rising leap is used for the text

“Sijn hooft” (his head) in “Judith seer vroom die is getreden.”

In terms of pitch content, Faignient’s melodic and harmonic palette was somewhat conservative compared to the great innovators of the 16th century. He makes modest use of chromaticism, especially in his madrigals, but these applications are less bold than the chromaticism found in the works of Orlande de Lassus, Cipriano de Rore, and Luca Marenzio, not to mention the infamous Carlo Gesualdo whose extreme chromaticism is in a class by itself.

Faignient is at his most chromatic in CM&M à 3 in “Cagion non e ne fia che ’l mio pensier”

(Figure 8) and the section of “Tot u, o Heer inden hemel vol eeren” discussed above (Figure 3).

Figure 8: Chromaticism in “Cagion non e ne fia che ’l mio pensier”

Imitation is present in the majority of Faignient’s works, but not all, and plays a greater role in his motets than in his vernacular pieces. “Alma Susanna,” for example, begins with a melody in the bassus that is imitated at the 5th by the cantus for five notes only. Later imitative gestures in this piece are inexact and similarly brief. On the other hand, the imitation found in the second phrase of “Benedicite domino oculi omnium” is much more substantial:

29 Figure 9: Imitation in second phrase of “Benedicite domino oculi omnium”

This imitation occurs at a 5th below in the tenor, then at a 5th below the tenor in the bassus (a 9th below the subject in the cantus). The rhythms and contours in the tenor follow the first phrase of the cantus precisely except that the interval between the syllables “in” and “te” is expanded to a

3rd. The intervals following this are unaltered, meaning that the section following this change is a step higher than it would have been otherwise. A similar technique is used in the bassus. The interval between “-li” and “om-” is also expanded to a 3rd. The bassus also retains the 3rd between “in” and “te” from the tenor. By expanding these three intervals (one in the tenor and two in the bassus) from a 2nd to a 3rd, Faignient is able to retain more rhythms and contours from the subject for a longer period of time without compromising the integrity of the counterpoint.

However, Faignient’s counterpoint is not without some imperfections. He often overlooks direct 5ths and octaves, which are created when two voices move in similar motion to a perfect interval. This procedure is undesirable because it exposes the hollow-sounding perfect harmony and reduces the perceived independence of the voices. In a 4-voice texture, direct 5ths, octaves, and unisons are permitted between inner voices and are also acceptable between the highest and lowest voices if the upper voice moves by step. In these situations, the undesirable motion is disguised and therefore unobjectionable. In 3-voice works, direct motion is usually forbidden entirely. However, a close look at Faignient’s direct 5ths and octaves shows that in

30 most cases the upper voice moves by step while the lower voice leaps in the same direction

(Figure 10); a situation that closely resembles acceptable direct motion in 4-voice textures.

Figure 10: Examples of direct 5th and octaves in Faignient’s 3-voice counterpoint

“Anchor che col partire,” m. 11 “Cagion non e ne fia che ’l mio pensier,” mm. 18-19

“Misero me deh come amor m’ha posto,” mm. 44-46

What does all this tell us about Lassus’s influence on Faignient’s style? Lassus was an influence on many composers of his time, including Faignient, but features of his style are not so prominent in Faignient’s works as to suggest that his influence was overpowering. The material that Faignient did borrow from others is largely restricted to texts that had become “communal” in the sense that they were set by many different composers as an exercise, reinterpretation, or in friendly competition with each other (ex. “Susanne un jour” and “Anchor che col partire”; see

31 Appendix B for these and other textual concordances). This practice was very much in line with the custom of the 16th century and this type of imitation and homage should not be interpreted as evidence of a lack of creativity or inadequate compositional skill.

Figure 11: Cantus parts from Faignient’s and Lassus’s settings of “Las voules vous”41

41 Lassus example adapted from Orlando di Lasso, Sämtliche Werke (Wiesbaden, Germany: Breitkopf & Hä tel, 1982), 12:3-4. Note values halved and clef matched for clearer comparison.

32 Indeed, in the cases where Faignient does borrow directly from Lassus he does not fail to demonstrate his own musicality and skill in crafting fresh contrapuntal solutions for the borrowed material. For example, Faignient’s “Las voules vous” quotes directly from Lassus’s in the cantus (see Figure 11). Although the extent of the borrowing in the cantus may give the impression that Faignient is relying a great deal on Lassus, it is important to note that Lassus’s version is for four voices while Faignient’s is for three, meaning that the counterpoint had to be entirely reworked for the later version. This suggests that Faignient was not dependent on

Lassus to solve the contrapuntal problems of the piece, and was therefore borrowing out of admiration rather than need.

Figure 12: Faignient’s “Susann’ ung jour” with excerpts from Lupi’s tenor indicated

33 “Susann’ ung jour,” another text Lassus set prior to Faignient, shows the influence of both Lassus’s setting and the original setting by Didier Lupi II. Like so many settings of

“Susann’ ung jour” from the last half of the 16th century, both Faignient’s and Lassus’s settings makes use of the tenor line from Lupi’s setting. But, ironically, Lupi’s tenor appears only in

Faignient’s bassus and cantus parts, never in the tenor (see Figure 12). This circumstance again indicates that the counterpoint would need to be fully reworked in Faignient’s new piece.

Lupi’s 4-voice piece is almost entirely homophonic, with a brief melisma in each of two voices and a bit of rhythmic variety preceding cadences. Lassus’s 5-voice setting, on the other hand, is almost entirely polyphonic. Lassus will sometimes give homophonic figures to a group of two or three voices, but then writes contrapuntal material in the remaining voices against these figures. The only phrase in Lassus’s setting that is truly homophonic is “si je fais résistance,” and even here the onset of the final syllable is staggered. Faignient’s setting shows a blend of these two approaches: a balance of homophony and polyphony. Faignient further distinguishes his setting by using a two-against-one texture that reflects the dramatic meaning of the text (see

Figure 13) and subverts Lupi’s homophony by highlighting the independence of the middle voice.42

42 The story of Susanna and the Elders that is retold in “Susann’ ung jour” was a favorite in both Catholic and Protestant propaganda, and as such the piece carries a wealth of political meanings with it. See Chapter VI for more on this. Also, “Susann’ ung jour” was not the only text that Faignient drew from Lupi’s chansons spirituelles: the texts of Faignient’s quartine (“Verb’ éternel par lequel toutte chose,” “Ta déité en nostre chair enclose,” “Sur nous tes serfs plus le veil péché,” and “Prince Jesus doux agneau de Syon”) were also taken from this collection.

34 Figure 13: Two-against-one textures in Faignient’s “Susann’ ung jour”

Lassus was emulated by many composers of his time, not just Faignient.43 In fact, both

“Las voules vous qu’une personne chante” and “Susann’ ung jour” were borrowed by two other composers active in Antwerp in the second half of the 16th century: Jean de Castro and Gérard de

Turnhout. It is even more remarkable that both Castro’s and Turnhout’s settings are also for 3 voices and were printed in each composer’s debut collection. Furthermore, these collections were both printed in 1569, the year after Faignient’s CM&M collections went to print. Although it is possible that Turnhout and Castro were imitating Faignient, it is more likely that all three composers were imitating Lassus and that Faignient’s collection just happened to be printed prior to the others. If they did not know each other personally, these three composers at least knew of

43 See Ignace Bossuyt, “Orlando di Lasso as a Model for Composition as seen in the Three-Voice Motets of Jean de Castro,” in Orlando di Lasso Studies, edited by Peter Bergquist (Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 158-182.

35 each other, and perhaps arranged to set the same texts as a sort of friendly competition. This is supported by other textual concordances between these prints (Turnhout’s collection also includes a setting of “Gratias agimus tibi” and Castro’s includes several more textual concordances [see Appendix B]).

Faignient was not Lassus’s only imitator, nor was Lassus the only composer whose works influenced Faignient. “Anchor che col partire,” “Non mi togl’ il ben mio,” and “Alma Susanna, ben felic’ e ’l core” are all texts set by Cipriano de Rore, another master from the Low Countries.

“Io mi son giovenett’ e volontieri” was set by Domenico Maria Ferrabosco in 1542, and settings of both “Cagion non e ne fia che ’l mio pensier” and “Misero me deh com’ amor m’ ha posto” by

Vincenzo Ruffo were printed in 1553. “Te souvient il plus du prophète” and “Une pastorelle gentille” (as a pair) were set by Hubert Waelrant in 1558, and “Contre raison vous m’estes fort estrange” was set by Claudin de Sermisy à 4 in 1529 and à 3 in 1535.44

A comparison of these sources with Faignient’s settings shows that he typically borrows phrases and smaller fragments of melodic and rhythmic content, either verbatim or slightly altered. Usually these materials are taken from the opening of a new poetic or musical phrase, and they are most often drawn from tenor and superius parts. In many cases, the borrowed fragment or phrase is stated, and then the same text is repeated with an newly composed melody.

Faignient’s early biographers suggested that Lassus was his primary influence, but we can see from the variety and inventiveness of the compositional techniques in Faignient’s works that the composer was not without creativity and originality. We can also see from the diverse sources from which he borrowed that Faignient was inspired by several great composers of his

44 For the sources of these concordances and a full list of additional textual concordances, see Appendix B.

36 time. Furthermore, in comparison to some of his contemporaries, Lassus actually plays a fairly small role in Faignient’s creative output. Jean de Castro, in particular, borrowed much more extensively from Lassus’s works than Faignient did: at least 31 of Lassus’s chansons and 14 of his motets provided material for 3-voice pieces by Castro.45 But just as Castro’s reworkings of borrowed materials “are no mere reductions of the originals, but intriguing works in their own right, in which he shows evidence of a strong personal engagement as composer,” so too are

Faignient’s pieces fully realized works that demonstrate his independent creativity and compositional skill.46

This view of Faignient as an expressive and capable composer is echoed by Jan Willem

Bonda who notes that Faignient “must have enjoyed respect as a musician… and composer in

Antwerp” and describes him as “a progressive and innovative composer.”47 The entry for

Faignient in the 1985 edition of Dizionario enciclopedico universale della musica e dei musicisti also shares this opinion of Faignient, describing his style as achieving “un ricercato equilibrio tra tradizione dotta e innovazione ‘espressiva’” (a refined balance between scholarly tradition and

‘expressive’ innovation). This entry even defends the composer from accusations of derivativeness, scolding his earlier biographers (by name) for perpetuating this interpretation:

…il compositore si avvicina anche a soluzioni … the composer also approaches unexpected armoniche inattese, giustificando così un harmonic solutions, thus justifying his

45 Ignace Bossuyt, introduction to Il primo libro di madrigali, canzoni e motetti a tre voci… (1569), by Jean de Castro (Leuven, Belgium: Leuven University Press, 1995), 18; and Bossuyt, “Orlando di Lasso as a Model,” 170. See also Ignace Bossuyt and Saskia Willaert, “Jean De Castro’s Il primo libro di madrigali, conzoni e motetti,” in Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation, vol. 2, eds. Eugeen Schreurs and Henri Vanhulst (Peer, Belgium: Alamire, 1997), 333-352. 46 Bossuyt, “Orlando di Lasso as a Model,” 169. Although the tradition of imitation and borrowing fell out of favor in the 17th century in favor of fully original single-author works with copyright protections, it is reappearing in some 21st-century styles (such as mashups), a trend that has raised new questions about authorship and brought new attention to the models of the past. For more on this, see Kate van Orden, Music, Authorship, and the Book in the First Century of Print (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2014). 47 Bonda, De meerstemmige Nederlandse liederen, 143 and 142 (translations mine).

37 linguaggio discretamente autonomo e non language as fairly independent and not mutuato direttamente da Orlando di Lasso, borrowed directly from Orlando di Lasso, as come invece la storiografia (J.G. Walther, F.- some historians (J.G. Walther, F.-J. Fétis, A. J. Fétis, A. van der Linden) ha passivamente van der Linden) have carelessly handed tramandato. down.48

The Role of 3-Part Polyphony in the 16th Century

Some scholarship has suggested that the 4-voice chanson largely replaced the 3-voice chanson as the preferred format around 1500, and that the latter became peripheral to musical life shortly thereafter, relegated to a predominantly didactic purpose. But this conclusion is largely based on the output of Parisian printer Pierre Attaingnant and his influence as an arbiter of taste.

In Antwerp we find a much different role for the 3-voice chanson.49

Between 1569 and 1574, the Phalèse press issued six collections of chansons à 3. This large number suggests that the genre was still commercially successful in the Low Countries in this period and that composers still found the format interesting and fruitful.50 Jean de Castro, one of the most popular and prolific composers of the second half of the 16th century, had a particularly strong affinity for the 3-voice format. Over the course of his career, Castro published nine volumes of 3-voice compositions, the first of which was his debut in 1569.51

Castro also edited La fleur des chansons à trois parties… (Louvain and Antwerp: Pierre Phalèse

Sr. and Jean Bellère, RISM15743, USTC 64232), which contains 18 of the 22 chansons from

48 Dizionario enciclopedico universale della musica e dei musicisti, 1985 edition, s.v. “Faignient, Noël,” by Domenico Tampieri. 49 Courtney Adams, “Aspects of the Chanson for Three Voices,” Acta Musicologica 49, no. 2 (July-December 1977): 228-229. 50 Courtney Adams, “The Three-Part Chanson During the Sixteenth Century” (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1974), 316-317. 51 Alamire Foundation, “Jean de Castro. Opera omnia,” accessed May 13, 2015, http://www.alamirefoundation.org/en/publications/jean-de-castro-opera-omnia.

38 CM&M à 3 and was the largest collection of 3-voice polyphonic chansons ever brought to print.52

Far from being didactic or peripheral, Faignient’s 3-voice chansons anticipate 15 years of popularity for the genre. Indeed, there are several characteristics of CM&M à 3 that clearly indicate that the collection was not intended for instructional purposes. First of all, since an instructional focus would suggest keeping simplicity in all aspects of the work, didactic collections would be unlikely to include several languages. Secondly, the two CM&M collections were a pair, and since compositions for 6 voices would hardly be appropriate for instruction, both volumes must be excluded from having pedagogical purposes. Furthermore, like many of the 3-voice compositions of Jean de Castro, the pieces in CM&M à 3 include rhythmic difficulties and meter changes that would be beyond the grasp of a beginner, making them ill-suited for instruction.53

Stylistically, too, Faignient’s pieces were consistent with the new trends in 3-voice chansons. French influence was strong in the chanson à 3 from the Low Countries in the early

16th century, but by the time that Faignient’s and Castro’s debuts were published, “the works of these Netherlanders [had] become fully emancipated from the effects of French style.”54 The features of the independent northern style include smaller rhythmic subdivisions, triadic harmonies at cadences, syncopation at the semiminim, and declamatory text setting (fewer melismas); all features that can be found in CM&M à 3.55

52 Jeanice Brooks, Introduction to Chansons, odes, et sonetz de Pierre Ronsard (1576), by Jean de Castro, Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 97 (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, Inc., 1994), x. 53 Adams, “Aspects of the Chanson for Three Voices,” 233-234. 54 Adams, “The Three-Part Chanson,” 319. 55 Ibid.

39 The 3-part chanson has not received a great deal of scholarly attention, but even less notice has been given to the 3-part madrigal, motet, and liedeken. We do know that 40 single- author collections and 25 anthologies of 3-voice madrigals were printed between 1537 and 1619, and out of these six single-author collections and 13 anthologies were reprinted. At least seven anthologies of 3-voice madrigals were issued in the 1580s, suggesting that the genre was at its peak at that time. For the 3-voice motet we find 33 single-author collections and 21 anthologies printed between 1538 and 1621, but only six single-author collections and two anthologies were reprinted. The greatest number of anthologies of 3-voice motets was printed in the 1560s, but more than half of the single-author collections were issued between 1590 and 1610.56

A search for “3-stemmig”57 in the online Dutch Song Database produces about 400 song entries from the 16th century.58 The results include both manuscripts and prints, as well as instrumental arrangements and Dutch contrafacta based on 3-voice songs, so it is difficult to compare these figures with the numbers of printed collections offered above. If we estimate that each printed collection of madrigals or motets contains about 20 pieces (a fairly low estimate), that would add up to be about 1300 madrigals à 3 and 1080 motets à 3 in printed collections alone, which suggests that 3-voice liedekens are probably substantially outnumbered by 3-voice chansons, madrigals, and motets.

56 Bossuyt, Introduction to Il primo libro,16-17. 57 Quotes are used around “3-stemmig” or “3 stemmig” in order to search for the whole phrase and produce the desired results. 58 Centre for Documentation and Research of Dutch Songs, Meertens Institute, Amsterdam, “Dutch Song Database / Nederlandse Liederenbank,” accessed June 30, 2015, http://www.liederenbank.nl/. Thanks to Martine de Bruin who promptly corrected an error in the software so that a search for “3-stemmig” would produce all relevant results.

40 As a composer, Faignient was a capable and expressive contrapuntist, whose comparison to Orlande de Lassus by his early biographers shows that he was well respected as such.

Although his musical style was fairly conservative, Faignient’s text selections were innovative: he was one of the first composers from the Low Countries to write Italian madrigals and was also one of the few to publish polyphonic liedekens. In order to understand the meanings behind

Faignient’s creative choices, we must be able to place his works in the context of the composer’s life. The next chapter will explore the evidence that has been uncovered about Faignient’s life and career and will seek to resolve conflicts and present a cohesive narrative of events within which his output can be situated and interpreted.

41 Chapter IV. Noé Faignient: An Emerging Composer in 16th-Century Antwerp

Noé Faignient’s surviving works show him to be a skilled and expressive composer, and the earliest accounts of him show that he was appreciated for his musical abilities. His first biographer, Pierre François Sweerts (Franciscus Sweertius), gives the following biography in

Athenae belgicae printed in Antwerp in 1628:

NOE FAIGNIENT, claruit inter Musicos suit NOE FAIGNIENT, famous musician in his temporis: Antuerpiæ aliquot annos iuuentutem time: taught music to young people in Musicam docuit. Composuitque Cantiones Antwerp. Composer of sacred and secular sacras & profanes, item Madrigalas.3.4.5.&6. songs, also madrigals for 3, 4, 5, and 6 voices, Vocum, apud peritos in magno pretio. among experts he was greatly valued.59

This is followed by Johann Gottfried Walther’s Musicalisches Lexicon oder Musicalische

Bibliothec (1732):

Faignient [Noe] ein berühmt gewesener Faignient [Noe] a famous musician and Musicus und Componist zu Antwerpen, composer from Antwerp, where he taught welcher einige Jahre die Music daselbst music for some years, and was called “Simia gelehret, und Simia Orlandi genennet worden, Orlandi” because he studiously imitated him weil er selbigen zu imitieren sich befliessen. (Orlande de Lassus). Amongst his works…60 Von seiner Arbeit…

59 Pierre François Sweerts (Franciscus Sweertius), Athenae belgicae (Antwerp, Netherlands: Gulielmum a Tungris, 1628): 585 (translation mine). Also transcribed in part in Godelieve Spiessens, “Nieuwe biografische gegevens over Noe Faignient,” Musica antiqua 9, no. 1 (1992): 16; and in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 2nd ed., s.v. “Faignient, Noé,” by Katelijne Schiltz. 60 Johann Gottfried Walther, Musicalisches Lexicon oder Musicalische Bibliothec (Leipzig, Germany: Deer, 1732), 238 (translation mine).

42 And Fétis’s Biographie universelle des musiciens et bibliographie générale de la musique (1837-

1844):

FAIGNIENT (Noé), compositeur belge, vécut FAIGNIENT (Noé), Belgian composer, lived à Anvers vers 1570. Imitateur du style de in Antwerp around 1570. Imitator of the style Roland de Lassus, il a presque égalé son of Orlande de Lassus, he almost equaled his maitre pour la douceur de son harmonie. On master in the sweetness of his harmony. We connait de lui les ouvrages suivants… know him from the following works…61

The comparisons to Lassus made by Walther and Fétis created an opportunity for misunderstandings by later biographers (as we saw in Chapter III), but the main points of these biographies – that he was a famous musician and composer, lived and worked in Antwerp, was a teacher of music, and composed motets and secular songs (madrigals are emphasized) – are corroborated with newer scholarship. However, these extremely brief accounts give us little insight into the man who composed the pieces of CM&M à 3.

Later researchers have provided us with more details of the composer’s life, but many of these particulars are incompatible with each other, creating a “bizarre puzzle” of conflicting narratives.62 It must be that some of the sources are either inaccurate or have been erroneously connected to Faignient. Mistaken attributions are easily understood considering the many variations in spelling of the composer’s name (Noé, Noe, Noel, Nouel, Noë, Noël; Faignient,

Faignant, Fagaet, Faeynient, Faneente, and so on), but this explanation does nothing to clear the murky waters and offer a cohesive chronicle of Faignient’s life.

The current entry for Faignient in Grove Music Online offers the commonly accepted narrative of Faignient’s biography, stating that he was born around 1560 in Cambrai, became a

61 François-Joseph Fétis, Biographie universelle des musiciens et bibliographie gé ér le de la musique (Brussels, Belgium: Meline, Cans et Compagnie, 1837-1844), 4:64-65. 62 Jan Willem Bonda, De meerstemmige Nederlandse liederen van de vijftiende en zestiende eeuw / The Polyphonic Songs in Dutch of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (With a Summary in English) (Hilversum, Netherlands: Uitgeverij Verloren, 1996), 142-143 (footnote 122, translation mine).

43 citizen of Antwerp as of 1561, and was sangmeester to Eric, Duke of Brunswick in 1580 and

1581.63 These claims are based primarily on the work of Alphonse Goovaerts, who furnished a biography of Faignient for the Biographie nationale of Belgium, the relevant volume of which was published in 1878.64 However, many of the principal points of Goovaerts’s biography have been called into question by newer research. In particular, Godelieve Spiessens’s 1992 article,

“Nieuwe biografische gegevens over Noé Faignient,” introduced several new archival sources that construct a narrative that is not compatible with that passed down in Grove and other sources.65 In order to reconcile these conflicting accounts I will examine the sources upon which these claims are based and determine which sources are reliable and which should be dismissed.

The result will present a very different view of the composer’s life than the current prevailing narrative.

The designation of Faignient’s birthplace as Cambrai and his Antwerp citizenship in 1561 are both based on an entry in the Antwerp poortersboeken (citizenship book) that reads: “Noe

Menestriers, Bastiaenssone, geboren tot Cameryck, speelman” [Noe Menestriers, son of

Bastiaen, born in Cambrai, musician].66 Goovaerts interprets “Menestriers” as a professional designation, derived from the French term “menestrier” meaning “minstrel.” But according to

Spiessens “Menestriers” was a proper name by this time, having lost its professional connotations, so this entry seems to concern another person entirely. Furthermore, Spiessens

63 Grove Music Online, s.v. “Faignient, Noë,” by Lavern J. Wagner, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/09235 (accessed July 24, 2014). The most recent source cited in Wagner’s bibliography is Eugene Schreurs’s introduction to a 1986 facsimile version of CM&M à 4-6 (see Bibliography under ‘Faignient’ for full citation). 64 Alphonse Goovaerts, “Faignient (Noé ou Noël),” Biographie nationale 6 (1878): col.847-851. 65 Godelieve Spiessens, “Nieuwe biografische gegevens over Noe Faignient,” Musica antiqua 9, no. 1 (1992): 15- 17. 66 Ibid., 15 (translation mine).

44 notes that the term ‘speelman’ was typically used to designate instrumental musicians, and therefore is not suited to Faignient, whose works are exclusively vocal and who was most likely a singing teacher (see below). In the few other archival sources concerning Faignient, he is described as sangmeester, musicien, or componist, but never speelman. Since both the name and description of this person do not match Faignient, this source seems to concern another Antwerp musician and should not be used to construct the composer’s biography.

As an alternative, Spiessens suggests that ‘Faignient’ may be a French corruption of an

Italian name such as ‘Faigniani,’ making Italy a possible birthplace. Furthermore, she identifies two Milanese merchants living in Antwerp in 1542-1570 who may be relatives of Noé: “Jacomo

(Jacques, Jaisme)” and “Donato (de) Faigniani (Fagnani, Fagniano, Faignaen; Faignaigno,

Faignani, Faignano, Fanigani, Fanignano).”67 Although variations in spelling were common in the 16th century, this theory of Italian origin could help explain the extreme orthological variance in Faignient’s case and thus the difficulty in locating sources and determining whether or not individual sources are relevant. The fact that Faignient was among the first northern composers to produce Italian madrigals also offers a degree of support for the possibility of Italian heritage.

We can estimate Faignient’s date of birth based on a certificaat in the Antwerp archives dated February 17, 1576 that describes him as “Noel Faeynient, sangmeestere alhier, woonende by de Nyeuwe Borsse alhier, oudt omtrent XXXIX jaren” (Noel Faeynient, local singing master, living locally near the New Bourse [or Exchange], approximately 39 years old).68 This certificaat also states that the composer came at the request of Glaude Ripet, a native of Brussels, to testify that the latter was a man of honor with a good reputation, and to confirm that Ripet had

67 Ibid., 15. 68 Stadsarchief Antwerpen, Vierschaar 147 (vol. VI, 1554-1558), fo.157v. Transcribed in Spiessens, “Nieuwe biografische gegevens,” 15 (translation mine).

45 lived in Antwerp for sixteen years. This implies that Faignient himself was well established in

Antwerp and was respected (or at least respectable) enough to give meaningful testimony about

Ripet’s character.69

The certificaat establishes the year of his birth circa 1537 and is one of the sources newly identified in Spiessens’s 1992 article. Can this source be trusted? The description of Faignient as ‘sangmeester’ in this document seems compatible with what is known of the composer (unlike

‘speelman’). Although there is currently no evidence that he was a choirmaster at a church in

Antwerp, the term is also suitable for a singing teacher, which corresponds to Sweertius’s description of him. Given the date of the CM&M collections as 1568, and knowing that these pieces were “les premiers fruitz de mon jardinet” (as stated in the dedication of CM&M à 4-6), it seems fitting that he would have been about 31 years old when the collections were released.

The birthdates of his children also fit with a 1537 birthdate for the composer. The date of 1560 given in Grove Music Online must be a typographical error, since it is very unlikely that the composer was only 8 years old when he completed the CM&M collections, and he was certainly not a toddler when his first child was born in 1561.

Faignient and his first wife, Joanna, baptized a daughter, Lucretia, in the Church of Our

Lady of Antwerp on April 10, 1561. Since he was 24 years old at the time, Lucretia was probably Faignient’s first child. Two sons baptized at the Church of Our Lady were born to

Faignient and his second wife, Anna Oldenhoff: Michael, baptized on December 22, 1575, and

Bartholomeus, baptized on December 8, 1577. In a petition to Antwerp City Hall in 1583, Anna claims to have four minor children, so there may be a fourth child for whom a baptism record has

69 Spiessens, “Nieuwe biografische gegevens,” 16.

46 not been found. This fourth child must have been born after 1558 to still be under the age of majority (25 years) in 1583.70

The Antwerp City accounts show that between 1574 and 1585, the Faignient family leased store No. 53 from the city. In Anna’s petition to the Antwerp City Hall in 1583

(mentioned above), she claims that that her family held the lease for twelve consecutive years, indicating that the lease began in 1571. The records are missing from 1571 to 1574, so there are no records to support or refute this claim. In the records that do survive, we can see that the lease was renewed every three years on March 15th and was in Noé Faignient’s name until the year of Anna’s petition. The petition describes her as the widow of “Noel Faignent,” so it is no surprise that the name of the leaseholder was Anna herself from 1583 to 1585.71

The matter put forward in the petition is a request by Anna that half of the rent payment for the shop be forgiven due to financial difficulty. As the sole breadwinner for her children,

Anna relied on the revenue generated at the store to support the family. In her petition, Anna describes being present when the Spanish captured the nearby city of Lier and explains that she was required to pay a substantial amount in bail for one of her children following the battle.

Furthermore, she mentions in her petition that the servant who was running the store in her absence was shot by a city guard, which suggests that no income was generated from the shop thereafter. Apparently the city officials were sympathetic to her story because the petition was granted and Anna continued to rent the shop for another two years.72

The records concerning the lease of store No. 53 from the city of Antwerp reveal

Faignient to be a reliable and longstanding tenant, and the success of Anna’s petition suggests

70 Ibid., 15-16. 71 Ibid., 16. Anna’s petition can be found in the Stadsarchief Antwerpen, Privilegekamer 661 (Requestboek 1582- 1583), fo.254r-v. 72 Spiessens, “Nieuwe biografische gegevens,” 16.

47 that the Antwerp authorities held a favorable view of the family. This petition was signed by

“Gabri” who may have been attorney Carel Gabry, head of the musicians’ guild

(muzikantengilde). If there is a connection between Faignient and Gabry, it may be that

Faignient was a member of the guild, although no records have been discovered that could confirm this.73

Although Anna’s petition seems to establish Faignient’s death date as late as 1583, a schepenakte (alderman’s deed) from 5 years earlier also describes Anna as Faignient’s widow

(“weduwe wylen Mr. Noe Faneente”).74 If Faignient was indeed dead by the date of the schepenakte, December 20, 1578, the theoretical fourth child was most likely born before 1575 if we take into account the births of his other children, and we consider that Faignient died shortly after the last documented birth. However, this earlier death date conflicts directly with accounts of Faignient being in the service of the Duke of Brunswick in 1580-1581.

The evidence that places Faignient as zangmeester to Eric II, Duke of Brunswick can be found in two entries in the accounts of the lllustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap (the Illustrious

Confraternity of Our Lady) in ‘s-Hertogenbosch:

Zangers Singers … … Hans van Coolwijk, basconter, afkomstig uit Hans van Coolwijk, bass singer from Antwerpen. Aangenomen 1574/5, is in 1620 nog Antwerp. Joined in 1574/5, is still a in dienst. In 1580/1 stelde Noel Faignant, member in 1620. In 1580/1, Noel Faignant, zangmeester van hertog Erich van Brunswijk singing master of Duke Eric of Brunswick, aan Van Coolwijk voor Den Bosch te verlaten. suggested that he leave Den Bosch [‘s- De broederschap betaalde sindsdien aan deze Hertogenbosch]. Since then, the zanger, «een excellent basconter», buiten confraternity paid this singer [Coolwijk] a

73 Spiessens, “Nieuwe biografische gegevens,” 16-17. 74 Stadsarchief Antwerpen, Schepenregister 354 (Moy & Neesen, I, 1578), fo.144v-l45r. Transcribed in Spiessens, “Nieuwe biografische gegevens,” 16. Anna was apparently from a well-established family of artisans in Antwerp. More details about Anna and her family can be found in Spiessens’s endnotes.

48 medeweten van de andere zangers een hoger higher salary, without the knowledge of the salaris. other singers. … … Gasten en sollicitanten Guests and Applicants … … Noel Faignant (Fagaet), zangmeester van hertog Noel Faignant (Fagaet), singing master of Erich van Brunswijk. Biedt Hans van Coolwijk Duke Eric of Brunswick. Offers Hans van aanstelling aan in diens hofkapel 1580/81. Coolwijk an appointment in his court chapel 1580/81.75

But, if the schepenakte is accurate and December 1578 is the terminus ante quem for Noé

Faignient’s death, the man mentioned in these accounts cannot be the same person. It is clear that either the schepenakte is inaccurate, or the accounts of the confraternity do not concern the composer in question. Which source should be trusted?

The lease for the family store was in Faignient’s name until 1583, which seems to indicate that he was still living then. However, it could be that the name of the leaseholder was not updated until 1583 (rather than sooner if indeed Faignient was dead by the end of 1578) because the records may not have been reviewed until Anna’s petition made it necessary to do so. Therefore, this piece of evidence neither confirms nor refutes either the confraternity accounts or the schepenakte.

‘S-Hertogenbosch, known colloquially as Den Bosch, is about 100 kilometers northwest of Antwerp. Although it is possible that Faignient traveled there while living in Antwerp, we have no records that would indicate that he ever lived there aside from the confraternity accounts themselves. In fact, we have no other sources that ever place Faignient outside of Antwerp. On the other hand, it is well established that nobles and aristocrats were interested in recruiting talented musicians from all over Europe in an effort to gain prestige and outdo rival courts.

75 M.A. Vente, “De Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap te ‘s-Hertogenbosch 1541-1620, II,” Tijdschrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis 19, no. 3/4 (1962-1963): 165-167 (translation mine).

49 Sometimes patrons relied on the musician’s reputation, but it was also common to send agents abroad for the purpose of finding and recruiting fine musicians. If Faignient was indeed employed by the Duke of Brunswick, it is plausible that he was sent to ‘s- Hertogenbosch to recruit singers for the Duke’s chapel. It is even possible that he went there specifically to recruit

Hans van Coolwijk because both men were from Antwerp and Faignient may have known the singer personally or by reputation.76

Another connection between Faignient and the ‘s-Hertogenbosch confraternity can be found in a collection of works by Jacobus Flori that contains nine pieces based on Faignient’s

CM&M collections.77 Flori, like Coolwijk, was a bass singer for the Illustrious Confraternity of

Our Lady in ‘s-Hertogenbosch, but his appointment there ended in 1574, when Coolwijk’s began, and the relevant collection was published the year before (1573) so it was probably not

Coolwijk that introduced Faignient’s works to Flori.78 This volume does demonstrate a connection between Faignient and ‘s-Hertogenbosch, but it may only be that his CM&M collections had circulated there by 1573.

With the evidence currently available it is not possible to be certain whether the death date offered by the schepenakte can be trusted, or whether Faignient was still living and working for the Duke of Brunswick in 1580 and 1581. Although the recruitment scenario is plausible, there is a preponderance of evidence that connects the composer with Antwerp and only a single conflicting source that places him in the service of the Duke of Brunswick. The simplest

76 Lewis Lockwood, “Recruitment of Musicians in the 1470s,” in Music in Renaissance Ferrara 1400-1501 (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2009). 77 Jacobus Flori, Modulorum aliquot tam sacrorum quam prophanorum cum tribus vocibus, et tum musicis instrumentis, tum vocibus concinnentium accommodatorum (Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1573), RISM A/I F11. In modern edition: Jacobus Flori, Motetten en Nederlandse polyfone liederen / Motets and Dutch Polyphonic Songs: Leuven, 1573, edited by Nele Gabriëls, Eugeen Schreurs, Maartje De Wilde, Hubert Meeus, Piet Stryckers, and Demmy Verbeke (Leuven, Belgium: Alamire, 2006). 78 Introduction to Flori, Motetten, xxvi.

50 explanation, then, is that the records of the confraternity in ‘s-Hertogenbosch are mistaken. I will tentatively conclude, therefore, that the schepenakte is accurate, that Faignient was never in the service of the Duke of Brunswick, and that he was dead by the end of 1578.

There are two entries in the Antwerp schepenbrieven (aldermen’s letters) concerning possible relatives or descendants of Faignient. One documents the marriage of Joos Faignant, a grain merchant, to Clara du Pré Martensdochter in 1583, and the other entry records the baptism of Margareta Fagnient, daughter of Antonius and Françoise Treselle, in the church of St.

Joriskerk in 1621. Joos could have been a brother or a son of Noé, and Antonius could have been his son or grandson, which would make Margareta his granddaughter or great- granddaughter.79

Religious Aspects of Faignient’s Biography

In the absence of personal documents such as letters and diaries, we have only official documents, general biographical information, and third-party accounts from which to draw clues about Faignient’s religious allegiance. In previous studies Faignient’s connection with the

Catholic church was supported by the two entries in the accounts of the lllustre Lieve Vrouwe

Broederschap in ‘s-Hertogenbosch that were discussed above. However, given Faignient’s strong connections with Antwerp and evidence that suggests that he was deceased by the end of

1578, the Noel Fagaet mentioned in the confraternity’s accounts as zangmeester to Eric, Duke of

Brunswick in 1580-1581 is probably not the composer in question.

The baptisms of three of Faignient’s children (Lucretia, Michael, and Bartholomeus in

1561, 1575, and 1577) at the Church of Our Lady in Antwerp are an indication that he might

79 Spiessens, “Nieuwe biografische gegevens,” 17.

51 have been Catholic. However, a fourth child is mentioned in Anna’s petition to the Antwerp

City Hall for whom no baptism record has been found. Perhaps this fourth child was not baptized because the violence and religious uncertainty of the time made it inconvenient or even dangerous to do so, or perhaps the baptisms of the other children represent civil obedience more than religious fervor. On the other hand, it is entirely possible that the child was baptized, like the others, and the record of the event simply does not survive. Without being able to confirm the existence of a fourth child, let alone determine the child’s date of birth, further speculation on this point cannot be justified.

One of the two CM&M collections appeared on a list of books confiscated by Catholic authorities at Courtrai on March 16, 1569.80 The description of Faignient’s collection does not mention the number of voices, so it is not clear whether the collection in question is CM&M à 3 or CM&M à 4-6, or perhaps both volumes together.81 This seizure suggests that at least one inquisitor found Faignient’s debut to be heretical, but the records of these seizures are incomplete, unclear, and fragmented, offering no rationale for the confiscation of individual items, so we have no explicit indication of what characteristics caused CM&M to be confiscated.

Furthermore, volumes of music account for quite a small portion of the books confiscated in this operation, so it is difficult to establish statistical data that would allow us to draw broad conclusions about the type of music that was seized. We do know that two other collections of polyphonic music were seized at the same time: Séverin Cornet’s debut, Canzoni napolitane a quattro voci of 1563 (RISM A/I C3944, USTC 406240), and a collection of “chansons” by

80 See Henri Vanhulst, “Les editions de musique polyphonique et les traités musicaux mantionnés dans les inventaires dressés en 1569 dans les Pays-Bas espagnols sur ordre du duc d’Albe,” Revue belge de Musicologie / Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Muziekwetenschap 31(1977): 70. Vanhulst assumes that the entry refers to CM&M à 4- 6, probably because he was not aware of the existence of a 3-voice collection by Faignient with a nearly identical title. 81 Archives Générales du Royaume, Brussels, Belgium, Conseil des troubles, 25 (Courtrai), fo.4v.

52 Hubert Waelrant printed in Antwerp and dated 1558 that was most likely his own debut, Il primo libro de madrigal & canzoni francezi a cinque voci (RISM A/I W1, USTC 64300).82 These volumes share several characteristics: all are debuts, all contain Italian songs, and CM&M à 4-6 is dedicated to a Catholic foreign merchant, as are Cornet’s and Waelrant’s collections. None of these characteristics point to the “sects, heresies, and evil doctrines”83 that the Duke of Alva was looking to abolish when he ordered this operation, but perhaps it was not the contents of these volumes but their source, the Laet press, that attracted the attention of the censors.

Three years prior to the search-and-seizure ordered by the Duke of Alva, Jan de Laet had been implicated in the printing of a pamphlet criticizing Philip II and the Inquisition. Laet was questioned on the basis that he was one of several printers in the area known to use the typeface that appeared in the pamphlet, but there was not enough evidence to determine which printer was responsible for the document. In the next two years, one of Laet’s employees, Mathieu Damery, was implicated in the printing and distribution of heretical writings. In all likelihood, CM&M and the other debuts were seized not because their content was considered subversive or heretical, but simply because their association with the Laet press made them suspect in the eyes of the Inquisition.84

In his examination of CM&M à 3, Fritz Noske identifies a letter dated 1578 in which an emigrant Antwerp Calvinist requests a copy of “Joli mois de may” by Faignient and “Wilhelmus van Nassouwe,” a propaganda song in support of William of Orange-Nassau that would later become the national anthem of the Netherlands. Along with the presence of many psalms in

82 Ibid., 70. Vanhulst identifies Cornet’s collection, but not Waelrant’s. 83 Duke of Alva to the Grand Conseil de Malines, March 7, 1568 [1569], transcribed in Louis P. Gachard, ed., Correspondance de Philippe II sur les affaires des Pays-Bas (Brussels, Belgium: Librairie Ancienne et Moderne and C. Muquardt, 1848-1879), 2:674-675 (translation mine). 84 Robert Lee Weaver, Waelrant and Laet: Music Publishers in Antwerp’s Golden Age (Warren, MI: Harmonie Park Press, 1995), 79-81.

53 Faignient’s output and the absence of mass settings, Noske sees this letter this as an indication that the composer was a Calvinist, or at least harbored Calvinist sympathies. Noske tempers this suggestion, noting that “it seems unlikely that Eric II of Brunswick-Lüneburg should have engaged a Protestant Kapellmeister,” but we have already cast doubt on the accuracy of accounts describing Faignient’s appointment with the Duke of Brunswick.85 Rather than interpreting the juxtaposition of Faignient and the Wilhelmus as an indication of the composer’s religion, this connection is better understood as a sign of Faignient’s political loyalties, as I will show in

Chapter VI.

There are few known third-party accounts of Faignient, but one such source offers important evidence about Faignient’s religious associations. In 1566, Guillaume de Poetou (c.

1528-c. 1568) published a collection of poems entitled Suite de labeur en liesse that includes a sonnet dedicated to “Master Noe Faignient, no less noble musician, than excellent composer of music.”86 Among the dedicatees in this and other collections by Poetou are several wealthy merchants and important political figures. Faignient’s presence among these illustrious figures implies that he enjoyed a measure of status and respect in Antwerp as a young musician and composer, even before he released his debut CM&M collections.87

Figure 14: Guillaume de Poetou’s sonnet dedicated to Faignient88

A MAISTRE NOUEL TO MASTER NOUEL

85 Frits Noske, “The Linköping Faignient-Manuscript,” Acta Musicologica 36 (1964): 153. 86 Jan Willem Bonda, De meerstemmige Nederlandse liederen van de vijftiende en zestiende eeuw / The Polyphonic Songs in Dutch of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (With a Summary in English) (Hilversum, Netherlands: Uitgeverij Verloren, 1996), 141 (translation mine). 87 E.K. Grootes and M.A. Schenkeveld-Van der Dussen, “The Dutch Revolt and the Golden Age, 1560-1700,” trans. Liz Waters, in A Literary History of the Low Countries, edited by Theo Hermans (Rochester, NY: Camden House, 2009), 179-180; and Bonda, De meerstemmige Nederlandse liederen, 142. 88 Sonnet transcribed in Bonda, De meerstemmige Nederlandse liederen, 141. Poem originally published in Guillaume de Poetou, Suite de labeur en liesse (Antwerp: Gillis Coppens van Diest, 1566). Translation mine with the help of Samuel A. Junod.

54 FAGNIENT, non moins gentil Musicien, FAGNIENT, no less noble Musician, qu’excellent compositeur de Musique than excellent composer of Music

SONNET. SONNET.

Saint Matthieu Cap. 18 Saint Matthew Chapter 18

QUant on veut, mon FAIGNIENT, faire & user When one wants, my FAIGNIENT, to perform the duty l’office (A service that we can call divine) (Office que povons divine publier) Of approaching one’s fellow human in order to reconcile D’approcher son prochein pour le réconcilier His defects, sins, abuses, and vices [with God], De son commis défaut, péché, mésus, & vice; One must approach him alone; and in a suitable place Seul le faut accoster, & en place propice, The one who wants to easily connect him to his sacred Qui aisément le veut sous ses saints dits lier. bonds [should approach him]. Autrement s’il ne veut le col au joug plier, Otherwise, if he does not want to put his neck to the yoke, (Afin que les préceps soint en fermeté riche) (So that the commandments would be firmly upheld) Avoir faut quant & luy des tesmoings deux ou One must bring two or three witnesses to him, trois: Then, if he does not listen to their commands and voices, Lors, si d’iceus n’escoute & les commans & vois, One must turn to the Catholic Church. Advertir il en faut la Catholique Eglise. If he refuses to accept his salvation and what is good for Refusant d’elle ouïr & son salut & bien, him, Tenu soit Publicain, & estimé Payen. He must be considered a Publican and judged as a Pagan. L’obstiné digne n’est de la fidelle hantise. The obstinate do not deserve the company of the faithful.

Suite de labeur en liesse was dedicated to “Monsieur Jan vander Noot, alderman of the flourishing city of Antwerp, no less noble and generous than he is learned and virtuous.”89 Van der Noot is generally considered the first important Renaissance poet of the Low Countries, and

Suite de labeur en liesse contains the first of Van der Noot’s own poems to appear in print.

Poetou seems to have acted as a mentor to Van der Noot, introducing him to the Pléiade style of

French poetry, and in turn Van der Noot acted as a patron, supporting the printing of Poetou’s works.90

Although Poetou and Van der Noot would oscillate between Catholic and Protestant loyalties over the course of their careers, at this stage both men were enjoying the patronage of

89 Grootes and Schenkeveld-Van der Dussen, “The Dutch Revolt and the Golden Age,” 179-180. 90 Karel Bostoen, Dichterschap en Koopmanschap in de Zestiende Eeuw: Omtrent de Dichters Guillaume de Poetou en Jan vander Noot, Deventer studiën 1 (Deventer, Netherlands: Sub Rosa, 1987), 318.

55 the Catholic members of the Genoese Nation in Antwerp, a powerful association of businessmen from the Genoa region of Italy with strong ties to the Spanish government and the Catholic religion. Poetou had released his debut, La grande liesse, the previous year and dedicated it to

Stefano Gentile and Giovanni Grimaldi of the Genoese Nation, wealthy patrons with interests in both literature and music (Gentile was also Lassus’s first patron and Grimaldi helped launch the career of composer Philippe de Monte). Given the Catholicism of his patrons, it is no surprise that Poetou’s sonnet is unambiguously pro-Catholic, describing the “divine” service of leading someone back to the Catholic faith.

Poetou’s sonnet for Faignient is a translation of three verses in Matthew 18, so an analysis of the text can start there. The first several verses of Matthew 18 depict Jesus urging the disciples to cast away anything that causes them to sin, offering brutal imagery to emphasize this message: “If your hand or your foot causes you to sin, cut it off and throw it away. It is better for you to enter life maimed or crippled than to have two hands or two feet and be thrown into eternal fire.”91 The later verses discuss forgiveness, telling the story of a master who was lenient to a servant who owed him money, only to find out that the servant was not willing to do the same and forgive a debt owed to him. Upon this discovery, the master ordered that the servant be tortured until he could repay what he owed. The chapter concludes with Jesus saying, “This is how my heavenly Father will treat each of you unless you forgive your brother from your heart.”92 This dark passage moves from brutal intolerance for sin and temptation to a seemingly contradictory mandate for forgiveness. But between these messages are the steps for moving from one approach to the other; these are the verses used in Poetou’s sonnet to Faignient

(Matthew 18:15-17):

91 Bible, Matthew 18:8 (New International Version). 92 Bible, Matthew 18:35 (New International Version).

56 If your brother sins against you, go and show him his fault, just between the two of you. If he listens to you, you have won your brother over. But if he will not listen, take one or two others along, so that every matter may be established by the testimony of two or three witnesses. If he refuses to listen to them, tell it to the church; and if he refuses to listen even to the church, treat him as you would a pagan or a tax collector.93

Although the poem is highly stylized in terms of form (allusion, elliptic syntax, the sophisticated rhyme and metric scheme of sonnet form), the content is somewhat pedantic, essentially giving step-by-step instructions for approaching someone in need of religious reconciliation. The first step in this process is oriented towards forgiveness, the next step is a social intervention, and then the problem is handed over to the authority of the church. If these steps fail to lead the person to reconciliation, this passage suggests that forgiveness should be abandoned and that “your brother” should be cast away, treated as a “pagan or a tax collector.”

Why would Poetou address this particular poem to Faignient? If the poem is a response to a specific event, the event has not been identified. In any case, it is unlikely that the poem is meant to criticize Faignient for his beliefs or behavior. Given its complimentary dedication and its context among poems exalting the high-raking citizens of Antwerp, it seems more likely that the piece is intended to support and praise the composer.94

The word “prochein” (3rd line) is translated here as “fellow human,” but it could also be translated as “neighbor” or even “kinfolk.” Could it be that the person in need of a religious intervention was a family member or other close friend of Faignient? When the poem was published in 1566 Faignient’s daughter was about five years old, and his son Michael would not be born for another nine years. Between these two births Faignient’s first wife would

93 Bible, Matthew 18:15-17 (New International Version). 94 Bonda, De meerstemmige Nederlandse liederen, 142-143.

57 (presumably) die and he would remarry. Perhaps the religious crisis concerned his first wife, but in that case the noun and possessive adjective should reflect the feminine gender (“sa procheine” rather than “son prochein”) so this seems unlikely. We know nothing of Faignient’s parents and little of possible siblings, but the message of the poem would be compatible with a scenario in which he broke contact with his family over religion (“The obstinate do not deserve the company of the faithful”). It is also possible that the person in question was a fellow musician; perhaps a teacher since the poem predates the CM&M collections and Faignient would have only been about 28 or 29 at the time. Still another possibility is that the person in need of religious reform was Faignient himself, in which case the poem appears to congratulate the composer for his return to the Catholic faith and encourages him to keep company only among the faithful.

Whoever the object of the reconciliation might have been, the sonnet certainly portrays Faignient as a friend of the Catholic Church, which would have been a good public relations message for an emerging composer seeking a patron among the wealthy foreign merchants of Antwerp.

The narrative of Faignient’s life that prevails in most English sources was based principally on 19th century scholarship and now must be largely rewritten to reflect archival evidence presented in newer recent research. The new narrative of Faignient’s biography can be summarized as follows: The composer was born circa 1537, possibly to Italian merchants living in Antwerp. He married twice, fathering one child by his first wife, Joanna, and at least two with his second, Anna Oldenhoff. The Faignient family leased store No. 53 from the city of Antwerp from as early as 1571 until 1585, and it appears that the shop was the family’s principal source of income both during and after Faignient’s death. The composer most likely died before the end of

1578, which means that accounts of him as zangmeester to Eric II, Duke of Brunswick in ‘s-

58 Hertogenbosch appear to be mistaken. The evidence regarding his religion is mixed, both in his biography and (as I will show) in his works, so Faignient’s personal confessional orientation cannot be determined. Indeed, his apparent religious nonalignment may have been part of a marketing strategy that allowed Faignient to promote himself and his debut collection to the widest possible audience in the diverse city of Antwerp and abroad.

59 Chapter V. The Marketing Strategy of Faignient’s Debut

The commercial intention behind a musical debut in the 16th century was much the same as it is today: to introduce the composer to the market and generate interest in him and his subsequent output. CM&M à 3 achieves these goals, but accomplishes much more with a strategy that maximizes the marketability of the collection across religious and linguistic divides in Antwerp and beyond.

Arts Patronage in Antwerp

Antwerp was the cultural and economic center of the Low Countries in the 16th century.

The city’s position on the Scheldt River made it an ideal hub for maritime trade, and the thriving market there attracted foreign merchants and traders from England, Portugal, Spain, and the

Italian city-states. Wealthy foreign merchants often became patrons of local musicians, especially emerging young composers who had not yet found permanent employment.

The Genoese Nation was the largest and wealthiest merchant group in Antwerp, and its members were major supporters of the arts.95 For example, Tielman Susato’s edition of Orlande

95 On Italian merchants as patrons of the arts, see Katrien Derde and Saskia Willaert, “Het mecenaat van de Genuese natie in Antwerpen in de tweede helft van de 16de eeuw,” in Orlandus Lassus en Antwerpen 1554-1556, exhibit at Museum Vleeschuis, Antwerp, August 20-November 27, 1994 (Antwerp, Belgium: Stad Antwerpen, 1994), 46-57; Katrien Derde, “Recevez ce mien petit labeur: Jean de Castro: Music and Patronage in the 16th Century,” Virtual Jean De Castro Exhibition, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven and Université Libre Bruxelles, http://mill.arts.kuleuven.be/decastro/en/n_06.htm (accessed September 9, 2014); Kristine K. Forney, “Antwerp’s Role in the Reception and Dissemination of the Madrigal in the North,” in Atti del XIV Congresso della Società Internazionale di Musicologia, I: Round Tables, edited by Angelo Pompilio, Donatella Restani, Lorenzo Bianconi and F. Alberto Gallo (Turin, Italy: Edizioni di Torino, 1990) , 239-253; Gerald R. Hoekstra, “The Reception and Cultivation of the Italian Madrigal in Antwerp and the Low Countries, 1555-1620,” Musica Disciplina 48 (1994): 125-187; Donna Cardamone, “The Salon as Marketplace in the 1550s: Patrons and Collectors of Lasso’s Secular

60 de Lassus’s debut of 1555 was dedicated to Stefano Gentile, a Genoese banker living in

Antwerp. The debuts of Hubert Waelrant in 1558, Séverin Cornet in 1563, and Jean de Castro in

1559 were also printed in Antwerp and dedicated to Genoese merchants.

Table 1: Patronage of poets and musicians in Antwerp by the Genoese Nation96 Patron Musician and/or Poet Year Spinola, Jean Baptista Donato Baldissare (musician) 1550 Gentile, Stefano Orlande de Lassus (musician) 1555 Inurea, Bartolomeo Doria Hubert Waelrant (musician) 1558 Spinola, Antonio Salvadore Essenga (musician) 1561 D’oria, Giuseppe Séverin Cornet (musician) 1563 Gentile, Francesco Johannes Sambucus (musician) 1564 Fiesco, Giovanni Giacomo Guillaume de Poetou (French poet residing in 1565 Antwerp) Gentile, Stefano Guillaume de Poetou (poet) 1565 Grimaldi, Antonio Guillaume de Poetou (poet) 1565 Grimaldi, Giovanni Guillaume de Poetou (poet) 1565 Gentile, Stefano Stefano Ambrosio Schiappalaria (Genoese poet) 1568 Grimaldi, Giovanni Stefano Ambrosio Schiappalaria (poet) 1568 Spinola, Pier Francesco Stefano Ambrosio Schiappalaria (poet) 1568 Fiesco, Giovanni Giacomo Jean de Castro (musician) 1569 Lomellino, Giulia Gasparo Fiorini (musician) 1574 Grimaldi, Giovanni Philippus de Monte (musician) 1576 Balbi, Bartholomeo and his wife Lucretia Stefano Ambrosio Schiappalaria (poet) and Séverin 1581 Cornet (musician) Moneglia, Andrea Stefano Ambrosio Schiappalaria (poet) and Séverin 1581 Cornet (musician) Scorza, Hieronimo and his wife Maria Stefano Ambrosio Schiappalaria (poet) and Séverin 1581 Cornet (musician) Spinola, Antonio and Grannon, Engele Jan van der Noot (poet from the Low Countries) 1583-1584 Spinola, Girolamo Giovanni Maria Nanio (musician) 1586 Spinola, Ottavio Philippus de Monte (musician) 1587 Scorza, Carlo Giovanni Battista dalla Gostena (musician) 1589 Balbi, Hieronimo and Bartholomeo Jan van der Noot (poet) 1589-1590 Carro, Andrea and his wife Margarite Huys Jan van der Noot (poet) 1590-1591 Carro, Simon Jan van der Noot (poet) 1591 Dorea, Iacomo Jan van der Noot (poet) 1591 Sivori, Baptista Jan van der Noot (poet) 1592-1593

Music,” in Orlando di Lasso Studies, edited by Peter Bergquist (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1999) , 64-90; and Karel Bostoen, “Italian Academies in Antwerp: Schiappalaria and Vander Noot as ‘Inventors’ for the Genoese Community,” in Italian Academies of the Sixteenth Century, edited by D.S. Chambers and F. Quiviger (London, United Kingdom: University of London, 1995), 195-203. 96 Adapted from Derde, “Recevez ce mien petit labeur,” http://mill.arts.kuleuven.be/decastro/en/n_07.htm (accessed April 20, 2015).

61 Sivori, Nicolas Jan van der Noot (poet) 1592-1593 Balbi, Bartholomeo Jan van der Noot (poet) 1593 Balbi, Hieronimo Jan van der Noot (poet) 1593-1594 Calossano, Bernardo Jan van der Noot (poet) 1593-1594 Grillo, Giouan Baptista Jan van der Noot (poet) 1593-1594 Inurea, Benedetto Jan van der Noot (poet) 1593-1594 Marini, Cosmo De Jan van der Noot (poet) 1593-1594 Marone, Jacobe Jan van der Noot (poet) 1593-1594 Moneglia, Benedetto Jan van der Noot (poet) 1593-1594 Porrata, Ian Baptista Jan van der Noot (poet) 1593-1594 Schiappalaria Hercole Jan van der Noot (poet) 1593-1594 Scorza, Hieronimo Jan van der Noot (poet) 1593-1594 Sivori, Nicolas Jan van der Noot (poet) 1593-1594 Spinola, Baptista Jan van der Noot (poet) 1593-1594 Spinola, Ambrosio Giovanni Maroni (musician) 1596 Spinola, Giacomo Vincenzo Simili (musician) 1610

Faignient’s only named patron was not a Genoese merchant, but a Spanish one, Gonçalo Garcia, who was born around 1539 and was a burgher of Antwerp in the years 1560-1571. CM&M à 4-6 was dedicated to Garcia, and in his dedication Faignient thanks Garcia for his generosity, which may refer to a generous payment made to the composer for music at the merchant’s house or some similar musical service.97

Government officials were also important patrons of the arts in Antwerp. One of

Castro’s patrons was Frédéric Perrenot, the Governor of Antwerp. As we saw in Chapter IV, Jan van der Noot, a poet and alderman (elected city councilman), was both a recipient of patronage and a benefactor himself, having supported Guillaume de Poetou in his publication of Suite de labeur en liesse, the collection of poems that contains a sonnet dedicated to Faignient.

In order to attract a wealthy merchant or statesman as a benefactor, an emerging composer would need to be sensitive to the religious and political inclinations of these potential patrons and create works that would appeal to their tastes. Members of the Genoese Nation, for example, were firmly Catholic and had strong connections to the Spanish Hapsburgs who

97 Godelieve Spiessens, “Nieuwe biografische gegevens over Noe Faignient,” Musica antiqua 9, no. 1 (1992): 15.

62 controlled the Holy Roman Empire and the Spanish government of the Low Countries. Italian songs or Latin sacred works, therefore, were the genres most likely to appeal to the Genoese merchants. Government officials, on the other hand, were Dutch- and French-speaking locals who were more likely to have Protestant sympathies or inclinations (this was certainly true of

Van der Noot).98 These statesmen might prefer sacred or secular chansons and liedekens. In order to appeal to both the local politicians and the foreign merchants, an ideal music collection would include a variety of genres in several languages and would avoid indications of religious partisanship. This is exactly what we find in CM&M à 3.

Multi-Genre Collections Printed in Antwerp

Aside from the addition of a few madrigals into the occasional chanson collection, collections of music that mixed genres and languages were fairly unusual in the 16th century.

But when the great Orlande de Lassus (1530/32-1594) published a debut in Antwerp in 1555 containing Italian madrigals, French chansons, and Latin motets, the music printers and composers of the city saw the viability of the mixed-genre format, especially for young composers’ debuts.99

Issuing a collection by an unproven composer always involved some risk on the part of the publisher, and including a variety of genres could be a means to broaden the prospective

98 Andrew Hadfield, Edmund Spenser: A Life (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2012), 39-40; E.K. Grootes and M.A. Schenkeveld-Van der Dussen, “The Dutch Revolt and the Golden Age, 1560-1700,” trans. Liz Waters, in A Literary History of the Low Countries, ed. Theo Hermans (Rochester, NY: Camden House, 2009), 179-182; Jeremy L. Smith, “Imitation as Cross-Confessional Appropriation: Revisiting Kenneth Jay Levy’s ‘History of a 16th-Century Chanson,’” in Sleuthing the Muse: Essays in Honor of William F. Prizer, ed. Kristine K. Forney and Jeremy L. Smith (Hillsdale, NY: Pendragon Press, 2012), 300-301; and Derde, “Recevez ce mien petit labeur,” http://mill.arts.kuleuven.be/decastro/en/n_06.htm (accessed September 9, 2014). 99 On Susato’s model for Lassus’s mixed-genre debut, see Kristine K. Forney, “Orlando di Lasso’s ‘Opus 1’: The Making and Marketing of a Renaissance Music Book,” Revue belge de Musicologie / Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Muziekwetenschap 39/40 (1985/1986): 42-43.

63 audience and thus improve the commercial potential of a debut.100 This strategy also suited emerging composers because a potential patron might have a favorite genre, or might be particularly pleased by a musician with the ability to work in his native language. Demonstrating a broad range of such abilities, then, would have been a good strategy for a debut, both from the perspective of a printer and that of an emerging composer.

Following Lassus’s debut, Antwerp publishers issued three more multi-genre debuts over the next fifteen years: Hubert Waelrant’s in 1558, Faignient’s in 1568, and Jean de Castro’s in

1569. Although no printed copies of CM&M à 3 survive, we will see in Chapter VII that the evidence strongly suggests that both volumes of Faignient’s debut were published by Elizabeth

Saen, the widow of Jan de Laet. Both CM&M collections are therefore listed in the table below.

Table 2: Mixed-genre debuts published in Antwerp between 1555 and 1570101 Date of Languag Composer Publication Title Publisher es Orlande de 1555 Il primo libro dovesi contengono Tielman Susato Italian, Lassus madrigal, vilanesche, canzoni francesi, e French, motetti a quattro voci Latin Hubert 1558 Il primo libro de madrigal & canzoni Jan de Laet & Hubert Italian, Waelrant francezi a cinque voci Waelrant French Noé Faignient 1568 Chansons, madrigales et motetz à quatre, Elizabeth Saen (widow Italian, cinq et six parties (CM&M à 4-6) of Jan de Laet) French, Chansons, madrigales et motetz à 3 [Elizabeth Saen Latin, parties (CM&M à 3) (widow of Jan de Dutch Laet)] Jean de Castro 1569 Il primo libro di madrigal, canzoni e Elizabeth Saen (widow Italian, motetti a tre voci of Jan de Laet) French, Latin

All of these multi-lingual Antwerp debuts contain Italian madrigals and French chansons, and three of them also include Latin motets. This is no surprise, since the commercial potential

100 Ignace Bossuyt and Saskia Willaert, “Jean De Castro’s Il primo libro di madrigali, conzoni e motetti,” in Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation, vol. 2, eds. Eugeen Schreurs and Henri Vanhulst (Peer, Belgium: Alamire, 1997), 338. 101 Adapted from Ibid., 334-335.

64 of these three genres was well established throughout Europe in the 16th century. The wealthy and powerful of Europe were using Latin, French, and Italian in their courts and churches, and were more likely to patronize and employ musicians competent in these languages and their corresponding musical genres.102

Liedekens, on the other hand, had limited commercial potential since Dutch was spoken little outside of the Low Countries. One would think, then, that the inclusion of liedekens might be motivated by local demand for Dutch music, but this was not the case. French was the preferred language of the local nobility (including the leader of the Dutch Revolt, William of

Orange), and the general population of the Low Countries had a reputation for being multi- lingual. Lodovico Guicciardini, a Florentine merchant living in Antwerp, described it thus:

“[They] have such an intimate knowledge of languages that it is remarkable and a source of wonder, for there are countless numbers who, besides their mother tongue and notwithstanding that they have never been abroad, speak various other languages…”103 A contemporary proverb

102 On the distribution of chansons, madrigals, and motets in the 16th century, see Jane Bernstein, “Musica Transalpina: The Transmission of Netherlandish and Venetian Music Publications in the mid-16th Century,” in Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation, vol. 2, eds. Eugeen Schreurs and Henri Vanhulst (Peer, Belgium: Alamire, 1997), 395-404; and Kristine K. Forney, “Orlando di Lasso’s ‘Opus 1’: The Making and Marketing of a Renaissance Music Book,” Revue belge de Musicologie / Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Muziekwetenschap 39/40 (1985/1986): 33-60. On the printing and dissemination of madrigals outside of Italy, see Kristine K. Forney, “Antwerp’s Role in the Reception and Dissemination of the Madrigal in the North,” in Atti del XIV Congresso della Società Internazionale di Musicologia, I: Round Tables, eds. Angelo Pompilio et al. (Turin, Italy: Edizioni di Torino, 1990), 239-253; Susan Lewis Hammond, “Selling the Madrigal: Pierre Phalèse II and the Four ‘Antwerp Anthologies,’” in Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation, vol. 6, eds. Bruno Bouckaert and Eugeen Schreurs (Neerpelt, Belgium: Alamire Music Publishers, 2008), 225-252; Motomi Tsugami, “Anthologies of Italian Madrigals Printed in Antwerp and Nuremberg: A Comparative Study,” in Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation, vol. 2, eds. Eugeen Schreurs and Henri Vanhulst (Peer, Belgium: Alamire, 1997), 441-450; Gerald R. Hoekstra, “The Reception and Cultivation of the Italian Madrigal in Antwerp and the Low Countries, 1555-1620,” Musica Disciplina 48 (1994): 125-187; and Joseph Kerman, “Elizabethan Anthologies of Italian Madrigals,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 4, no. 2 (Summer 1951): 122-138. 103 Quoted in Timothy McTaggart, Introduction to Musyck Boexken, Books 1 and 2: Dutch Songs for Four Voices by Tielman Susato, Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 108 (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 1997), xii.

65 states, “If you carry a Fleming tied up in a sack the length of France and Italy, he will still find a way to learn the language of the country.”104

The majority of the population of the Low Countries, then, was comfortable speaking and singing in a variety of European tongues, and would have been just as likely to consume chansons, madrigals, and motets as they were to consume liedekens.105 Therefore we must conclude that unlike the chansons, madrigals, and motets in CM&M à 3, Faignient’s liedekens were not included for their commercial value. In Chapter VI we will see that the liedekens in

CM&M à 3 serve an altogether different purpose.

Religious Nonalignment in CM&M à 3

Economic interests brought Catholics, Lutherans, Calvinists, and Anglicans to the

Antwerp market, and as we have seen, some of these merchants were also generous patrons of local musicians. Faignient designed his CM&M collections to appeal to these foreign merchants and other potential benefactors by including genres in a variety of languages, and also by carefully managing religious content in order to avoid alienating members of any particular faith.

A typical collection of music addressed to a Catholic audience would contain sacred works with Latin liturgical or extra-liturgical texts, and might include references to saints, particularly the Virgin Mary. A collection intended for a Protestant audience, on the other hand, would feature psalms and spiritual texts in vernacular languages, appropriate for developing the type of personal relationship with God that was envisioned by Protestant leaders. Both Latin and vernacular sacred works are present in CM&M à 3, as are liturgical texts and psalms, making the

104 McTaggart, Introduction to Musyck Boexken, xxiii (endnote #25). 105 Ibid., xi-xii; and Hoekstra, “The Reception and Cultivation of the Italian Madrigal,” 154-156.

66 religious orientation of the collection unclear. A closer look at individual texts shows still deeper levels of ambiguity and ambivalence.

Three texts in CM&M à 3 are liturgical: “Peccantem me quotidie,” and the pair “Ick sondich daghelijcx tegens u o Heere” and “O Heer en God in uwen naeme crachtich.” All three are drawn from Matins for the Dead, part of the Catholic funeral rite, the latter two having been translated from Latin into Dutch. The liturgical source of the text suggests a Catholic orientation, but the vernacular language points to Protestant practice. Furthermore, Bonda points out that the sentiment, “Want gheen verlossing en is in der hellen” (there is no redemption in the afterlife), could suggest a rejection of the Catholic notion of purgatory and of the practice of granting indulgences (forgiveness for certain types of sin) in exchange for payment.106 Objection to the sale of indulgences was a justification for Protestantism from the very beginning: Martin

Luther condemned the practice in his Ninety-Five Theses, pointing out the theological problems of forgiveness being granted by anyone but God. Despite the liturgical origin of these texts, then, their religious associations are mixed.

Another Latin text set to music in CM&M à 3, “Gratias agimus tibi, pater celestis,” is from the writings of the Desiderius Erasmus (1469-1536). Although Erasmus was Catholic, he was also a humanist and was known for questioning the practices of the Church in his writings.

His works were regularly censored under the authority of the Catholic Church and were banned outright in pope Paul IV’s first version of the Index Librorum Prohibitorum in 1559.107 There is nothing in “Gratias agimus tibi, pater celestis” itself that would give offense to either Protestants or Catholics, but any religious text in Latin immediately suggests Catholicism more than

106 Jan Willem Bonda, De meerstemmige Nederlandse liederen van de vijftiende en zestiende eeuw / The Polyphonic Songs in Dutch of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (With a Summary in English) (Hilversum, Netherlands: Uitgeverij Verloren, 1996), 207. 107 Derek Jones, Censorship: A World Encyclopedia (New York, NY: Fitzroy Dearborn, 2001), 745-746.

67 Protestantism. On the other hand, if the author of the text were known to readers of CM&M à 3

(there is no attribution in the surviving manuscript), they might interpret its inclusion as an anti-

Catholic message. Whatever the case may be, we once again find ourselves with a text that carries ambiguous religious implications.

Among the French sacred texts in CM&M à 3 we find the pair “Une pastorelle gentille” and “Te souvient il plus du prophète,” the texts of which were both drawn from a poem by

Clément Marot (1496?-1544).108 The mention of the Virgin Mary immediately suggests a

Catholic leaning, but Marot’s biography shows Protestant inclinations. Marot was arrested more than once for breaking Lent, and his poems were greatly appreciated by John Calvin, a prominent Protestant leader.109 Once again we find both Catholic and Protestant associations in a single text.

Although there are many secular works in CM&M à 3 – the entirety of the Italian madrigals, for example – more than half of the pieces are sacred, and most of these are biblical.

Faignient selected texts from both the Old and New Testaments, and sometimes combined excerpts from different books into a single text, creating new layers of meaning.110 The psalms, for example, play a major role in CM&M à 3, appearing in Faignient’s motets, chansons, and liedekens. Psalms were most often associated with Protestantism, especially when translated into vernacular languages, but Faignient also drew several texts from the Biblical apocrypha, which were strongly associated with the Catholic faith. The story of Susanna and the Elders, for example, appears in CM&M à 3 three times.

108 Chanson XXIV from Clément Marot, L’adolesence clémentine (Paris, France: Geoffroy Tory, 1532; Antoine Augereau, 1532). Also found in Les chansons nouvellement assemblées oultre les anciennes impressions (n.p.: n.p., 1538). 109 Francis Higman, “Music,” in The Reformation World, ed. Andrew Pettegree (New York, NY: Routledge, 2000), 497. 110 Bonda, De meerstemmige Nederlandse liederen, 205-206.

68 The Susanna Complex

In the 16th century, invocations of the biblical Susanna were used as propaganda on both sides of the Reformation.111 In music, the story of Susanna most often appeared in settings of

Guillaume Guéroult’s poem, “Susanne un jour.” In CM&M à 3 we indeed find a setting of

Guéroult’s dixain along with a Dutch translation of the same (“Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach”), and a Latin retelling of the story (“Eximie castitatis exemplar Susanna”).112

Guéroult himself was a Protestant and “Susanne un jour” was first printed in a setting by another

Protestant, Didier Lupi Second, in Chansons Spirituelles (1548), a collection of French sacred songs for Protestant use. In the 1550s and ’60s, however, the poem was set by several Catholic composers including Lassus and Rore (although Rore’s was not published until 1570, five years after his death).

Catholics may have been interested in plundering Protestant materials and repurposing them for their own cause, but Lupi himself seems to have borrowed from liturgical chant when he composed the first setting of “Susanne un jour,” which suggests that cross-confessional appropriation was occurring in both directions.113 Protestants invoked the story as a metaphor for the persecution of their religious beliefs, but to Catholics Susanna’s story was also a metaphor for the plight Mary Queen of Scots, the Catholic rival of Elizabeth I for the English throne.114 Catholics believed that Elizabeth and her supporters had wrongly accused Mary of adultery and other sins, much like the biblical Susanna was falsely accused of adultery by the

111 On the many symbolic evocations of Susanna in the Renaissance see Dan W. Clanton, The Good, the Bold, and the Beautiful: The Story of Susanna and Its Renaissance Interpretations (New York, NY: T & T Clark International, 2006). 112 Among the madrigals in CM&M à 3 we find “Alma Susanna, ben felic’e’l core,” but despite the use of the name ‘Susanna’ there is no connection between this text and the biblical story in question. 113 Jeremy L. Smith, “Imitation as Cross-Confessional Appropriation,” 287-288. 114 Jeremy Smith, “Mary Queen of Scots as Susanna in Catholic Propaganda,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 73 (2010): 209-211.

69 very men who had attempted to rape her. The Protestant origins of “Susanne un jour” were not reasserted until Jean Severin’s setting of the poem was published in 1578, but his reclamation of the subject was not decisive as settings by Catholic composers (including Byrd) continued to appear in the 1580s and later.115

In the case of CM&M à 3, it seems as though Faignient selected the Susanna story not to perpetuate its earlier propagandist meanings, but because its religious associations had become so indeterminate. His initial interest in “Susanne un jour” may have been musical, considering the inspiration he seems to have drawn from both Lupi’s original setting and Lassus’s version (as we saw in Chapter III), but his commitment to maintaining religious nonalignment in his debut would have caused him to eliminate the text if he thought it was too closely aligned with either

Catholicism or Protestantism. This is not to say that Faignient’s inclusion of the Susanna story is completely free from political implications, however. I will show in Chapter VI that Faignient’s

Susanna works in concert with other apocryphal texts to lament the departure of Margaret of

Parma from the Low Countries in 1567.

The careful balance of Catholic and Protestant elements in Faignient’s debut suggests a deliberate de-emphasis of religious polemics in order to render the collection suitable for both

Catholic and Protestant consumption. The wealthy merchants and statesmen of Antwerp were the potential patrons and employers that Faignient was seeking to impress, but the variety of religious loyalties held by these men made it challenging to craft a debut that would please them all. Only a collection that gave the appearance of religious neutrality would be acceptable to

115 Kenneth Jay Levy, “‘Susanne un jour’: The History of a 16th-Century Chanson,” Annales musicologiques 1 (1953): 376-77, 384, 402.

70 both Catholic merchants from Spain, Italy, and Portugal, as well as local politicians and noblemen with Protestant sympathies, so that is the strategy that Faignient adopted.

Religious nonalignment combined with the variety of languages used in CM&M à 3 made the collection marketable to broad swaths of the population, both in the Low Countries and all over Western Europe. Just as J.S. Bach would later create the Brandenburg Concertos to demonstrate his abilities to a potential employer, Faignient too seems to have crafted his collection of polyphonic songs with the intention of using it to market his compositional skills in search of patronage and employment. The variety of languages and religious neutrality of

CM&M à 3 show Faignient to be a capable linguist and flexible composer willing to work for a patron on either side of the Reformation conflict. And, if an appointment or patron did not emerge for Faignient as a result of these publications (it did not, as we saw in Chapter IV), their broad appeal could still result in a wide audience among the general public and subsequent prints of the composer’s works (which it did; see sources chapter beginning on p. 313 following the edition in Part 2).

71 Chapter VI. Political Propaganda in Chansons, madrigales & motetz à 3 parties

For a collection that was so carefully designed for broad marketability across different linguistic and religious groups, it is surprising to find the same volume to be a vehicle of political propaganda, which seems by its very nature to be divisive and inflammatory.116 However, an examination of the origins of the Dutch Revolt and the strategy of early rebel propaganda show that there is nothing contradictory in these two facets of CM&M à 3, especially in light of the subtlety and artfulness with which the political messages are delivered.

In order to shed light on the political propaganda embedded in CM&M à 3, a broad view of the political situation in the Low Countries from the mid-16th century must first be established. From there, we can trace the development of the rebel movement that would become the Dutch Revolt and examine the strategies used by propagandists on the side of

William of Orange. Once these circumstances have been established, I will show parallels between Faignient’s debut and the strategies used in early rebel propaganda.

116 Although the term “propaganda” often carries connotations with misinformation and hate speech, in this study I use the term in its most basic and broadest sense: political speech supporting a particular position or agenda. On political thought and propaganda surrounding the Dutch Revolt see René van Stipriaan, “Words at War: The Early Years of William of Orange’s Propaganda,” Journal of Early Modern History 11, no. 4 (November 2007): 331- 349; Peter Arnade, Beggars, Iconoclasts, and Civic Patriots: The Political Culture of the Dutch Revolt (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008); Craig E Harline, Pamphlets, Printing, and Political Culture in the Early Dutch Republic (Dordrecht, Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1987); and Martin van Gelderen, The Political Thought of the Dutch Revolt 1555-1590 (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1992). For translations of source documents, see Herbert H. Rowen, trans., The Low Countries in Early Modern Times: A Documentary History (New York: Harper & Row, 1972).

72 The Decline of Hapsburg Authority in the Low Countries (1555- 1566)

As part of the Holy Roman Empire, the Low Countries were governed by Charles V of

Spain until he abdicated in favor of his son, Philip II, in 1555. The local seat of the Spanish

Habsburg government was in Brussels, in the southern part of the Low Countries, and the preferred language at court was French.117 The Habsburgs sought to unite the fragmented region, in part by centralizing the government and expanding its authority. This agenda resulted in disgruntled nobles who felt their authority diminish as the government asserted itself in their territories. The Habsburgs were also using the Low Countries as the base of operations in their campaign against France and were demanding heavy taxes, military service, and supplies from the region. The Italian merchants of Antwerp were supporters of the crown and became important moneylenders to the Habsburgs. Over time, the demands of war damaged the local economy, which suggested that the military agenda of the Spanish was for the glorification of the

Habsburgs and not for the benefit of the people of the Low Countries.118

When the war with France was won, Philip returned to Spain in 1559, leaving his illegitimate half sister, Margaret of Parma, to govern the region from Brussels. William of

Orange, a noble who had been a great supporter of the crown up to this point, was appointed stadtholder (provincial governor) of the northern regions of Holland, Zeeland, and Utrecht and was soon considered the chief rival to the power of the royal government. Beginning around

1561, Orange and other nobles began to complain about the Habsburg government, in no small part because they resented the authority of the centralized government over their own. That

117 Even today, despite being officially bilingual, Brussels is effectively an island of French-speaking surrounded by Flanders, the Dutch-speaking northern region of Belgium. 118 Jonathan Israel, The Dutch Republic: Its Rise, Greatness, and Fall: 1477-1806 (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1995), 129-137.

73 same year, Orange married his second wife, Anna of Saxony, the niece of a leading Lutheran prince in Germany. In forming this union, Orange solidified his alliances in Germany and established himself as a champion of religious compromise to the people of the Low Countries among whom Protestantism was increasing.119

Meanwhile, the Habsburgs continued their campaign to suppress alternative religions in the Low Countries. Capital punishment for heresy was announced on public placards and this sentence was enforced equally against repentant and steadfast heretics. Philip reorganized the bishoprics in order to install new bishops with the zeal and administrative ability to enforce

Catholic worship in their territories. Although not all of the new bishops were capable of exercising Philip’s agenda, some were fierce proponents of the crown and the Catholic faith.

The nobility saw the bishops as another threat to their authority and the people saw them as

“inquisitors” and “heretic-hunters.”120

On April 5, 1566, more than 200 noblemen demanded an audience with Margaret of

Parma and presented her with their Petition of Compromise. This document, published in Dutch,

German, and French, denounced the Inquisition, demanded it come to an end, and offered a veiled threat of armed rebellion should this proposal be rejected. The result of this event was that Margaret gave in to their demands, temporarily suspending enforcement of the heresy placards until a delegation could be sent to Spain to petition the king directly. Meanwhile, the leader of the dissidents, nobleman Hendrik van Brederode, traveled throughout the Low

119 Ibid., 137-141; Geoffrey Parker, The Dutch Revolt (Itnaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1977), 44, 50-51. 120 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 141-144; Parker, The Dutch Revolt, 47-48. Quotes from Israel, 144.

74 Countries gathering signatures of support from both Protestants (including Louis of Nassau, brother to William of Orange) and Catholics (such as Charles of Mansfeld).121

Shortly after this confrontation, resistance to Catholic authority erupted into an iconoclastic fury known as the beeldenstorm in which churches and other Catholic sites were ransacked, sometimes with the overt support of local nobles. Catholic resistance was irregular in the south and almost nonexistent in the north, and Protestant worship was formally established wherever civil militias refused to act against it. Although this rebellion collapsed before it became a fully formed revolt, the momentum was building towards an uprising and Philip felt obliged to take more forceful action in order to quell the malcontents.122

The Inquisition, Economic Distress, and the Dawn of the Dutch Revolt (1567-1568)

The Spanish Inquisition is infamous for its atrocities, but it is less well known that the

Inquisition was brought to the Low Countries by its Spanish rulers in the 16th century and was one of the justifications for the Dutch Revolt. In the early years of Charles V’s rule over the

Low Countries, well before the Petition of Compromise and the beeldenstorm, the first appearances of Protestant ideas in the region prompted the king to establish a centralized inquisition there: in the 1520s he issued many laws in the form of placards enforcing religious uniformity, established a central royal tribunal to hear heresy cases, and instituted the death penalty for convicted heretics. Measures to suppress Protestantism continued to escalate in the following decades.

121 Herbert H. Rowen, The Low Countries in Early Modern Times, Documentary History of Western Civilization (New York, NY: Harper & Row, 1972), 29; and Israel, The Dutch Republic, 145-146. 122 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 148-154.

75 In 1548 pamphlets circulated with the claim that Charles planned to introduce the so- called “Spanish Inquisition” to the Low Countries. These documents were not protesting the existing inquisition tribunals, but specifically the Spanish style of inquisition, which was seen as distinct from other inquisition institutions. Ironically, in many respects the Inquisition already established in the Low Countries was “plus impitoyable” (less merciful) than the one in Spain, as

Philip II himself observed in a letter to Margaret of Parma.123 Between 1557 and 1562 more heretics were executed in Antwerp than in the whole of Spain in the 16th century. One estimate claims that 1,300 people were executed in the Low Countries between 1523 and 1566, and thousands more were punished with fines, banishment, or mutilation.124

The distinction between the local Inquisition and the “Spanish Inquisition” may have had little practical meaning, but fears about the increasing severity of measures to suppress

Protestantism were not unfounded (anti-heresy efforts continued to escalate over the course of

Charles’s rule and continued under his son, Philip II of Spain, who would succeed him in 1555) and the specter of the Spanish Inquisition loomed large in rebel propaganda for the next three decades. The Inquisition was characterized as “the enemy of true religion… the subverter of political liberties, the power behind the policies of Philip II of Spain, and the natural enemy of all who loved liberty.”125 This approach created common ground for Catholics and Protestants, uniting them against a common enemy and justifying armed rebellion against their rulers.126

123 Philip II to Margaret of Parma, July 17, 1562, transcribed in Louis P. Gachard, ed., Correspondance de Philippe II sur les affaires des Pays-Bas (Brussels, Belgium: Librairie Ancienne et Moderne and C. Muquardt, 1848-1879), I:207 (no. 76); quoted in Edward Peters, Inquisition (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1988), 148. 124 Henry Kamen, The Spanish Inquisition: A Historical Revision, 4th ed. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014), 376-377. 125 Peters, Inquisition, 153. 126 This view was enshrined as the justification for the Dutch Revolt in William of Orange-Nassau’s Apology of 1581, available in translation in Rowen, The Low Countries in Early Modern Times, 80-91.

76 In August of 1567 the Habsburgs sent the Duke of Alva, an important noble from Castile, to Brussels with 10,000 troops to extinguish Protestantism in the Low Countries. Alva quickly militarized the government by installing Spanish soldiers at every stronghold in the Low

Countries. Margaret, still the regent of the Low Countries, warned Philip that these harsh measures would drive the people to flee, taking their “money, bills of exchange, or merchandise and skills”127 with them. She advised a general pardon to reestablish stability in the region, but

Philip had lost confidence in her and ignored her suggestions. Philip accepted Margaret’s resignation in October and appointed Alva as her replacement.128

News of the arrival of Alva and his occupying forces was met with alarm and dismay by

Queen Elizabeth of England and Huguenot leaders in France who feared that once the Low

Countries were subjugated, they would find themselves next in the line of fire. On the other hand, the Italian and Spanish merchants in Antwerp welcomed Alva, thinking that he could provide them with greater security (following the iconoclastic fury of 1566, this was a real concern for Catholics in the Low Countries). In order to finance his military and inquisition operations, Alva raised taxes on natives of the Low Countries and increased his debt to such a degree that “payment of the interest alone skimmed off 45% of the ordinary urban income.”129

However, Alva was careful to avoid excessive taxes for the English whose cloth trading was so important to the economy. The banking industry suffered more, with political fears and rumors

127 G.D. Ramsay, The End of the Antwerp Mart, Part II: The Queen’s Merchants and the Revolt of the Netherlands (Dover, NH: Manchester University Press, 1986), 52. Letters concerning the arrival of Alva from Margaret to Philip II are transcribed in J.S. Theissen, ed., Correspondence française de Marguerite d’Autriche, duchesse de Parme, avec Philippe II (Utrecht, Netherlands: Kemink et fils, 1925-1942), I:412 and I:418. 128 Graham Darby, “Narrative of Events,” in The Origins and Development of the Dutch Revolt, ed. Graham Darby (New York, NY: Routledge, 2001), 17-18; Israel, The Dutch Republic, 155-156; and Ramsay, The Queen’s Merchants, 52. 129 Herman van der Wee, The Growth of the Antwerp Market and the European Economy: Fourteenth-Sixteenth Centuries (The Hague, Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff, 1963), II:242. Chapter VII (pp. 209-244) in the second volume concerns the years 1551-1572 and is a valuable resource on the economic conditions surrounding the start of the Dutch Revolt.

77 leading to a decline in the local currency. Overall, Alva’s initial arrival in the Low Countries caused more anxiety than actual harm to economic operations and political alliances, but greater instability and decreasing confidence in the local market made the situation precarious and foreshadowed further deterioration.130

Another economic disruption was the prosecution of foreign merchants who had participated in the disturbances of 1566. Foreign traders (especially Protestants) began to fear for their safety, but most of them avoided prosecution by returning to their countries of origin, despite the economic price that was usually paid in doing so. But even Catholic merchants, who had no fear of prosecution, suffered because the debts of a condemned person were not to be repaid by the government. The Company of Merchants Adventurers (English merchants operating on foreign soil) complained in a letter to Alva that this unusual practice was disrupting the very foundation of the credit system in the marketplace.131

Changing economic circumstances coupled with distrust and dislike of the Spanish government in Brussels meant that traders began to look for ways to bypass the Low Countries.

Alum, a compound used in fixing dyes, had been distributed in northern Europe via Antwerp for many years. Between 1566 and 1568, the English and the Genoese found ways to avoid dealing with Antwerp, going instead through Emden (Germany) or shipping alum directly from Italy or

Spain to England. The ‘double toll’ sometimes charged on imports crossing multiple provinces

130 Ramsay, The Queen’s Merchants, 54-57; and Van der Wee, The Growth of the Antwerp Market, II:237-243. A different perspective on the role of the economy in the Dutch Revolt is briefly discussed in Henk van Nierop, “Alva’s Throne: Making Sense of the Revolt of the Netherlands,” in The Origins and Development of the Dutch Revolt, ed. Graham Darby (New York, NY: Routledge, 2001), 40-42. On the financing of the war itself, see James D. Tracy, “Keeping the Wheels of War Turning: Revenues of the Province of Holland, 1572-1619,” in The Origins and Development of the Dutch Revolt, ed. Graham Darby (New York, NY: Routledge, 2001), 133-150; and W. Fritschy, “A ‘Financial Revolution’ Reconsidered: Public Finance in Holland During the Dutch Revolt, 1568- 1648,” Economic History Review 56, no. 1 (2003): 57-89. 131 Ramsay, The Queen’s Merchants, 73. The letter is undated, but was likely written in the summer of 1568 and is transcribed in J.M.B.C. Baron Kervyn de Lettenhove and L. Gilliots van Severen, Relations politiques des Pays- Bas et de l’Angleterre sous le règne de Philippe II (Brussels, Belgium: F. Hayez, 1882-1900), V:108-109.

78 within the Low Countries was another deterrent to importers of foreign goods, and after the government courts refused to put an end to this practice, many foreign merchants simply decided to do business elsewhere.132

A long-standing commercial treaty between England and the Low Countries, the

Intercursus Magnus signed in 1496, had given special privileges and protections to English traders up to this point. But “the double toll and other fiscal innovations; then the unfriendly attitude of the judicature at Brussels… [and] the impossibility of recovering debts from persons whose goods had been confiscated… were abuses contrary to the provisions of the Intercourse,” and English merchants were unwilling to continue to do business without the “usual guarantees.”

Thus one of the most important and long-standing trading partners of the Low Countries withdrew in search of safer and friendlier markets.133

Yet another disruption of commerce occurred in 1567 when the Elector Palatine, a prominent and defiant German Calvinist, seized a couple barges at Mannheim. At first the

Elector believed that he had detained papal property, but soon discovered that the shipment was a mixture of currency and goods being transferred from Genoese merchants to Alva. The Elector justified the seizure on the grounds that the transportation of foreign coins was a violation of currency laws. Since this regulation did not apply to the goods, they were released again after a few days. But the money, which was expected for payment of Spanish troops in the Low

Countries, was not returned. Following this incident, the southern trade route along the Rhine to

Italy could no longer be relied upon for safe trade and communication from the Low Countries to

132 Peter Spufford, “From Antwerp to London: The Decline of Financial Centres in Europe” (paper presented at the Ortelius Lecture no. 4, Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social Sciences, Antwerp, Belgium, May 18, 2005), https://www.nias.knaw.nl/Publications/Ortelius_Lecture/Ortelius_04_Spufford, 18-20; and Ramsay, The Queen’s Merchants, 75-80. 133 Ramsay, The Queen’s Merchants, 77.

79 Italy and Spain. Although Alva cannot be blamed for the incident itself, he was unable to recover the funds nor to soothe the Elector’s animosity and restore the route.134

The disruption of the land route along the Rhine made Alva more dependent on the maritime route, the security of which depended on the good will of the English. Unfortunately, privateering had been revived under licenses issued by the Queen of Navarre and William of

Orange (both champions of religious compromise at the time) from the summer of 1568, and an increase in piracy followed. This threat should have been managed jointly by England, the Low

Countries, and the other affected nations, but relations between Alva and Elizabeth were mismanaged by the Spanish ambassador to England, causing escalating tensions and mistrust between the two governments.135

Trade between England and the Low Countries was completely cut off following an incident in December 1568 in which Elizabeth seized a treasure ship transporting currency from

Genoese merchants to Alva.136 In a letter to Heinrich Bullinger (Swiss reformer and head of the

Zurich church) dated August 13, 1569, Edmund Grindal (then Bishop of London) gives an account of the incident and the economic conditions in the Low Countries:

The duke of Alva is clearly acting the part of Phalaris137 among our Low-Country neighbours. All persons of wealth, of whatever religion, are living in the greatest danger. For men, the rich especially, are daily dragged to execution, without regard to any form of law… Our commerce with the Netherlands has been interrupted on this account. Last winter the Spanish vessels, which through the

134 Ibid., 86. 135 Ibid., 85-91. 136 For a detailed account of this incident, its economic and political implications, and its resolution, see Conyers Read, “Queen Elizabeth’s Seizure of the Duke of Alva’s Pay-Ships,” The Journal of Modern History 5, no. 4 (December 1933): 443-464. 137 Phalaris was a tyrant of Ancient Greece known for cruelties such as cannibalism and public torture. Encyclopædia Britannica Online, s.v. “Phalaris,” accessed October 6, 2015, http://www.britannica.com/biography/Phalaris.

80 medium of the Genoese merchants conveyed money to Alva from the pope, were driven by a tempest into our harbours, which are both numerous and safe. The sum, I believe, was 300,000 crowns. This sum, sent as it were from heaven, as all the neighbouring nations are raging with war, our queen [Elizabeth I], that she might have money ready against every emergency, determined to borrow from the merchants themselves, giving sufficient security for the repayment, at a given time, both of the principal and interest; a plan which has often been adopted by other sovereigns. When Alva heard this, he caused all our merchants now in the Netherlands to be arrested, together with their vessels and their freight. Our government did the same both to the Spaniards and Netherlanders. Our merchants therefore are now compelled to exercise their trade at Hamburgh, a place far less convenient, and this to the great detriment of the whole of the Netherlands.138

The merchants of Antwerp might have resented Elizabeth’s interference with their transaction, but the complete alienation of English trading partners caused by Alva’s punitive response was a far greater problem. The damage to trade in Antwerp was so severe that several

Florentine and Genoese merchants traveled to London themselves as early as May 1569 seeking mutual restitution for seized goods and hoping to mend relations and restore the flow of commerce. At this point the Italians were acting with Alva’s full support, but the damage had already been done and the English were no longer as eager to heal the breach as they had once been.139

In the face of the destabilization of the economy and an unrelenting Inquisition, many residents of the Low Countries fled to France, England, and especially Germany, including

138 Hastings Robinson, ed., The Zurich Letters (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1842), 208-210. Elizabeth ultimately treated the licensed currency as a loan (additional currency was being smuggled on the ships without licenses) and repaid it to the Genoese merchants in 1574. On this, see Read, “Queen Elizabeth’s Seizure,” 443-444; and Ramsay, The Queen’s Merchants, 158. 139 Ramsay, The Queen’s Merchants, 157-159; Read, “Queen Elizabeth’s Seizure,” 454-458.

81 nobles such as William of Orange. In 1568 (the same year that Faignient published his debut),

Orange discovered that Alva’s Conseil des Troubles had condemned him and seized all his property. In response, Orange became the leader of the rebellion against the Habsburgs, raising large sums of money, creating alliances with Lutheran German princes, and surrounding himself with other exiled nobles. The first armed assaults on Spanish troops took place in the spring of

1568, with the first rebel victory at Heiligerlee in May. These first battles are commonly considered the beginning of the Dutch Revolt, also known as the Eighty Years’ War or the Dutch

War of Independence.140

Early Gueux Propaganda and Parallels in CM&M à 3

In the early stages of the rebellion, the taboo against openly resisting the authority of

Philip II was still so strong that opposition literature “necessarily employed an ambiguous vocabulary and iconography in order to construct a dissident political culture which did not too blatantly overstep the bounds of acceptability.”141 Open resistance to Catholicism was avoided too, in part because the religion was so closely associated with the Habsburgs, but also because many local Catholics were disillusioned with the Spanish government and were prepared to support a movement against them:

A series of harsh sanctions imposed by Alba’s Council of Troubles, an extra- ordinary law court, and above all his unpopular tax demands, had turned Alba into a figure of hate for large sections of the population. William of Orange was seen as the only person who could save the Netherlands from its tragic fate. Hatred of Alba was strong, not only among Calvinists, but also among many Catholic merchants, craftsmen, and shopkeepers who felt overwhelmed by the tax demands

140 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 155-162. 141 Alastair Duke, Dissident Identities in the Early Modern Low Countries (Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate, 2009), 137.

82 and the increasing economic crisis. In a sense, the anti-Alba propaganda was largely self-inflicted since almost everybody found his tough and uncompromising actions deeply repugnant.142

So, in order to protect the dissenters and avoid alienating potential allies with too much subversiveness, pro-rebellion messages criticized the Inquisition and the Duke of Alva rather than the Catholic Church or the king.

One of the most important documents from the early stages of the rebellion was the

Petition of Compromise of 1566. The disgruntled nobles who presented this document were nicknamed ‘gueux’ (beggars) following this encounter, and the moniker was soon embraced on both sides of the conflict. In the Petition of Compromise, one of the earliest mission statements of the rebellion, the Gueux do not attack Philip, the royal government, or Catholicism, instead identifying their enemies as “men without any concern for the welfare and prosperity of these

Low Countries, with no care for the glory and honor of God or for the public interest but desiring only to satisfy their own ambitions and avarice even at the expense of the King and all his subjects, although they falsely pleaded their great zeal to maintain the Catholic faith and the union of the people.”143 They continue,

Not only is this Inquisition iniquitous and contrary to all laws of God and man, in its barbarity exceeding the worst practices of tyrants; it cannot but result in great dishonor to God’s name and in the utter ruin and desolation of all these Low Countries. This would be all the more true because, under cover of a few persons’ lying hypocrisy, it would destroy all public law and order and all equity, completely weaken the sanction and respect for the ancient laws, customs, and ordinances which have been observed from time immemorial, and deprive the States of the country of any freedom to express their opinions; it would abolish all

142 Van Stipriaan, “Words at War,” 338. 143 Rowen, The Low Countries in Early Modern Times, 30.

83 ancient privileges, liberties, and immunities and thereby not only make the burghers and common people of this country wretched and everlasting slaves of the Inquisitors, who are themselves men of no quality, but would also compel the magistrates, officials, and the entire nobility to submit to the mercy of their inquiries and searches, and in the end it would expose every loyal subject of the King to continued and open peril of his life and property. Not only would the honor of God and the Holy Catholic faith (which they claim to be defending) be gravely involved therein, but also the majesty [sovereignty] of the King, our head, would be lessened and he would face great danger of losing his entire state, for ordinary business would come to a halt, the trades would be abandoned, the garrisons of the frontier towns neglected, and the people incited to continual sedition.144

Signatures of support for the Petition of Compromise were given by both Protestant and Catholic nobles from all over the Low Countries, characteristics that show the document to be an expression of unity that crosses both regional and religious boundaries.

Other pamphlets and tracts of the time followed a similar line: the Inquisition violated the privileges and liberties granted in the original charter of 1356 (known as the Joyeuse Entrée), represented a corruption of Catholic zeal and not an expression of true faith, defied both earthly and sacred law, would ruin the economy, and would lead to the decay of society in the Low

Countries.145 By characterizing the Inquisition as “false” Catholicism, dissenters avoided framing the conflict as essentially religious, and instead provided a platform that both Protestants and Catholics could support. Catholics were open to this type of alliance, and were generally quite tolerant towards Protestants in the Low Countries:

144 Ibid., 30-33. 145 Van Gelderen, Political Thought of the Dutch Revolt, 110-113.

84 As the number of heretics increased, more and more people had become aware that heretics were neither witches nor monsters, but ordinary people like themselves, often devout and charitable… the clergy had done little to effectively ‘other’ the heretics or to encourage Catholics to distinguish between ‘us’ and ‘them.’146

In the face of increasing numbers of Protestants, Catholic clerics in the Low Countries had been telling their followers that the rise of heresy was divine retribution for the ills of society and that “the only thing that they could do about the issue was go and better their own lives.”147

This attitude was drastically different from the Catholic militancy promoted by clerics and nobles in France, and the result was a much more tolerant co-existence of Catholics and

Protestants in the Low Countries. The Gueux capitalized on this by maintaining religious neutrality in their early campaigns, thus gaining support from both Catholics and Protestants.

The first wave of propaganda directly from William of Orange and his supporters, too, carefully deemphasized religion. Orangist propagandists such as Philip Marnix of St. Aldegonde and Jacob van Wesembeeke downplayed the religious aspect of the conflict, instead describing violations to the privileges and freedoms of the provinces of the Low Countries as the basis for rebellion. Although Orange would later openly convert to Calvinism in order to build alliances, these early tracts and manifestos avoid stating clear religious alignment. Orange’s posture of neutrality had clear political motivations: he was not yet ready to destroy all goodwill between himself and Philip by openly identifying as a Protestant, nor did he wish to estrange the Lutheran princes of Germany by labeling himself as a Calvinist. Instead of targeting Philip II or the

146 Judith Pollman, Catholic Identity and the Revolt of the Netherlands, 1520-1635 (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2011), 67. 147 Ibid., 72-73.

85 Catholic Church, Orange framed his rebellion around restoring the freedom of the people of the

Low Countries by saving them from the cruel tyranny of Alva and his Inquisition.148

CM&M à 3 shows that Faignient was following the same principles as the early Gueux propagandists. In Chapter V we saw that the religious elements of Faignient’s debut were carefully managed to maintain religious nonalignment and appeal to the widest possible audience. The value of this strategy from a marketing perspective is clear, but it is also parallel to the de-emphasis of religion in Gueux propaganda. Like the Gueux, Faignient was sensitive to the taboos surrounding resistance to the king and the pope, and he had no desire to alienate his audience or attract too much attention from the censors. The propaganda in CM&M à 3 is therefore subtle, communicated primarily in patterns rather than in direct statements, and its message is anti-tyranny and pro-Low Countries. The primary vehicle of Faignient’s propaganda is the liedeken.

Liedekens as Symbols of National Identity

As we saw in Chapter V, liedekens had little to offer in terms of financial gain compared to chansons, madrigals, and motets. Despite the fact that Dutch was the dominant language in the Low Countries, composers of the region rarely set Dutch poetry, choosing instead the broad marketability of the French, Italian, and Latin texts that were preferred by Europe’s rich and powerful. Genres in foreign languages also satisfied the majority of local demand for music since many nobles of the Low Countries preferred French and the general population was capable of speaking and singing in many languages. With such little professional and financial

148 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 162.

86 incentive to write liedekens, Faignient’s choice to include them in his debut immediately suggests the presence of a social or political message directed towards his fellow Dutch speakers.

The link between the Dutch language, the arts, and the national identity of the Low

Countries had been firmly established in 1551, when music editor and publisher Tielman Susato printed the following in his introduction to the all-Dutch collection, Het ierste musyck boexken:

… I have always had the intention of bringing to light the noble, heavenly art of music in our Netherlandish mother tongue, as is the case with music in the Latin, French, and Italian languages, which is well known and has been disseminated in all countries… O you artful souls with a lust for musical composition, that you should now and again allow yourselves to display your art in songs, or in other similar pieces in rhyme, or prose, sacred or profane, in our aforementioned Netherlandish mother tongue, and send them to me, so that these, for your honor and for general use, can be published and distributed in every country. But please avoid dishonorable and improper words, which might disgrace this noble, heavenly art… And why should one not be able to [write music] henceforth with equal art and sweetness in our own mother tongue, as has been done in the Latin, French, and Italian languages? If the art and sweetness are just alike, why should one want to scorn one language more than another? Let us then from now on devote all diligence to the music of our fatherland, which is no less in art and sweetness than others, to make it public and bring it into general use everywhere, as has been done with the others.149

This is not merely a call for more Dutch music and literature, but an expression of national pride and a call for the ennobling of the Dutch language and the elevation of the people of the Low Countries through the “noble, heavenly art” of their language and music. Before

1550, the majority of Dutch texts set to music were amorous or humorous, but the number of

149 Transcription and translation from Timothy McTaggart, Introduction to Musyck Boexken, Books 1 and 2: Dutch Songs for Four Voices, by Tielman Susato, Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 108 (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 1997), xi.

87 settings of spiritual texts rose significantly in the later half of the 16th century.150 This corresponds not only to the increase in Protestantism, but also to the buildup of anti-Spanish sentiment that ultimately led to the Dutch Revolt. The people of the Low Countries were forging their collective identity, not only in religious matters, but also in linguistic and national terms.151

Susato’s instruction that “dishonorable and improper” language be avoided has been interpreted as an accommodation of the morals and religious convictions of the middle class.152

However, this instruction can also suggest that Susato is seeking a dignified representation of the

Dutch language and its speakers in order to elevate them in the public imagination. The fact that either “sacred or profane” works could be a vehicle for Susato’s agenda suggests that religion was not his primary concern. Settings of serious Dutch texts, either sacred or secular, could improve the status of the language, and thus the Dutch people.

Susato was not the only one writing in defense of the Dutch language. In Het Tresoor der Duytscher Talen (1553), Jan van de Werve wrote, “Help me, I ask you to raise up our mother tongue which now lies concealed in the earth like gold, so that we may prove how needless it is for us to beg the assistance of other languages.”153 In the first Dutch grammar ever published,

Twe-Spraack vande Naderduitsche Letterkunst (Dialogue of Dutch Grammar) of 1584, Hendrik

Spieghel urged the people of the Low Countries to take pride in their language, citing the

150 Jan Willem Bonda, De meerstemmige Nederlandse liederen van de vijftiende en zestiende eeuw / The Polyphonic Songs in Dutch of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (With a Summary in English) (Hilversum, Netherlands: Uitgeverij Verloren, 1996), 145-146. See also pp. 135-136 on Susato’s introduction. 151 On the construction of a national identity in the Low Countries around the time of the Dutch Revolt, see Alastair Duke, Dissident Identities in the Early Modern Low Countries, ed. Judith Pollmann and Andrew Spicer (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009); and Judith Pollmann and Andrew Paul Spicer, eds., Public Opinion and Changing Identities in the Early Modern Netherlands, Studies in Medieval and Reformation Traditions (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill 2007). 152 McTaggart, Introduction to Musyck Boexken, xii. 153 Quoted in John J. Murray, Antwerp in the Age of Plantin and Brueghel, The Centers of Civilization Series (Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1970), 102. Ironically, the word ‘tresoor’ in the title of this publication is a word borrowed from the French ‘tresor.’ Later editions used the Germanic word ‘schat’ instead.

88 Italians, French, and English as examples of this.154 Spieghel also argued for the purity of the language, encouraging Dutch speakers to avoid using words borrowed from other languages:

Overmits onze spraack in korte jaren herwerts Since our language in the past few years (sedert dat wy met de Walsche steden onder (since we have shared a common ruler and een ghemeen Vorst ende hof zyn geweest) zo court with the southern towns) has become so zeer met uytheemsche woorden vermengt is mixed with foreign words, it would almost be dattet schier onder t’volck een onghewoonte a rarity for the ordinary people to speak only zou zyn enkel Duits te spreken. Dutch.155

Perhaps the most important event for the elevation of Dutch would come in 1573 with the publication of Dictionarium Teutonico-Latinum (also known as Etymologicum, the title of the third edition published in 1599) by Cornelis Kiliaan, an assistant to printer Christopher Plantin in

Antwerp. This Dutch-Latin dictionary was a serious academic resource that described Dutch vocabulary and etymology, a departure from earlier volumes designed simply as tools for learning foreign languages. By placing Dutch alongside Latin in this way, Kiliaan’s dictionary suggested that the two were equals and advanced Dutch as a suitable language for literary and scholarly activities.156

Maps of the Low Countries produced in this period also show patriotic inclinations. In the second half of the 16th century, 47 different maps of the region were created, while prior to

1550 only two complete maps appear to have been produced.157 Among these new

154 Peter Burke, Towards a Social History of Early Modern Dutch (Amsterdam, Netherlands: Amsterdam University Press, 2005), 24. 155 Quoted and translated in Wim Daniëls, Talking Dutch, trans. Laura Watkinson (Bruges, Belgium: Die Keure, 2005), 39. 156 Daniëls, Talking Dutch, 41; and Pierre Brachin, The Dutch Language: A Survey, trans. Paul Vincent (Leiden, Netherlands: E.J. Brill, 1985), 15. 157 Paul Regan, “Cartography, Chorography and Patriotic Sentiment in the Sixteenth-Century Low Countries,” in Public Opinion and Changing Identities in the Early Modern Netherlands, ed. Judith Pollmann and Andrew Paul Spicer (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2007), 58. On this Regan cites H.A.M. van der Heijden, The Oldest Maps of the Netherlands: An Illustrated and Annotated Carto-bibliography of the 16th-Century Maps of the XVII Provinces (Utrecht, Netherlands: HES Publishers, 1987), passim.

89 cartographical representations were luxury maps and atlases as well as inexpensive versions affordable to the average skilled laborer.158 Increased production and sale of maps at a variety of prices shows heightened interest in the geography of the region at all socio-economic levels, and the depiction of the region in these maps reveals an increasing sense of the Low Countries as a unified country.159 Hieronymus Cock’s map of 1557, the oldest surviving map of the region created by a native of the Low Countries, gives the cartographer’s rationale for creating his representation along the edges of the map: Cock asserts that other representations are not “as complete as this country deserves,” and expresses the hope that his work would foster love of the homeland.160

These linguistic and cartographical patriots of the Low Countries addressed their comments primarily to Dutch speakers and natives of the region, but Susato’s remarks reveal an interest in advancing Dutch in the eyes of the international community as well. When he calls for fine works in the Dutch language to be distributed to “all countries,” Susato implies that these works should be used to earn the respect and admiration of the international community. Susato points out that music in Latin, French, and Italian “is well known and has been disseminated in all countries,” and expresses a desire for Dutch music to attain the same kind of international standing: “Let us… make it public and bring it into general use everywhere, as has been done with the others.” Susato seems to be seeking a national identity for the Low Countries, not only in the eyes of its constituents, but also in the eyes of the other great European nations. By

“devot[ing] all diligence to the music of [their] fatherland,” musicians would be showing the culture, language, and arts of the Low Countries to be worthy of such attention. Thus, the act of

158 Regan, “Cartography,” 56-57. 159 Ibid., 57-58. 160 Ibid., 49; and Van der Heijden, The Oldest Maps, 55, 57. English translation by Van der Heijden.

90 cultivating the liedeken is linked to the negotiation of a national, cultural, and linguistic identity for the Low Countries, both internally and on the international stage; a necessary precursor to their battle for independent nationhood in the Dutch Revolt.

Faignient’s Liedekens as Rebel Propaganda

Faignient’s choice to write liedekens is itself a demonstration of national pride and, I will show, an act of propaganda. His preference for serious, sacred texts for his liedekens is in line with Susato’s call for uplifting and dignified materials in Dutch, and contrasts with the secular texts he chose for all of his Italian madrigals and many of his French chansons. This gesture is further reinforced by the particular texts that he selected. The sources of these texts, their themes, and even the order in which they appear all carry meanings that communicate disapproval of Alva and support of the Gueux.

The first liedeken in CM&M à 3, “Staet ons bij, Heer, in dese benauden tijden,” is a psalm-like poem that refers to “oppressive” or “fearful” days. The “fearful days” in this poem could represent the arrival of the Duke of Alva in the Low Countries; a reading that was first suggested by Noske and is further supported by the related themes in Faignient’s other liedekens.161 A quotation of the first line of text in “Staet ons bij, Heer” and its musical setting appear at the conclusion of “Ontfermt ons dan Heere, wilt ons ontfermen,” the second piece in a pair of liedekens that set Psalm 122 (123). The quoted text translates, “Stand by us, Lord, in these oppressive/fearful times.” Bonda interprets this quotation as an explanation for the

161 Frits Noske, “The Linköping Faignient-Manuscript,” Acta Musicologica 36 (1964): 157.

91 evocation of the psalm text itself, in which suffering people (“in all our sighs and groans”) look to God for mercy and deliverance from “tijrannije” (tyranny).162

Similar themes with pro-Gueux and anti-Alva implications can be found throughout the liedekens in CM&M à 3. The theme of victory in battle for the faithful appears in “Die onder

Gods beschermsel is geseten” and “Judith seer vroom die is getreden.” The pair “Ick sondich daghelijcx tegens u o Heere” and “O Heer en God in uwen naeme crachtich” ask for salvation in the face of death, a message that is perhaps meant to embolden faithful combatants and caution those who will find “no redemption in the afterlife.” “Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach,” too, seems to encourage combatants with the message that “it is better to choose death” than to abandon your morals. “Ick ben den rechten wijngaert” promises earthly “fruits” and a release from fear for the faithful, which parallel the economic repair and release from Alva’s tyranny that were among the principal aims of the rebellion.

These themes show Faignient’s broad support of the rebellion, as do his posture of religious nonalignment and his inclusion of liedekens in the CM&M collections. A series of four liedekens about women in CM&M à 3 gives an even more clear and tangible political message concerning the Duke of Alva and his predecessor, Margaret of Parma.

Pro-Woman Texts and Margaret of Parma

A series of four liedekens in CM&M à 3 is conspicuous for the pro-woman themes found in them. The four pieces in question are “Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach,”

“Judith seer vroom die is getreden,” “Wij lesen in Esdras vanden wijn,” and “Schoon lief wat macht u baeten,” appearing in this order. The last text, the lament of a rejected suitor, is the only

162 Bonda, De meerstemmige Nederlandse liederen, 198-199 (translation mine).

92 secular text in Dutch that appears in either of the CM&M collections, a fact that marks the piece as distinctive and further supports the idea that this group of texts carries special significance.

The first three texts are sacred, beginning with a Dutch translation of “Susanne un jour” (see

Chapter V for more about the Susanna Complex), followed by texts from the Book of Judith and the First Book of Esdras. Given that pro-woman sentiments are far from abundant in the Bible, this collection of sacred texts describing capable women is remarkable and a signal of deeper meanings.

The three sacred texts in Faignient’s pro-woman series are further linked in that they are all drawn from Biblical apocrypha, sections of the Bible considered by some sects to be questionable, inauthentic, or otherwise problematic. Protestant leaders questioned the legitimacy of the apocrypha from the early days of the Reformation, and in many cases these writings were rejected or relegated to a lesser status in Protestant worship. Luther’s Bible of 1534, for example, segregated the apocrypha and described them as “books which are not to be esteemed like the Holy Scriptures, and yet which are useful and good to read.”163 At the first session of the

Council of Trent (1545-1547), Catholic leadership took the opposite position and reaffirmed their acceptance of the “wide canon.” Following this, the apocryphal books became a symbol of the Catholic faith: “Catholics appropriated and clung to that canon as a mark of their identity, to be defended in its integrity against all comers.”164

Faignient’s choice to include apocryphal texts, then, is evocative of Catholicism. We must acknowledge that these writings are not one-dimensional and they contain a mixture of religious associations, as do many of Faignient’s texts. But the fact that all three of the

163 Translation from Michael D. Marlowe, “The Old Testament Canon and Apocrypha,” accessed August 27, 2015, http://www.bible-researcher.com/canon2.html. 164 John W. O’Malley, Trent: What Happened at the Council (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013), 90- 92. Quote from p. 92.

93 apocryphal texts used in CM&M à 3 appear back-to-back is another indication that there is deeper significance to this grouping. Furthermore, the fact that Faignient chose the Dutch language for this series of pieces suggests that their messages are intended for the people of the

Low Countries, since Dutch was not widely spoken elsewhere in Europe. The religious associations, language, and pro-woman themes of the texts strongly suggest that Faignient is evoking Margaret of Parma, a Catholic and the most powerful woman in the Low Countries.165

Margaret of Parma, the illegitimate half-sister of Philip II, was the royal regent of the

Low Countries between Philip II’s departure for Spain after the conclusion of the war with

France in 1559 and the appointment of the Duke of Alva in 1567. When he selected her for this position, Philip was aware that she “lacked experience and political skill and would require extensive advice and guidance,” and so effective control was left in the hands of Antoine

Perrenot Granvelle, one of Philip’s principal advisors, and Vigilius van Aytta, president of the

Council of State.166 Margaret was complicit in the harsh policies and heavy taxation imposed on the Low Countries by Philip, Granvelle, and Vigilius, but she was also the one representative of the central Spanish government with whom the rebels had some degree of success.

It was Margaret who suspended enforcement of the heresy placards following the presentation of the Petition of Compromise, which was an early and formative victory for the

165 Another possible identity for the woman evoked in CM&M à 3 is Mary Queen of Scots, Elizabeth I’s Catholic rival to the English crown. Not only is Mary a Catholic woman, but she is also strongly associated with the biblical figure Susanna (see Jeremy Smith, “Mary Queen of Scots as Susanna in Political Propaganda,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 73 [2010]: 209-220), who is evoked in three separate settings of the story of Susanna and the Elders in CM&M à 3. English politics would have been known to the people of the Low Countries, owing to close trade relations between the countries and the printing of materials concerning English politics at presses in the Low Countries. However, because the Low Countries were on the brink of the Dutch Revolt, it is more likely that the propaganda in this volume concerns local politics. The parallels between CM&M à 3 and the strategies of early rebel propaganda support this view. Furthermore, the pro-woman pieces are in Dutch and the English language is nowhere to be found in CM&M à 3. These circumstances further contribute to the impression of regionality in the propaganda of CM&M à 3 and support the conclusion that the woman in question is Margaret of Parma rather than Mary Queen of Scots. 166 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 138.

94 rebels. She also recognized the economic underpinnings of the iconoclastic fury of the summer of 1566, writing on July 7 that “the great problem is people’s poverty, a result of the cessation of trade and marketing that raises emotions and provokes them to novelties and to the pillage of the rich.”167 Furthermore, Margaret had decided against a substantial military intervention in the region and opposed the arrival of the Duke of Alva in 1567.168 She was furious when Alva arrested, convicted, and publicly executed Egmond and Horn, two prominent noblemen who had previously demonstrated their loyalty both to the Catholic faith and to Margaret herself. Despite her disapproval and frustration, Margaret was unable to prevent Alva from seizing power in

Brussels and she resigned in September of 1567, leaving the region entirely a few months later.169

Although the nobles and inhabitants of the Low Countries had no great affection for

Margaret, she was a legitimate ruler who could be reasoned with and who appeared to be interested in the wellbeing of the region beyond the issue of religious conformity. Her departure and the installation of Alva meant that a peaceful political resolution to the complaints of the

Gueux was no longer possible. A lament over the departure of Margaret, then, communicates regret at the failure of diplomacy and resentment towards Alva and his militancy. Furthermore, a message that seems supportive of Margaret, a Catholic representative of the Spanish government, could not be considered terribly subversive, making this approach desirable for a propagandist wishing to support the rebellion against Alva without endangering himself or his career by attracting the attention of the Inquisitors. This approach was perfect for Faignient, who had

167 Peter Arnade, Beggars, Iconoclasts, and Civic Patriots: The Political Culture of the Dutch Revolt (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008), 153, quoting Victor Fris, “Notes pour servir à l’histoire des Iconoclastes et des Calvinistes à Gand de 1566 à 1568,” Handelingen der Maatschappij van Geschied- en Oudheidkundigen te Gent 9, no. 1 (1909), n.p. 168 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 138-139; and Arnade, Beggars, Iconoclasts, and Civic Patriots, 174-175. 169 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 156.

95 taken such great pains to design a collection widely marketable locally and abroad, and who did not wish to sabotage the launch of his career by causing trouble with the authorities.

The specific texts that Faignient selected for these four pro-woman liedekens further support the conclusion that the woman in question is indeed Margaret of Parma, and that these pieces are the vehicles of pro-Gueux and anti-Alva propaganda. The first piece, “Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach” is a Dutch version of the story of Susanna and the

Elders.170 In the story, two old men come upon Susanna while she is bathing and try to threaten her into submitting to sex with them. Susanna refuses, choosing morality in the face of a life- threatening situation. In retaliation, the elders accuse her of adultery, which is punishable by death, and Susanna is arrested. Before the penalty is carried out, Daniel intervenes and discovers that the two old men are lying. As a result, Susanna is freed, the old men are executed, and virtue is triumphant.171

Many propaganda writings evoking the story of Susanna emphasize her innocence, chastity, and piety, but she can also be understood as a symbol of steadfastness to moral convictions, even in the face of strong opposition and personal danger.172 It is this latter connotation that most suits an allusion to Margaret of Parma, even though she was not ultimately successful in her resistance to immoral forces. Here, the story of Susanna does not parallel the actual events that unfolded in 1567, but instead suggests an alternate narrative, one in which

Margaret successfully expels Alva by remaining steadfast to her own moral convictions. Such

170 The only other appearances of apocryphal texts in CM&M à 3 are the two other settings of Susanna texts, “Susanne ung jour” and “Eximie castitatis exemplar Susanna.” 171 Full text of “Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach” and its English translation can be found on page 156. 172 See Dan W. Clanton, The Good, the Bold, and the Beautiful: The Story of Susanna and Its Renaissance Interpretations (New York, NY: T & T Clark International, 2006).

96 an outcome would certainly have been preferable to the inhabitants of the Low Countries over the unforgiving and intolerant rule of Alva.

“Judith seer vroom die is getreden”173 tells the story of Judith, a young widow, who saves the city of Bethulia from its would-be conqueror. The city is under siege by the army of an

Assyrian general, Holofernes, who demands that the populace submit to him or be slaughtered.

Judith approaches the enemy camp under the pretense that she is surrendering to them and can offer information that will support their campaign. Holofernes meets with Judith and is impressed with her intelligence and beauty. After a few days, Holofernes decides to satisfy his lust for Judith and invites her to dine with him. After he becomes drunk at dinner, the servants leave Judith alone with Holofernes in his tent, where he lies in a drunken stupor on the bed.

Seizing the opportunity, Judith uses Holofernes’s own sword to behead him. She returns to

Bethulia with the head as a trophy, inspiring the people of the city to fight the now leaderless army. Judith, then, is a symbol of righteous triumph over an immoral tyrant through cleverness and bravery. As propaganda, this narrative (like that of Susanna and the Elders) proposes an alternative sequence of events, one in which an intelligent and capable woman (Margaret) successfully vanquishes a tyrant (Alva).174

The last of the three apocryphal texts is “Wij lesen in Esdras vanden wijn” from the First

Book of Esdras. This text is a poem praising women for their virtue, beauty, and ability to soothe pain and bring happiness. Women are described as “more virtuous” and “praised as even

173 Full text of “Judith seer vroom die is getreden” and its English translation on page 157. 174 On Judith interpretation and propaganda uses see Kevin R. Brine, Elena Ciletti, and Henrike Lähnemann, eds., The Sword of Judith: Judith Studies Across the Disciplines (Cambridge, United Kingdom: OpenBook Publishers, 2010). Judith is also discussed often in Clanton, The Good, the Bold, and the Beautiful. Also on representations of both Judith and Susanna see Athalya Brenner, ed., A Feminist Companion to Esther, Judith and Susanna (Sheffield, United Kingdom: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995); and Ilja M. Veldman, “Lessons for Ladies: A Selection of Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century Dutch Prints,” Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art 16, no. 2/3 (1986): 113-127.

97 greater” than the “fine king,” which implies a comparison between Margaret and Alva (or even perhaps Philip II himself) in which the former is judged superior. The poem goes on to say, “A wise and good woman / Illuminates the mind, / Her divine words / Are medicine to mankind,” a statement that suggests that the “medicine” of Margaret’s diplomacy was capable of curing the

“illness” of oppression, economic decline, and discontent plaguing the Low Countries.175

The final piece in the pro-woman series, “Schoon lief wat macht u baeten,”176 contains the only secular Dutch text in Faignient’s debut, making it perhaps the most marked of all the liedekens. The text is a typical lament of a rejected lover, praising the object of his affection while bemoaning her breach of his trust and unkind dismissal of him. That such an ordinary secular text should appear among serious sacred texts seems strange, but in the context of a series of pieces evoking Margaret of Parma, it is perfectly coherent. After presenting texts that celebrate the capabilities of women and offer examples of what can be achieved by a woman who is steadfast, brave, and faithful, this text communicates the disappointment and betrayal felt by the people of the Low Countries at Margaret’s departure. The lover laments, “I put my trust in you / But, alas, I am rejected,” a sentiment that parallels the feelings of the people of the Low

Countries when Margaret abandoned them to the tyranny of Alva, whose Catholic zeal meant that the Inquisition would not be moderated and whose militancy meant that diplomacy would be fruitless.

Implications for Distribution

The themes of deliverance from tyranny, steadfastness in the face of danger, and pleas for divine comfort permeate Faignient’s liedekens and indicate a position in support of the Gueux

175 Translation mine. Full text of “Wij lesen in Esdras vanden wijn” and its English translation on page 157. 176 Full text and English translation of “Schoon lief wat macht u baeten”on page 158.

98 and against the Duke of Alva. Although at first glance this agenda seems to contradict

Faignient’s marketing efforts, we have already seen that large sections of the population, both

Catholic and Protestant, were dissatisfied and disgusted by the actions of Alva. Under Alva trade routes were insecure, relationships with trading partners suffered, and violence escalated, all of which contributed to economic uncertainty and decline. Despite loyalties to Philip and his government, neither the businessmen nor the nobility of the region would have looked favorably on a leader whose policies were so disruptive to commerce. Both groups were invested – literally – in the prosperity of the region and Alva was clearly a threat to its political and economic stability. If the Antwerp elites were as disgusted with Alva as the majority of the residents of the Low Countries were, then Faignient could have adopted an anti-Alva, anti- tyranny, and nationalist posture without alienating these men as potential patrons.

In terms of the implications for the international distribution of his works, Faignient cleverly limits the potential for alienating foreign audiences by confining the majority of the propaganda in CM&M à 3 to the liedekens. This meant that only Dutch speakers – almost exclusively natives of the region and long-time residents who had good reasons to be sympathetic to the rebellion – would be likely to understand these messages fully. If audiences in other parts of Western Europe paid any attention to the liedekens at all, they would probably not be sensitive to their subtle political implications.

99 Chapter VII. Chansons, madrigales et motetz à 3 parties in Manuscript and Print

The only two extant collections devoted entirely to works by Faignient are the two

Chansons, madrigales et motetz (CM&M) volumes of 1568. CM&M à 3 survives only in manuscript in three partbooks housed at the Stifts- och Landsbiblioteket in Linköping, Sweden, but CM&M à 4-6 was printed by Elizabeth Saen, the widow of Jan de Laet, with copies currently held at the following libraries:

Table 3: Surviving copies (complete and incomplete) of CM&M à 4-6177 Library RISM Siglum City, Country Fürst zu Bentheimsche Musikaliensammlung Burgsteinfurt D-BFb Steinfurt, Germany Stadtbibliothek, Musikabteilung D-LÜh Lübeck, Germany Bayerische Staatsbibliothek178 D-Mbs Munich, Germany Universität Rostock, Universitätsbibliothek D-ROu Rostock, Germany Universitetsbibliotek, Carolina Rediviva S-Uu Uppsala, Sweden Biblioteka Jagiellońska PL-Kj Kraków, Poland

There are several characteristics that clearly show that the two CM&M collections were paired. Both volumes contain several chansons, liedekens, madrigals, and motets, grouped together in that order. In CM&M à 4-6, the pieces are also grouped according to number of voices (first 4-voice chansons, then 4-voice liedekens, and so on, followed by 5-voice chansons, etc.). This extra level of sorting is not necessary in CM&M à 3 since all of the pieces are for 3 voices. Three texts appear in both CM&M collections: “Ick sal den Heer,” “Contrainct je suis,”

177 RISM A/I (online version), https://opac.rism.info/search?id=00000990017347. 178 A complete digital facsimile of CM&M à 4-6 is available in the online collection of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek at http://stimmbuecher.digitale-sammlungen.de/view?id=bsb00071966.

100 and “Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne” (the latter two as a pair). There are clear melodic connections between his settings of “Ick sal den Heer” for 3 and 4 voices, and both “Contrainct je suis” and “Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne” show resemblances as well. The similarities in title, organization, and content along with the designation of CM&M à 4-6 as “le premier livre” and both works being dated 1568, all are characteristics that confirm that the two volumes were paired.

Since these two volumes were coupled, it is reasonable to conclude that they would have been distributed by the same means. That is, since CM&M à 4-6 was printed, CM&M à 3 must have been destined for print as well. This conclusion is reinforced by the commercial strategy of

Faignient’s debut, which was based on wide distribution and broad appeal (see Chapter V).

Although manuscripts were still an important and viable method for recording information in the

16th century, the circulation of manuscripts was of course more limited than that of prints. The greater time and effort that it took to prepare a manuscript meant that fewer copies were produced by this method than were typically produced at press, so copies were simply not available for wide distribution. Furthermore, hand-written copies of music were often created for a particular purpose rather than as a commodity, so manuscripts frequently went directly to church or personal libraries and were not widely available to be traded, bought, and sold in marketplaces. This type of distribution suited courtier poets and musicians who had no need of patronage or commercial profit, but would not have been a good fit for Faignient who designed his debut for distribution across Western Europe in the pursuit of benefactors and permanent employment.179

179 H.R. Woudhuysen, Sir Philip Sidney and the Circulation of Manuscripts 1558-1640 (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1996), 10-16.

101 It is clear from the content of CM&M à 3 and its underlying commercial strategy that it was designed for the press, just as CM&M à 4-6 was. Although no printed copies of the 3-voice collection survive to show that this purpose was fulfilled, there is evidence to support a scenario in which CM&M à 3 was printed by Elizabeth Saen in 1568 alongside its 4-, 5-, and 6-voice sister volume. This chapter will explore the evidence concerning the distribution and circulation of CM&M à 3, including the characteristics of the Linköping partbooks, indications of circulation beyond what would be expected from an unprinted collection, and similarities between CM&M à 3, CM&M à 4-6, and the ‘house style’ of the Laet press. The evidence will show that the surviving manuscript was most likely copied from a print from the Laet press that was issued by Elizabeth Saen alongside CM&M à 4-6.

The Linköping Partbooks

The single surviving copy of CM&M à 3 is a manuscript contained in three partbooks held at the Stifts- och Landsbiblioteket in Linköping, Sweden180 under the call no.1964:6. The contents of the partbooks as well as their physical characteristics suggest that CM&M à 3 was copied into the Linköping partbooks from a print that no longer survives.

Contents

The Linköping partbooks contain several 3-voice collections, all of which are prints from the Scotto press in Venice with the exception of CM&M à 3. The inventory is as follows:

Table 4: Contents of the partbooks in which CM&M à 3 is found Order Name of Collection Place, Publisher, Year RISM USTC No. of Pages [0] blank pages (missing from cantus) n/a n/a n/a 6 (3 leaves)

180 RISM siglum S-LI.

102 1 Il primo libro de canzon napolitane a Venice: Scotto, 1565 156512 816024 40 tre voci… 2 Canzone napolitane a tre voci secondo Venice: Scotto, 1566 816025 32 libro… 3 Di Massimo Troiano da Napoli il terzo Venice: Scotto, 1567 T1265 861300 40 libro… 4 Di Michele Califano de Napoli il primo Venice: Scotto, 1567 817854 32 libro… 5 Canzon napolitane a tre voci, libro Venice: Scotto, 1566 156610 804455 32 secondo di L’arpa… 6 Il primo libro de canzone napolitane a Venice: Scotto, 1565 851326 36 tre voci, di Io. Leonardo Primauera… 7 Villotte alla napoletana a tre voci… Venice: Scotto, 1566 15665 804512 32 8 Canzon napolitane a tre voci, di Venice: Scotto, 1566 15669, 804454 32 L’arpa… N777 9 CM&M à 3 (copied by hand, most 1568 n/a 64312 112 likely from printed exemplar) [10] blank staves (two lines of music on n/a n/a n/a 6 (3 leaves) first page in tenor book)

The prints were all produced at the Scotto press between 1565 and 1567, and they are all unmistakably Neapolitan in nature (each title contains the word ‘napolitane,’ ‘napoletana,’ or

‘Napoli’). All of the Scotto prints follow the same order of front matter, music, and back matter

(title page, dedication [present in all but Villotte alla napoletana a tre voci…], music [one piece per page], table of contents) while CM&M à 3 lacks a dedication and places the table before the music rather than after it. The pagination scheme differs as well: the Scotto prints use page numbers while CM&M à 3 uses folio numbers, and the counting begins on the title page in the prints but on the first page of music in the manuscript. The many differences in content, origin, and even formatting mark CM&M à 3 as conspicuously different from the other collections in the Linköping partbooks. Why, then, was CM&M à 3 selected for inclusion in these partbooks?

And, if CM&M à 3 was printed as I have suggested, why is it present in these partbooks as a manuscript rather than as a print?

103 The Linköping partbooks are in upright octavo format (not “small quarto” as Noske stated181), which is an unusual format for music books of this era. In fact, this format was distinctive to the Scotto press and to this particular repertoire:

The format of choice for the popular Neapolitan dialect song or villanesche editions by most printers was the smaller oblong octavo. Colonia in Naples, Dorico and Barré in Rome, Moscheni and Pozzo in Milan, Susato in Antwerp, and Le Roy and Ballard in Paris all used the diminutive format… Scotto, in 1561, inaugurated another new format, upright octavo, for his music editions of canzone alla napolitane, villote, and other three-voice dialect songs. No other printer took up the upright orientation for their music books in the octavo size. The diminutive dimensions of the format fit in well with the modest size and style of the pieces.182

All of Waelrant and Laet’s partbooks were printed as oblong quartos, including CM&M à 4-6.183

If CM&M à 3 was also printed by Saen at the Laet press (which is the most likely scenario, as I will show), it would have been formatted that way as well. If a print of CM&M à 3 was available to the compiler, it could not have been bound together with the Scotto prints because it was too large and oriented the wrong way. The only way to include CM&M à 3 in the same binding as the Scotto prints was to copy it in by hand.

It is clear from the many Scotto prints in the Linköping partbooks that the compiler had access to printed music, perhaps including prints of CM&M à 3. The detail with which CM&M

à 3 was written into the partbooks suggests that it was copied either from an equally precise and

181 Frits Noske, “The Linköping Faignient-Manuscript,” Acta Musicologica 36 (1964): 154. 182 Jane A. Bernstein, Print Culture and Music in Sixteenth-Century Venice (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2001), 38 (underline mine). 183 Robert Lee Weaver, Waelrant and Laet: Music Publishers in Antwerp’s Golden Age (Warren, MI: Harmonie Park Press, 1995), 178.

104 complete manuscript (which were not abundant in this period184) or, more likely, a print.

Therefore, it is very possible that the pieces of CM&M à 3 were copied into the Linköping partbooks from a printed copy, and that the only reason that the printed version is not present in the partbooks is that it was the wrong size and orientation to be bound together with the Scotto prints.

Clearly, the compiler went to extra trouble to include CM&M à 3 in the partbooks, but why did he or she do so when the collection is so dissimilar to Scotto’s Neapolitan prints? No direct connection between Faignient and the city of Naples has been identified, and geographically Naples is quite separate from the northern city-states of Genoa and Milan with which Faignient may have had connections through patrons and relations. However, the characterization of the music in the Scotto prints as “three-voice dialect songs” may offer us a clue about the reason that CM&M à 3 was included in this collection. Although the contents of

CM&M à 3 are not ‘dialect songs’ per se, they may have seemed that way to the compiler of this collection. Like the Neapolitan songs, liedekens had strong regional associations, and the presence of liedekens in CM&M à 3 may have been enough for the compiler to view the entire collection as ‘regional’ in character. If nothing else, the works in CM&M à 3 fit with the

Neapolitan prints simply because they are also for three voices, which may very well have been the only feature of great importance to the compiler of these partbooks.

184 Charles Hamm, “Interrelationships between Manuscript and Printed Sources of Polyphonic Music in the Early Sixteenth Century: An Overview,” in Datierung und Filiation von Musikhandschriften der Josquin-Zeit, ed. Ludwig Finscher, Quellenstudien zur Musik der Renaissance 2, Wolfenbütteler Forschungen 26 (Wiesbaden, Germany: In Kommission bei O. Harrassowitz, 1983), 1-2.

105 Physical Description and Use

The three partbooks containing CM&M à 3 are bound in brown leather with tooled decorations on both covers and the spine. The decorations consist of a blind-tooled three-stripe border and various gold-tooled fleur-de-lis designs and connecting lines.185 The front and back covers include the initials ‘C,’ ‘T,’ and ‘B’ corresponding to the cantus, tenor, and bassus parts.

Åke Davidsson identified the year 1590 written in ink on the cover of the cantus partbook, but, as he notes, it is very difficult to decipher (see Figure 16).186 The inset ribbon ties once present on the covers of all three volumes (each volume had two) are now gone, but we can clearly see a remnant of the bright green ribbon under the front endpaper (paste-down) of the cantus, which is now partially detached from the cover (see Figure 18).187

Figure 15: Front cover of cantus, spine of tenor, and back cover of bassus partbooks188

185 On tooled decorations in bookbinding, see P.J.M. Marks, The British Library Guide to Bookbinding: History and Techniques (London, United Kingdom: The British Library, 1998; Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press, 1998), 51-54. 186 Åke Davidsson, Musikbibliographische Beiträge, Uppsala Universitets Årsskrift 1954:9 (Uppsala, Sweden: A.-B. Lundequistska Bokhandeln, 1954; Wiesbaden, Germany: Otto Harrassowitz, 1954), 19. 187 For a general guide to the techniques and terminology of bookbinding by hand, see Marks, The British Library Guide to Bookbinding. 188 These and all subsequent photos not otherwise cited are mine, taken July 2015.

106 Figure 16: Detail of front cover of cantus partbook, barely visible is the year “1590” written in ink under the central decoration189

Figure 17: Detail of gold-tooled decoration from bassus partbook

189 Brightness levels increased in Photoshop to improve visibility of handwritten text.

107 Figure 18: Remnant of inset ribbon tie under front endpaper of cantus partbook

The paper used for the binding is typical Early Modern paper, but is not the same as the paper on which CM&M à 3 was copied; the distances between chain lines differ and there are no watermarks on the binding paper (see below for more on the paper of CM&M à 3). This is to be expected, since binding was typically carried out by professional bookbinders rather than compilers or scribes and the bookbinder would likely use his own stock of paper. Together with uniform wear and color, no signs of previous binding, and the date “1590” written on the front cover of the cantus book, these features suggest that the current binding dates from the late 16th century and that it is the original binding.190

190 For an introduction to Early Modern “laid” paper, see Marks, The British Library Guide to Bookbinding, 29-31; and Erin Blake, “Learning to ‘Read’ Old Paper,” The Collation: A Gathering of Scholarship from the Folger Shakespeare Library, posted June 25, 2012, http://collation.folger.edu/2012/06/learning-to-read-old-paper/. The prior source draws substantially on Bernard Middleton, A History of English Craft Bookbinding Technique, 4th rev. ed., (London, United Kingdom: The British Library; New Castle, DE: Oak Knoll Press, 1996).

108 The quality of the binding and its finishing (decorations) suggest that the compiler was a person of some means, but the collection is not extravagant enough to be a presentation copy.

On the manuscript pages decoration is limited to large initials and the occasional flourish to fill otherwise blank space. The handwritten music has few errors and is very complete, which are characteristics that make the partbooks suitable for actual music making. Complete text underlay, few errors, and clear notation mean that a trio of singers could have easily performed

CM&M à 3 directly from the partbooks. A less careful collection might have served as a personal record or memory aid, but the care that went into these partbooks suggests that their compiler planned to use them for singing in the home. The good condition of the partbooks and the lack of performance markings, however, show that they were not used regularly.

A manuscript that is so carefully executed might be a fair copy on which a print would be based, but the size and orientation of CM&M à 3 do not fit standard formats for similar materials. Furthermore, we can tell from the blank staves at the end of the partbooks that the pages were bound and given staff lines before the music was copied into them, which shows that these partbooks were the first and final destination of the handwritten pages containing CM&M à

3. This sequence of binding and copying, as well as the size and orientation of the pages, rules out the possibility that the manuscript in the Linköping partbooks was a fair copy destined for print.191

Another explanation for the clearness and completeness of CM&M à 3 is simply that it was copied from a printed source. Other than sumptuous presentation manuscripts, few music

191 On fair copying and manuscripts for the press, see Woudhuysen, Sir Philip Sidney and the Circulation of Manuscripts, 103-115.

109 manuscripts were executed with such a high degree of neatness and thoroughness.192 If the copy of CM&M à 3 found in the Linköping partbooks were copied from another manuscript, the source manuscript would necessarily have been just as complete as the copy derived from it.

Given the rarity of such meticulously copied manuscripts, it seems unlikely that there were two such manuscript versions of CM&M à 3. More plausible is that the lone surviving copy of

CM&M à 3 was copied from a printed source.

Another indication of the carefulness and thoroughness of the scribe can be seen in the liedeken “O Heer en God.” In all three partbooks the ink of this piece is slightly lighter than neighboring pieces, and the quill used to copy it appears to have been slightly thicker as well.

This suggests that all three parts of “O Heer en God” were copied at the same time, rather than one partbook being copied in its entirety before moving on to the next. This once again shows our scribe to be very meticulous and conscientious in her copying, and reinforces the impression that she must have had a very clear and detailed copy to work from that was, in all likelihood, a print.

Indications of Provenance

There is little evidence in the Linköping partbooks that points to a clear provenance. The prints originated in Venice, but would have been available at markets throughout Europe, while

CM&M à 3 came from Antwerp but would have also been widely available if it too was printed, as I have suggested. Many of the foreign 16th- and 17th-century holdings in Swedish libraries were acquired as spoils of war, and this could be true of the Linköping partbooks as well, which

192 Hamm, “Interrelationships between Manuscript and Printed Sources,” 1-2; and Woudhuysen, Sir Philip Sidney and the Circulation of Manuscripts, 88-115 (chapter 3).

110 would further obscure their provenance. However, there are a few pieces of physical evidence on the partbooks from the library that are worth considering.

On the top and bottom spine of each book there are remnants of paper tags. Little remains of the upper tags, but two of the lower tags show numbers that were most likely the call number information from a previous cataloging system. The text of the lower tag is now completely gone from the cantus book, but a few numbers can be seen on the tenor and bassus books: “2./18.” on the tenor and “32./.19.” on the bassus.

Figure 19: Paper tags on bottom spine of tenor and bassus partbooks

Library records show that the part books were transferred from the book collection to the manuscript collection in 1964 – no doubt following Noske’s research concerning Faignient’s collection contained in them193 – so the numbers on these tags were probably the call numbers of the partbooks prior to 1964.

Additional marks from the library can be found on the front endpapers (inside the front cover) of all three volumes (see Figure 23). Handwriting in pencil gives the current call number,

1964:6, and the library staff informs me that the other text was used for cataloguing purposes and

193 Noske, “The Linköping Faignient-Manuscript,” 152-165.

111 translates as “Novel – Italian – Compilation.” The blue stamp that reads “Bibl. Linco. Pensis” was also placed there by the Linköping library. Unfortunately, these library markings offer no evidence about the movement or acquisition of the partbooks prior to 1964, and the library has no records that could offer further insight. So, our information about provenance must be derived from the physical evidence in the book that dates from prior to the 20th century.

The paper used for CM&M à 3 shows typical chain lines running across the page vertically about 2.1cm apart. At least two different watermarks can be found in the paper used for CM&M à 3. When present, watermarks are located at the top edge of the page, near to the binding, which is to be expected in upright octavos. By far the most common and clearest watermark contains the text ‘SIMEON NIVELLE’ under a shield containing three fleurs-de-lis

(lilies) and a hand holding a book, topped with a flower. This watermark has been catalogued by

Briquet as no. 1844. Briquet identifies the watermark in several sources in Germany, France,

Belgium, and the Netherlands dated 1561-1580.194

The crest in the watermark is identified by Briquet as that of the University of Paris, and

Siméon Nivelle as a paper-maker for the University:

Les types 1836 à 1846, aux armes de l’Université de Paris, sont toujours accompagnés du nom de Siméon Nivelle, qui était l’un des papetiers jurés de l’Université. Les Nivelle étaient de Troyes et l’un d’eux, Siméon, exploitait dès 1511, la papeterie de Vannes. Il est possible que ce Siméon ait eu un fils, ou un

194 Charles M. Briquet, Les filigranes (Paris: A. Picard & Fils, 1907), 1:135. The same watermark is also found in a manuscript held at the Ratsbücherei in Lüneburg, Germany (D-Lr, Mus.ant.pract. 376), which has a Bavarian provenance and is dated c. 1566. RISM A/II catalogue entry for this manuscript (including links to images of the watermark) is available online at https://opac.rism.info/search?id=455023972. The same manuscript is also catalogued in the “Digitial Image Archive of Medieval Music (DIAMM),” accessed July 14, 2015, http://www.diamm.ac.uk/jsp/Descriptions?op=SOURCE&sourceKey=2133.

112 successeur de même nom que lui, puisqu’on trouve ce nom filigrané dans du papier jusqu’aux derniers années du XVIe siècle.195

Vannes, then, is the place that this paper was most likely manufactured, and Paris may be where our scribe acquired it. The fleur-de-lis, which appears both in the watermark and on the covers of the partbooks, is strongly associated with France. It is entirely possible that the Linköping partbooks originated in France, but the wide distribution of the paper (as documented by

Briquet), the disparate origins of the music, and its current home in Sweden make it difficult to ascribe a precise location to these partbooks with any certainty.

Figure 20: The watermark of Siméon Nivelle, the most common watermark on the pages of CM&M à 3, example from adjacent pages in the bassus partbook (fo. 1r and facing page)196

A few additional markings in the partbooks are worthy of mention. On the front endpaper of the cantus book (inside of the front cover) we find some handwriting that appears to be contemporaneous with the copying of CM&M à 3 (Figure 21). The color of the brown ink is a close match to the lighter shades of the ink of CM&M à 3, especially that found on the title

195 Briquet, Les filigranes, 1:136. 196 Black and white image from “Briquet Online,” last update July 14, 2009, http://www.ksbm.oeaw.ac.at/_scripts/php/loadRepWmark.php?rep=briquet&refnr=1844&lang=de. Photos mine, both images from bassus partbook (adjacent pages), image manipulated in Photoshop to make watermark more apparent.

113 page and in the table of contents. The handwriting appears to be consistent with the period197 but it is not clear if this is the same hand or a different one than the scribe of CM&M à 3. The text may be a motto or a name and could possibly identify the copyist and/or owner of the partbooks.

Unfortunately, the text has been partially crossed out with similar (or the same) ink used to write it in the first place, making the text itself difficult to read and the handwriting difficult to compare with that of CM&M à 3.

Figure 21: Handwriting on front endpaper of cantus partbook

A drawing of some kind can be found inside the back cover on the back endpaper of the tenor book (Figure 22). The ink is noticeably lighter than the writing on the inside cover of the cantus book, but it is nonetheless consistent with the lightest shades of ink found in CM&M à 3 just a few pages prior. The paleness of this ink suggests that the drawing was made quickly, with little care. The drawing most closely resembles a map, suggesting that the books may have been the property of someone with an interest in geography, such as a traveling merchant, which

197 On paleography in provenance, see David Pearson, Provenance Research in Book History: A Handbook (London, United Kingdom: The British Library, 1994), 286-292. Scholarly resources on the subject of paleography typically focus on a particular region or language, but such studies are of little use for a multi-lingual source whose geographic origin is unclear.

114 might also explain the variety of languages contained in them. However, the drawing may just as well be the scribbling of the copyist testing his quill.

Figure 22: Drawing on back endpaper of tenor partbook

Another bit of handwriting appears on the front endpaper of the bassus book (Figure 23).

Again, the ink appears more-or-less consistent with the ink of CM&M à 3, but the hand seems to be different than that which appears on the front endpaper of the cantus. The writing in the

115 bassus book is much larger and less precise. Again, the lightness of the ink suggests this was written quickly, but there is some transfer of ink to the facing page from the darkest points, suggesting that the book was closed while the ink was still wet in some places. Unfortunately the ink is smeared, obscuring most of the words, and even the clearer sections are difficult to decipher.

Figure 23: Front endpaper of bassus partbook, showing library stamp and pencil markings as well as handwriting in ink

In summary, the Linköping partbooks were compiled and bound by a person of some means for the purpose of home music making. CM&M à 3 was copied directly into the partbooks from a clear and complete source that was most likely a print that no longer survives.

The fleurs-de-lis found in the tooled decorations on the covers of the partbooks and in a watermark on the pages of CM&M à 3 suggest a French provenance, but this is far from certain.

Additional handwriting on the endpapers of the partbook may contain names or other

116 information relevant to the origin or movements of the books, but these writings could not be deciphered.

Evidence and Circumstances of Printing

No printed copies of CM&M à 3 survive, but the evidence in the Linköping partbooks suggests that the manuscript version of the collection was most likely copied from a printed source. It is possible that the printing of CM&M à 3 was prevented by political or economic instability, or that the collection was withheld because of doubts regarding its commercial potential or concerns about the prudence of distributing the political propaganda contained in it, but this section will offer further evidence that suggests the collection was indeed printed despite any risks or obstacles of this kind. Reprints and borrowing from the collection suggest that

CM&M à 3 was circulated widely enough that its distribution was most likely facilitated with printed copies. A printed 3-voice volume by Faignient is described in some 18th- and 19th- century sources as well. Furthermore, similarities between CM&M à 4-6, CM&M à 3, and the

‘house style’ of the Laet press strongly suggest that the same publisher printed them.198

Evidence of Print Distribution

The earliest description of a 3-voice collection by Faignient that is unmistakably

Chansons, madrigales et motetz à 3 parties is given by Jean Benjamin de Laborde in Essai sur la musique ancienne et moderne (1780).199 Laborde states that Faignient “a fait un livre de chansons, de madrigaux & de motets, à trois parties, en 1568,” and goes on to quote the text of

198 See Robert Lee Weaver, A Descriptive Bibliographical Catalog of the Music Printed by Hubert Waelrant and Jan de Laet (Warren, MI: Harmonie Park Press, 1994), 149-155. CM&M à 4-6 is no. 32, CM&M à 3 is no. 33, and a possible missing edition of motets and madrigals by Faignient is no. 35. 199 Jean Benjamin de Laborde, Essai sur la musique ancienne et moderne (Paris, France: Imprimerie de P.-D. Pierres, se vend chez E. Onfroy, 1780), 3:417.

117 “Susanne un jour” and describe the piece as “assez bonne pour le tems [sic].” Laborde gives no other biographical or bibliographical information, but his description of CM&M à 3 strongly suggests that he had viewed the collection himself.200 No details about publication are given, but none are present in Laborde’s entries on other composers, so their absence indicates neither that it was a manuscript nor than it was definitely printed. However, Robert Lee Weaver, in his catalogue entry on CM&M à 3, believes that “Laborde’s comments confirm that a 1568 printed collection with pieces by Faignient existed at one time.”201 In any case, the presence of CM&M

à 3 in Laborde’s Essai does show that the collection was accessible to him, and such availability could be indicative of print distribution.

Laborde was the source for Ernst Ludwig Gerber’s 1812 description of the same as, “Ein

Buch Chansons, Madrigale u. Motetten für 3 Stimmen 1568,” and like Laborde he includes no location, description, or printing details for the collection. His entry on Faignient is more compete than Laborde’s, however, because he lists CM&M à 4-6 by its proper French title

(unlike CM&M à 3, which is described in general terms) and mentions that it can be found at the library in Munich. Gerber’s entry suggests that he had seen CM&M à 4-6 himself, but that he was relying on Laborde and other sources for information on CM&M à 3, so this source offers little evidence about the distribution of Faignient’s 3-voice collection.202

The appearance of several chansons from CM&M à 3 in two anthologies printed by the

Phalèse press offer a different kind of evidence about the distribution of the collection. Recueil

200 This conclusion is supported by Weaver, A Descriptive Bibliographical Catalog, 154-155 (no. 33). 201 Weaver, A Descriptive Bibliographical Catalog, 155. This comment is strangely worded since it could just as easily describe CM&M à 4-6 which also appeared in 1568, but since it appears in his entry for CM&M à 3 (no. 33), we can safely understand it to mean that Weaver sees Laborde’s remarks as proof that CM&M à 3 once appeared in print. 202 Ernst Ludwig Gerber, Neues historisch-biographisches Lexikon der Tonkünstler (Leipzig, Germany: A. Kühnel, 1812-1814), 2:72.

118 des fleurs… tiers livre of 1569 and La fleur des chansons à trois parties of 1574 were printed by

Pierre Phalèse Sr., a shrewd and conservative businessman. The commercial success of CM&M

à 3 must have been prompt and substantial to cause Phalèse to reprint its pieces so soon after its initial release, and it is unlikely that such success could have been achieved through manuscript distribution alone.203

Furthermore, prior printed sources have been identified for all but four pieces of the 26 pieces in Recueil des fleurs… tiers livre if we exclude the six pieces by Faignient that were drawn from CM&M à 3. The previous volume in this series, Recueil des fleurs… second livre, also contains 26 chansons for three voices, all of which can be traced to earlier printed sources.204 La fleur des chansons, a massive collection of 101 3-voice chansons, is also drawn primarily from printed sources. With the exception of nine pieces by Cornet, and many pieces by Castro (who was most likely the editor of the collection and may have used the opportunity to issue some of his own works for the first time), only Faignient’s have not previously been traced to a printed source.205 In other words, Phalèse and his editors were drawing mainly from printed sources when they created these anthologies, and the fact that they used pieces from CM&M à 3 supports the conclusion that the collection was circulating in print at the time.

The only other reprints of pieces from CM&M à 3 occurred in 1577 in Geneva when

Pierre de Saint-André issued two volumes of “pseaumes et cantiques” containing a total of 12 pieces from CM&M à 3. The chansons with sacred themes are reprinted without alteration, but

203 For more about the business practices of the Phalèse printing firm see Susan Lewis Hammond, “Pierre Phalèse as Music Editor: The Madrigal Anthology Musica divina (1583),” Fontes Artis Musicae 51, no. 1 (January 2004): 93- 110; and Hammond, “Selling the Madrigal: Pierre Phalèse II and the Four ‘Antwerp Anthologies,’” in Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation, vol. 6, eds. Bruno Bouckaert and Eugeen Schreurs (Neerpelt, Belgium: Alamire Music Publishers, 2008), 225-252. 204 Courtney Adams, “The Three-Part Chanson During the Sixteenth Century” (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1974), 298-303. 205 Ibid., 307-315; and Courtney Adams, “Aspects of the Chanson for Three Voices,” Acta Musicologica 49, no. 2 (July-December 1977): 238.

119 the secular pieces are transformed into chansons spirituelles through small textual changes. The source for these works has been identified as La fleur des chansons, so unfortunately the appearance of Faignient’s works in these volumes gives us no information about the distribution of CM&M à 3.206

Although none of the madrigals, motets, or liedekens from CM&M à 3 were reprinted, several liedekens from both volumes of Faignient’s debut provided material for Jacobus Flori’s

1573 collection, Modulorum aliquot tam sacrorum quam prophanorum cum tribus vocibus…

(Louvain: Phalèse, 1573 [RISM F1185, USTC 405980]). Seven pieces in Modulorum use borrowed texts and melodic fragments from Faignient’s debut: one from CM&M à 4-6 and six from CM&M à 3.

Table 5: Pieces borrowed from Faignient by Flori for Modulorum aliquot tam sacrorum quam prophanorum cum tribus vocibus… (Louvain: Phalèse, 1573) Piece Source “Die onder Gods beschermsel is geseten” (paired with “Ick ben den rechten wijngaert” CM&M à 3 “Ick ben den rechten wijngaert” (paired with “Die onder Gods Beschermsel is geseten” CM&M à 3 “Ryckdom en haven” CM&M à 4-6 “Schoon lief wat macht u baeten” CM&M à 3 “Staet ons bij, Heer, in dese benauden tijden” CM&M à 3 “Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach” CM&M à 3 “Wij lesen in Esdras vanden wijn” (split into two parts by Flori; second part with incipit “Boven CM&M à 3 al die vrouwen”)

Modulorum contains pieces that borrow from Turnhout, Jacobus Clemens non Papa, Jan

Verdonck, Ludovicus Episcopius, Jan Belle, and Flori’s teacher, Lassus, in addition to Faignient.

Flori’s settings of “Overvloedighen rijckdom” and “Maer Heere want ick op der aerden moet leven,” a pair of texts that appears in CM&M à 4-6, show melodic material not from Faignient, but from Turnhout’s settings published in Een duytsch musyck boeck… (Louvain and Antwerp:

Phalèse Sr. and Jean Bellère, 1572 [RISM 157211, USTC 405434]). Een duytsch musyck boeck,

206 Grove Music Online, s.v. “Castro, Jean de,” by Ignace Bossuyt, Katrien Derde, and Saskia Willaert, accessed September 8, 2014, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com:80/subscriber/article/grove/music/05149.

120 Phalèse’s all-Dutch collection, was probably Flori’s source for materials borrowed from

Episcopius, Belle, and Clemens non Papa as well. Texts and melodies borrowed from Lassus may have been taken from Moduli quinis vocibus nunquam hactenus editi (Paris: Adrian le Roy and Robert Ballard, 1571 [RISM L843]) and Liber secundus sacrarum cantionum quatuor vocum (Louvain: Phalèse Sr., 1569 [RISM 15698).207 The pattern of borrowing in Modulorum suggests that Flori turned to his personal library of music for inspiration, and the fact that most of his sources were prints once again suggests that CM&M à 3 was also printed. We cannot rule out the possibility that Flori’s copy of Faignient’s 3-voice collection was a manuscript, but his preference for material that was available in print suggests that his most important source,

CM&M à 3, would also be printed.

Publication of the CM&M Collections: Elizabeth Saen and Music Printing in Antwerp in 1568-1569

The idea that CM&M à 3 was printed by Laet’s widow, Elizabeth Saen, was first put forward by Noske: “There is every reason to believe that, like its companion book, the three-part volume was printed in 1568 by Jan de Laet’s widow in Antwerp.” Noske does not offer evidence for this conclusion, but offers the idea as the “obvious assumption.” Susan Bain, in her dissertation on music printing in the Low Countries, agrees with Noske’s judgment but offers more rationale for her opinion. Bain notes that the number of liedekens in CM&M à 3 strongly suggests that the manuscript originated in the Low Countries, and Faignient’s strong association

207 Nele Gabriëls et al., Introductory Materials for Motetten en Nederlandse polyfone liederen / Motets and Dutch Polyphonic Songs: Leuven, 1573, by Jacobus Flori (Leuven, Belgium: Alamire, 2006), xxx-xxxiv.

121 with Antwerp further confirms this. Bain also notes similarities in title and ordering between the two CM&M volumes as evidence that they originated at the same publishing house.208

In this section, I will use the ‘house style’ of the Laet press, as documented by Robert

Lee Weaver,209 as the benchmark with which to compare both CM&M à 4-6 and CM&M à 3.

Using both CM&M volumes gives us a ‘control’ case and an ‘experimental’ case. That is, we know that CM&M à 4-6 was printed by Elizabeth Saen at the Laet press, so any deviations from the house style in that volume represent variations introduced by Saen (and others who may have influenced or assisted her) following the death of Laet. Seeing such variations in CM&M à 3 without having noted them in CM&M à 4-6 would lead to a false conclusion that the volume was not produced at the Laet press. However, being able to compare both volumes to the standard practices of the publishing firm will allow us to correctly interpret the evidence that presents itself.

Before discussing the details of the Laet house style and the characteristics of the music prints issued there by Elizabeth Saen in 1568 and 1569, it is important to discuss how Faignient’s debut came to be printed there in the first place, particularly since these circumstances may have influenced the final prints that were produced. Over the course of Faignient’s career, the majority of his output was issued by the Phalèse press, so it is surprising that his debut was not published there as well. But Phalèse Sr. (who was still operating the press out of Louvain in

1568) was a conservative and practical businessman who rarely published debuts, preferring to

208 Noske, “The Linköping Faignient-Manuscript,” 154; and Susan Bain, “Music Printing in the Low Countries in the Sixteenth Century” (PhD diss., University of Cambridge, 1974), 152. 209 Robert Lee Weaver, Waelrant and Laet: Music Publishers in Antwerp’s Golden Age (Warren, MI: Harmonie Park Press, 1995). Particularly “Chapter 7: House-Style and Editorial Concerns,” pp. 177-248.

122 stick to established composers and genres. As a result, emerging composers had to look to the

Antwerp publishers to get their first works into print.210

The printing trade in Antwerp was vibrant, but the late 1560s saw instability in the music printing firms operating there. Tielman Susato had been active in Antwerp since 1542, and had issued Lassus’s debut in 1555, making him a likely candidate to issue another debut. But

Susato’s son, Jacob, had taken over the business in 1561 and issued only one music book before his death in 1564. Jan de Laet was issuing prints in Antwerp from 1554 and was responsible for publishing the debuts of both Waelrant (1558) and Cornet (1562), but he too died in 1566.

Christopher Plantin would not begin printing music in Antwerp until 1578, and the younger

Phalèse would not move operations there until 1582. These circumstances meant that in 1568 and 1569 the only music printer operating in Antwerp was the widow of Jan de Laet, Elizabeth

Saen.211

The very first publication issued by Saen was Faignient’s debut, following a two-year hiatus after Laet’s death. She issued only two other volumes before ceasing operations permanently: Jean de Castro’s debut, and a volume of lute music written by Valentin Greff

Bakfark and published in Italian lute tablature, both issued in 1569. Saen may have assisted her husband at the press prior to his death and thus prepared herself to continue his work on her own, but the Bakfark lute book was such a departure from previous publications that it suggests other influences. An apprenticeship contract between Laet and Phalèse raises the possibility that the lute book – and perhaps the other music prints – may have been undertaken with the help of

210 Ignace Bossuyt and Saskia Willaert, “Jean De Castro’s Il primo libro di madrigali, conzoni e motetti,” in Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation, vol. 2, eds. Eugeen Schreurs and Henri Vanhulst (Peer, Belgium: Alamire, 1997), 338-339; and Henri Vanhulst, Catalogue des éditions de musique publiées Louvain par Pierre Phalèse et ses fils 1545-1578 (Brussels, Belgium: Palais des Académis, 1990), xxxvii. 211 Bossuyt and Willaert, 338-339.

123 Phalèse’s son, Jacob, who was probably Laet’s apprentice until the printer’s death. This raises the possibility that variances from the Laet house style seen in the CM&M collections represent the influence of the Phalèse firm via Jacob Phalèse.212

House Style of the Waelrant & Laet Press in the CM&M Collections

The format for all of the partbooks issued by the Waelrant & Laet press was the same: oblong quarto. This is indeed the format of CM&M à 4-6, and we have already discussed that if

CM&M à 3 was also issued in this format it would have been incompatible with the upright octavos of the Scotto prints contained in the Linköping partbooks, making hand-copying necessary for CM&M à 3 to be bound together with the Scotto prints. The preference for this format at the Laet press shows that they catered to “connoisseurs and amateurs in small ensembles,” rather than large choral groups for whom the folio size was preferred. This characterization is consistent with the material in both CM&M volumes.213

The title pages at the Laet press typically contained text only, no ornaments, and were laid out in an inverted cone (wide at the top) or an hourglass shape (wide at the top, narrow in the middle, wide at the bottom). At the top of each title page was the voice part, followed by the title itself in large letters. In the vertical center, at the narrowest part of the layout, was typically placed the volume number, and the publisher’s imprint was placed at the bottom of the page.214

The title page of CM&M à 4-6 (Figure 24) follows all of these conventions. The layout and

212 Henri Vanhulst, “Le contrat d’apprentissage conclu en 1562 entre Pierre Phalèse et Jean Laet,” in From Ciconia to Sweelinck: donum natalicium Willem Elders, Albert Clement and Eric Jas, eds. (Atlanta, Georgia: Rodopi, 1994), 255-259; and Robert Lee Weaver, A Descriptive Bibliographical Catalog, 149-161. Weaver lists a collection of madrigals by Faignient as no. 35, but the existence of this volume is doubtful. For further discussion of this and other collections doubtfully attributed Faignient, see the sources chapter in Part 2. 213 Weaver, Waelrant and Laet, 178. 214 Ibid., 182. On title pages, see also A.F. Johnson, “Title-Pages: Their Forms and Development,” in Selected Essays on Books and Printing, ed. Percy H. Muir (Amsterdam, Netherlands: Van Gendt, 1970).

124 content of title page of the surviving manuscript of CM&M à 3 (Figure 24) is similar: the voice part is listed at the top, followed by the title, which includes the composer’s name, and finally, the year. It is important to note that the title and the composer’s full name are spelled the same way in both CM&M volumes.

Figure 24: Title page of CM&M à 4-6 (superius part) and of CM&M à 3 (cantus part)215

Much of the output of the Laet press places tables of contents before the music, but in

CM&M à 4-6 we find this material at the end of each partbook. This practice is not without precedent, however, as this order can be found in Liber sextus sacrarum cantionum (1556, USTC

442738) and other partbooks printed both before and after Laet’s death. Saen apparently

215 Digital facsimile of CM&M à 4-6 provided by the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Digitale Bibliothek under the call number 4Mus.pr.115, available online at http://stimmbuecher.digitale-sammlungen.de/view?id=bsb00071966. Digital facsimile of CM&M à 3 provided by the Stifts- och Landsbiblioteket in Linköping, Sweden.

125 preferred this ordering because it was used in Castro’s debut (1569) as well as CM&M à 4-6.216

However, this is not the ordering found in CM&M à 3. In the 3-voice collection, the table appears immediately after the title page and is only present in the cantus partbook. However, this order may have been chosen for logistical ease of the copyist and may not reflect the order of the source from which he was copying.

Irregularities in staff lines at the tops of pages for pieces that fill more or less than a single opening (Figure 25) and pages of empty staves following CM&M à 3 show that the copyist had not determined a precise layout for the collection before writing the staff lines.

Without knowing precisely how many pages would be needed to copy the collection, the copyist would not know where to place a table of contents that was supposed to follow the music, and therefore he would not know how many pages should contain empty staves. If he needed to account for a table of contents at the end of the collection, he would have to determine precisely how many pages would contain music, or he would have to place the staff lines as he went, which would have been much less convenient than doing them all at once. The placement of the table immediately after the title page would have been much less troublesome. The copyist must have decided on this order before the partbooks were bound because we find a single-leaf gathering in the tenor and bassus partbooks for the title page of CM&M à 3, but in the cantus book a second leaf has been added to this gathering in order to provide space for the table of contents.

216 Weaver, Waelrant and Laet, 182-185.

126 Figure 25: Irregularities in staff lines: “Que peult au fol richesse proufiter,” “Quant le fol rit,” and “Io mi son giovenett’ e volontieri” in cantus partbook

It is also worth noting that the tables of contents in both CM&M collections are ordered alphabetically within each genre. Further subdivisions according to the number of voices are also found in CM&M à 4-6. Although it was more usual for tables of contents to be ordered

127 numerically at the Laet press, alphabetical ordering did occur.217 The table of contents in

Castro’s debut (1569) is also divided according to genre, but within each group the pieces are listed numerically rather than alphabetically. Furthermore, although tables of contents appear at the end of each partbook of CM&M a 4-6, the only table in CM&M à 3 is located at the beginning of the cantus partbook, and the only table in Castro’s debut can be found at the end of the bassus book. In other words, a variety of schemes for tables of contents were used at the

Laet press, both before and during Saen’s management of it, so little evidence can be taken from the scheme used in any particular volume.

The Laet press preferred page numbers to folio numbers, a characteristic that is shared only by a few other printers who were active at this time.218 They also preferred to place the first number on the first page of music, but to start counting with the title page so that this first number was often 3. Here again we find that CM&M à 4-6 is consistent with the house style, but that CM&M à 3 is not. Following the title page and dedication in CM&M à 4-6, we find that the first piece, “Un pre verd, je cognois,” bears the number 3 and that page numbers continue on each subsequent page as one would expect. Although the Scotto prints in the Linköping partbooks follow precisely the same system, CM&M à 3 does not. In the manuscript, the number

1 appears on the right-hand page of the first opening of music and folio numbers continue on each successive opening. Again, this may be explained by the practical considerations of copying music by hand: writing one number for every opening is less work than numbering each page. Furthermore, since the majority of pieces occupy precisely one opening, the folio numbers operate roughly as piece numbers. Other than the final piece (which requires 3 or 4 pages, depending on voice part) the only instance of pieces occupying more or less than one opening is

217 Ibid., 182. 218 Ibid., 185-186.

128 the pair “Que peult au fol richesse proufiter” and “Quant le fol rit,” which appear together on a single opening, each piece occupying a single page. In the table of contents these pieces are listed one-after-the-other with a bracket on the right and “fo 5” as the shared indication of their location in the volume.

Figure 26: “Que peult au fol richesse proufiter” and “Quant le fol rit” listed in the table of contents of CM&M à 3, cantus partbook

A related aspect of the Laet press house style is that each voice part of a set was always uniformly numbered.219 Using the same numbering for all voice parts meant that a single table of contents would serve all parts. Not only was this convenient for the printer, who could reuse the table for all parts, but this convention also made it easier for singers to coordinate themselves quickly and easily. This system is used in CM&M à 4-6, where page numbers in the quinta pars begin at 30 with the first chanson à 5. The two pages immediately following page 30 in the quinta pars are incorrectly numbered 44 and 45, but the numbering continues from 33 on the next page and henceforth properly through page number 46. However, the table of contents itself in the quinta pars of CM&M à 4-6 is not the same as the table found in the other voice parts. Instead we find an abbreviated table that contains only the pieces à 5 and à 6. The sexta pars (which is labeled ‘superius 2’ and is only needed for a single piece) can be found at the end of the tenor partbook facing the page containing the tenor part of the same piece. This single page of sexta pars breaks the system of uniform numbering since it is given the page number 47, while the other five parts bear the number 46. These errors and inconsistencies are easily

219 Ibid., 187.

129 explained by the fact that Elizabeth Saen may have been unaccustomed to overseeing volumes with these kinds of complexities. If mistakes of this kind were present in the theoretical printed version of CM&M à 3, the copyist of the Linköping partbooks has eliminated them by using her own numbering system. That said, all pieces in CM&M à 3 are for 3 voices, so errors of this kind are less likely to have been present in a printed version of the 3-voice volume.

The music prints issued by Waelrant and Laet usually contain five staves per page, and when a piece required additional staves, these were typically taken from the following page.

Sometimes the extra page was otherwise left blank, or, if it contained the music of a different piece, a leaf or other symbol was used to mark the continuation.220 In CM&M à 4-6 we find one case (pages 28-29 in all parts) where a piece is continued on the previous page rather than the following page. The pages face each other, making this strategy somewhat less surprising, and its continuation is indicated with a leaf so the sequence is not ambiguous to performers. This format may have been chosen primarily because it preserves the convention of beginning each piece at the top of a page, a system that is retained in both CM&M volumes.

Each piece in both CM&M volumes begins at the top of a page with a large, unadorned initial, a convention that matches the house style of Laet firm. According to house style, this large initial should be accommodated by an indentation in the first staff line, and in CM&M à 4-6 this is always the case.221 In CM&M à 3, however, there are some exceptions. In the aforementioned cases where a piece requires more or less than a single opening, the staff lines, which had been written prior to the copying of the notes and texts, had to be lengthened or ignored (see Figure 25). However, it is clear that the copyist intended to follow this convention

220 Ibid., 187. 221 Ibid., 187-188.

130 and that the inconsistencies are simply a result of the staves being written before the volume was planned out in detail.

The headlines above the music in Waelrant and Laet’s prints typically show the voice part in the center. In the case of an anthology, composer’s names were usually placed to the right of the voice designation. The numbers of voices, pairing information (‘secunda pars’), and/or liturgical designations are also sometimes present.222 Since CM&M à 4-6 is a single- author collection, the composer’s name is not given in the headlines, but the following information is present: voice part, the number of parts (when more than four), and pairing indications (‘seconde partie’). Also included are a dedication,223 and the designations ‘De

Segheninghe’ (the blessing [of the table]) and ‘De dancsegghinge’ (the giving of thanks, or thanksgiving) for two paired liedekens. The latter two designations also appear in CM&M à 3, but in this case the pieces are motets and the designations are given in Latin: ‘Consecratio

Mensæ’ and ‘Gratiarum Actio.’ Voice parts are omitted in CM&M à 3, and the composer’s name is only given in the case of Vincenzo Ferro’s “Vel puo giurar’ amore.” Grouping indications are present in CM&M à 3 in a variety of languages (corresponding with the language of the text) and formats: ‘2e Partie,’ ‘Quartine,’ ‘3e Partie,’ ‘Quatriesme Partie,’ ‘De tweede

Partije,’ ‘2e Partije,’ and ‘2a Pars.’

House style for typefaces (both lettering and music), text underlay, and accidental placement are thoroughly documented by Weaver, but I have not included a discussion of these aspects here.224 The former is not preserved in the manuscript of CM&M à 3 and is therefore not

222 Ibid., 188. 223 The dedication reads ‘In honorem Comitis Mansfeldæ,’ and refers to Peter Ernst, Count (later Prince) of Mansfeld-Friedeburg (1517-1604), governor of Luxembourg. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. “Mansfeld, (Peter) Ernst (II) von” by Ronald G. Asch, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/89571 (accessed October 16, 2015). 224 Weaver, Waelrant and Laet, 188-248.

131 directly relevant to the larger discussion at hand. The latter two topics are excluded because

Weaver’s discussion of them is focused on the practices of composer and music editor Hubert

Waelrant, who was the partner of Laet for many years but who was not involved in the publication of either CM&M volume. Although Waelrant’s practices may have influenced editions issued at the Laet press after his tenure there, we have also seen that the practices of the

Phalèse press may have been imported through Jacob Phalèse who was Laet’s apprentice and may have assisted Elizabeth Saen following Laet’s death.225 The common factor before and after

Laet’s death is Saen, but although she probably assisted her husband at the press, it is unlikely that she would have been responsible for editorial matters requiring detailed knowledge of music and text setting. It is more likely that Jacob Phalèse or another hired music editor was responsible for these matters in the CM&M volumes and the other music prints issued by Saen, meaning that we cannot rely on these aspects of the surviving prints and manuscripts to reflect earlier practices at the Laet press.

In conclusion, there are several aspects of the house style of the Laet firm that are reflected in both CM&M à 4-6 and CM&M à 3. These characteristics include the content and layout of the title page (although the information captured in CM&M à 3 is more limited), uniform numbers through all partbooks, each piece beginning on a new page, large initials with no other decoration used at the start of each piece, indentation of the top staff line to accommodate the large initials (with some inconsistencies in CM&M à 3), and similar headlines at the tops of music pages (voice parts omitted from CM&M à 3). Additional features do not conform to the house style (or are outside the purview of ‘house style’), but are consistent

225 See Henri Vanhulst, “Le contrat d’apprentissage conclu en 1562 entre Pierre Phalèse et Jean Laet,” in From Ciconia to Sweelinck: donum natalicium Willem Elders, ed. Albert Clement and Eric Jas (Atlanta, GA: Rodopi, 1994), 255-259.

132 between the two CM&M volumes: the spelling of the title and of Faignient’s full name, the sorting system used in the tables of contents, and the presence of a pair of pieces designated respectively as a table blessing and a giving of thanks. Although there are other characteristics of CM&M à 3 that differ from both the Laet house style and CM&M à 4-6, many of these deviations can be easily explained as adjustments made to accommodate the needs of the person who copied CM&M à 3 into the Linköping partbooks and do not rule out a print version issued by Saen.

Although the surviving evidence does not show conclusively that Elizabeth Saen issued

CM&M à 3 in print at the Laet press, there are several indications that support this conclusion and there is no evidence that would exclude the possibility. Furthermore, the striking similarities between the two volumes of CM&M in the details of content and format naturally suggest that the volumes were issued side-by-side at the same printing house. Several other scholars have reached a similar conclusion,226 so I too will tentatively state that the surviving manuscript of

CM&M à 3 was copied from a print issued by Elizabeth Saen at the Laet press in 1568 that no longer survives.

226 Particularly Robert Lee Weaver, Fritz Noske, and Susan Bain whose works have been cited in this chapter.

133 Chapter VIII. Summary of Conclusions

Noé Faignient, a composer who was active in Antwerp in the second half of the 16th century, belonged to a generation of composers who came of age in the midst of the

Reformation, a dangerous and uncertain time to be a musician. The strong links between music and worship meant that composers were obliged to contend with the hazardous issue of religion in their professional lives, and they employed various strategies to do so. As I showed in

Chapter I, Faignient was one of many composers active in the second half of the 16th century who were willing and able to put aside religious polemics in order to serve their professional ambitions and political ideals. These men were shrewd in both business and politics, knowledgeable about their audiences, and sensitive to the power of music to spread ideas and function as a cultural symbol. Faignient and many of his contemporaries separated their professional ambitions and creative activities from religion in order to build careers for themselves, and in doing so they embodied the humanist agenda of the Renaissance by prioritizing earthly life over preparation for afterlife and viewing themselves as creatures of agency, capable of shaping their own lives and influencing the larger structures of society.

Chansons, madrigales, et motetz à 3 parties of 1568 is one of two volumes that constitute

Faignient’s compositional debut. Over the century following the issue of this collection and its sister volume for 4, 5, and 6 voices, Faignient’s works would appear alongside pieces by prominent and influential composers such as Orlande de Lassus, Cipriano de Rore, Giovanni

Pierluigi da Palestrina, Luca Marenzio, Claude le Jeune, Clément Janequin, Jacob Arcadelt, and

Josquin des Prez, suggesting he was highly valued as a composer. Some 19th- and 20th-century

134 scholarship has dismissed Faignient as an unimaginative imitator of the great Orlande de Lassus, but this flawed interpretation is the result of applying more modern attitudes about intellectual property to the events of the 16th-century. In its proper historical context, a comparison to

Lassus should be understood as a compliment to Faignient’s compositional ability, not a diminishment of it. Close readings of pieces from CM&M à 3 in Chapter III show Faignient to be a skillful and sensitive polyphonist, albeit a fairly conservative one. In cases where Faignient did borrow from his contemporaries, the material was treated not as a crutch but as a starting point for independent works with their own musical merits. In CM&M à 3 we find that the composer is not only a capable contrapuntist, but also an expressive composer both in symbolic and affective terms. Furthermore, Faignient was also one of the first composers in the Low

Countries to publish madrigals, capitalizing on a period of popularity of the genre in the Low

Countries and England.

In Chapter IV I found that the narrative of Faignient’s biography that appears in most

English sources is based mainly on late 19th-century research and must now be revised to incorporate newer archival evidence. Faignient’s new biographical narrative can be summarized as follows: He was born c. 1537, possibly to Italian merchants living in Antwerp, and died before the end of 1578. Given this death date, accounts of Faignient in the service of the Duke of Brunswick in 1580 and 1581 are apparently mistaken. The Faignient family leased a shop from the city of Antwerp from as early as 1571 until 1585, and it appears that this was their primary source of income both during the composer’s life and after his death. The surviving evidence regarding Faignient’s personal religious orientation is mixed, as are indications of confessional alignment in CM&M à 3.

135 Although Faignient did not distinguish himself with fame, fortune, prolific publication, or musical innovation, his debut shows him to be a savvy businessman thoughtfully navigating the religious and political turmoil of the Reformation, the Inquisition, and the nascent Dutch Revolt, an 80-year war for independence from Spain that was launched the same year that Faignient’s debut appeared. An examination of CM&M à 3 reveals it to be more than a simple display of the skills of an emerging composer: Chapter V showed that Faignient’s debut was carefully crafted to appeal to the broadest possible audience in order to attract patronage from the diverse population of the Antwerp elite and to demonstrate the composer’s capability to work in several languages at a court or church of any religious affiliation.

Not every feature of CM&M à 3 was designed to satisfy Faignient’s commercial aspirations, however. The inclusion of Dutch liedekens, for example, did little to maximize the composer’s international exposure and appeal. However, the presence of liedekens can be explained by the political circumstances surrounding the Dutch Revolt. Chapter VI showed that the presence of liedekens is but one political aspect of CM&M à 3, and that the volume is actually a vehicle for subtle propaganda in support of the resistance to Spanish oppression.

Although its sister volume, CM&M à 4-6, was printed in Antwerp by the widow of Jan de

Laet, Elizabeth Saen, CM&M à 3 survives only as a manuscript in three partbooks held at the

Stifts- och Landsbiblioteket in Linköping, Sweden. Chapter VII demonstrated that CM&M à 3 was widely circulated, and such distribution was most likely facilitated with printed copies.

Furthermore, a comparison between CM&M à 3, CM&M à 4-6, and the house style of the Laet press produced evidence that both volumes were initially printed by Elizabeth Saen in 1568.

136 Part 2 of this study contains a complete edition of Chansons, madrigales & motetz à 3 parties beginning on p. 170. Preceding this is a preface containing a description of the editorial policies employed, recommendations for performance, and reports for individual pieces including complete transcriptions and translations of texts. Following the edition is a study of print and manuscript sources of works by Faignient. At the end of this volume are appendices that include a list of the complete printed works of Noé Faignient (Appendix A), textual concordances with CM&M à 3 (Appendix B), and an alphabetical incipit index (Appendix C).

137 Part 2. Edition

Preface to the Edition

Editorial Policies and Practices

The present edition is based on the single extant copy of Chansons, madrigales & motetz

à 3 parties, a manuscript that is contained in three partbooks held at the Stifts- och

Landsbiblioteket in Linköping, Sweden under the call no.1964:6.227 The only piece in the collection that appears in an earlier source is “Vel puo giurar’ amore” by Vincenzo Ferro.

Variant readings in later sources have not been considered in this study.

This edition follows the order of the source, beginning with chansons, followed by liedekens, madrigals, and motets. Two pieces (“Brief vienne regarder ses delicates mains” and

“Io mi son giovenett’ e volontieri”) appear out of order at the end of the collection. It is not clear whether or not these two pieces were part of the source used by the copyist (presumably a print that no longer survives; see Chapter VII) or if they were added from another source.

Titles drawn from the first lines of texts appear in the source only in the table of contents found at the beginning of the cantus partbook. In the edition, titles are added to the pages of music and are extended to facilitate identification and later scholarship. Paired pieces are given their own titles, but the pairings are clearly indicated under the titles. There are no text attributions in the source, but the sources of some texts have been identified. When an attribution can be made, it is given under the name of the composer on the right-hand side below the title.

227 For a physical description of the Linköping partbooks, see Chapter VII.

139 An incipit is included for all voices at the beginning of each piece, showing the original clefs, key signatures, mensuration signs, first note, and preceding rests, if any. The part names used in the edition (cantus, tenor, bassus) were taken from the source.

The music is represented in score with modern clefs and time signatures. Note values have been halved so that a breve in the source is a whole note in the edition (see Table 6).

Modern barlines are used to facilitate rhythm reading, score study, and rehearsal for performance. All final cadences are made to land on a downbeat. In the cases where the final note of one voice arrives before the other two voices, this note is extended through the final cadence so that all three voices end together (as in “Ego sum alpha et Ω” and “Die onder Gods”).

Whole notes with fermatas are used in place of the final longa that appear in the source.

Table 6: Transcription of note values manuscript edition notation name notation name

breve whole

𝅝𝅝 𝄻𝄻 semibreve half

𝄼𝄼 𝅗𝅥𝅗𝅥 minim quarter

𝄽𝄽 𝅘𝅥𝅘𝅥 semiminim eighth

𝄾𝄾 𝅘𝅥𝅮𝅘𝅥𝅮 fusa sixteenth

𝅘𝅥𝅯𝅘𝅥𝅯

140 The most common mensuration sign in the source is Ç, which is retained in the edition with its modern meaning as an abbreviation for ä. Proportia tripla indicated by a ‘3’ appears in three pieces: “Susann’ ung jour,” “Filius sapiens letificat patrem,” and “Domine Jesu Criste respicere.” These brief sections have been notated with quarter-note triplets instead of time signature changes for greater clarity and ease of interpretation.

Coloration appears together with proportia tripla in both “Suann’ ung jour” and “Filius sapiens letificat patrem.” A colored semibreve in proportia tripla is rendered here as two-thirds of a quarter-note triplet. Coloration is indicated with dashed brackets and occasional ligatures are indicated with solid brackets in this edition. Where possible, only one syllable of text is used under a single ligature.

Figure 27: Proportia tripla and coloration in “Filius sapiens letificat patrem” as indicated in the source (fo. 45r, cantus part), and the interpretation of this passage in the present edition

141 Although a wide variety of clefs are used in the source for each voice, only the modern

treble, octave treble (tenor G-clef), and bass clefs are used in this edition for ease of reading.

The cantus is notated in treble clef throughout the edition. For the tenor voice, the octave treble

clef is preferred, but in some cases the range is high enough that a standard treble clef is needed.

The range of the bassus is also fairly high, so an octave treble clef is used in the majority of pieces for that voice as well. In the three instances in the source where the bassus is notated with the F-clef, the equivalent bass clef is used in the edition.

Accidentals present in the source are placed to the left of the noteheads in full size.

These are shown even if they are redundant within a measure. Small accidentals (80%) represent alterations that are not present in the source, but are strongly implied, usually by proximity to an accidental present in the source. When a new measure makes it necessary for an accidental to be restated, a small accidental is used. A small accidental in parentheses is a cautionary accidental added by the editor. Both full-size and small accidentals should be retained through the end of the measure as in modern practice.

Editorial accidentals are indicated above the noteheads and apply only to the note on which they appear. Corrections to errors and indications of musica ficta are made with editorial accidentals. Editorial accidentals are added in order to (1) raise the seventh degree immediately preceding a cadence, (2) prevent harmonic and melodic tritones, (3) follow the rule “una nota supra la semper est canendum fa.” If an editorial accidental contradicts a full-size accidental, the editorial one should be preferred since it is most likely correcting an error or clarifying an ambiguous symbol.

Corrections to specific pitches and rhythms are listed below in the Reports on Individual

Pieces. In a few instances, a harmonic major 7th occurs between an A and a B through oblique ♭

142 motion. In “Amour me donne pain’ et douleurs” this gesture has been interpreted as an articulated suspension in which the sustained note is subdivided in order to accommodate multiple syllables of text. In “Staet ons bij, Heer, in dese benauden tijden” the harmonic major

7th is merely passing motion of a particularly dissonant nature. No editorial interventions have been made in these passages.

Spellings used in the source are retained except (1) use of i/j and u/v is adapted to modern practice, (2) distinction between ij and y is retained in the Dutch texts (because it may influence pronunciation) but ij is transcribed as y in French texts according to modern practice, (3) ∫ is replaced by s and ß is replaced by ss, (4) abbreviations and repeated text (usually indicated by the symbol ://:) are tacitly written out in full, (5) obvious typographical errors are tacitly corrected and inconsistencies are made regular.

Capitalization is added to the beginnings of poetic lines and to proper names. All accents are editorial and have been added according to modern practice for clarity of meaning (ex. a and

à in French). Except for apostrophes indicating contractions, all punctuation is editorial and has been added to clarify meaning and phrasing. The text is underlaid with a preference for a new syllable on a repeated pitch. Eighth and sixteenth notes are barred together only when they are sung on the same syllable.

Recommendations for Performance

The issues surrounding the performance of 16th-century madrigals, motets, and chansons have been thoroughly and ably addressed by several sources including A Performer’s Guide to

Renaissance Music edited by Jeffery Kite-Powell and Performance Practice: Music Before 1600,

143 edited by Howard Mayer Brown and Stanley Sadie.228 The performance practice of liedekens parallels that of the other genres, but the Dutch language poses a particular challenge since performers in English-speaking parts of the world are unlikely to be familiar with it.

Pronunciation of Liedeken Texts

Dutch pronunciation is not covered in most general guides concerning the performance of

16th-century repertoire, but an invaluable chapter on the subject by William Z. Shetter can be found in Singing Early Music: The Pronunciation of European Languages in the Late Middle

Ages and Renaissance.229 Shetter’s chapter, “Flemish (Dutch),” gives specific pronunciations using the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) and the audio CD that accompanies this book contains readings of Dutch sample texts with period-appropriate pronunciations (tracks 63 and

64). Another valuable resource for the pronunciation of liedeken texts is found in Timothy

McTaggart’s introduction to his edition of Susato’s all-Dutch Musyck Boexken vocal collections.230 McTaggart includes a one-page table (found on page xx) that provides a convenient summary of pronunciation rules for Dutch texts. For performances of 16th-century repertoire by native Dutch speakers from the Netherlands and Flanders (Dutch-speaking

Belgium), recordings by Camerata Trajectina, Capilla Flamenca, and the Egidius Kwartet are recommended.

228 Jeffery Kite-Powell, ed., A Performer’s Guide to Renaissance Music, 2nd ed. (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2007); and Howard Mayer Brown and Stanley Sadie, eds., Performance Practice: Music Before 1600, Norton/Grove Handbooks in Music (New York, NY: W.W. Norton, 1990). 229 William Z. Shetter, “Flemish (Dutch),” in Singing Early Music: The Pronunciation of European Languages in the Late Middle Ages and Renaissance, ed. Timothy J. McGee (Bloomington and Indianapolis, IN: Indiana University Press, 1996), 271-281. 230 Timothy McTaggart, Introduction to Musyck Boexken, Books 1 and 2: Dutch Songs for Four Voices, by Tielman Susato, Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 108 (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 1997).

144 Reports on Individual Pieces

The reports below provide transcriptions and translations of texts, sources of texts (if known), corrections to pitches and rhythms, and any additional comments about each piece.

Pitches are named according to Scientific Pitch Notation where middle C is C4 and octave numbering increments on C (see Figure 28). French, Italian, and Dutch translations are by the author, with the generous and invaluable assistance of Samuel Junod (French), Suzanne

Magnanini (Italian), and Louis Peter Grijp (Dutch). Latin translations are by Reina Callier, with final readings by the author. The pieces are listed in their original order from the manuscript, which is also the order of the present edition. For reprints see Appendix A, for textual concordances see Appendix B.

Figure 28: Scientific pitch notation system231

“Amour me donne pain’ et douleurs”

Amour me donne pain’ et douleurs. Love gives me grief and suffering. Nulle chose desja ne me contente, Nothing yet pleases me; A mon mal ne treuve secours. I find no relief to my pain.

231 Image mine. System from Robert W. Young, “Terminology for Logarithmic Frequency Units,” The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 11 (1939): 134-139.

145 Sans nul confort je me lamente, With no comfort I lament, Vous estes la cause ma douce vie, You are the cause, my sweet darling, Secoures moy je vous supplie. Rescue me, I beg you.

Corrections: Retained harmonic major 7th between tenor (A4) and bassus (B 3), 4th system, antepenultimate note (m. 17 in edition). See general editorial notes for further♭ discussion about harmonic major 7ths. In cantus part, text in penultimate system (mm. 35-36 in edition) changed from “ma douce vie” to “je vous supplie” (repeated twice) in order to match texts set homorhythmically in tenor and bassus parts.

Commentary: Form of text is sixain with the rhyme scheme ABABCC; a common form in French (and English) verse of the 16th century.

“Susann’ ung jour”

Susann’ ung jour d’amour sollicitée Susanna, one day solicited for love Par deux viellars convoitans sa beaulté, By two old men coveting her beauty, Fust en son cœur trist’ et désconfortée Was in her heart sad and upset Voiant l’effort faict à sa chasteté. Seeing the effort made on her chastity. Elle leur dit, “Si par désloyaulté She said to them, “If by treachery De ce corps mien vous aves joyssance, You take pleasure from my body, C’est faict de moy. Si je fais résistence, That’s the end of me. If I resist, Vous me feres morir en déshonneur. You will have me die in dishonor. Mais j’ayme mieux perir en innocence, But I prefer to perish in innocence, Que d’offencer par péché le Seigneur.” Than to offend the Lord by sinning.”

Text Source: Guillaume Guéroult (c. 1507-1564), Premier livre de chansons spirituelles, nouvellement composees par Guillaume Gueroult et mises en musique par Didier Lupi second, first printed in Lyon by Godefroy and Marcellin Beringen in 1548 (RISM L3087, USTC 40640), but reprinted several times (in Paris, Lyon, and La Rochelle) over the next thirty years.

Corrections: Cantus, 1v, 5th system, 2nd note (m. 19, on syllable ‘sa’) changed from F4 to G4 to avoid harmonic 2nd with both tenor (G4) and bassus (E 4). ♭

146 “Comment mes yeux aves vous entrepris”

Comment mes yeux aves vous entrepris My eyes, how you have begun A regarder chose tant excelente. To look upon such an excellent thing! Mon cœur se plaint et dit, “Quel fut surprise” My heart complains and says, “What a Quant il se mist en prison si plaisante. surprise!” Mais j’ay espoir qu’amour que me tourmente When it puts itself in a prison so pleasant. Rendra content mon esprit sourieux, But I have hope that the love which torments Car cell’en qui gist toute mon attente me Me peut guérir d’un seul trait de ses yeux. Will make my smiling spirit happy, Because she in whom all my expectations lie Can heal me with a single glance of her eyes.

Text Source: Sometimes mistakenly attributed to La Fleur de poésie françoyse (1543), a collection of poems by Alain Lotrian,232 the text in Faignient’s setting is only loosely related to the poem in Lotrian’s collection, although they do follow the same form and rhyme scheme. Previous settings were most likely Faignient’s source for this text. The earliest setting is by Mornable, published in Quart livre de chansons, composées à quatre parties… (Paris: Le Roy & Ballard, 1553), RISM 155323, USTC 29625.

“Tout ce qu’on peult en elle veoir”

Tout ce qu’on peult en elle veoir All that can be seen in her N’est que douceur et amitié, Is softness and amity, Beaulté, bonté, et bon vouloir, Beauty, goodness, and good will, Tout plain d’amoureuse pitié. All full of loving pity. Mais je ne suis édifié But nothing strengthens me De rien mieux, car le regard d’elle Better, for her look Me mest en une paine telle Gives me such a pain Que ne la puis dir’ à moitié. That I cannot express the half of it. Quant ne la voi je me lamente, When I don’t see her I lament, Si je la voi je me tourmente. If I do see her I feel torment. Le doux n’est jamais sans l’amer, Sweetness is never without bitterness,

232 Centre d’Études Supérieures de la Renaissance de Tours, “Catalogue de la Chanson Française à la Renaissance,” http://ricercar.cesr.univ-tours.fr/3-programmes/basechanson/03231-3.asp?numfiche=1480; and Alain Lotrian, La Fleur de poésie françoyse (Paris, France: Alain Lotrian, 1543; Brussels, Belgium: A. Mertens et fils, 1864). 1864 version available online at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k72359c.

147 Voilà que c’est de trop aymer. So it is to love too much.

Text Source: The earliest source of this poem appears to be a setting by Antoine Cartier, published in Vingt et une chansons nouvellement composées à trois parties… (Paris: Le Roy & Ballard, 1557), RISM C1372, USTC 29734.

“Que peult au fol richesse proufiter” (Part I)

Que peult au fol richesse proufiter s’il n’est What good are riches to a man who is not prudent? prudent? Tout n’est que vanité. All is vanity. Quant pensera sa maison haut lever tombera When he thinks his house will be raised high, soudain en grand calamité. suddenly it falls into great misfortune. O vanité, tout n’est que vanité. O vanity, all is vanity.

“Quant le fol rit” (Part II)

Quant le fol rit hault de sa voix crie, When the fool laughs high with his voice Ignorant que tout n’est que vanité, shouting, Le saige rit tout bas car point se fie Ignorant that all is vanity, En la richesse ni en mondanité. The sage laughs low because he does not O vanité, tout n’est que vanité. depend at all On riches nor on worldliness. O vanity, all is vanity.

“Pis ne me peult venir”

Pis ne me peult venir Nothing worse can happen to me Que j’ay jusqu’es icy; Than what I have endured until now; Pour vostre souvenir When I think of you Je languis en soucy I languish and worry Et suis loing de mercy, And am far from compassion, Traicte trop rudement. Treated too harshly. Vostre cœur endurci Your hardened heart Me donne ce tourment. Gives me this torment.

148 Text Source: The earliest source of this poem appears to be an anonymous setting à 4 published in Trente et huyt chansons musicales à quatre parties… (Paris: Attaingnant, 1529 [1530]), RISM 15305, USTC 27404.

“Contre raison vous m’estes fort estrange”

Contre raison vous m’estes fort estrange. Without justification you treat me like a Et ce bien faict en aures vous louange stranger. D’ainsi m’avoir soudain desherité And you will be praised for this good deed, De votre amour sans l’avoir merité. That you have suddenly deprived me Vous fait il mal s’a vous servir me renge? Of your love, though I did not deserve that treatment. Is it bad for you if I compel myself to serve you?

Text Source: The earliest source of this poem appears to be a setting à 4 by Claudin de Sermisy, published in Trente et quatre chansons musicales a quatre parties…(Paris: Attaingnant, 1529), RISM 15293. The text is also found in S’ensuyvent plusieurs belles chansons nouvelles… (Paris: [Bossozel, Guillaume de], 1535), USTC 65930, which is also a source for “Sur toutte fleur d’éslite,” so it may be that this book was Faignient’s source for both texts.

“O mort, amere est ta souvenance”

O mort, amer est ta souvenance O Death, bitter is your remembrance A l’homme riche qui icy présent For the rich man who here and now A mis son repos et sa fiance Has put his security and his confidence En sa richesse, biens or ou argent. In his wealth, his goods, gold or silver. Mais a l’homme povre et indigent But to the poor and indigent man, Doux est ton nom et ta mémoire Sweet is your name and your memory Car par toi du mal délivrer, prêtent Because by you he is delivered from evil and De venir à l’éternelle gloire. prepared To come to eternal glory.

Corrections: Tenor, penultimate system on 7v (mm. 18-19 in edition), repeat symbol for text calls for the phrase “en sa richesse,” but completing the poetic line with “biens or ou argent”

149 fits better with the other parts and with the continuation of the text in this part. The copyist may have inadvertently used a repeat symbol here instead of an et cetera symbol.

Commentary: The last two lines are grammatically strange and their meaning is ambiguous. A corrected version could read, “Car par toi du mal délivrés, ils s’apprêtent / A venir à l’éternelle gloire.” It is on this interpretation that the translation is based.

“Las voules vous qu’une personne chante”

Las voules vous qu’une personne chante Alas, do you want a person to sing A qui le cœur ne fais que souspirer? Whose heart does nothing but sigh? Laisses chanter celluy qui se contente Let the happy person sing Et me laisses mon seul mal endurer. And leave me to endure my only pain.

Text Source: The earliest source is a setting à 4 by Vermont, published in Chansons nouvelles en musique… (Paris: Attaingnant, 1527 [1528]), RISM 15283, USTC 27409.

“Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne” (Part I)

Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne If for some reason my heart devotes itself to Vostre haute vertu l’a bien mérité. you, Sur toute chose je m’abandonne Your high virtue has merited it. A vous servir en tout humilité, Over everything I abandon myself Nymphe, en qui gist toutte honesteté, To serve you with all humility, Amour, et foy; ou toutte vertu fleuronne. Nymph, in whom rests all honesty, Love, and faith; where all virtues flourish.

Commentary: Word painting on “haute” and “fleuronne.” This text also appears in CM&M à 4- 6 paired with “Contrainct je suis.”

“Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne,” (Part II)

150 Pour vostre amour pain’ et douleurs Pain and sorrow for your love. J’espère qu’un jour de ma langueur I hope that one day your noble heart Pitie aura ton noble cœur. Will have pity on my torment.

Corrections: Removed first iteration of “pitie aura” in the cantus part (11r, 3rd system; mm. 30- 31) in order to include the lyrics “de ma langueur.”

Commentary: This text also appears in CM&M à 4-6 paired with “Si par raison.”

“Veu que tu es plus blanche” (Part I)

Veu que tu es plus blanche que le lis, Since you are whiter than the lily, Qui t’a rougit ta lèvre vermeillette Who made your vermillion lips blush D’un si beau teinct? Qui est-ce qui t’a mis With such a beautiful color? Who placed Sur ton beau sein cette coleur rougette? On your lovely breast this reddish color? Qui t’a noirci les arcs de tes sourcis? Who darkened the arcs of your eyebrows? Qui t’a bruni tes beaus yeux, ma maistresse? Who shaded your beautiful eyes, my lady?

Text Source: Pierre de Ronsard (1524-1585), “XI - Chanson” in Nouvelle continuation des amours… (Paris: Vincent Serenas, 1556), USTC 27461.

“O grand beaulté remplie de soucis” (Part II)

O grand beaulté remplie des soucis, O great beauty, full of worries, O grand beaulté pleine de grand liesse, O great beauty, filled with great joy, O doulce bell’ honeste cruaulté O sweet, lovely, honest cruelty Qui doucement me constraint de te suivre; Who softly compels me to follow you; O fier ingrat’ et fâcheuse beaulté, O proud, ungrateful, and unkind beauty, Avecque toi je veux mourir et vivre. With you I want to die and to live.

Text Source: Pierre de Ronsard (1524-1585). For full details, see text source of “Veu que tu es plus blanche” above.

“Verb’ éternel par lequel toutte chose” (Part I)

Verb’ éternel par lequel toutte chose Eternal word by which all things A prins son estre et sa création; Were given their being and their creation;

151 Verbe divin dedans lequel repose Divine word in which rests Toutte sagess’ et bénédiction; All goodness and benediction; Verbe fait chair par l’opération Word made flesh through the action Du saint esprit ou toute grac’ abonde; Of the Holy Spirit in which all grace abounds; De toy dépend nostre salvation; On you depends our salvation; Tu as vaincu péché, mort, et le monde. You have defeated sin, death, and the world.

Text Source: Guillaume Guéroult (c. 1507-1564). See the text source for “Susanne ung jour” above for full details.

“Ta déité en nostre chair enclose” (Part II)

Ta déité en nostre chair enclose Your divinity in our flesh enclosed, A racheté par un oblation la liberté Has redeemed, through its sacrifice, the Dont nature fort close freedom Avoit esté par sa transgression. From which nature was banished O Jesu Crist la satisfaction Because of its transgression. En fit le sang de ton corps pur et munde O Jesus Christ, the atonement Car par ta mort et dure passion Made the blood of your body pure and Tu as vaincu péché, mort, et le monde. untainted, Because by your death and cruel passion You have defeated sin, death, and the world.

Text Source: Guillaume Guéroult (c. 1507-1564). See the text source for “Susanne ung jour” above for full details.

“Sur nous tes serfs plus le veil péché” (Part III)

Sur nous tes serfs plus le viel péché n’ose On us, your serfs, the old sin does not dare Prétendre droict ni domination. To claim right nor dominion. Mort par ta mort destruict a la main close Death, destroyed by your death, keeps its hand Plus en soi n’a de malédiction. closed; Adieu le monde et son ambition It no longer holds any malediction. Plus en ses biens nostr’ espoir ne se fonde. Farewell to the world and its ambition, En toi seul gist ma délectation. Our hope is not founded in its goods anymore. Tu as vaincu péché, mort, et le monde. In you alone rests my delight. You have defeated sin, death, and the world.

152 Text Source: Guillaume Guéroult (c. 1507-1564). See the text source for “Susanne ung jour” above for full details.

Commentary: In cantus, 16r, system 1, 3rd note (m. 24, on syllable ‘son’ on 4th beat) A4 changed to G4 to avoid 2nd with tenor (G4) and 9th with bassus (G3).

“Prince Jesus doux agneau de Syon” (Part IV)

Prince Jesus doux agneau de Syon Prince Jesus, sweet lamb of Zion, De tes langeurs le fruict sur nous redonde. The fruit of your suffering is abundant for us. Pour nous donner des cieux fruition To give us enjoyment of the heavens Tu as vaincu péché, mort, et le monde. You have defeated sin, death, and the world.

Text Source: Guillaume Guéroult (c. 1507-1564). See the text source for “Susanne ung jour” above for full details.

“Une pastorelle gentille” (Part I)

Une pastorelle gentile A lovely shepherdess Et un berger en un verger And a shepherd in an orchard L’autrir en jouant à la bille One day, while playing ball, S’entredisoint, pour abreger, Said to each other, in short, Roger “Shepherd Berger, Roger,” Légière “Lively Bergière, Shepherdess,” C’est trop à la bille joué, “That’s enough of this game, Chantons noé… Let us sing, noel…”

Text Source: Clément Marot (1496-1544), Chanson XXIV in L’adolesence clé entine (1532). Also found in Les chansons nouvellement assemblées oultre les anciennes impressions (1538).

Commentary: “Noé,” which repeats many times at the end of this piece and the next, can be translated as “noel,” but is also the composer’s first name. This double meaning may have been the reason that this poem was selected, since it is otherwise quite dissimilar to the other texts in this collection.

153 “Te souvient il plus du prophète” (Part II)

Te souvient il plus du prophète Don’t you remember the prophet Qui nous dit un cas de haut faict? That tells us of an important event? Que d’une pucelle parfaicte That a perfect virgin Naistroit un enfant tout parfait. Would give birth to a perfect child. L’effect The task Est fait: Is done: La belle The beautiful Pucelle Virgin A un fils du ciel advoué. Has a son recognized by heaven. Chantons noé… Let us sing, noel…

Text Source: Clément Marot (1496-1544). See “Une pastorelle gentille” (Part I) above for full details.

Commentary: See “Une pastorelle gentille” (Part I) above.

“Sur toutte fleur d’éslite”

Sur toutte fleur d’éslite Every exceptional flower Passe la Marguerite. Is surpassed by Marguerite. En beaulté, bonté, et douceur In beauty, goodness, and kindness Passe toutt’ aultre belle fleur. She exceeds all the other lovely flowers. Sa coleur de grand valeur Her color of great worth Donn’ à mon cœur vive vigueur Gives my heart vigorous life Tant qu’a jamais m’incite That forever inspires me D’aimer la Marguerite. To love Marguerite.

Text Source: Earliest source is S’ensuyvent plusieurs belles chansons nouvelles… (Lyon: Claude Nourry, [1533 or 1534]), USTC 80087, a collection of chansons without music, but the author of the poem is unknown. An edition with a similar name released shortly after (Paris: [Bossozel, Guillaume de], 1535, USTC 65930) is also a source for “Contre raison vous m’estes fort estrange,” so it may be that this book was Faignient’s source for both texts.

Commentary: ‘Marguerite’ is a woman’s name but also means ‘daisy.’

154 “Staet ons bij, Heer, in dese benauden tijden”

Staet ons bij, Heer, in dese benauden tijden, Stand by us, Lord, in these oppressive times, En corrigeert ons nijet naer ons misdaden. And condemn us not for our sins. Door ons verdienst compt over ons dit lijden, We deserve the suffering that is upon us. Heer tis ons schult, maer neempt ons in It is our fault, Lord, but accept us in mercy. genaeden. Although we have scorned your law Al hebben wij U wet gheheel versmaet, completely, Om dijns naems wil wilt ons staen in staden. For Your name’s sake, help us. U goetheijt boven al U wercken gaet. Your goodness is the greatest of all your works.

Commentary: Retained harmonic major 7th between A4 in tenor part (first fusa) against B 3 in bassus part (4th system, antepenultimate note; m. 14 in edition). See general editorial notes ♭ for further discussion about harmonic major 7ths. According to Noske, the ‘benauden tijden’ (oppressive or fearful times) may refer to the Duke of Alva’s rule over the Netherlands (from 1567).233 Text and music from this piece quoted in “Tot u, o Heer.”

“Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt gebenedijen”

Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt gebenedijen, I shall praise the Lord my God, Sijnen naem belijen / met psalmen tot alder Professing his name with psalms at all times stont Because he answers my desires for eternity Want hij mijn begeert verhoort tot allen tijden And releases my soul from all suffering. En van allen lijen / maect hij mijn siel Eternally he keeps his promise to all people. ghesont. His praise flows from my mouth day and Eeuwich hij sijn verbont / bewaert alle night. geslacht. My soul with its own power will declare his Sijn lof sal uut mijnen mont / vloeijen dach en praise here, nacht. For he alone relieves my distress. Mijn siel met al haer cracht / sijn lof sal hier Praise him, you earthly congregation. verclaeren, Want hij alleen mijn druc versacht. Looft hem, ghij aertsche scharen.

Text Source: Translation of Psalms 144 (145) and 110 (111).

233 Frits Noske, “The Linköping Faignient-Manuscript,” Acta Musicologica 36 (1964): 157.

155 Commentary: Same text set à 4 in CM&M à 4-6.

“Ick ben den rechten wijngaert”

“Ick ben den rechten wijngaert, en ghij de “I am the true vine, and you are the branches,” rancken,” Spoke Christ to the gathered apostles. Sprack Christus tot der apostelen schaer. “If you remain in me without the smallest “Ist dat ghij in mij blijft sonder eenich doubt, wancken, As I stay in you, then you shall surely Gelijck ic in u, soo sult ghij voorwaer Bear many fruits for all to see Veel vruchten voort bringen int openbaer Here in this life, Hier in dit leven. And all that you pray for without fear En wat ghij sult bidden sijt sonder vaer In my name, the exalted Father In mijnen naem, den Vader verheven Shall give to you.” Sal Hij u gheven.”

Text Source: Based on Bible, John 15:5-8.

“Die onder Gods beschermsel is geseten”

Die onder Gods beschermsel is geseten; He who is under God’s protection is Die sidt seer vast, nijet en mach hem hier comforted; scaden. His place is secure, and nothing can harm him Is God met hem, al waer hij schier verbeten, there. Hij wint den strijt, sijn hert is onbeladen. Although almost torn apart, if God is with him Sijn ooch alleen op Gods gheboden siet, He wins the battle; his heart is at peace. Die hem wel sal tot alder tijt beraden His eye is fixed only on God’s En hem verblijden, al waer hij int verdriet. commandments, Which will always give him counsel And make him happy, even in sorrow.

Text Source: First line is the same as a translation of Psalm 90 found in Souterliedekens (Antwerp: Symon Cock, 1540), but the remainder of the poem has no prior source.

“Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach”

Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen Susanna fair went one fine day dach Into her husband’s garden to bathe.

156 In haers mans hof om haer te baden. As she did, thinking that no one saw her, Als sij ijdoon meijnde dat haer nijemant en Two elders came to harass her. sach, They spoke, secretly and softly: Quamen twee ouders haer verraden. “Do as we wish, here and now.” Sij spracken secreet en stille: At this she sighed with great sadness: “Volbringt hier nu onsen wille.” “If I do as you ask, my death is imminent; Dies suchte sij met droefheijt groot: And if I do not, I still will not escape death. “Doen ic dit werck, mij naect den doot; Woe is me, fear has seized me. Doen icx niet, ken sals nijet ontgaen. Yet, it is better to choose death Wee mij, den anxt heeft mij bevaen. Than to sin in the eyes of the Lord.” Nochtans ist mij beter ter dootwaert te keeren, Dan te sondighen int aenschouwen des Heeren.”

Text Source: Unique Dutch translation of “Susanne un jour” by Guillaume Guéroult (c. 1507- 1564). For full details on the Guéroult source, see the text source for “Susann’ ung jour” above.

“Judith seer vroom die is getreden”

Judith seer vroom die is getreden Judith, very pious, went Naer Holofernum, die sij droncken vont, To Holofernes, and finding him drunk, Sijn hooft heeft sij afgesneden She cut off his head Met cloecken moet ter selver stont. Immediately, with valiant courage. Bethulia, vande victorien Bethulia, in victory Heeft Godt gedanct met vierigher beden, Thanked God with fervent prayers, Hem ghevende groot eer en glorien, Giving Him great honor and glory, Lof sanck ende prijs in eewicheden. Songs of praise, and laudation in eternity.

Text Source: Based on Bible, Judith 13-15.

“Wij lesen in Esdras vanden wijn”

157 schijn And free us from pain. En brengen ut ghepijn. Understand my words: Verstaet de woordekens mijn, A woman is the greatest of all things, Een vrou is boven al verheven, A wise and good woman Een wijse vrouwe goet Illuminates the mind, Verlicht sin ende moet, Her divine words Haer woordekens divijne Are a medicine to mankind. Sijn de mans een medecijne.

Text Source: Based on Bible, First Book of Esdras 3-4.

Commentary: Uses a standard melody catalogued by Bonda (Ontwaak van slaap wie dat gij zijt, or OVSN) that appears in more than 50 pieces listed in the Dutch Song Database.234 Of those, the pieces beginning “God schiep den man eerst al vanden begin” do not share material with Faignient's setting and were not included as textual concordances in Appendix B.

“Schoon lief wat macht u baeten”

Schoon lief wat macht u baeten Fair darling, how does it benefit you Dat ghij mij aldus persequeert? To treat me so poorly? Op u was mijn verlaeten I put my trust in you Maer laes ick ben gherefuseert. But, alas, I am rejected. U amoureusich wesen, You, lovely creature, En hebdij mij noijt verleent. Have granted me nothing. Hoe soudt ghij mij troost geven How can I give you my trust Als therte nijet en meijnt? If your heart is not true?

Text Source: No. 206 “Een nyeu Liedeken” from Een schoon liedekens boeck… also known as the Antwerps liedboek (Antwerp: Jan Roulans, 1544). Faignient’s melodic material is also related to that found in the Antwerps liedboek, but it may be that both share a third common source. A contrafactum appears in a collection from a Brussels chamber of rhetoric:

234 Centre for Documentation and Research of Dutch Songs, Meertens Institute, Amsterdam, “Dutch Song Database / Nederlandse Liederenbank,” accessed June 30, 2015, http://www.liederenbank.nl/.

158 Refereynen ende liedekens… op de Corenbloeme camera binnen Bruessele (Brussels: Michiel van Hamont, 1563).235

Commentary: This is the only secular text in Dutch to appear in either of Faignient’s CM&M volumes.

“Tot u, o Heer inden hemel vol eeren” (Part I)

Tot u, o Heer inden hemel vol eeren, To you, O Lord, in honorable heaven Heb ic mijn ooghen gheheven. I have lifted my eyes. Siet als den knecht altijt is siende Looking like the servant always looks Op die handen sijns heeren At the hands of his lord, En op huer vrouwen handen die maerte slecht, And the simple maiden looks at the hands of Alsoo hebben wij ons ooghen op siende her lady; ghehecht Thus we have our eyes raised, fixed Tot onsen Godt in al ons suchten en kermen To our God, in all our sighs and groans. Tot dat hem believe onser tonfermen. To those who believe in him mercy will be granted.

Text Source: Translation of Psalm 122 (123).

Commentary: This translation is unique to this source. Shares melodic material with “Ontfermt ons dan Heere” (Part II).

“Ontfermt ons dan Heere, wilt ons ontfermen” (Part II)

Ontfermt ons dan Heere, wilt ons ontfermen, Have mercy on us then, Lord, have mercy on Want wij vervult sijn met versmaetheijt groot. us, Ons siel is vol benautheijts tot desen termijn. Because we are filled with great censure. Van tverwijt des vijants die ons totter doot Our souls are full of affliction now. Eeuwich vervolcht. Aensiet onsen noot, From the rage of the enemy that knocks us En wilt ons van sijn tijrannije bevrijen. down dead, Staet ons bij Heer in dese benaude tijden. Eternal afterlife. Respect our need, And we will be freed from tyranny. Stand by us, Lord, in these oppressive times.

235 Jan Willem Bonda, De meerstemmige Nederlandse liederen van de vijftiende en zestiende eeuw / The Polyphonic Songs in Dutch of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (With a Summary in English) (Hilversum, Netherlands: Uitgeverij Verloren, 1996), 143.

159 Text Source: Translation of Psalm 122 (123).

Corrections: Removed dot from dotted semiminim in tenor part, 30r, second system, starting at 10th note (m. 34, first eighth on syllable ‘ver’).

Commentary: This translation is unique to this source. Contains a quotation of both words and music from “Staet ons bij Heer” and shares melodic material with “Tot u, o Heer” (Part I).

“Ick sondich daghelijcx tegens u o Heere” (Part I)

Ick sondich daghelijcx tegens u o Heere, I sin daily against you, O Lord, En tot beternis can ick mij qualijck stellen. And I cannot set myself to betterment. Die vreese des doots verturbeert mij seere, The fear of death disturbs me greatly, Want gheen verlossing en is in der hellen Because there is no redemption in the afterlife Voor mans noch vrouwen. For men nor women. Ontfermt u mijns, God, en wilt mij behouwen. Have pity, my God, and save me.

Text Source: Translation of Responsory from Matins for the Dead (“Peccantem me quotidie”).236

Commentary: According to Bonda, the statement “there is no redemption in the afterlife” can be seen as a rejection of the Catholic concept of purgatory, favoring instead the Protestant view that one goes either to heaven or to hell after death.237 Melodic material shared with “O Heer en God” (Part II).

“O Heer en God in uwen naeme crachtich” (Part II)

O Heer en God in uwen naeme crachtich O Lord and God, in your powerful name Salveert mij eer mij die doot compt vellen Save me before death takes me down En verlost mij duer u goetheit almachtich. And redeem me with your omnipotent Want gheen verlossing en is in der hellen goodness. Voor mans noch vrouwen. Because there is no redemption in the afterlife Ontfermt u mijns, God, en wilt mij behouwen. For men nor women. Have pity on me, God, and save me.

236 Noske, “The Linköping Faignient-Manuscript,” 156. 237 Bonda, De meerstemmige Nederlandse liederen, 207.

160 Text Source: Translation of Versicle from Matins for the Dead (“Deus in nomine tuo salvum me fac”).

Commentary: Melodic material shared with “Ick sondich daghelijcx tegens u o Heere” (Part I).

“Alma Susanna, ben felic’ e ’l core”

Alma Susanna, ben felic’ e ’l core Glorious Susanna, so happy is the heart Ch’ arde del vostr’ amore. That burns with your love. Si dolc’ e ’l guardo dei begl’ occh’ ardenti, So sweet is the look of fine eyes blazing, Si sagge le parole, So wise the words, Et si soav’ il gratioso riso, And so sweet is the graceful laughter, Che puo quetar i venti, That it can calm the wind, Fermar i fium’ e ’l sole, Stop the rivers and the sun, Et in terra mostrar’ il paradiso. And reveal paradise on earth. Poi tra tanta belta tanta virtude Then amidst so much beauty and virtue, Sovvra l’human usanza Beyond the customs of mortals, La bel’ anima vostr’ alberg’ e chiude Your beautiful soul dwells in and Ch’ ogni pensier avanza. encompasses Dunque Susanna, ben felic’ e ’l core That which surpasses all thought. Ch’ arde del vostr’ amore. Therefore Susanna, so happy is the heart That burns with your love.

“Anchor che col partire”

Anchor che col partire Although when I leave you Io mi sento morire, I feel myself dying, Partir vorrei ogn’ hor, ogni momento, I would leave you each hour, each moment, Tant’ il piacer ch’ io sento So great is the pleasure I feel De la vita ch’ acquisto nel ritorno. From the life that I regain upon returning. Et cosi mill’ e mille volt’ il giorno And so a thousand times a day Partir da voi vorrei, I would leave you, Tanto son dolci gli ritorni miei. So sweet are my returns.

Text Source: Alfonso d’Avalos (1502-1546)

Corrections: 7th note in cantus part (m. 4) changed from G4 to F4 to avoid melodic leap of 7th and harmonic 2nd with bassus.

161 Commentary: Draws melodic material from Cipriano de Rore’s famous setting of the same text first printed in Primo libro di madrigali a quatro voci di Perissone Cambio… (Venice: Gardane, 1547).

“Cagion non e ne fia che ’l mio pensier”

Cagion non e ne fia che ’l mio pensier There is no reason, nor shall there be, that my Si mova mai da lei per cui me stess’ oblio. thoughts Non per sdegn’ o fierezza che si sia Ever move from her, and so I forget myself. Mai da lei si dipart’ il mio desio. Not for any anger or pride that might exist Anzi la pena mia cresc’ in amar Will my desire for her ever depart. Che ’l mio pensier rinova. O me beato, Rather, my pain grows in the love Poi che mai da lei non mutaran i pensier miei. That my thoughts renew. Oh, blessed me! For my thoughts of her will never change.

“Misero me deh com’ amor m’ ha posto”

Misero me deh com’ amor m’ ha posto in Poor me, alas, how love has placed me in this questo novo laccio new snare Ond’ io non spero mai uscir d’ in paccio That I never hope to escape Per fin ch’ in me non fia ogni spirt’ estinto. Until all my spirit has been extinguished. Lasso son press’ et vinto Alas, I am seized and conquered Che debbo far se non dolerm’ in vano So I must act, not suffer in vain; Perche tal m’ ha pregione Because the one who has imprisoned me, Che mi tien sempr’ insmisurat’ affanno Who keeps me always in immeasurable Et pur non ha ragione suffering, Ch’ io l’amosi che non veggio altro bene And without good reason, Et quest’ e la cagion delle mie pene. Is the one that I love, so much that I see no other good, And this is the cause of my pain.

“Non mi togl’ il ben mio”

162 Se non e ingiust’ amore, If love is not unjust, Io sol havro della mia donn’ e ’l core, I alone will have my lady’s heart, Dunque lass’ il ben mio, So do not take away my beloved, Chi non arde d’amor come facc’ io. Who does not burn with love as I do.

“Udit’ amanti un miracol d’amore”

Udit’ amanti un miracol d’amore: Hear, lovers, a miracle of love: Il mio cor ni altrui viv’ e in memore. My heart lives not for others nor for Hor’ a madon’ il ditte poscia ch’ ella no’ il remembering. crede. Now, tell this to my lady because she does not Ella par che no’ il cred’ et si se ’l vede accept it. Et se ’l dir uron acquist’ appo lei fede. She does not believe it, but if she sees it Si ch’ ella m’ ami o me beat’ al mondo! And it is said, I would win her trust. O miracol secondo If she loves me, oh, I am blessed in the world! Sarem coi cor uniti et ell’ et io. Oh, miracle by which Io vivro n’ el suo petto ella nel mio. We will be united by our hearts, she and I. I will live in her breast, and she in mine.

Text Source: Antonio Francesco Raineri (c. 1510-1560). Text found in both Cento sonetti (Milan: Giovanni Antonio Borgia, 1553), USTC 851913, and Rime (Venice: Gabriel Giolito de’ Ferrari et fratelli, 1554), USTC 851915.

“Quando son piu lontan da bei vostr’ occhi”

Quando son piu lontan da bei vostr’ occhi When I am far from your beautiful eyes Che m’ han fatto cangiar volg’ e costumi, That have made me change my desires and Cresce la fiamm’ e mi conduc’ a morte. ways, E voi che per mia sorte potresti raffrenar The flame grows and leads me to death. La dolce fiamma, mi negate la fiamma che m’ And you who, by my fate, could hold back infiamma. The sweet flame, deny me the flame that inflames me.

“Vel puo giurar’ amore” by Vincenzo Ferro (b. early 16th century)

Vel puo giurar’ amore To you I can swear love,

163 Dolce patrona mia My sweet lady Ch’ era di giaccio pria Who was like ice before. Che vostra fiamma m’ accendess’ il core When your flame ignited my heart, Io mi senti ferire di nova piagha I felt afflicted by a new wound E quasi venir meno And almost faint. Anzi volzi morire In fact, I wanted to die. Ma gl’ occhi non piu vist’ in terra mai But the eyes no longer seen on earth Scacciorno morte con suoi dolci rai. Chase away death with their gentle rays.

Source: First published in Madrigali a tre voci de diversi eccellentissimi autori… libro primo (Venice: Antonio Gardane, 1551), RISM 155110, USTC 803528, but was reprinted many times (see Appendix B). Ferro’s madrigals are known only from anthologies.

Commentary: This is the only piece in the collection that comes from an earlier source and that is attributed to a composer other than Faignient.

“Eximie castitatis exemplar Susanna”

Eximie castitatis exemplar Susanna sua Remarkably, Susanna, the very likeness of innocentia et animi fortitudine improbis chastity, because of her innocence and senibus resistere maluit quam libidini vacare fortitude of mind, preferred to resist wicked et dominum deum suum offendere. old men rather than give occasion for lust and offend her Lord God.

Text Source: Based story of Susanna and the Elders, Bible, Daniel 13.

Corrections: Changed 8th note in cantus part at top of 41r (m. 33) from minim to semiminim to correct rhythmic structure while maintaining syncopation on “resistere.”

Commentary: This retelling is unique to this source, but there are other 16th-century motets treating the Susanna theme, including “Ingemuit Susanna” by Crequillon (RISM 15475) and “Susanna ab improbis senibus” by Palestrina (RISM P711, 1575).

“Omnis caro fænum” (Part I)

Omnis caro fænum et omnis gloria eius quasi All flesh is hay and all its glory is like a flos agri: exsiccatum est fænum et cecidit flos flower of the field: hay dries up and the flower

164 quia spiritus domini sufflauit in eo. falls because the breath of the Lord has blown upon it.

Text Source: Bible, Isaiah 40:6-7.

“Vere fænum est populus” (Part II)

Vere fænum est populus: exsiccatum est Truly people are like hay: hay dries up and the fænum et cecidit flos, verbum autem domini flower falls, but the word of our Lord remains nostri manet in eternum. eternal forever.

Text Source: Bible, Isaiah 40:7-8.

“Peccantem me quotidie”

Peccantem me quotidie et non me penitentem Since I sin everyday and do not repent, the timor mortis conturbat me, quia in inferno fear of death disturbs me, for in hell there is nulla est redemptio. Miserere mei, deus, et no redemption. Have mercy upon me, God, salva me. and save me.

Text Source: Responsory from Matins for the Dead.

“Filius sapiens letificat patrem”

Filius sapiens letificat patrem, filius vero A wise son makes his father happy, but a stultus mæstitia est matri sue. Sapientes foolish son is the sorrow of his mother. Wise abscondunt scientiam, os autem stulti men preserve knowledge, but the mouth of the confusioni proximum est. foolish man invites ruin.

Text Source: Bible, Proverbs 10:1 and 10:14.

“Non glorietur sapiens”

Non glorietur sapiens in sapientia sua, neque “Let not the wise man take pride in his glorietur fortis in fortitudine sua, et non wisdom, nor the strong man take pride in his glorietur dives in divitijs suis, sed in hoc strength, nor the rich man take pride in his glorietur: scire et nosse me, quia ego sum riches, but let him take pride in this:

165 dominus qui facio misericordiam juditium et understanding and knowing me, since I am the justitiam in terra, hec enim placent michi, ait Lord, the one who makes mercy, judgment, Dominus. and justice on earth, for these things are pleasing to me,” says the Lord.

Text Source: Bible, Jeremiah 9:23-24.

“Ego sum alpha et Ω”

Ego sum alpha et Ω initium et finis. Ego I am the alpha and omega, the beginning and sitienti dabo de fonte aquæ vitæ gratis. Qui the end. To him who is thirsty, I shall give vicerit possidebit hec et ero illi deus et erit ille freely from the fountain of life. Whoever michi filius. prevails will acquire these things and I will be his God and he will be my son.

Text Source: Bible, Revelation (Apocalypse) 21:6-7.

“Domine Jesu Criste respicere”

Domine Jesu Criste respicere digneris super Lord Jesus Christ, may you deign to look me miserum peccatorem oculis misericordie upon me, a miserable sinner, with the eyes of tuæ, quibus respexisti Petrum in atrio Mariam your mercy that saw Peter in the courtyard, magdalenum in convivio et latronem in crucis Mary Magdalene at the banquet, and the thief patibulo. Concede michi omnipotens deus, ut upon the cross. Almighty God, grant me cum Petro digne fleam, et Maria Magdalena worthiness to weep with Peter, to love you perfecto amore te diligam, et cum latrone in with a perfect love with Mary Magdalene, secula seculorum te videam. and, with the thief, to look upon you forever.

Text Source: Prayer, extra-liturgical text. See Appendix B for textual concordances.

“Benedicite domino oculi omnium (Consecratio Mensæ)” (Part I)

Consecratio Mensæ Consecration of the Table

Benedicite domino. Oculi omnium in te Praise the Lord. The eyes of all men hope for sperant domine, et tu das illis escam in you, Lord, and you give them food at a tempore oportuno; aperis tu manum tuam et suitable time; you open your hand and fill imples omne animal benediction. Benedictus every living thing with your blessing. Blessed

166 dominus, deus Israel, ab eterno et usque in Lord, God of Israel, from the beginning of eternum, et dicet omnis populus, amen. time and continuously to eternity, all people will say, “Amen.”

Text Source: Bible, Psalm 144:15-16 and First Book of Chronicles 16:36

Commentary: The pairing of this piece with the next, “Gratias agimus tibi,” is indicated by their complimentary subtitles and the indication ‘Verte’ following this piece. A similar pairing of liedekens labeled ‘De Segheninghe’ (the blessing [of the table]) and ‘De dancsegghinge’ (the giving of thanks, or thanksgiving) appear in CM&M à 4-6.

“Gratias agimus tibi, pater celestis (Gratiarum Actio)” (Part II)

Gratiarum Actio The Giving of Thanks

Gratias agimus tibi, pater celestis, qui tua We give thanks to you, heavenly Father, who ineffabili potentia condidisti omnia, tua have created all things with your ineffable inscrutabili sapientia gubernas universa tua power, who govern your entire universe with inexhausta bonitate cuncta pascis et vegetas. your inscrutable wisdom, who with your Largira filijs tuis, ut aliquando tecum bibant in boundless goodness feed and nourish all regno tuo nectar illud immortalitatis quod things. Allow your children to drink with you promisisti ac preparasti vere diligentibus te in your kingdom the nectar of immortality that per Jesum Cristum. Amen. you have promised and prepared for those who truly love you through Jesus Christ. Amen.

Text Source: Desiderius Erasmus (1469-1536), Colloquies: Forms of Accusing.

Commentary: See commentary for “Benedicite domino oculi omnium” above.

“Brief vienne regarder ses delicates mains”

Brief vienne regarder ses delicates mains In short, he will come to see her delicate Qui captivent les dieux et les cœurs des hands humains That charm the gods and the hearts of humans, Et ses doigs ivorins qui les roses effacent. And her ivory fingers that eclipse the roses. Voiant son crespe poil, son front, son oeil Seeing her curly hair, her brow, her twin eyes, besson And her mouth, and her hands, he will say

167 Et sa bouche, et ses mains, dira’ et a raison (and with reason) Que plus de rarites les cieux en eux ne That the heavens have hidden more treasures cachent. in them.

Commentary: This piece and “Io mi son giovenett’ e volontieri” are not grouped with the other pieces of the same language and may have been added by the copyist from a different source.238 However, it may simply be that the copyist inadvertently skipped these pieces and added them at the end when the error was noticed, or that he chose to place these pieces at the end because he thought they might require more than one opening and he did not wish to disrupt the pattern of one piece per opening (“Io mi son giovenett’ e volontieri” did require 3- 4 pages, but no extra space was needed for “Brief vienne regarder ses delicates mains”). There are no other settings of “Brief vienne” with which to compare, but there are two other 3-voice settings of “Io mi son” to consider: one by Jean de Castro (printed twice) and one by Giovanni de Piccoli (see full bibliographical details in Appendix B). The Castro setting is clearly distinct from the piece found in CM&M à 3, but I have been unable to view the Piccoli setting in order to rule it out as a source for the manuscript.

“Io mi son giovenett’ e volontieri”

Io mi son giovenett’ e volontieri I am young and eager M’ allegr’ e cant’ en la stagion novella To make merry and sing in the new season, Merce d’amor’ e di dolci pensieri. Thanks to love and sweet thoughts. Io vo pe’ i verdi prati riguardando I go through green meadows, gazing upon I bianchi fiori e giali, The white and yellow flowers, Le ros’ in su le spin’ e bianchi gigli, The roses atop the thorns, and white lilies; E tutti quanti gli vo somigliando And all of these I compare to Al viso di colui chi amandomi, The face of the one who, loving me, Mi prese e terra sempre. Took me and will hold me always.

Text Source: The original ballata was written by the 14th-century poet Giovanni Boccaccio (1313-1375) and circulated in a collection known as the Decameron (1349-1351). The earliest known setting of the poem was Domenico Ferrabosco’s à 4 setting published in Il

238 A theory suggested by Susan Bain in “Music Printing in the Low Countries in the Sixteenth Century” (PhD diss., University of Cambridge, 1974), 152.

168 primo libro d’i madrigali de diversi eccellentissimi autori… (Venice: Gardane, 1542). Ferrabosco does not reproduce the poem exactly, but introduces alterations in the second half that disrupt the original rhyming scheme.239 Faignient’s version of the text is the same as Ferrabosco’s and he uses melodic material from that setting as well.240 For other settings of this text, see Appendix B.

Commentary: See the commentary on “Brief vienne regarder ses delicates mains” above.

239 Franco Piperno, “Boccaccio in musica nel Cinquecento: fortuna e recezione delle ballate del Decameron,” Atti e Memorie dell’Arcadia 2 (2013): 81; and Grove Music Online, s.v. “Boccaccio, Giovanni,” by Gianluca D’Agostino, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/03335 (accessed October 6, 2015). 240 Noske, “The Linköping Faignient-Manuscript,” 158.

169 Chansons, madrigales & motetz à 3 parties (1568) by Noé Faignient

Edited by Sienna M. Wood

“Amour me donne pain’ et douleurs” ...... 172 “Susann’ ung jour” ...... 175 “Comment mes yeux aves vous entrepris” ...... 178 “Tout ce qu’on peult en elle veoir” ...... 181 “Que peult au fol richesse proufiter” (Part I) ...... 184 “Quant le fol rit” (Part II) ...... 186 “Pis ne me peult venir” ...... 188 “Contre raison vous m’estes fort estrange” ...... 190 “O mort, amere est ta souvenance” ...... 192 “Las voules vous qu’une personne chante” ...... 194 “Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne” (Part I) ...... 196 “Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne,” (Part II) ...... 199 “Veu que tu es plus blanche” (Part I) ...... 202 “O grand beaulté remplie de soucis” (Part II) ...... 204 “Verb’ éternel par lequel toutte chose” (Part I) ...... 206 “Ta déité en nostre chair enclose” (Part II) ...... 209 “Sur nous tes serfs plus le veil péché” (Part III) ...... 212 “Prince Jesus doux agneau de Syon” (Part IV) ...... 215 “Une pastorelle gentille” (Part I) ...... 217 “Te souvient il plus du prophète” (Part II) ...... 219 “Sur toutte fleur d’éslite” ...... 221 “Staet ons bij, Heer, in dese benauden tijden” ...... 223

170 “Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt gebenedijen” ...... 226 “Ick ben den rechten wijngaert” ...... 229 “Die onder Gods beschermsel is geseten” ...... 232 “Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach” ...... 235 “Judith seer vroom die is getreden” ...... 239 “Wij lesen in Esdras vanden wijn” ...... 241 “Schoon lief wat macht u baeten” ...... 244 “Tot u, o Heer inden hemel vol eeren” (Part I) ...... 246 “Ontfermt ons dan Heere, wilt ons ontfermen” (Part II) ...... 249 “Ick sondich daghelijcx tegens u o Heere” (Part I)...... 252 “O Heer en God in uwen naeme crachtich” (Part II) ...... 255 “Alma Susanna, ben felic’ e ’l core” ...... 258 “Anchor che col partire” ...... 261 “Cagion non e ne fia che ’l mio pensier” ...... 264 “Misero me deh com’ amor m’ ha posto” ...... 267 “Non mi togl’ il ben mio” ...... 270 “Udit’ amanti un miracol d’amore” ...... 273 “Quando son piu lontan da bei vostr’ occhi” ...... 276 “Vel puo giurar’ amore” by Vincenzo Ferro ...... 278 “Eximie castitatis exemplar Susanna” ...... 281 “Omnis caro fænum” (Part I) ...... 284 “Vere fænum est populus” (Part II) ...... 286 “Peccantem me quotidie” ...... 288 “Filius sapiens letificat patrem” ...... 291 “Non glorietur sapiens”...... 293 “Ego sum alpha et Ω” ...... 296 “Domine Jesu Criste respicere” ...... 298 “Benedicite domino oculi omnium (Consecratio Mensæ)” ...... 301 “Gratias agimus tibi, pater celestis (Gratiarum Actio)” ...... 304 “Brief vienne regarder ses delicates mains” ...... 307 “Io mi son giovenett’ e volontieri” ...... 309

171 Amour me donne pain’ et douleurs

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus ˙ œ œ œ ˙b œ œ “ b C w & b C ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ A- mour me donne pain’ et dou --leurs, a mour me donne pain’

Tenor ˙ œ œ œ ˙b œ œ œ “ b C w & b C ∑ ˙ œ œ œ œ � A- mour me donne pain’ et dou --leurs, a mour me Bassus œ ™ b C w V b C ∑ ∑ ∑ ∑ ˙ œ � � A- mour me

6 ˙ ˙ œ ˙b ˙ ˙ & b œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ Ó et dou˙b - leurs,˙ a - mour me don - ne pain’ et douleurs.

j ˙ œ ˙b . œ œ. œ œ & b ˙ œ. œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ ˙ œn Œ J donne pain’ et douleurs, pain’ et dou - leurs, et douleurs. Nul --le cho

˙ œ œ œ ˙b ˙ ˙ œ œb œ. œ œ œ œ V b œ œ. J œ ˙ ˙ J J J donne pain’ et dou - leurs, pain’ et douleurs. Nul ---le cho se de

12 œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ j œ & b Œ J J J J J œ œ. œ œ œ Œ Nul - le cho --se de sja ne me con --ten te, nul - le cho - se, nul -

j œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙. œ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ œ J J œ Œ J J J œ œ seJ de - sjaJ neJ me con--ten te, nul - le cho --se de sja ne me conJ --ten te, ne

œ œ œ. œ œb œ œ œ œ ˙b ˙ œ. œ œ j œ. V b J J J Œ J œ œ œ œ œ sja ne me con--ten te, ne me con --ten te, nul ---le cho seJ de sjaJ neJ me conJ -

172 Amour me donne pain’ et douleurs - 2

17 œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b J J œ œn ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# - le cho --seJ de sjaJ neJ me J con --ten te, A mon mal ne treu --ve se cours, a mon mal ne treu - * j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ me con--ten te, ne me con --ten te, A mon mal ne treu --ve se cours, a mon mal ne treu -

* œ j . œ œ œ j . œ V b ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ ˙ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ J œ ‰ œ œ œ œ J ten - te, ne me con --ten te, A mon mal ne treu --ve se cours, a mon mal ne treu-

23 ˙ ˙ j j j j j & b œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œb . œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ# œ ‰ œ ve se-cours. Sans nul confort je me la-- men te, sans nul con - fort je me la --men te, Vous

œ w ˙b . œ & b œ œ œ# ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙n ∑ ∑ ˙ œn ‰ œ ve se-cours. Sans nul con - fort je me la --men te, VousJ

œ œ ˙ ˙ œb œ ˙ œb œ œ œ. œ œb . œ œ V b Œ œ ˙ Œ ˙ œ œ J J œ œ ˙ œ ve se-cours. Sans nul confort je me la-- men te, je me la --men te, Vous

31 j j j j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j jœ & b œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ# œ J J J œ ‰ J J J ‰ J J J J œ œ œ œ# œ J estes la cau - se ma dou----ce vi e, Se cou res moy, se --cou res moy, se --cou res moy jeJ vous sup-- pli e, je

œ œ œ ˙ œ œ j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j & b ‰ J œ œ œ ˙ ‰ J J J œ ‰ J J J ‰ J œ œ œ œ es- tesJ laJ cau - se ma dou--ce vi e, Se --cou res moy, se --cou res moy je vousJ supJ -- pli e, jeJ

œ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ j j V b J J ˙ J œ ‰J J J ‰ œ œ œ J J J J J J J œ œ estes la cau - se ma dou--ceJ vi e, Se--cou res moy, seJ --couJ resJ moy, se --cou res moy jeR vous sup-- pli e, je

36 U œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j j & b œ œ ˙ ‰ J J J œ ‰ J J J ‰ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# w vousJ supJ -- pli e. Se--cou res moy, se --cou res moy je vousJ supJ --pli e, jeJ vous sup-- pli e.

U j j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j j œ œ & b œ œ œ# œ J J J œ ‰ J J J ‰ J J J J œ œ œ œ# œ J œ œ wn vous sup---- pli e. Se cou res moy, se--cou res moy, se--cou res moy jeJ vous sup --pli e, je vousJ supJ pli -- e.

U œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ j j œ j œ V b œ œ ‰J J J ‰ œ œ œ J J J J J J J œ œ œ w vousJ sup-- pli e. Se --cou res moy, seJ --couJ resJ moy, se--cou res moy jeR vous sup --pli e, je vousJ sup pli -- e.

* The simultaneous sounding of A and B should be performed without alteration. See editorial notes for discussion. b

173 Amour me donne pain’ et douleurs - 3

Amour me donne pain’ et douleurs. Love gives me grief and suffering. Nulle chose desja ne me contente, Nothing yet pleases me; A mon mal ne treuve secours. I find no relief to my pain. Sans nul confort je me lamente, With no comfort I lament, Vous estes la cause ma douce vie, You are the cause, my sweet darling, Secoures moy je vous supplie. Rescue me, I beg you.

174 Susann’ ung jour

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Guillaume Guéroult (c.1507-1564)

Cantus œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ “ b C w & b C ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Su - sann’ ung jour, Su - sann’ ung jour d’a- mour sol --li ci-- té

Tenor b w b C j ™ b C & Ó ˙ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ � Su - sann’ ung jour,˙ Su-sann’ ung jour d’a----- mour sol li ci té

Bassus ™ b C V b C ∑ Ó ˙ ˙ ˙ w ∑ w Su - sann’ ung jour � �

6 œ œ œ œ œ ˙b ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ j & b œ œ œn ˙ ˙ œn ‰ œ ˙b e, d’a- mour sol - li-- ci té - e Par deux viellars con- voi- tans sa beaul - té, Fust en

j j j & b œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ# ˙ Œ œ e, d’a-- mour sol li ---ci té e Par deux viellars con-- voi tansœ sa beaul - té, Fust

œ œ œ œb œ ˙ œ œ V b Œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ w d’a- mour sol ----li ci té e Par deux viellars con-- voi tans sa beaul - té,

13 ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙b œ œ œ œ & b ˙ œ. œ ˙ Œ ‰ J ˙ ˙ œ œ son cœur, fust en sonJ cœur tri - st’ et dés-- con for - té - e Voi --ant l’ef fort faict à sa I j & b œ Œ œ œ œ œ# ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ en sonœ cœur,˙ fust en son cœur tri --st’ et dés con--- for té e Voi - ant l’ef - fortœœ œ faict I

˙ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ œ œb V b Ó ˙ ˙ ˙ Œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Fust en son cœur tri ------st’ et dés con for té e Voi ant l’ef - fort faict I

175 Susann’ ung jour - 2

20 . & b ˙ ˙ ˙ Œ œn n˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ chas te -- té. Elle leur dit, “Si par dés ---loy aul té De ce corps

j & b œ œ œ œ# ˙ Ó ˙ ˙ ˙# ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙# Œ œ œ à sa chas --te té. Elle leur dit, “Si parœ œ dés ---loy aul té Deœ ce.

œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ. œ œ œ œ V b ˙ Œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ J ˙. œ à sa chas --te té. Elle leur dit, “Si par désJ ---loy aul té De ce corps

27 œ. œ œ œ N œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b œ# œ J œ œ œ œ œ ‰ J œ# œ mien vous a- ves jo - ys --san ce, vous a-- ves jo ys--san ce, de ce corps mien vous a- ves

j & b œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ corps mien, de ce corps mien vous a---- ves jo ys san ce, de ce corps mien vous

œ œ œ œb ˙ œ œ œ V b ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó J J mien, de ce corps mien vous a---- ves jo ys san ce, de ce corps

32 œ ˙ œ œ# œ j & b ˙ œ# ˙ Ó Ó ˙n ˙ ˙ œ œ ‰ œ jo - ys - san - ce, C’est faict de moy, c’est faict de moy. Si

# j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ a- ves jo ---ys sanœ ce,œ C’estœ faict˙ œ de moy, c’estœ faictœ de moy, c’est faict de moy.œ Siœ

œ# œ œ œ j œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ V b J J œ œ œ œn ˙ œ œ Œ œn ˙ ˙ mienJ vousJ a---- ves joJ ys san ce, C’est faict de moy, c’est faict de moy, c’est faict de moy.

& b œ œ œ œ w w Ó ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ je fais ré - sis - ten - ce, Vous me feres mourir en

j j j j j & b œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œœœ œ je fais ré ---sis tenœ ce,œ si je faisœ ré ---sis ten ce, Vous me feres˙ mourir en dés -

œ œ œœœ j V b Ó Œ œ œ œ œ. œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ Si je fais ré ---sisJ ten ce, Vous me fe - res mou - rir en

176 Susann’ ung jour - 3

44 œ œ ˙ œ œ œ & b ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ Œ œ ˙ œ dés hon -- neur. Mais j’ay - me mieux, mais j’ay - me mieux pe - rir en in - no -

j & b œ œ ˙ œ# w Ó ˙ ˙ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ - hon - neur. Mais˙ j’ay - me mieux perir en in --no cen -

j œb V b ˙ ˙ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œœœ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ dés-- hon neur. Mais j’ay - me mieux, mais j’ay - me mieux pe - rir en in --no

50 b ˙b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b ‰ J ˙ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ cen- ce, pe - rir en in - no --cen ce, Que d’of- fen - cer par pé- ché

j j j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j - ce, pe - rir en in - no --cen ce, Queœ œ d’of-- fen cer,œ que d’ofœ -- fen cerœ parœ

œ V b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ cen- ce, pe - rir en in ---no cen ce, Que d’of-- fen cer, que d’of-- fen cer par

55 3 3 3 3 U & b ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ wn le Sei - gneur, que d’of- fen - cer par pé- ché le Sei - gneur.”

3 3 3 3 3 U & b œ œ œ# ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙# œ w péœ - ché le Sei - gneur, queœ d’of --fen cer,œ que d’ofœ -- fen cerœ parœ péœ - ché le Sei - gneur.” 3 3 3 3 3 œ œ œ ˙ œ U V b œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ w pé- ché le Sei - gneur, que d’of-- fen cer, que d’of-- fen cer par pé- ché le Sei - gneur.”

177 Comment mes yeux aves vous entrepris

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus œ œ œ œ “ b C w & b C ∑ Ó ˙ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ � Com - ment mes yeux, comment mes yeux, comment mes

Tenor b w ™ b C & b C ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Com - ment mes yeux, com - ment mes yeux a - ves vous ent--- re pris, com ment mes

Bassus œ œ ™ b C V b C ∑ Ó Œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó Œ œ ˙ Com - ment mes yeux, comment mes � �

6 œ œ œb œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ & b œ œ œ ‰ J œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ J J ‰ J œ yeux a- ves vous ent--- re pris, a ves vous ent-- re pris A re--- gar der cho se tant ex--- ce len te, a re-- gar

j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ yeux a- ves vous ent--- re pris, a ves vousœ entœ --re pris Aœ re------gar der cho se tantJ ex ceJ len te, a re-- gar

œ œb œ œ œ œ œb ˙ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ œb œ V b œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ J J œ œ œ yeux a- ves vous ent--- re pris, a ves vous ent-- re pris A re--- gar der cho se tant ex--- ce len te, a re-- gar

13 j œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ & b œ œ œ J J J œ# J œ J œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ der cho - se tant ex--- ce len te,J tant exJ --- ce len te. Mon cœur se plaint, mon cœur se plaint et

j j j j j j j j j j j & b œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙# Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ der cho ------se tant ex ce len te, tant ex ce len te. Monœ cœurœ œ se plaint, mon cœur se plaint et

œb œ œ j j j ˙ œ œ œ œb œ V b œ J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ œ der cho - se tant exJ --- ce len te, tantJ ex--- ceJ len te. Mon cœur se plaint, mon cœur se plaint et

178 Comment mes yeux aves vous entrepris - 2

19 œ œb œ œ œ œ œ œb ˙ œ j j œ œ œ œ œ# œ & b œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ J J ‰ J dit, “Quel fut sur --pri se, quel fut sur-- pri se” Quant il se mist en prison si plai--san te, si

j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ# ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ dit, “Quel fut sur --pri se, quel fut surœ -- pri se” Quantœ il se mist en pri- sonJ si plaiJ --san te, si

œb bœ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ œb V b œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ J J œ œ dit, “Quel fut sur --pri se, quel fut sur-- pri se” Quant il se mist en prison si plai--san te, quant

25 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ # ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ J J J J œ# J J œ œ œ œ œ J J œ# œ plai--san te, en prison si plai --san te,J en pri--- sonJ siJ plaiJ san te. Mais j’ay es --poir qu’a mour que me tour--men te, mais

j j j j j j j j j j j j & b œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ# œ Ó Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ plai--san te, en prison si plai -----san te, en pri sonœ siœ plai san te. Mais j’ay es --poir qu’a mour que me tour -

œb œ œ j j j j j œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ il se mist en prison siJ plai --san te, enJ pri--- son siJ plai san te. Mais j’ay es - poir, mais j’ay es --poir qu’a

31 ˙b & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙. œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó j’ay es - poir qu’a - mour que me tour --men te Ren-- dra con tent mon es ---prit sou ri eux,

j j j & b ˙ œ ‰ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ ‰ œ œ men- te, que me tour --men te Renœ ----draœ conœ tent, ren dra con tent mon es ---pritœ souœ œ ri eux,œ Car cell’- enœ

œ œ œ œb . œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ V b œ J ˙ Ó J œ œ œ œ mour que me tour - men - te Ren --dra con tent mon es ---prit sou ri eux, Car cell’- en

38 ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ# œ j œ œ œ nœ œ & b œ J J J J Œ J œ J J J Car cell’- en quiJ gistJ tou - te mon at-- ten te Me peutJ gué- rir, me peut gué- rir,J meJ

j j j j j j j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ qui,œ car cell’- en qui gist touJ - te mon atJ -- ten te Me peut guéJ - rir, me peutœ guéœ - rir, me peut gué -

j j j œ œb œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j n V b œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J œ ‰J J J Œ œ# J œ œ qui, car cell’- en qui gist touJ - teJ mon atJ -- ten te Me peut gué- rir, me peutJ gué- rir, meJ

179 Comment mes yeux aves vous entrepris - 3

42 U œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ & b J œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ ˙ wn peut guéJ - rir d’un seul trait de ses yeux, d’un seul trait de ses yeux.

# # # U & b ˙ Œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ# ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ w rir d’un seul trait de ses œ yeux, d’un seul trait de ses œ yeux.

˙ ˙ ˙b ˙ ˙ ˙b U V b œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ w peutJ guéJ - rir d’un seul trait de ses yeux, d’un seul trait de ses yeux.

Comment mes yeux aves vous entrepris My eyes, how you have begun A regarder chose tant excelente. To look upon such an excellent thing! Mon cœur se plaint et dit, “Quel fut surprise” My heart complains and says, “What a surprise!” Quant il se mist en prison si plaisante. When it puts itself in a prison so pleasant. Mais j’ay espoir qu’amour que me tourmente But I have hope that the love which torments me Rendra content mon esprit sourieux, Will make my smiling spirit happy, Car cell’en qui gist toute mon attente Because she in whom all my expectations lie Me peut guérir d’un seul trait de ses yeux. Can heal me with a single glance of her eyes.

180 Tout ce qu’on peult en elle veoir

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus “ b C w & b C ˙ œ œn œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ ˙ Tout ce qu’on peult en el- leJ voir N’est que douceur et a --mi tié,

Tenor b j ™ b C w# & b C ˙# #œ œ œ. œ œ. œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Tout ce qu’on peult enJ elle voir N’est que douceur et a --mi tié,

Bassus œ œ œ. œ œ œ ™ b C w V b C ˙ œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Tout ce qu’on peult en elle voir N’est que douceur et a --mi tié,

6 œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ. œ & b Œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ ‰ œ œ. J œ œ œ œ œ J Beaul--té, bon té, et bon vouJ - loir, Tout plain d’a ----mou reu se pi tié. Mais je ne suis é- di- fié, mais je ne suis

j j j & b ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ. œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ. œ Beaul --té, bon té, etJ bon vou - loir, Tout plain d’a ----mou reu se pi tié. Mais je neJ suis é- di - fié, mais je ne

˙ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ V b J œ œ œ œ œ w ∑ Œ œ œ. J Beaul --té, bon té, et bon vou - loir, Tout plain d’a ----mou reu se pi tié. Mais je ne

13 # œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ# & b œ# œ œ œ œ œ ˙ J J œ J J J J é-- di fié De rien mieux car le re --gard d’el le, car le regard car le re - gard d’el -

j j j j j j & b œ œ j œ j ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ j œ j œ œ œ œ œ ˙ suisœ é-- di œ fiéœ De rienœ mieux carœ le regard d’el - le, car le reœ --gard d’elœb le,œ car le re --gard d’el le,

j j j ˙ œb œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œb ˙ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ J J œ Ó J J suis é-- di fié De rien mieux car leJ regard d’el - le, car le re --gard d’el le,

181 Tout ce qu’on peult en elle veoir - 2

19 ˙ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ ‰ J J J J J J J le, Me mest en une pai - ne tel - le Que ne la puis di - r’ à moi - tié; Quant ne la voi je I j j j j j & b Œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ‰ œ œ œ œ. j œ œ# Œ œ œ œ Me mest en une pai - ne tel - le Que ne la puis diœ --r’ à moiœ tié; Quant ne la I

˙ œ œ œ œb œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ V b Œ ˙ œ J J œ œ œ Ó Me mest en une pai - ne J tel - le Que ne la puis di - r’ à moi - tié; I

25 œ. œ œ œ œ œ ˙ j j j j œ œ œ œ œ œb œ ˙ & b J ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J J œ œ œ me la-- men te, Si je la voi je me tour - mais te, Si je la voi je me tour - men- te;

j j j j j & b œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ ‰ j j j œ j œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ# voi je me la- men- te,œ Siœ jeœ laœ voi jeœ meœ tourœ --men te, si je la voi je me tour --men

j j j œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙b ˙ V b Ó ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó J J œ Quant ne la voi je me la --men te, Si je la voi je me tour --men te;

31 j œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ & b Œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ ‰ J J R J œ œ œ œ Le doux n’est jaJ - J mais sans l’a - mer, Voi - là que c’est deJ trop aymer. Le

j j j j j j r j j j j j j j & b œ ‰ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ ‰ œ te; Le doux n’est ja - maisJ sans l’a --mer, Voiœ là . queœ c’est,œ voi - làJ que c’est de trop aymer. Le

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ j j j œ œ j V b Œ œ J œ œ œ ‰ J J R J œ œ œ œ J J œ ‰ œ Le doux n’est jaJ - J maisJ sans l’a - mer, Voi - là que c’est deJ tropJ ay - mer, de trop aymer. Le

35 U j œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ & b œ œ J œ ˙ ‰ J J R J œ œ wn doux n’est jamais sans l’a - mer, Voi - là que c’est deJ trop ay - mer.

j j j r j j j j j j U & b œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ w doux n’est ja- maisJ sans l’a - mer, Voiœ - là . queœ c’est,œ voi - làJ que c’est de trop ay - mer.

U œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ j j j œ œ V b J œ œ œ ‰ J J R J œ œ œ œ J J w doux n’est ja- maisJ sans l’a - mer, Voi - là que c’est deJ tropJ aymer, de trop ay - mer.

182 Tout ce qu’on peult en elle veoir - 3

183 Que peult au fol richesse proufiter Part 1 - Paired with “Quant le fol rit”

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus œ œ œ œ œ œ j j œ “ b C w & b C ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Que peult au fol ri ------ches se prou fi ter, ri ches se prou --fi ter s’il

Tenor œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ “ b C w & b C ∑ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ � Que peult au fol ri-- ches se prou-- fi ter s’il Bassus œ œ œ œb œ œ ™ b C ˙ V b C ∑ ∑ Ó œ œ œ ˙ � Va --ni té, tout n’est que va ni -- té.

6 œ œ œ œ œ j ˙ j j j œ œ œ & b œ œ J J J J J œ œ œ œ œ Ó œ œ œ œ J J J n’est prudent, s’il n’est pru - dent? ToutJ n’estJ que va-- ni té. Quant pen --se ra, quant pen --se

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ & b œ œ J J J œ œ œ J ˙ œ œ œ n’est prudent? Tout n’est queJ va-- ni té. Quant pen --se ra, quant penJ --seJ

œ j V b ∑ ∑ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ O vaJ -- ni té, tout n’est que va ni --

10 œ# œ œ œ œ# ˙ j & b œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ra sa mai - son haut le - ver, tom--- be raJ souJ dain en grand ca ---la mi té, tom -

œ œ œ# œ œ œ j ˙ ˙ œb œ. œ œ j j & b œ J J œ. œ œ. œ œ J œ œ ra sa mai - son haut le - ver, tom-- be ra souJ - dain en grand ca ---la mi té, en grand

œb V b ˙ Ó ∑ Ó œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ té. O vaJ -- niJ té, tout n’est que va ni -- té.

184 Que peult au fol richesse proufiter - 2

15 U œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ & b J J J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w ---be ra sou dain en grandJ caJ --- laJ miJ té. O vaJ -- niJ té, tout n’est que va-- ni té.

U œ œ j j j j j & b œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ j œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w# caJ --- laJ mi té, en grand ca--- la miœ té.˙ O va-- ni té, tout n’est que va-- ni té.

œ j Uw V b ∑ ∑ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ O vaJ -- ni té, tout n’est que va-- ni té.

Que peult au fol richesse proufiter s’il n’est prudent? Tout n’est que vanité. Quant pensera sa maison haut lever, tombera soudain en grand calamité. O vanité, tout n’est que vanité.

What good are riches to a man who is not prudent? All is vanity. When he thinks his house will be raised high, suddenly it falls into great misfortune. O vanity, all is vanity.

185 Quant le fol rit Part 2 - Paired with “Que peult au fol richesse proufiter”

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus œ œ œ “ b C w & b C ∑ Ó ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ � Quant le fol rit hault de sa voix cri - # # Tenor œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ “ b C w & b C ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J œ œ Quant le fol rit, quant le fol rit hault de sa voix cri -

Bassus œ ˙ ™ b C ˙ V b C ∑ ∑ Ó œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ � O va-- ni té, tout n’est que va ni -- té.

6 C œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ & b ˙ J J J J J J œ# œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ J J J e Ig-- no rant que tout n’est que vaJ -- niJ té Le sai - ge rit tout bas car point se fi -

T œ œ j j ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œn œ J J e Ig-- noJ rantJ que toutJ n’estJ queJ va--œ niœ téœ Le sai - ge rit tout bas car point se

B œ œb œ œ V b ∑ ∑ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó O vaJ -- niJ té, tout n’est que va ni -- té.

11 C j œ œ œ œ œ ˙ j œ œ œ œ œ œ & b œ J J J œ œ œ. œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ J J œ J J e, car point se fi- e En la Jri-- ches se ni enJ mon--- daJ niJ té, ni en monJ --- da ni té, ni

T œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ j & b œ ‰ J J J œ# œ œ ˙ œ J J J J œ œ œ œ œ œ fi - e, car point se fi- e En la ri-- ches se ni en mon--- da ni té, ni enJ mon--- daJ niJ

B œ j ˙ V b ∑ Ó œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ∑ O vaJ -- ni té, tout n’est que va ni -- té.

186 Quant le fol rit - 2

16 U C œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# w & b J J J J J J en mon--- da ni té. O va-- ni té, tout n’est que va-- ni té.

U T œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ & b ‰ J J J J J œ œ œ ‰ J œ œ œ œ œ œ wn té, ni en monJ --- da ni té. OJ vaJ -- ni té, tout n’estJ queJ va - ni - té.

B œb U V b ∑ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w O vaJ -- niJ té, tout n’est que va-- ni té.

Quant le fol rit hault de sa voix crie When the fool laughs high with his voice shouting, Ignorant que tout n’est que vanité Ignorant that all is vanity, Le saige rit tout bas car point se fie The sage laughs low because he does not depend at all En la richesse ni en mondanité. On riches nor on worldliness. O vanité, tout n’est que vanité. O vanity, all is vanity.

187 Pis ne me peult venir

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ “ b C w & b C ˙ J . œ œ. œ ˙ Pis ne me peult venir QueJ j’ay jusqu’es J i - cy, que j’ay

Tenor j b C b C ∑ œ j j ™ w & ˙ œ. œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ � Pis ne me peult venir Que j’ay jusqu’es i - cy, Bassus œ. œ œ œ ™ b C V b C ∑ ∑ ∑ ˙ J œ. œ w Pis ne me peult venir QueJ � �

6 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b ˙# Œ œ J J J J ˙# J J J J jus-- qu’es i cy; Pour vos--- tre sou ve nir, pour vos--- tre sou ve nir Je lan-guis en sou -

j j j j j j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ. œ œ œ que j’ay jus - qu’esœ œ œ œ i - cy;œ Pourœ vos--- tre sou ve nir, pour vos--- tre sou ve nir, pourœ vos--- tre sou ve

œ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ J J J J œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ j’ay jus-- qu’es i cy, que j’ay jus - qu’es i- cy; Pour vos--- tre sou ve nir JeJ lan-guis en sou - cy,

12 . j œ œ œb & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœœ œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ cy, je lan - guis en sou - cy, Et suis loing de mercy, et suis loing de mer - cy, Traic-te trop ru-- de ment,

& b œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# ‰ j nir Je lan - guis en sou - cy, Et suis loing de mercy, et suisœ loing de merœ --cy,œ Traicœ te trop ru-- de ment, traicœ -

œb œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙# V b Œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ Ó Œ œ œ œ je lan-guis en sou - cy, Et suis loing de mercy, et suis loing de mer - cy, Traic -te trop

188 Pis ne me peult venir - 2

19 œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ & b Ó Œ œ ˙ Ó Œ œ . œ ‰ œ J J J J œ œ traic - te trop ru-- de ment Vos - tre cœurJ en---dur ci, vos tre cœur en--dur ci Me donne

j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# ‰ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙. œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ te trop ru--- deœ ment,œ traic te trop ru-- de ment Vos - tre cœurJ en --dur ci Me donœ - ne ce tour - ment. Vos-

œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ V b œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ J ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ru-- de ment, traic-te trop ru-- de ment Vos - tre cœur en --dur ci Me donne ce tour - ment, me donne

26 œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ J J J œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ œ J œ# J J J J ce tourment. Vos - tre cœur en - durJ - ciJ MeJ donJ - ne ce tourment. Vos - tre cœur en - dur - ci, vostre cœur en --dur

œ œ œ œ j j j j j & b J J J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ tre cœur en ---dur ci, vos treJ cœurJ enJ --dur ci Me don- neJ ce tourment. œ œ œ œ Vosœ - tre cœur en --dur

œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ J J J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J J J ce tourment. Vos - tre cœur en --dur ci MeJ donne ce tour - ment. Vos- tre cœur en --dur

31 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ . j œ ˙ œ œ œb œ U & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœœ œ œ w ci Me donne ce tour - ment, me don - ne ce tour - ment, me don - ne ce tour - ment.

j U & b ˙ Œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ# œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ w# ci, vosœ - tre cœur en --dur ci me donne ce tour - ment, me don - ne ce tour - ment.

œb ˙b œ U V b œ. œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ w ci MeJ donne ce tourment, me donne ce tourment, me don - ne ce tour - ment.

189 Contre raison vous m’estes fort estrange

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus w b C ˙ j j j j œ. œ “ b C & Ó œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ J � Con - tre raison vous m’es--tes fort es tran- ge, vous m’es - tes

Tenor b w j ™ b C & b C ˙ œ œ j j j œ œ œ œ œ Con-- tre raiœ sonœ vous m’esœ -tesœ fortœ esœ - tran œ- ge,˙ vous m’es - tes fort

Bassus ˙ œ œ œ ™ b C V b C ∑ ∑ Ó Œ œ œ � � � Con --tre rai son vous

5 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ J œ J J Œ fortJ esJ -tran- ge, con - tre raison, contre rai - son vous m’es -tesJ fort es --tran ge. Et ce bien

j j j j j j j & b œ œ. œœœ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œn es œ--tran ge, contre rai - son, con-- tre rai son vous m’es -tes fort es --tran ge. Et ce bien

œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ V b J œ J J ˙ Œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó m’es---tesJ fort es tran ge, con - tre raison vous m’esJ -tes fortJ esJ - tran- ge.

11 ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b Ó Œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ J J J J ˙ œ J J J J faict, et ce bien faict en au - res vous lou - an - ge, en au - res vous lou -

j j j j j j j j j j & b œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ faict, et ce bien faict, et ce bienœ faict en auJ - resJ vous lou --an ge, en au - res vousœ louœ --anœ ge D’ain --si m’a

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b Œ œ œ œ ˙ J J J J œ œ ‰J J J J J ˙ Et ce bien faict, et ce bien faict en au - res vous lou --an ge, en au - res vous lou --an

190 Contre raison vous m’estes fort estrange - 2

16 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j j j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b ‰ J J J J J J œn ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J Œ an - ge D’ain-----si m’a voir sou dain desJ heJ J ri - té, d’ain - si m’a----- voirJ sou dain desJ he ri té De vot-- re a mour sans I

j j j j j j j j j j & b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ j j j j œ j œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ œ voir, d'ain ------si m’a voir sou dain des heœ ri té, d’ainœ siœ m’aœ voirœ sou dainœ des he ri té De vot-- re a mour sans I

˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j j œ j œ œ œ œ œ V b J J J J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J Œ œ œ ge D’ain ------siJ m’aJ voir souJ dain des he ri té, d’ain ------si m’a voirJ sou dainJ des heJ ri té De vot-- re a mour sans I

21 œ. j œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ j & b œ œ œ œ Œ J œ. œœ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ l’a--- voirJ meJ ri té, sans l’a- voir me --Jri té. VousJ fait il mal s’a vous ser - vir me renge, vous

j j j j j & b œ. œ œ œ ˙ œ. œ œ j Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œn œ l’a--- voir me ri té,œ sans l’a--- voir me œri té.œ Vous fait il mal s’a vous ser - vir me renge, vousœ

œb œ j œ œ œ œ ˙ j V b œ. œ J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ l’a--- voirJ me ri té, sans l’a. --- voir meJ Jri té. Vous fait il mal s’a vous ser - vir me renge, vous

27 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ #œ œ U & b œ œn œ œ nœ œ ˙n œ ‰ œ œ ‰ J œ œ œ œ œ œœ˙ w fait il mal s’a vous ser-vir me renge, vousJ fait il mal, vous fait il mal s’a vous ser-vir me ren - ge?

j U & b œ Ó ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ w fait œil mal,˙ vous fait il mal s’a vous ser-vir me renge, s’a vous ser - vir me renœ - ge?

œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ U V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó ˙ œ œ ˙ w fait il mal s’a vous ser-vir me renge, vous fait il mal s’a vous ser-vir me ren - ge?

Contre raison vous m’estes fort estrange. Without justification you treat me like a stranger. Et ce bien faict en aures vous louange And you will be praised for this good deed, D’ainsi m’avoir soudain desherité That you have suddenly deprived me De votre amour sans l’avoir merité. Of your love, though I did not deserve that treatment. Vous fait il mal s’a vous servir me renge? Is it bad for you if I compel myself to serve you?

191 O mort, amere est ta souvenance

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus ˙ œ C w & C Ó ˙ œ ˙b w ™ O˙ mort,˙ a - mer est ta souœ --- veœ nan ce � Tenor ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ™ C w V C ∑ ˙ ˙ J J Œ œ � O mort, a - mer est ta sou--- ve nan ce A Bassus ™ j j C V C ˙ œ œ ˙ œb . œ ˙ œ œ œ w O˙ mort,˙ a - mer est ta souœ -- veœ nan - ce Aœ l’hom. - me

6 j & œ. œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ# ˙ œ œ œ œ A˙ l’hom --me ri che qui i - cy pré- sent A mis son re - posœ œ œet

œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ V œ. J ˙ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ l’hom--me ri che qui i - cy pré - sent A mis son re - pos, a mis son repos et sa

œ V ˙ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ Œ œ œ ˙b œ œ riche quiœ i - cyœ pré J -J sent˙ A mis sonœ repos,˙ a mis son repos et

14 j j œ & œ œ ˙n œ œ œ œ# ˙ ∑ Œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ sa fi an-- ce En sa ri --ches se, biens orœ ou arœ - gent.œ Mais

˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ J œ œ œ J J J J J J J œ# œ œ fi --an ce En sa ri-- ches Jse, Jbiens or ou ar - gent, en sa ri-- ches se, biens or ouJ arJ -gent. Mais

œ V œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œb œ œ œ sa œfi --an ce˙ En sa ri-- ches se, biens orœ ou arœ - gent,˙ biens or ou ar - gent.˙

192 O mort, amere est ta souvenance - 2

20 ˙ & œ œ. œ ˙ œ œb œ œœœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œa l’hom œ œ œ- meœ œ povœ - re,˙ mais a l’hom - me povre et in --di gent˙

j ˙ œ œ œ œ V ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙# a l’hom - me pov - re et in --di gent, mais a l’hom - me povre et in --di gent

˙ V ˙ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œb . œœœ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ Mais œa l’hom œ- ˙ meœ povre,˙ mais a l’hom - me povre et inœ --diœ gent

27 œ & ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ w Ó Œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ Doux est ton nom et taœ mé --moi re Car par toi du mal dé --liv rer, prê- tent,

˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V J œ# Œ Doux est ton nom et ta mé --moi re Car par toi du mal dé --liv rer, car par toi du mal dé --liv

œ ˙ œ V ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙b ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Doux˙ est ton nom et ta mé--moi re Car par toi du mal dé --liv rer, prê J - tent,

35 j j U & ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ ˙ œ œ j œ œ œ w# prê - tent De ve - nirœ à l’éœ ----ter nel le gloi˙ re,˙ de ve- nirœ à l’éœ ----ter nel le gloi˙ re.

˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ Uw V œ# œ J œ# œ# œ J œ# rer, prê - tent De ve - nir à l’éJ ---ter nel le gloi - re, de venir à l’éJ ---ter nel le gloi - re.

j œ j œ U V ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ prê - tent De ve - nirœ à l’é----terJ nel le gloi re,˙ deœ ve- nirœ à l’é----terJ nel le gloi re.w

O mort, amer est ta souvenance O Death, bitter is your remembrance A l’homme riche qui icy présent For the rich man who here and now A mis son repos et sa fiance Has put his security and his confidence En sa richesse, biens or ou argent. In his wealth, his goods, gold or silver. Mais a l’homme povre et indigent But to the poor and indigent man, Doux est ton nom et ta mémoire Sweet is your name and your memory Car par toi du mal délivrer, prêtent Because by you he is delivered from evil and prepared De venir à l’éternelle gloire. To come to eternal glory.

193 Las voules vous qu’une personne chante

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus C w C ∑ Ó ˙. œ œ œ œ œ ™ & ˙ œ œ œ œ � � Las vou - les vous qu’u---- ne per son ne chan te,

Tenor ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ™ C w V C ∑ ˙ ˙ ˙ � Las vou - les vous qu’u ---ne per son ne chan - te,

Bassus ™ C w V C ˙ ˙ œ ˙. Ó Œ œ œ œ Las vou˙ - les vous, lasœ vou - lesœ vous˙ qu’u-- ne per

6 œ œ ˙ & œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ. œœœ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ las œvou œ œ- œ lesœ vousœ qu’u ---ne per son ne chan - te A qui le cœur,˙ œ a qui

œ œ œ jœ œ œ œ œ œ. œ V Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œœ ˙ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ œ œ qu’u--- ne per son ne chan - - - - te A qui le cœur, a qui

j V œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ. œ son- ne chan - te, qu’uœ ---ne per son ne chan - te˙ A qui le cœur,˙ a qui

13 œ & œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ le cœur neœ faisœ queœ souœ--˙ spi œ rer?˙ Lais - sesœ chan - ter, lais - ses chanœ œ -

œ œ œ œ V ˙. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ le cœur ne fais que sou-- spi rer? Lais - ses chan - ter, lais - ses chan - ter

j œ œ œ V œ œ Œ œ. œ Œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ le cœur˙ neœ faisœ queœ sou-- spi rer?˙ Lais - sesœ chan - ter, lais - ses chanœ œ -

194 Las voules vous qu’une personne chante - 2

20 œ j & œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ ‰ œ œ œ ˙ Ó Œ œ œ œ# œ œ Nœ. œ œ œ ter cel - luy qui se con - ten - te Et me lais - ses, et me lais - ses mon seul malJ en --du

œ œ œ œ# œ œ V ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœœ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ ˙ Ó ˙ cel - luy qui se con --ten te Et me lais - ses, et me lais - ses, et me lais - ses mon

œ V ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó Œ œ œ Ó Œ œ œ. j œ œ ter cel - luy qui se con --ten te˙ Et me laisœ - ses˙ mon seul malœ en --du

27 # j œ. j & œ# œ œ. œ œ Ó Œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ# œ ‰ œ œ œ rer, mon seul malœ en - du- rer,˙ ˙ mon seul malJ en - du - rer, et me lais - # œ. œ œ œ œ V œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ. œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ seul malJ en --du rer, mon seul malJ en - du - rer, et me lais - ses, et me lais - ses, etJ me lais - # œ. j V Œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ# œ œ œ ‰ œ œ rer,˙ et me laisœ - ses mon seul malJ en - du - rer, et meœ laisœ - ses, et me laisœ -

33 j . U & œ# œ œ. œ œb œ ˙ Ó ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ# w ses mon seul mal en --du rer, mon seul malJ en --du rer, mon seul mal en œ--du rer.

U œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. j ˙ w# V œ J œ œ œ œ ˙ ses mon seul mal en --du rer, mon seul mal en --du rer, et me lais - ses mon seul mal en --du rer.

œ. U V œ. j œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ. j œ œ j w sesœ monœ seul malœ en --du rer,œ mon seul malJ en --du rer, mon seul malœ en - duœ. œ ˙- rer.

195 Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne Part 1 - Paired with “Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne”

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus C › C ∑ ∑ j Œ ™ & w œ. œ œ œ œ � Si par rai - son˙ à # Tenor œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ. œ œ ™ C ˙. V C œ. œ œ œ# œ œ œ# J Si J par rai - son, si par rai - son à vous mon

Bassus œ ™ C w C Ó j ˙ œ œ Œ œ. œ V ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ œ ˙ J � Si par rai - son, si par raison à vous mon

6 j j j j œ & œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ j j œ œ j Œ œ œ vous mon cœurJ s’a-- don ne, œà œ vousœ mon cœur s’aœ -- donœ new Vos- tre hau - te I œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V ˙ Œ J œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J cœur, à vousJ mon cœur s’a ----don J ne Vos- tre hau - te ver - tu l’a bien I

œ œ. j œ V œ œ œb œ ˙ ˙ j œ Œ œ œ œ œ cœur s’a- don - ne,œ à vous mon cœurœ s’aœ -- don ne˙ Vos ---tre hau te ver tu I

11 œ & œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ver - tu l’a bien mé --œri té,˙ vost- tre hau - te ver - tu l’a bien mé --œri té.œ Sur I

œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V J J J œ œ œ œ# J J J J J J J J J J œ# œ mé--ri té, l’a bien méJ -----Jri té, vost tre hau te ver tu l’a bien mé --ri té, l’a bien mé --ri té, l’a bien méJ --Jri té. Sur I

œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ j j œ V œ œ œ œ œ# J œb œ œ œ J J J œ œ j œ œ œ œ l’a bien mé -----œri té,œ vost tre hau te ver tu l’aJ bien méJ -----Jri té, vostJ tre hau te ver tu l’aJ bienœ méœ œ --ri té.œ Sur I I

196 Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne - 2

& œb œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ ˙ œ# Œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ tou - te cho - se je m’aJ --- banJ don ne A vous ser - vir en

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙# œ œ œ œ œ V J ‰ œ J J J J J J Œ tou - te cho - se jeJ m’a--- ban don ne, je m’a--- ban don ne A vous ser - vir en

˙ j œ œ œ œ ˙ œ V œb œ œ ‰ œ œ œb ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ tou - te cho - se je m’aJ -- banJ don - ne A vous ser - vir en

21 j j j j j j j & œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ‰ j œ œ j œ œ œ ‰ œ tout. hu ---mi li té,˙ Nym - phe, enœ qui gist toutœ ----teœho nes te té, en I

œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ V J ˙# Œ Œ J J J œ tout hu ---mi li té, Nym - phe, en qui gist tout --teJho I # œ œ œ j j j j V œb . œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ j j œ tout huJ ---mi li té, Nym - phe, enœ qui gist tout ----te ho nesœ teœ té, I

25 # j j j j œ & œ œ œ œ œ œ Ó Œ œ# œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ# œ qui gist tout----te ho nes te té,˙ Aœ - mour, et foy, a - mour, et foy; ou I œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ# j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V J J J J J J œ# ‰ J ‰ œ œ œ nes ------te té, tout te ho nes te té, A- mour, et foy, a- mour, et foy, a- mour, et foy, et foy; ou I

j j j j œ œ œ œ V œ œ œ œ j j j œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ J œ œ en qui gist tout----teœho nesœ teœ té, A- mour, et foy, a- mour,œ etœ foy,œ a- mour, a - mour, et foy;œ ou I

30 U œ œ & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ w# tout - te ver - tu fleu-- ronœ œ œ œ- - œ - ne,œ œ fleuœ -- ron ne.

# # U œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ w V J J ‰ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ tout --te ver tu fleu --ron ------ne.

U V œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ tout - te ver - tuœ fleu- ronœ - œ œ œ- - œ - -œ œ ˙ - ne.w

197 Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne - 3

Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne If for some reason my heart devotes itself to you, Vostre haute vertu l’a bien mérité. Your high virtue has merited it. Sur toute chose je m’abandonne Over everything I abandon myself A vous servir en tout humilité, To serve you with all humility, Nymphe, en qui gist toutte honesteté, Nymph, in whom rests all honesty, Amour, et foy; ou toutte vertu fleuronne. Love, and faith; where all virtues flourish.

198 Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne Part 2 - Paired with “Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne”

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus j j C & C œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ# ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ™ w Con˙ - trainct je suis,J a ---mourJ l’or don ne, a- mourJ l’or-- don ne, œ Tenor œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ™ C w V C Ó Ó ˙ ‰ J J J J J � Con - trainct je suis, a---- mour l’or don ne, a

Bassus ™ C C Ó ∑ Ó œ œ ‰ œ w V œ J � Con˙ - trainct je suis, a -

5 j j j j j j j j j & Œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ ‰ œ œ œ contrainct je suis, contrainct je suis, a--- mour l’or donœ ne,œ conœ - trainct je suis,J J a----- mourJ l’or don ne, Nai ve pu

œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V J œ œ œ ‰ J J J œ# J J œ J J œ œ œ J J mour l’orJ --- don ne, con trainct je suis, a---- mour l’or don ne, con trainct je suis,J a----- mour l’orJ don ne, Nai ve pu

j j j œ j j j j j j j j V œ œ œ# ˙ Œ œ œb œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ mourJ l’or-- don ne, contrainct je suis, a--- mourJ l’or don ne,œ contrainct je suis,œ a----- mour l’or donœ ne, Nai ve pu

10 j j j j j j j & œ œ œ œ# œ ‰ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ# Œ œ cel - l’à vous o-- bé œir. Inœ ---ces sa mentœ j’a--- ban don ne, j’aœ. --- banœ don ne Leœ cœur etœ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V J J ˙# œ œ J J ‰ œ œ œ œ Œ œ# œ# cel - l’à vous o-- bé ir. In ------cesJ saJ ment j’a ban don ne, j’a--- banJ don ne Le cœur et

j j j j j V œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ j œ œ# œ œ ‰ œ œ# œ Œ œ œ cel - l’à vous o-- bé ir. Inœ ------ces sa mentœ j’a banJ don ne, j’a--- ban don neœ Le cœurœ et

199 Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne - 2

15 j j œ œ & œ. œ ˙ œ œ. j œ œb œ. œ œ œ . corps à vousœ serœ - vir,˙ le cœurœ et corpsœ à vous ser - vir, le cœur et corpsJ à œ œ. œ œ j œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ. J V J œ J J J ‰ J corps à vousJ ser - vir, le cœur et corps à vous ser - vir, le cœur et corps à

œ j j œ œ œ œ j V œ. j œ œb ˙ œb œ œ . œ œ œ œ ‰ J œ . œ corpsœ à vous ser - vir, leœ cœur et corps à vous J ser - vir, le cœur et corps à

20 j j j j & œ œ ˙ ‰ œ œ œ œ. œ œb œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ vous ser - vir. En tous en - droits je veux souffrir Pour

œ# œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ V J J J J ‰ J ‰J vous ser - vir. En tous en - droits je veux souffrir Pour vos-- tre a mour, pour I

œ œ œ j j œ œ V œ œ ˙ œ œb œ œ ‰ J œ# ˙ vous ser - vir. Enœ tous en - droits je veux souffrir Pour vos-- tre a mour, I

24 j j & œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ# ˙ w ˙ ˙ ˙# Œ œ œ œ œ ˙ vostre a- mour, pourJ vostre a- mour pain’ et dou - leurs J’es --pè re qu’un jour I I . œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œœ œ ˙ œ# œ œ œ ˙ V œ œ œ J Œ J J vos-- tre a mour, pour vos-- tre a mour pain’ et dou --- leurs J’es --pè re qu’un jour I I

œ œ œ. œ œ. œ V Ó Œ œ œ# œ œ J œ ˙b ˙ Œ œ œ œ ˙ pour vos-- tre a mourœ pain’ et dou ---J leurs J’es --pè reJ qu’unJ jour I

30 œ & ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙. œ œ œ ˙ ˙# ˙ œ ˙ de ma lan - gueur Pi - tie au - ra, pi - tie au - ra

. œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ ˙# œ œ ˙# V œ œ œ J J ˙ œ œ ˙# Œ de J ma lan - gueur Pi - tie au - ra, pi - tie au - ra

˙ ˙ œ V ˙b . œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙b œ bœ ˙ œ de ma lan - gueur Pi - tie au - ra, pi - tie au - ra˙

200 Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne - 3

36 U j œ œ œ# œ œ & ˙ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ w ton˙ no - ble˙ cœur,œ ton no --- J bleJ cœur, ton noble cœur. U œ j œ ˙ ˙ œ# œ œ w# V ‰ J œ. œ œ œ œ# œ œ ton no - ble cœur, ton no - ble cœur, ton noble cœur.

œ U V ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ton no. œ-œ ble cœur,œ ton no. ---œ œ ble cœur,œ ton noble cœur.w

Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne, I am compelled, love dictates it, Naive pucell’à vous obéir. To obey you, naïve virgin. Incessament j’abandonne Without rest I abandon Le cœur et corps à vous servir. Heart and body to serve you. En tous endroits je veux souffrir In all places I want to endure Pour vostre amour pain’ et douleurs Pain and sorrow for your love. J’espère qu’un jour de ma langueur I hope that one day your noble heart Pitie aura ton noble cœur. Will have pity on my torment.

201 Veu que tu es plus blanche Part 1 - Paired with “O grand beaulté, remplie de soucis”

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Pierre de Ronsard (1524-1585)

Cantus C œ œ œ œ œ “ C w & ∑ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ J J œ � Veu que tu es plus blanche que le lis, Qui t’a rougit, Tenor j j j j ™ C ˙ & C Ó ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ ‰œ œ œ ‰ œ Veuœ queœ tuœ es,œ veu queœ tuœ es plus blanœ - che que le lis, Qui t’a rougit,œ quiJ � Bassus œ ™ C w V C ˙ œ œ ˙ Ó Œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ Veu que tu es plus blanche que le lis, Qui t’aJ rouJ - git, qui

6 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j & ‰ J J J ‰J J J Ó Œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ qui t’a rougit, qui t’a rougit ta lèvJ ----reJ ver meilJ let teJ D’un si beau teinct, d’unJ si beau

j j j j j j j j j & œ œ ˙ œN œ œ œ œ œ œ j j j œ j œ ‰ œ œ t’aJ rouJ - git, qui t’aJ rouJ - git ta lèv ---re verœ meilœ letœ - te,œ lèvœ - reœ ver---meilœ letœ teœ D’unœ siœ beauœ teinct, d’un si beauœ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j V J J ‰J J J œ œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Ó Œ œ œ œ t’a rougit, qui t’a rou - git ta lèvJ ----reJ ver meilJ let te,J taJ lèv ----re verJ meilJ let te D’un si beau

11 œ œ j œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# & œ œ œ ‰ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J J J J J teinct, d’un si beau teinct? Qui est- ce, qui est- ce qui t’a mis SurJ tonJ beau sein cet-- te co leur rou- get -

j j j j & ‰ j œ ˙# ‰ j œ ‰ j œ j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ teinct,œ d’unœ siœ beau teinct? Quiœ est - ce,œ quiœ est- ceœ quiœ t’aœ misœ Sur ton beau sein cetJ -- teJ coJ leurJ rou- get -

˙ j j œ j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V œ ‰ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J œ œ J J œ J teinct, d’unJ si beau teinct? Qui est- ce, qui est- ce qui t’a mis Sur ton beau seinJ cetJ ---- te co leurJ rou get

202 Veu que tu es plus blanche - 2

16 ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ & Œ Œ ‰ J œ ‰ te? Qui t’a noir - ci les arcs de tes sour - cis, les arcs de tes sour - cis? QuiJ t’a bru -

œ œ & œ ‰ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ# œ œ œ . œ# te? Quiœ t’aœ noirœ - ci, qui t’a noir - ci les arcs de tes œœ œ sourœ - cis, les arcs de tesœ œ œ œ sourœ - cis?œ Quiœ t’aœ bru -

œ œ# œ œ V œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ te? Qui t’a noir - ci, quiJ t’a noir - ci les arcs de tes sour - cis, les arcs, les arcs de tes sour - cis? Qui t’a bru -

23 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ U & J J œ œ J œ œ J J ˙ w ni tes beaus yeux, ma mais-tres - se, tes beaus yeux, ma maisJ - tres - se, ma mais-tres - se?

j j j j j j j j U & œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ni tes beaus yeux, ma mais --tres se,œ tes beaus yeux, ma mais --tres se, ma mais--tres˙ se?w

œ œ j œ j œ œ# œ œ Nœ œ œ U V œ œ œ œ œ J J J œ œ œ ˙ w ni tes beaus yeux, maJ mais--tres se, ma mais --tres se, ma mais --tres se,J ma maisJ --tres se?

203 O grand beaulté, remplie de soucis Part 2 - Paired with “Veu que tu es plus blanche que le lis”

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Pierre de Ronsard (1524-1585)

Cantus œ œ œ œ ˙ œ. œ “ C w. & C Ó ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ J � O grand beaul - té, rem --pli e des sou - cis, O

Tenor ™ C ˙. & C Œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ Œ œ œ œO. œ œ œ œ grand beaul ---té, remœ pliœ e des souœ -cis,˙ œO œ œ � Bassus ˙. œ. œ œ œ œ. œ œ ™ C V C J œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ. œœ œ œ œ O grand beaul --té, rem pli- e des sou - cis, O

6 œ œ j j j œ œ œ œ œ œ & ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó grand beaul --té, plei neJ de grand Jli- es - se, OJ doul-ce bell’ ho - nes - te cru- aul - té

j j j j j j j j j j & œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ# œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ j œ œgrandœ œ beaul--té, pleiœ neœ de grand œli-- esœ se,œ Oœ doul-ceœ bell’œ ho ----nes te cru aulœ téœ Qui dou--ceœ mentœ me

˙ j j œ œ j j œ V œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ J grand beaul --té, plei neJ de grandJ Jli-- es se, O doul -ce bell’ ho---- nesJ teJ cruJ aulJ té Qui dou--ceJ mentJ me

12 j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ & Ó Œ œ œ œ œ J J J J Ó ˙ œ ˙ œ ˙ Qui dou ceJ -- mentJ me constraint de te suivre; O fier in - grat’ et fâ -

j j j j j j j j œ & œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ j j œ œ œ œ œ œ . œœœ ˙ ˙. œ œ œ ˙# ˙ ˙ constraint deJ teJ suivre,J quiœ dou--ceœ mentœ me conœ - straint de te suiv - re; O fier in-grat’ et fâ -

œ œ œ œ œ j j œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙. œ œ œ ˙ ˙ V J J J J œ ‰ œ œ œ œ J J J J J ˙ ˙ constraint de te suivre, qui dou --ceJ mentJ me constraint de te suivre; O fier in-grat’ et fâ -

204 O grand beaulté, remplie de soucis - 2

18 j j & œ ˙ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœœ œ ‰ œ cheu - se beaul --té A vec- que toi je veux mou - rir et viv ---- re, a -

& œ# ˙# œ œ œ œ ‰ jœ œ œ œ œ cheu - se beaul ---té Aœ vecœ queœ toiœ jeœ veuxœ mou - rir etœ vivœ œ œ----œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ re,˙ œ a-- vecœ

œ œ œ œ œ œ V œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙b Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ cheu - se beaul ---té A vec que toi je veux mou - rir et viv - - re, a -

24 U & œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ w vec- que toi je veux mourir et viv - - - - - re.

U & œ œ ‰ j œ œ œ œ œ queœ toiœ jeœ veuxœ mouœ - rir etœ viv œ œ -œ œ œ - œ - œ œ œ -œ œ ˙ - re.w

U œ V œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙b Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ w vec- que toi je veux mourir et viv - - - - re.

205 Verb’ éternel par lequel toutte chose Quartine - Part 1 of 4

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Guillaume Guéroult (c.1507-1564)

Cantus b C b C Ó ˙ œ œ j œ ™ w & ˙ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ œ � Verb é --ter nel par le - quel tout - te cho - se A Tenor ˙ œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ™ b C w V b C ˙ ˙ œ œ œ J œ œ Verb é --ter nel par le --quel tout te cho --- se A

Bassus ™ b C w V b C ∑ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ � Verb é --ter nel par le --quel tout te cho - se

6 j j & b œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œn ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ prins son est - r’ et sa cré--- a ti tout- on, sa cré ---a ti on; Ver - be di--- vin de dans le quel. I œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ . œ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ J prins son est - r’ a prins son est - r’ et sa cré - a --ti on; Ver - be di -----vin de dans le quel re po I I

V b Ó ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Ó ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ A prins son est - r’ et sa cré ---a ti on;˙ Ver - be di - vin de-- dans le I

13 j & b œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œn ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ re-- po se Tout --te sa gess’ et bé--- né dic ti - on, et bé---- né dic ti on; Ver - be fait chair

œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ -- se Tout ---te sa ges se, tout --te sa gess’ et bé- né--- dic ti on; Ver - be fait chair par

œ V b œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ quel re-- po se Tout --te sa gess’ et bé ----né dic ti on;˙ Ver - be fait chair par

206 Verb’ éternel par lequel toutte chose - 2

20 œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ & b œ . œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ par l’o - péœ -- raœ œti - et˙ on, beœ fait verœ - chair, be fait chair par l’o---- pé ra ti on

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ ˙ V b œ œ œ œ ˙ œn ‰ œ ˙ œ œn Œ œ œ œ œ l’o---- pé ra ti on, verJ - be fait chair, verbe fait chair, verbe fait chair par l’oJ ---- péJ ra ti on

œ ˙ œ œ œ V b . œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ l’o J - œ œ péœ --- ra ti on,œ ver- beœ fait chair,œ ver - be fait chair par l’o---- pé ra ti on

27 n œ & b ˙. œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ. œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙n Œ Du saint es - prit, du saint es - prit ou tou - te gra --c’ a bon - de, ou I ˙ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙# V b œ ˙ œ ˙ Du saint es - prit, du saint es - prit ou tou - te gra ---c’ a bon de, ou I

œ ˙ V b ˙ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Du saint es - prit, du saint es - prit ou tou - te gra ---c’ a bon de, ou I

33 ˙ & b œ œ œ œ ˙# Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ tou ----te gra c’ a bon de; De toy dé - pend nos------tre sal va ti on, nos tre sal va ti I #œ œ œ# œ œ œ# ˙ ˙# œ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ tou ----te gra c’ a bon de; De toy dé - pend nos------tre sal va ti on, nos tre sal va ti I

œ œ ˙. V b œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ tou ----te gra c’ a bon de; De toy dé - pend nos------tre sal va ti on, nos tre sal va ti I

39 œ œ œ œ & b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ on; Tu as J vain - cu péœ- Jché, J mort, etJ œ œ œ œ le œ œ monœ - de, tu as

œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b J œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ‰ J on; Tu as vain - cu pé- ché, mort, et leJ mon - - - de, tu as vain -

V b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ on; Tu as vain - cuœ pé- ché, mort, et œ œle œ œ mon˙ - de, tu as

207 Verb’ éternel par lequel toutte chose - 3

44 U œ j j œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w J vain - cu péœ- Jché, J mort, etJ œ œ œ œ le œ œ monœ - de.

œ U œ. œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b J œ œ œ œ ˙ w cu pé- ché, mort, et leJ mon - - - - de.

U œ V b œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ w vain - cuœ pé- ché, mort, et œ leœ œ œ mon˙ - de.

Verb’ éternel par lequel toutte chose Eternal word by which all things A prins son estre et sa création; Were given their being and their creation; Verbe divin dedans lequel repose Divine word in which rests Toutte sagess’ et bénédiction; All goodness and benediction; Verbe fait chair par l’opération Word made flesh through the action Du saint esprit ou toute grac’ abonde; Of the Holy Spirit in which all grace abounds; De toy dépend nostre salvation; On you depends our salvation; Tu as vaincu péché, mort, et le monde. You have defeated, sin, death, and the world.

208 Ta déité en nostre chair enclose Quartine - Part 2 of 4

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Guillaume Guéroult (c.1507-1564)

Cantus b C w & b C ∑ ∑ ∑ ˙ ™ Ta déœ --œ i téœ enœ nosœ - treœ � � Tenor œ ™ b C w V b C ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œn œ œ Ta dé-- i té en nostre chair en-- clo se, ta dé-- i té en

Bassus ? ˙ œ. œ ˙ ™ b C w b C Ó œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœœ œ œ ˙ Ta dé-- i té en nostre chair en ----clo se, �

& b ˙ Ó ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ chairœ enœ - clo - se,w ta dé-- i té en nostre chair en-- clo se A

œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ‰ œ nostre chair en --clo se, ta dé-- i té en nostre chair en - clos', enJ nostre chair en-- clo se AJ ra-- che

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ ˙ œ œ ? b Œ œ J ˙ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ta dé-- i té en nostre chair en- clo - se, en nostre chair en-- clo se A ra-- che

13 j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ‰ œ œ œ ra-- che té par un ob - la - ti - on la li --ber té Dont na --tu re fort clo - se A-- voit es

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ V b œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ té, a ra-- che té par un ob ---la ti on la li --ber té Dont na --tu re fort clo ---se A voit es

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ? b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ té, a ra-- che té par un ob ---la ti on la li --ber té Dont na --tu re fort clo - se A-- voit es

209 Ta déité en nostre chair enclose - 2

20 œ œ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ té par sa trans ---gres si on. O Je - su Crist, O Je- su Crist la sa --tis

œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ Ó Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w ˙ ˙ té par sa trans ---gres si on. O Je - su Crist, O Je- su Crist la sa --tis

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ? b œ œ ˙ Ó Œ ˙ Œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ té par sa trans ---gres si on. O Je - su Crist, O Je- su Crist la sa - tis -

28 j & b œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ fac --ti on En fit le sang de ton corps pur et mun - de Car par ta mort, car par ta mort et du -

œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ fac --ti on En fit le sang de ton corps pur et mun - de Car par ta mort, car par ta mort et du -

œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ? b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ fac --ti on En fit le sang de ton corps pur et mun - de Car par ta mort, car par ta mort et du -

& b ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ re pas --si on Tu as J vain - cu péœ- Jché, J mort, et œ œ œ œ le œ œ monœ -

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ V b œ ‰ J œ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ - re pas --si on Tu as vain - cu pé- ché, mort, et leJ mon - - -

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ? b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ - re pas --si on Tu as vain - cu pé- ché, mort, et le mon -

40 U œ œ œ & b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w de, tu as J vain - cu péœ- Jché, J mort, et œ œ œ œ le œ œ monœ - de.

œ U œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ ‰ J J œ œ œ œ ˙ w de, tu as vain - cu pé- ché, mort, et leJ mon - - - de.

œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ U ? b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ w de, tu as vain - cu pé- ché, mort, et le mon - de.

210 Ta déité en nostre chair enclose - 3

Ta déité en nostre chair enclose Your divinity in our flesh enclosed, A racheté par un oblation la liberté Has redeemed, through its sacrifice, the freedom Dont nature fort close From which nature was banished Avoit esté par sa transgression. Because of its transgression. O Jesu Crist la satisfaction O Jesus Christ, the atonement En fit le sang de ton corps pur et munde Made the blood of your body pure and untainted, Car par ta mort et dure passion Because by your death and cruel passion Tu as vaincu péché, mort, et le monde. You have defeated sin, death, and the world.

211 Sur nous tes serfs plus le veil péché Quartine - Part 3 of 4

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Guillaume Guéroult (c.1507-1564)

Cantus b w ˙ œ œ C & b C œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ Œ ™ Sur nous tes serfs plus le viel pé. - ché n’o - se, sur

Tenor w ˙ œ œ ˙ œ ™ b C V b C ∑ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ � Sur nous tes serfs plus le viel pé- ché n’o - se, sur

Bassus ™ b C w V b C ∑ ∑ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ � Sur nous tes serfs, sur nous tes serfs

6 œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ Ó ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙. œ œ nous tes serfs plus le viel pé- chéœ n’o˙ - se˙ Pré --ten dre droict ni do ----miœ na ti on.˙

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ œ nous tes serfs plus le viel pé- ché n’o --se Pré ten - dre droict ni do - mi ---na ti on, ni do - mi ---na ti on. Mort

œ j V b œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ ˙ plus le vielœ péœ - chéœ n’o ---seœ Pré ten dre droict ni do ----mi na ti on, ni doœ ----miœ naœ œti on.

& b Œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ w Œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ Mort par ta mort des - truict a la main clo - se Plus en soi n’a, plus

œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ par ta mort destruict a la main clo - se Plus en soi n’a, plus en soi n’a de

˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ V b ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Mort par ta mort des - truict a la main clo - se Plus en soi n’a de ma---- lé dic ti on, plus

212 Sur nous tes serfs plus le veil péché - 2

20 œ œ œ j œ œ j j j œ œ j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ en soi n’a de ma---- lé dic ti on.œ A- dieuJ le mon - d’ a- dieu leJ mon- deJ etJ son am - biJ --Jti on, et son am - I n œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b . œ œ œn J J Œ J J J J J J ma--- lé dic ti - on. A- dieu le monde, a - dieu le monde et son am -

œ j œ œ j œ œ j œ V b œ œ œ œ œ Ó œ œ œ œ œ œ J en soi n’a de ma---- léœ dicœ œti on.˙ A- dieuJ le monde, a- dieuJ le monJ - d’Jet son am - I

25 j j & b œ œ œ ˙ œ œn œ œ œ œ œn œ œ nœ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ biJ --ti on Plus en ses biens nos --tr’ es poir ne se fonde. En toi seul gist ma dé ----lec ta ti on, ma I

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ V b J J Œ œ ‰ J œ J bi--ti on Plus en ses biens nos --tr’ es poir ne se fon - de. En toi seul gist ma dé ----lec ta ti on, ma I n ˙ j V b œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ biJ --Jti on Plus en ses biens nos --tr’ es poir ne se fonde. En toi seul gist ma dé ----lec ta ti on, ma I

32 œ. & b œ œ œn ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œœœœ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ dé ----lecJ ta ti on. Tu as Jvain --cu péœ Jché, J mort, et œœœ œ le œ œ monœ - de, tu as

œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ. œœœ œ œ œ œ V b J œ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ‰ J œ dé ----lec ta ti on. Tu as vain --cu pé ché, mort, et leJ mon --- de, tu as vain -

V b œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œœœœ œ ˙ œ œ dé ----lecJ ta ti on.˙ Tu as vain --cuœ pé ché, mort, et œœ œ œ le mon˙ - de, tu as

38 U œ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w J vain - cu péœ- Jché, J mort, et œ œ œ œ le œ œ monœ - de.

œ U œ. œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b J œ œ œ œ ˙ w cu pé- ché, mort, et leJ mon - - - - de.

U V b œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ w vain - cuœ pé- ché, mort, et œ œ œ œ le mon˙ - de.

213 Sur nous tes serfs plus le veil péché - 3

Sur nous tes serfs plus le viel péché n’ose On us, your serfs, the old sin does not dare Prétendre droict ni domination. To claim right nor dominion. Mort par ta mort destruict a la main close Death, destroyed by your death, keeps its hand closed; Plus en soi n’a de malédiction. It no longer holds any malediction. Adieu le monde et son ambition Farewell to the world and its ambition, Plus en ses biens nostr’ espoir ne se fonde. Our hope is not founded in its goods anymore. En toi seul gist ma délectation. In you alone rests my delight. Tu as vaincu péché, mort, et le monde. You have defeated sin, death, and the world.

214 Prince Jesus, doux agneau de Syon Quartine - Part 4 of 4

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Guillaume Guéroult (c.1507-1564)

Cantus b ˙ C w & b C ∑ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ™ Prin - ce˙ Je˙ - sus,˙ Prin - ce Je - sus doux ag - neau � Tenor œ ˙ w ™ b C w V b C ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Œ ˙ ˙ œ œ Prin - ce Je - sus, Prin - ce Je - sus doux ag - neau

Bassus ™ b C w V b C ∑ Ó ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ Prin - ce˙ Je - sus, Prin - ce Je - sus doux ag - neauœ �

7 j & b œ œ ‰ œ ˙. œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ w ∑ de Syœ - on, doux ag - neau de Sy - on, doux ag -neau de Sy - on

œ ˙. œ œ œ# œ . Nœ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ V b œ œn œ œ ˙ Œ ˙ œ de Sy - on, doux ag - neau de Sy - on, doux ag - neau de Sy - on De tes lan-geurs le

œ V b œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ de Sy - on,˙ doux ag - neau de Sy - on, doux ag -neau de Sy - on De tes lan - geurs le fruict sur

& b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙. œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙. œ De tes lan - geurs le fruict sur nous re - don- de, de tes lan - de geurs, tes lan - geurs le

˙. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ w œ œ œ V b ˙ œ Œ fruict sur nous re-- don de, de tes lan - geurs le fruict sur nous re-- don de, de tes lan -

œ œ œ œb œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ ˙ w ˙ œ œ nous re- don - de, de tes lan - geurs le fruict sur nous re-- don de, de tes lan -

215 Prince Jesus, doux agneau de Syon - 2

21 ˙ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ fruict sur nous re --don de. Pour nous donner des cieux fru--- i ti on, pour nous donner, pour nous donner des

œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ geurs le fruict sur nous re-- don de. Pour nous don - ner des cieux fru ---i ti on, pour nous don - ner, pour nous don -

œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ geurs le fruict sur nous re-- don de. Pour nous donner des cieux fru--- i ti on, pour nous don - ner, pour nous don -

28 ˙. & b ˙. œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ cieux fru ---i ti on Tu as J vain - cu péœ- Jché, J mort, etJ œ œ œ

œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ. œ œ V b J ‰ J œ œ J œ œ œ œ ner des cieux fru--- i ti on Tu as vain - cu pé- ché, mort, et leJ mon -

œ. œ œ œ œ V b œ œ J œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ ner des cieux fru--- i ti on Tu as vain - cuœ pé- ché, mort, et œ œ

33 U & b œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œœœœ œ œ œ w œ le mon œœ-œ de, tu as Jvain --cu péœ Jché, J mort, Jet œœœ œ le mon œœ-œ de.

œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ. œœœ œ œ U V b œœœ œœ˙ œ ‰ J œ J œ œ œœœ œœ˙ w - - de, tu as vain --cu pé ché, mort, et leJ mon --- de.

U V b œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œœœœ œ w œ œ le mon˙ - de, tu as vain --cuœ pé ché, mort, et œœ œ œ le mon˙ - de.

216 Une pastorelle gentille Part 1 - Paired with “Te souvient il plus du prophète”

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Clément Marot (1496-1544)

Cantus j ˙. b C Ó œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ “ b C & J J J J J J œ J J � U------ne pas to rel le gen ti le, gen ti le, gen ti le Et

Tenor b j j j j ™ b C ˙ & b C Ó ∑ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ � � � U------ne pas to rel le genJ ti le Et

Bassus œ œ œ œ œ œ j j œ œ ™ b C ˙. V b C œ. J J œ J J œ œ œ œ J œ J œ œ ˙ U------ne pas toJ rel le gen ti le,J gen ti le, gen ti le, genJ ti le

5 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œœœ œ œ œ j œ œ & b J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ J J œn œ œ œ œ J œ un berger en un verger, en un verger L’aut - rirJ enJ jou- antJ à laJ bil - le, à la bil -

j j j j j j j j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ j œ j œ œ œ unJ berger enJ Jun ver - ger, en un verger L’autrir en jouant àœ œ laœ bil --le,œ l’aut rir en

œ œ œ œ œ V b Ó Œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó Œ œ œ œ J J œ œ œ Et un berger en un verger L’aut - rirJ enJ jou- antJ à laJ bil -

10 œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ j j & b œ œ œ œ J J œ ‰ œ œ J J J J œ œ. J J J œ. œ œ œ le,J l’autJ - rirJ enJ jouant à laJ bil - le S’enJ ---J tre di soint, pour a----- bre ger, s’en tre di soint, pourJ a-- bre

j j j j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. j j jouant, l’aut rir en jouJ - antJ à la bilJ ----le S’en tre di soint, pourJ Ja----- bre ger, s’en tre diœ soint, pourœ œ a-- breœ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ j V b œ J J J J J J œ œ œ J J ‰ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ le, l’autrir en jouant à la bil - le S’en ---tre di soint, pourJ a-- bre ger, s’en--- treJ J diJ soint, pourJ a-- breJ

217 Une pastorelle gentille - 2

15 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j j œ œ œ œ œ & b ‰ œ J J J J J J J œ œ œ œ œ ‰ J J J œ œ ˙ ger, Ro--- ger Ber ger, Lé giè- re Ber --giè re, C’estJ tropJ à laJ bil --le jou é, c’estJ trop à la bilJ --leJ jouJ é,

œ œ œ j j j j j r j j j j œ œ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ j j j j j œ . œ œ j j œ œ jœ ger, Ro------ger Ber ger, Lé giè reJ BerJ giè re,J C’est trop à la bilœ --leœ jouœ œé, c’estœ tropœ à laœ bil----le jouœ é, ChanJ tonsJ noJ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j œ. œ œ œ j j j œ V b œ œ J J J œ œ œ œ J R J œ œ œ œ œ ger, Ro------ger Ber ger, Lé giè reJ BerJ giè re,J C’estJ trop à la bilJ --leJ jouJ é, c’est tropJ à laJ bil--le jou é, Chan -

20 U œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w & b J J ‰J J J J J œ œ J J J J œ œ œ ‰J J J J J J J œ. Chan-- tons no é, chan ------tons no é, no Jé, noJ é, no é, no Jé, noJ é, chan - tons no ---é, no é, no Jé, noR - é.

j j j j j j j j U & b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ w é, chan-- tonsJ noJ é, no ----Jé, noJ é, no é, no é, chan-- tonsJ noJ Jé, noJ - é, no - é, no - é.

U œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w V b J J ‰J J J J J J J J J œ œ œ ‰J J J J J J J tons no - é, chan-- tons no é, no -----Jé, noJ é, no é, no Jé, noJ é, chantons é, no --é, no é, no - é.

218 Te souvient il plus du prophète Part 2 - Paired with “Une pastorelle gentille”

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Clément Marot (1496-1544)

Cantus ˙. b C œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ “ b C & Ó Ó J J J � Te sou - vient il plus du pro-- phè te Qui * n Tenor b j j j j j ˙ œ j ™ b C ˙. & b C œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ œn œ ‰ œ œ œ Te. sou - vient il plus, te sou - vient Jil plus du pro-- phè te Qui nous dit

Bassus ˙. œ. œ œ œ ˙ œ ™ b C V b C Ó Ó J J J œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ � Te sou - vient il plus du pro-- phè te Qui nous dit

6 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j j & b œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ nous dit un cas de haut faict? Que d’uJ ------neJ pu celJ leJ par fai cte Naist roitJ unJ en - fant tout par -

j j j j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j œ ˙ un cas de haut faict? Que d’u------ne pu J cel le par faiœ cteœ Naist roitœ unœ enœ - fant tout parœ -

œ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ j j V b œ ˙ Œ J J œ œ œ J J œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ un cas de haut faict? Que d’u------ne pu J celJ le par fai cteJ Naist roitJ un en - fant, Que d’uJ - neJ

11 j œ œ œ œ j j j j j j j j œ œ & b œ J J J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ fait, Que d’u----- ne pu celJ leJ par fai cte Naist - roit un en - fant toutJ parfait. L’effect Est

j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ fait, naistroit un en˙ - fantœ tout parœ - fait. L’ef - fect Est fait:œ œLa

œ. j j j œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ pu ----celJ leJ par fai cte Naist-roitJ unJ en - fant tout parfait. L’ef - fect Est fait:

219 Te souvient il plus du prophète - 2

15 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b œ J J J œ œ Œ J J ‰J J J fait: La bel ---le PuJ cel le A un fils du ciel ad --vou é. Chan --tons no é, chan-- tons no

j j j j j j œ œ œ œ j j & b j jœ œ ˙ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œn ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ belœ ---le Pu cel le A un fils duJ ciel ad --vou é. ChanJ -- tonsJ noJ é, chan--- tonsJ noJ é, no

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b J J J ˙ ˙ Œ J J J J J J ‰J J J J J La bel---le PuJ cel le A un fils du ciel ad--vou é. Chan-- tons no é, chan--- tons no é, no

20 œ œ œ U œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w & b J J J J J J œ œ œ ‰J J J J J J J . J é, no ----Jé, noJ é, no é, no Jé, noJ - é, chantons no ---é, no é, no é, no - é.

j j j j j U & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w Jé, noJ ---é, no é, no é, chan- tonsJ noJ - Jé, noJ - é, no - é, no - é.

U œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ w V b J J J J œ œ œ ‰J J J J J J J Jé, noJ ----é, no é, no Jé, noJ é, chantons no - é, no --é, no é, no - é.

220 Sur toutte fleur d’éslite

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus œ œ œ œ œ œ œ “ b C ˙ & b C œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ J Sur toutJ - teJ fleur d’és --li te, sur toutJ - teJ fleur, sur tout - teJ

Tenor b ˙ b C j j j j ™ b C & Ó œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ � Sur tout - te fleurœ d’ésœ --li te,œ sur tout - te fleur,œ

Bassus ™ C ˙ b C ∑ Ó œ œ œ œ ˙ b V J J œ � � Sur tout-te fleur d’és - li -

4 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ & b œ œ ˙ œ J J œ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ‰ œ fleur d’és --li te, sur tout-te fleur d’és - li - te Pas - se la Mar---gue ri te. EnJ

j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ sur tout -te fleurœ d’ésœ --œli te,œ sur toutJ -teJ fleur d’és - li - œœœ te Pas - se la Mar---gue ri te. En

œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ V b œ œ œ œ œ J J œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ te, sur toutJ - teJ fleur, sur tout-te fleur d’és - li - te Pas - se la Mar---gue ri te. En

& b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ beaul --té, bon té, et douceur Pas - se tout --t’ aul tre bel - le fleur. Sa co - leur de grand valeur I

j j j j j & b œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ beaul --té, bon té, et douceur Pas - seœ. tout ---t’ aul tre bel leœ fleur. Sa co - leur deœ grandœ vaœ -- leurœ Don I

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ beaul --té, bon té, et douceur Pas - se tout --t’ aul treJ bel - le fleur. Sa co - leur de grand va-- leur Don I

221 Sur toutte fleur d’éslite - 2

16 ˙ œ œ . j & b Ó œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ Don - n’ à mon cœur vi - ve J vi - gueur Tant qu’a ja - mais m’in --ci I j & b œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ j ˙ Ó j œ œ œ œ œ œ# ˙ œ# n’œà monœ cœur, don - n’ à mon cœur vi - ve . œ viœ - gueur Tant˙ qu’aœ. œ jamais m’in --ci I I

œ œ j ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œb ˙ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ. œ œ n’ à mon cœur, don - n’ à mon cœur vi - ve vi - gueur Tant qu’a ja - mais m’in --ci I I

23 j j j œ œ œ œ œ œ & b œn ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J œ œ ‰ J te D’ai - merJ laJ Mar ---gue ri te, d’ai - mer la MarJ ---gueJ ri te, d’ai -

j j j j j j j j j j & b œ j j j œ j j œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ te D’aiœ - merœ laœ Marœ ---gueœ ri te,œ d’aiœ - merœ laœ Mar ---gue ri te, d’ai - merJ laJ Mar --gue

j j j j œ j j j j j j œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J œ œ te D’ai - merJ laJ Mar ---gue ri te, d’ai - merJ laJ Mar ---gue ri te, d’ai - mer la MarJ ---gueJ ri

26 U œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ & b J J J œ J J œ œ ˙ ˙ w mer la Mar ---gue ri te, d’ai - mer la MarJ -----gueJ ri te.

j j j j j j j j U & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j œ œ œ œ w ri - te, d’ai - merJ laJ Mar ---gue ri te, d’aiœ - merœ la Mar ---gueœ ri œ œ te.

U œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j ˙ V b J J J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ w te,J d’aiJ - mer la Mar ---gue ri te, d’ai - merJ laJ Mar -----gue ri J te.

222 Staet ons bij, Heer, in dese benauden tijden

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus œ œ œ “ b C w & b C Ó ˙ œ œ œ œ J J œ œ ˙ ˙ � Staet ons bij, Heer, in de ---se be nau den tij - den,

Tenor œ œ œ ˙ “ b C w & b C ∑ ˙ œ œ œ œ J J œ œ � Staet ons bij, Heer, in de ---se be nau den tij -

Bassus ˙ ™ b C w V b C ˙ œ œ Ó Ó ˙ œ œ œ œ Staet ons bij, Heer, staet ons bij, Heer, in

5 # œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ j j j & b ˙ Œ œ œ J J ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ staet ons bij, Heer, in de ---se be nau den tij - den, in deJ ----se be nau den tij

j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ Œ œ œ J J œ œ œ œ œ den, in de ----seJ beJ nau den tij den, staet ons bij, Heer, in de ---se be nau den tij - den,

œ œ œ ˙b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙b V b J J œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ J J œ œ ˙ de ---se be nau den tij - den, staet ons bij, Heer, in de ---se be nau den tij - den,

11 j œ œ. œ œ œb j & b œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ Œ J ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ den, En cor-- ri geert ons nijet, en cor-- ri geert ons nijet naer ons mis - da - * # # ˙ œ œ. œ œ œb ˙ œ & b Ó Œ J œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ En cor-- ri geert ons nijet naer ons mis˙ - daœ - œ

* œ œ. œ œ œb V b Œ J œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ En cor-- ri geert ons nijet naer ons mis - da - den, en cor--J ri geert ons nijet naer ons mis da --

223 Staet ons bij, Heer, in dese benauden tijden - 2

17 # j œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ & b œn ‰ œ œ J ˙ œ œ œœœ œ J ˙ œ den. Door ons ver - dienst compt o- ver ons dit lij - den, door ons ver - dienst compt

œ œ œ œ œ œ. j œ œ œ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ J J ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ den. Door ons ver - dienst compt o- ver ons, compt o- ver onsJ ditJ lij - den, doorœ ons ver - dienst compt o- ver

œ œ. œ . V b ˙ Ó ∑ ˙ œ œ œ J œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ den. Door ons ver - dienst compt o- ver ons ditJ lij - den, compt o- ver

23 ˙ œ œ ˙# j œ & b œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ o- ver ons dit lij - den, Heer tis ons schult, Heer tis ons schult, maer neempt ons inJ ge-- nae den, maer

œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ ˙ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ J œ œ ˙ ons dit lij - den, Heer tis ons schult, Heer tis ons schult, maer neempt ons in geJ - nae- den,

œ. œ ˙b ˙ œb ˙ ˙ œ ˙ j j V b œ œ J ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ons dit lij - den, Heer tis ons schult, Heer tis ons schult, maer neempt ons in ge- nae- den,

30 ˙ œ œ œb j œ œ œ œ œ œ & b J œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ J J œ œn neempt ons in ge- naeJ - den. Al heb- benJ wij, al hebben wij U wet ghe -

˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ j ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ & b œ œ œ ‰ J J J œ œ œ J J maer neempt ons inJ geJ -- nae den. Al hebben wij, al heb- benJ wij, al hebben wij U

œ œ œ œ œb ˙ œ œ œ ˙ j ˙ œ œ œ œ œ V b Œ œ J J J œ œ œ J J maer neempt ons inJ ge-- nae den. Al hebben wij, al heb- benJ wij, al hebben wij U

35 œ œ œ œ# œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ j & b ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙# #œ œ œ. œ heel vers --maet, vers maet, Om dijns naems wil wilt ons staen in sta - den. U goet-- heijt bo ven

œ œ œ œ œ œb œ bœ & b ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙# Œ œ œ œn œ. œ wet ghe-- heel vers maet, Om dijns naems wil wilt ons staen in sta - den. U goet-- heijt bo venJ

œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œb œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ. œ V b œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ J wet ghe-- heel vers maet, Om dijns naems wil wilt ons staen in sta - den. U goet-- heijt bo ven

224 Staet ons bij, Heer, in dese benauden tijden - 3

42 # U œ œ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# ˙ ˙ œ œn . . œ œ œ wn al U werc - œ ken gaet, U goetheijt bo- venJ al U werc J - ken gaet.

# U œ œ œ j & b . œ œ œ ˙ ˙# œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ# w al U werc J - ken gaet, U goetheijt boven al U werc - œ ken gaet.

œ œ œ. œ œ U V b œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ J œ ˙ ˙ w al U werc - ken gaet, U goetheijt boven al U wercken gaet.

Staet ons bij, Heer, in dese benauden tijden, Stand by us, Lord, in these oppressive times, En corrigeert ons nijet naer ons misdaden. And condemn us not for our sins. Door ons verdienst compt over ons dit lijden, We deserve the suffering that is upon us. Heer tis ons schult, maer neempt ons in genaeden. It is our fault, Lord, but accept us in mercy. Al hebben wij U wet gheheel versmaet, Although we have scorned your law completely, Om dijns naems wil wilt ons staen in staden. For Your name’s sake, help us. U goetheijt boven al U wercken gaet. Your goodness is the greatest of all your works.

225 Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt gebenedijen

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Translation of Psalms 144 (145) and 110 (111)

Cantus j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ “ b C ˙ & b C ∑ ∑ œ œ œ J J J J � � Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt ge---- be ne dij en, Tenor j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ “ b C ˙ & b C œ œ œ J J J J œ œ œ Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt ge---- be ne dij en, Sij - nen naem be --lij

Bassus ™ b C V b C ∑ ∑ ∑ Ó Œ œ ˙ Ick � � �

5 œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ & b œ J œœœ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ Sij - nen naemJ be - lij - en, sij - nen naem be --lij en, be --lij en met

œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J œ# Ó Œ œ œ -- en, be ---lij en, sij nen naem be--lij en met psal - men tot al - der stont, tot

# n j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ V b œ œ J J J J Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# sal den Heer mijn Godt ge ----be ne dij en, Sij - nen naem be - lij - en met psal - men tot

11 ˙ ˙ ˙ œb œ œ j j & b œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ œ. œ psal - men tot al - der stont, tot al - der stont, tot al - der stont Want hij

œ œ œ œ œ# œ j j j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J J J al - der stont, met psal - men tot al - der stont, tot al - der stont Want hij mijn be-- geert ver hoort tot al-- len tij den

œb œ ˙ œ œ ˙ V b ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ Ó al - der sont, met psal - men tot al - der sont, tot al - der stont

226 Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt gebenedijen - 2

17 # n # j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ & b œ œ J J J J Œ J œ J J Ó Œ mijn be-- geert ver hoort tot al-- len tij den En van alJ - len lij - en, en van al-- len lij en maect

œ j j œ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ En van al - len lij - en, van al - len lij - en, en van allen

j j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b ∑ Ó œ. œ œ œ J J J J Œ œ œ Want hij mijn be-- geert ver hoort tot al-- len tij den En van al - len lij -

23 ˙ ˙ j œ œ œ# œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ hij mijn siel ghesont, mijn siel ghesont, maect hij mijn siel ghe- stont, mijn siel ghesont. Eeu -

˙ œ j j œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙b œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ lij - en, al --len lij en maect hij mijn siel ghe - sont, mijn siel ghesont.

# n œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙b ˙ ˙ V b œ œ œ# ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ - en maect hij mijn siel ghesont, maect hij mijn siel ghe - sont.

29 j œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j & b œ œ œ ‰J J J J J J . œ œ œ wichJ hij sijnJ verJ - bont, eeu - wich hij sijn verJ -- bont be waert alJ -- le ges lacht. Sijn lof salJ uut

j œ j œ œ œ œ & b Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ J J Eeu - wichJ hij sijnJ verJ - bont bewaert, be - waert al-- le ges lacht. Sijn lof sal uut

j œ. œ œ œ V b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ J ˙ Ó Eeu - wichJ hij sijnJ verJ - bont be - waert al-- le ges lacht.

33 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ ˙ & b œ J J J J J J Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ‰ œ mijJ - nenJ mont, sijn lof sal uut mij-nen mont vloeij - en, vloeij --- en dachJ en

œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ œ & b J J J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ ˙ œ mij - nen mont, sijn lof salJ uutJ mijJ -nen mont vloeij - en, vloeijœ œ œ- en˙ dach en # j . œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ ˙ V b Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ Sijn lof salJ uut mijJ -nenJ mont vloeij - - - - en dach en

227 Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt gebenedijen - 3

38 œ œ œ ˙ œ# & b œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ Œ nacht. Mijn siel met al haer cracht sijn lof sal hier ver --clae ren, ver --clae

j & b œ œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ ˙ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ nacht. Mijn siel met al haer cracht sijn lof sal hierJ ver--clae ren,

˙ œ ˙ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ nacht. Mijn siel met al haer cracht sijn lof sal hier ver - clae -

43 ˙ & b ˙ Ó Œ œ œn œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ren, mijn druc ver - sacht. Looft hem, looft hem, ghij aertsche

˙ œ œ œ œ œb ˙ ˙ œ. & b œ# ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Want hij al - leen mijn druc ver - sacht. Looft hem, ghij J aert - sche

˙ œ œ ˙ V b Ó Œ œ ˙ w ˙ œ œ ren, mijn druc ver - sacht. Looft hem, ghij aertsche

48 # U ˙ œ. œ & b ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ# w scha - ren, looft hem, ghij aertJ - sche scha œ- ren. # ˙ ˙ ˙ U & b œ œ œ# œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ wn œ ren, looft hem, looft hem, ghij aertsche scha - ren.

U V b ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ w scha - ren, looft hem, ghij aertsche scha - ren.

Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt gebenedijen, I shall praise the Lord my God, Sijnen naem belijen / met psalmen tot alder stont Professing his name with psalms at all times Want hij mijn begeert verhoort tot allen tijden Because he answers my desires for eternity En van allen lijen / maect hij mijn siel ghesont. And releases my soul from all suffering. Eeuwich hij sijn verbont / bewaert alle geslacht. Eternally he keeps his promise to all people. Sijn lof sal uut mijnen mont / vloeijen dach en nacht. His praise flows from my mouth day and night. Mijn siel met al haer cracht / sijn lof sal hier verclaeren, My soul with its own power will declare his praise here, Want hij alleen mijn druc versacht. For he alone relieves my distress. Looft hem, ghij aertsche scharen. Praise him, you earthly congregation.

228 Ick ben den rechten wijngaert

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Based on Bible, John 15:5-8

Cantus œ œ “ b C ˙ & b C Ó ∑ Œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ “Ick ben den rech --ten wijn gaert, en � � � Tenor b j j ™ C w & b C ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ ‰ j “Ick˙ benœ den rech - ten wijn˙ - gaert,œ en œghijœ œ de rancken, ickœ

Bassus œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ™ b C w V b C Ó ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ � “Ick ben den rech --ten wijn gaert, en ghij de rancken,

6 œ œ ˙ œ œ œb œ œ ˙ ˙ & b ˙. œ œ œ œ œ. œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ghij de rancken, ick ben den rech --ten wijn gaert, en ghij deJ ran - cken,” Sprack Chris- tus tot

j & b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ# œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó benœ den rech --ten wijnœb gaert,œ enœ ghij de ran - cken, en ghij de ran - cken,” Sprack Chris - tus

˙ œ ˙ œ# œ œb œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ w V b ˙ œ J J œ œ ick ben den rech --ten wijn gaert, en ghij de rancken, en ghij de ran - cken,” Sprack Chris - tus

13 # n œ. œ j j œ. œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# ‰ J œ œ Ó Œ der a-- pos - --te len schaer. “Ist dat ghij in mij blijft, ist

& b Ó œ œ œ j j Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ tot˙ der a- posœ œ œ œ --teœ lenœ schaer.˙ “Ist dat ghij in mij blijft, ist dat ghij in

œ œ ˙ œb œ œ œ œ V b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ tot der a - pos - te- len schaer. “Ist dat ghij in mij blijft, ist dat ghij in mij

229 Ick ben den rechten wijngaert - 2

19 ˙ œ œ œb j j & b œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ dat ghij in mij blijft son - der ee - nich wan - cken, Ge - lijck ic in u, soo sult ghijJ voorJ - waer

& b œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœœ ˙ Œ œ œ# œ Nœ mij blijft son - der eeœ. œ - nich wan - cken, Geœ - lijck ic in œu, sooœ sult

œ œ ˙ œ œ# œ V b ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ blijft son --- der ee - nich wan - cken, Ge - lijck ic in u, soo sult ghijJ voorJ -

25 ˙ œb & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ Veel vruch-ten voort brin - gen int o-- pen baer Hier in dit le - ven. En wat ghijJ sultJ bid -

j j j & b œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ghij voor-waer Veel vruch - ten J voort brin ---gen int o pen baer Hier inœ dit le-ven. En watœ ghij sult bid˙ -

œ œ ˙ œ ˙b œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ waer Veel vruch - ten voort brin - gen int o-- pen baer Hier in dit le - ven. En wat ghij sult

32 œ œ œb œ j œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙# & b œ œœœ œ ‰ œ œ œn ˙ Ó - den sijt sonder vaer In mij - nen naem, den Va - der ver-- he ven

œ j j & b Œ œ œn œ ‰ œ# #œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ den˙ sijt sonder vaer In mij - nen naem, den Va - der ver - he - ven Sal œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ œ. œ V b ˙ œ ‰ J œ J bidden sijt sonder vaer In mij - nen naem, den Va - der ver - he - ven Sal J

38 U & b w œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó w œ œ ˙ wn Sal Hij u ghe - ven, sal Hij u ghe - ven.”

# j j j j U & b œœ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ# œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ w œ œ œœ œ Hij u ghe - ven, salœ œ œ œ œ œœ œ Hij u ghe - ven.”

œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ U V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ w Hij u ghe - ven, sal J Hij u ghe - ven.”

230 Ick ben den rechten wijngaert - 3

“Ick ben den rechten wijngaert, en ghij de rancken,” “I am the true vine, and you are the branches,” Sprack Christus tot der apostelen schaer. Spoke Christ to the gathered apostles. “Ist dat ghij in mij blijft sonder eenich wancken, “If you remain in me without the smallest doubt, Gelijck ic in u, soo sult ghij voorwaer As I stay in you, then you shall surely Veel vruchten voort bringen int openbaer Bear many fruits for all to see Hier in dit leven. Here in this life, En wat ghij sult bidden sijt sonder vaer And all that you pray for without fear In mijnen naem, den Vader verheven In my name, the exalted Father Sal Hij u gheven.” Shall give to you.”

231 Die onder Gods beschermsel is geseten

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) First line from a translation of Psalm 90 (91) in Souterliedekens (1540)

Cantus œ œ œ œ “ b C w & b C ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ Die onder Gods be --scherm sel is ge --se ten, die onder

Tenor b œ ™ b C ˙ & b C Ó Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Dieœ onœ - derœ Gods beœ -- schermœ sel is ge --se ten, is ge --se � � Bassus œ œ œ œ œ œ ™ b C ˙ V b C Ó ∑ Ó Œ œ œ œ � � Die onder Gods be --scherm sel is ge -

6 œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ N & b œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œœœ w Ó ˙ Gods be-- scherm sel is ge --se ten, is ge - se - ten; Die

n # n b œ œ œ & œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ j œ œ -- ten, die onder Gods be - scherm-sel is ge - se - œ œ œ œ- œ# ten;œ Dieœ sidtœ seer vast, nijetœ

˙ œ œ ˙ V b ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ se - ten, die onder Gods be-- scherm sel is ge --se ten; Die sidt seer vast,

12 œN . œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ J œ Œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ œ Œ sidt seer vast, nijet en mach hem hier sca - den, die sidt seer vast, nijet en mach hem hier sca - den, nijet

j j & b œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ en mach hem hier sca - den, nijet en mach hem hier sca - den, dieœ sidt seer vast, nijet en mach

œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ V b Ó ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ die sidt seer vast, nijet en mach hem hier sca - den, die sidt seer vast, nijet en mach

232 Die onder Gods beschermsel is geseten - 2

18 œ ˙ œ œ œ œ# ˙ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ & b J J Ó Œ J œ œ œ œ œ en mach hem hier sca - den. Is God met hem, al waer hij schier ver --be ten, al

œ j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ j ‰ œ hem hier sca œœ -˙ den.œ Is God met hem, is God met hem, al waer hij schierœ verœ -- beœ œ ten, al

œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ V b ˙ ˙ Œ J œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ hem hier sca - den. Is God met hem, al waer hij schier ver --be ten, is God met hem, al

24 œ œ j œ œ & b œ œ# ˙ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ waer hij schier ver --be ten, Hij wint den strijt, sijn hertJ isJ on - be --la

j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ# œ œn œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ# waer hij schier ver --be ten, Hij wint den strijt, sijn hert is on --be la œ -

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ V b œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ waer hij schier ver --be ten, Hij wint den strijt, sijn hert is on ---be J la

29 œ œ œ œ j œ œ ˙ œb & b œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ ‰ œ œ œ œ den. Sijn ooch al - leen op Gods ghe --bo den siet, Die hem wel sal tot al - der

j j œ & b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ. Œ œ œ œ œ den. Sijnœ ooch J alleen op Godsœ œ œ gheœ -- boœ denœ siet,˙ Die hem wel sal tot

œ œ œ œ œ. œ œb œ œ V b ˙ Œ J J œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ den. Sijn ooch alleen opJ J GodsJ ghe-- bo den siet, Die hem wel sal tot al - der

34 j œ œ œ œ & b œ ˙ œ œ ‰ œ œ œn œ œ œn œ# œ œ œ# œ œ œ# œ Nœ œ œ œ œ œ tijt be-- ra den En hem ver --blij - den, en hem ver ----blij

j j j & b œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ‰ œ œ œ# œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ alJ - derJ tijt be-- ra den En hem verœ --blijœ œ -œ den,œ en hemœ verœ - blij œ œ - den,œ

œ ˙b V b œ ˙ Ó ∑ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ tijt be ra -- den En hem ver - blij - den,

233 Die onder Gods beschermsel is geseten - 3

39 U œ œ œ ˙ œb . œ œ œ & b ‰ J . œ œ œ ˙ œ œ J wn den, al waer hijJ int verdriet, al waer hij int ver - driet.

# U & b œ ˙ œ œ# œ œ œ œ# w w w al waer hij int ver -œ driet.

U ˙ œ œ œ œb ˙ œb . œ ˙ œ V b ˙ J . w al waer hij int verdriet, al waer hij int ver - driet.

Die onder Gods beschermsel is geseten; He who is under God’s protection is comforted; Die sidt seer vast, nijet en mach hem hier scaden. His place is secure, and nothing can harm him there. Is God met hem, al waer hij schier verbeten, Although almost torn apart, if God is with him Hij wint den strijt, sijn hert is onbeladen. He wins the battle, his heart is at peace. Sijn ooch alleen op Gods gheboden siet, His eye is fixed only on God’s commandments, Die hem wel sal tot alder tijt beraden Which will always give him counsel En hem verblijden, al waer hij int verdriet. And make him happy, even in sorrow.

234 Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Translation of “Susanne un jour” by Guillaume Guéroult (c.1507-1564)

Cantus œ# œ ˙# œb “ b C w & b C ˙ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ ˙ Su-- san na schoon, Su-- san na schoon, Su --san na schoon

Tenor b j n œ ™ b C ˙ & b C Œ œ# œ œ# ‰ œ œ œ ˙ ˙n œ œ œ Suœ -- san na schoon, Su-- san na schoon, Su --san na schoon ginck � Bassus œb ˙ œ ™ b C w V b C ∑ ˙ œ ˙ œ ˙ � Su --san na schoon, Su --san na schoon

5 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# & b Œ œ œ œ J J ginck op ee ---nen be qua men dach In haers mans hof, in haers mans hof om haer te ba -

j j & b Aœ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ op ee - nen be-- qua men dach Inœ haers mansœ hof, in haers mans hof, inJ haersJ mansJ hof om haerJ teJ ba -

˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ V b œ Œ Œ ˙ œ œ J J J œ ginck op ee ---nen be qua men dach In haers mans hof, in haers mans hof om haer teJ ba -

11 œ œ œ œb œ j œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b ‰ œ œ œ œ J œ J J den. Als sij ij - doon, als sij ij - doon meijn - de dat haer nijemant en sach, Qua-men twee ou -

# n b œ j œ j & œ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ j œ den. Als sij ij - doon, als sij œij œ œ- œ œ# doonœ meijn - de dat haer nije - mant en sach, Quaœ -men

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ V b œ œ ‰ J œ ˙ Œ J œ den. Als sij ij - doon, als sij ij - doon meijn - de dat haer nije - mant en sach,

235 Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach - 2

16 ˙ j œ ˙ ˙ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ders, qua - menJ twee ouders haer ver --ra den. Sij spra --cken sec reet en stil - le:

j œ œ œ ˙ & b œ œ œ œ œ ˙n œn Œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙# œ œ twee, qua - menJ twee ou - ders haer ver --ra den. Sij spra --cken sec reet en stil - le: “Vol -

œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ V b J J Œ ˙ œ ‰ J Qua -men twee ou - ders haer ver --ra den. Sij spra --cken sec reet en stil - le: “Vol-

& b ∑ Ó ŒŒ Œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ. œ œ Œ ˙ “Vol- bringt hier nu on - sen wil - le.” Dies such - teJ sij, dies

# j j & b œ œ œ œ. œ œ# œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ# ˙ ˙# Œ œ œ œ# ˙ bringt hier nu˙ onœ -sen wil œ- le, volœ - bringt hier nu on - sen wil - le.” Dies such - te sij,

˙ j j ˙ ˙ œb œ œ ˙ V b œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ bringt hier nu on - sen wil - le, vol - bringt hier nu on - sen wil - le.” Dies such - te sij,

29 ˙b ˙ œb & b Œ œ ˙ ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ such - te sij met droefheijt groot: “Doen ic dit werck, mij naect den

& b ˙. œ ˙ ˙# ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ œ such - te sij met droefheijt groot: “Doen ic ditJ werck, mij naect den doot;

˙ ˙ ˙b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b . œ ˙ ‰ J œ œ œ œ œ such - te sij met droefheijt groot: “Doen ic dit werck, doen ic dit werck, mij naect den

35 ˙ . & b œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ Ó ˙ ˙ œ œ doot; Doen icx niet, doen icx niet, ken sals nijet ontgaen. Wee mij, den anxt

& b Œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙. œ ˙ ˙# Ó Œ œ œ ˙ Doenœ icx niet,œ doenœ icx niet,œ œ œ ken sals nijet ontgaen. Wee mij, denœb

˙ œ œ œ ˙ V b Œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙. œ ˙ ∑ ∑ doot; Doen icx niet, ken sals nijet ontgaen.

236 Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach - 3

42 œ ˙ ˙b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ & b œ œ œ Ó Ó œ œ ‰ J heeft mij be - vaen, wee mij, den anxt heeft mij be - vaen, wee mij,

j j & b b œ œ œ œ œ b w œ œ anxtœ heeftœ mij be - vaen, wee mij, denœb anxtœ heeftœ mijœ beœ - vaen, weewb mij,œ denœ anxt heeft mijœ

˙b V b Ó ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó ∑ ˙ ˙ Wee mij, den anxt heeft mij be - vaen, wee mij,

48 œb ˙ ˙ œ ˙ œb œ & b œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ den anxt heeft mij bevaen, wee mij, den anxt heeft mij bevaen. Noch- tans ist

# & b œ œ Ó ˙ ˙# Œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ# w bevaen, wee mij, wee mij, den anxt heeft mij be -œ vaen.

˙ ˙b ˙ œ ˙ œ ˙ V b œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ den anxt heeft mij bevaen, wee mij, den anxt heeft mij be - vaen. Noch -

54 ˙ œ œ. œ œ & b œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ. œ œ mij be - ter, noch tans ist mij be - ter ter doot - waert, ter doot- waertJ te kee -

j j & b œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ Noch˙ - tans ist mij be - ter, noch tans ist J mij be - ter ter. doot - waert te kee -

˙. ˙b . ˙b V b œ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ tans ist mijJ be - ter, noch tans ist mij be - ter ter doot - waert te

60 ˙b & b ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œn œ œ œ. œ ˙ ˙ -- ren, Dan te son - di- ghen int aen - schou - wen desJ Hee - ren, # j j & b œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ -- ren, Dan te son - di- ghen int aen - schou - wen des Hee - œ ren, dan

˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ V b ˙ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ kee - ren, Dan te son --di ghen int aen --schou wen des Hee - ren, dan

237 Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach - 4

65 U & b ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ. œ ˙ wn dan te son --di ghen int aen --schou wen desJ Hee - ren.”

# # j j U & b œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ w te son-- di ghen int aen - schou - wen des Hee œ- ren.”

œ œ œ ˙ œ œb bœ œ U V b œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ w te son- di - ghen int aen --schou wen des Hee --- ren.”

Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach Susanna fair went one fine day In haers mans hof om haer te baden. Into her husband’s garden to bathe. Als sij ijdoon meijnde dat haer nijemant en sach, As she did, thinking that no one saw her, Quamen twee ouders haer verraden. Two elders came to harass her. Sij spracken secreet en stille: They spoke, secretly and softly: “Volbringt hier nu onsen wille.” “Do as we wish, here and now.” Dies suchte sij met droefheijt groot: At this she sighed with great sadness: “Doen ic dit werck, mij naect den doot; “If I do as you ask, my death is imminent; Doen icx niet, ken sals nijet ontgaen. And if I do not, I still will not escape death. Wee mij, den anxt heeft mij bevaen. Woe is me, fear has seized me. Nochtans ist mij beter ter dootwaert te keeren, Yet, it is better to choose death Dan te sondighen int aenschouwen des Heeren.” Than to sin in the eyes of the Lord.”

238 Judith seer vroom die is getreden

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Based on Bible, Judith 13-15

Cantus “ b C w & b C Ó Ó ˙ œ œn œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ � Ju - dith seer vroom die is ge-- tre den, Ju - dith seer

Tenor b C ˙ b C Œ ‰ j œ ™ b & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ# œ œ œ � Ju - dith seer vroom, Ju - dith seer vroom die is ge-- tre den, Ju - dith seer

Bassus ™ b C V b C ˙ œ œ ˙ ∑ ∑ ˙ œ œn w Ju - dith seer vroom, Ju - dith seer

6 œ œ œ. œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ w & b J œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œn œ vroom die is ge --tre den Naer Ho---lo fer num, die sij droncken vont,

# n b j & ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ ˙# Œ vroom die is ge- tre œ. - œ œ œ# den˙ Naer Ho ---loœ fer num,œ die sij droncken vont, Sijnœ

œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ# œ V b œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ J J vroom die is ge --tre den Naer Ho ---lo fer num, die sij droncken vont, Sijn hooft heeft sij

13 b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. & b Œ œ œ# œ J J œ œ J J J J œ# œ œ œ Sijn hooft heeftJ sijJ af ---ges ne den, sijn hooft heeft sij af ---ges ne den Met cloecken moet ter sel - J

j j j j j j j & b œ œ# œ œ œ j j œ œ# œ œ. œ œ# œ N˙ œ ˙ œ œ hooft heeft sij af ---ges neœ den,œ sijnœ hooft, sijn hooft heeft sij af ---ges neœ den Metœ cloec - ken moet ter

œ œ j j œ œ œ j ˙ œb V b J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ J œ œ Œ œ œ ˙ af ---gesJ ne den, heeft sij afJ ---gesJ ne den, sijn hooft heeftJ sijJ af ---ges ne den Met cloecken moet

239 Judith seer vroom die is getreden - 2

18 * œ. œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ & b œ œ ˙ œ ˙ Œ œ J ˙ Œ J J - ver stont. Be ---thu li a, Be------thu li a, Be thu li a, van de vic to ri en

n j j œ œ ˙ & b œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ. œ ˙ œ œ. œ œ œ œn œ selœ - ver. œ œ stont.˙ Be------thu liœ a, Be thuJ Jli a, Be ---thu Jli a, van---- de vicJ to Jri en

* œ. œ œ. œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ J ˙ Œ œ J J ter sel - ver stont. Be--- thu li a, Be ------thu li a, Be thu li a, van de vic ---to ri en

25 ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ & b Œ œ œ œ J J J œ œ œœ ˙ ˙ Ó Ó Œ Heeft Godt gedanct met vie-- ri gher be --- den, Hem

œ œ j j j & b Œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œn œ œ œ j j œ. œ j œ j œ Heeft Godt gedanct met vie---J ri gherJ be den, met vieœ ---œ ri gherœ beœ den,œ# Hemœ ghe-- ven deœ groot eerœ enœ glo--œ ri

œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ j j œ œ V b Œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J œ# Heeft Godt gedanct met vie--J ri gherJ be --- den, Hem ghe --J venJ de grootJ eer en glo--J ri

31 U œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ w & b J J J J J J œ ˙ œ ghe-- ven de groot eer en glo--J ri en, Lof sanck en - de prijs in ee ---wi che den.

U j j j & b œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ# œ œ œ ˙ w en,œ groot eer en gloœ --œ ri en, Lofœ sanckœ œ œ œ œ en - de prijs in ee ---wi che den.

œ œ œ œ U V b ˙ Ó œ œ œ ˙. œ ˙ œ œ œ œ# ˙ w en, Lof sanck en - de prijs in ee ---wi che den.

* The simultaneous sounding of A and B should be retained. See editorial notes for discussion. b

240 Wij lesen in Esdras vanden wijn

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Based on Bible, First Book of Esdras 3-4

Cantus œ œ œ œ r j j œ œ œ œ “ b C w & b C ˙ J J œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J J J Wij le --sen in Es dras vanden wijn, wij le ---sen in Es dras van den

Tenor b j j j C w & b C Ó œ œ œ œ œ. œ r j œ œ ™ Wij˙ le - sen in Es - drasœ vanœ œ-œ denœ wijnœ Enœ vanœ -- denœ co ninck � Bassus œ œ œ ™ b C V b C Ó ∑ ˙ J J œ œ œ œ w Wij le - sen in Es - dras vanden � �

5 j j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ ŒŒ œ# J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ wijnJ En van-- den coJ ninckJ fijn, Maer dat de vrouJ --wen vro merJ sijn En ex---- ceJ lenJ ter ghe

j j j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙# Œ fijn, en vanJ - den co - ninck fijn, MaerJ dat de vrou - wen vro œ œ œ- merœ sijn Enœ exœ -

j j j œ œ œ œ œ ˙ j j V b œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ wijn En van-- den coJ ninckJ fijn, Maer dat de vrou - wen vro - mer sijn En ex--- ceJ lenJ

9 œ œ œ œ œ ˙b ˙ œ j j œ œ œ & b œ. œ œ J J J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ J J pre - sen, en ex ----ce len terJ gheJ pre - sen, enJ exJ -----ceJ lenJ terJ gheJ pre sen. Sij ver-- blij den den

# j j j j œ & b œ œ j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ# ˙ Œ j j ce---- len terœ gheœ pre. sen, en ex--- ce len ter ghe - pre - œ sen. Sijœ verœ -

j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ V b œ œ œ. œ J J J J œ œ œ œ J J J J œ œ w ter ghe-- pre sen, en ex----- ce len terJ gheJ pre sen, en ex -----ce len terJ gheJ pre sen.

241 Wij lesen in Esdras vanden wijn - 2

14 œ j j r œ œ œ j j j œ ˙ & b œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ men -sche door haeJ -- ren soe ten schijn, door haeren soe - ten schijnJ En brengen utJ gheJ - pijn.

j j j j j r j j j j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ . œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ blij- den den men - scheœ doorœ hae-- renœ soeœ œ tenœ schijnœ Enœ brenœ - genœ ut ghepijn, en brenJ - gen ut ghe-- pijn. VerJ staet

j j œ œ œ œ j j j j j œ œ œ V b Ó Œ œ œ J J œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ Sij ver --blij den den men - sche door haeJ -- renR soeJ tenJ schijn, en brengen utJ gheJ - pijn. Ver -

18 œ œ j j œ œ & b Œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ J J œ œ Ver - staet de woorJ -- de kensJ mijn, Een vrouJ isJ boven alJ verR -- he ven, een vrou is boJ - venJ

j j j r & b œ œ œ œ ˙# Œ œ œ j j œ œ œ œ œ de woor-- de kensœ œ ˙ mijn, Eenœ vrou is boœ - venœ al . ver-- he ven, een

œ œ œ ˙ j j œ œ œ œ œ V b œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ J J staet de woor-- de kens mijn, Een vrouJ isJ boven alJ verR --he ven, een vrou is

22 œb . œ ˙ œ j j œ. œ & b J œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ J al ver-- he ven, boJ - venJ al ver --he ven, Een wij-- seJ vrouJ we goet Ver - licht sin

œ œ j j j j j j j j j œ œ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ ˙ ˙ œ J œ Œ ˙ vrouJ isJ boJ - ven al ver-- he ven, boven al ver --he ven, Een wijJ -- se vrouJ weJ goet Ver -

œ œ œb . œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ j j œ V b J œ J J ˙ Ó Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ boJ - venJ al ver-- he ven, boven al ver --he ven, Een wij-- seJ vrouJ we goet Ver -

27 œb œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j œ œ j j œ œ œ œ & b Œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ J J en - deJ moet, Haer woor---- de kensJ di vijJ ne Sijn de mansJ eenJ me ---de cij ne, sijn de

j j j j j & b œ œ œ œ ˙ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙# Œ j œ œ j j œ œ œ licht sinJ enJ -de moet, HaerJ woor--- de kens di vijœ œ ˙ - ne Sijnœ deœ mans een meœ ---deœ cij.

œ œ œ œ j j j j V b œ œ J J ˙ Œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ lichtJ sinJ en -de moet, Haer woor---- de kens di vij ne Sijn de mansJ eenJ me ---de cij ne,

242 Wij lesen in Esdras vanden wijn - 3

32 œ œ ˙b ˙ U & b J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ wn mans een meJ ---deJ cij - - ne, sijnJ deJ mansJ eenJ meJ --deJ cij - ne.

# U j j œ œ j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ# w ne, sijn de mansJ eenJ meJ --de cij - - - - œ - ne.

U œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ V b J J J J œ J J J J w sijn de mans een meJ --deJ cij - ne, sijn de mans een meJ --deJ cij - ne.

Wij lesen in Esdras vanden wijn We read in Esdras of wine En vanden coninck fijn, And of the fine king, Maer dat de vrouwen vromer sijn But that women are more virtuous En excelenter ghepresen. And praised as even greater. Sij verblijden den mensche door They gladden us with haeren soeten schijn their sweet appearance En brengen ut ghepijn. And free us from pain. Verstaet de woordekens mijn, Understand my words: Een vrou is boven al verheven, A woman is the greatest of all things, Een wijse vrouwe goet A wise and good woman Verlicht sin ende moet, Illuminates the mind, Haer woordekens divijne Her divine words Sijn de mans een medecijne. Are a medicine to mankind.

243 Schoon lief wat macht u baeten

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) No. 206 “Een nyeu Liedeken” from the Antwerps liedboek (1544)

Cantus œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ “ b C w & b C Ó Ó ˙ ˙ œ J J œ � Schoon lief wat macht u baeten, wat macht u bae - ten Dat

Tenor b w ™ b C & b C ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ Schoon lief wat macht u baeten, schoon lief wat macht u bae - ten Dat

Bassus œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ™ b C w V b C ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ Schoon lief wat macht u baeten, schoon lief wat macht u bae - ten Dat

6 œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó Œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ghij mij al ---dus per se queert? Op u was mijn ver --lae ten, op u was mijn ver --lae ten,

j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ghij mij al ---dus per se queert, dat ghij mij al ---dusœ perœ seœ queert, per --se queert? Op u was mijn ver --laeœ ten, op

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ ‰ J œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ghij mij al ---dus per se queert, dat ghij mij al ---dus per se queert, per --se queert? Op u was mijn ver --lae ten, op

13 œ œ œ œ & b ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó op u was mijn ver --lae ten Maer laes ick ben ghe--- re fu seert, maer laes ick ben ghe--- re fu seert.

j j j & b œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ u was mijn ver --lae ten Maerœ laesœ ickœ ben gheœ --- reœ fuœ seert,œ maer laes ick benœ ghe--- re fuœ seert. U a-- mou reus’,J u

œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J œ u was mijn ver --lae ten Maer laes ick ben ghe--- re fu seert, maer laes ick ben ghe--- re fu seert. U a--- mou reu

244 Schoon lief wat macht u baeten - 2

20 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œœœ & b J J ‰ J J J œn U a--- mou reu sich we - sen, u a---- mou reuJ sichJ we sen, En hebdij mij noijt ver -

j œ j j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. ˙ ˙ Ja--- mou reu sich we - sen, u a--- mou reu sich weœ œ œ- œ sen,œ En hebdij mijœ noijt ver -

œ œ œ j j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ V b œ œ œ œ J J J œ œ Œ œ sich we - sen, u a- mou- reus’, u a- mou-- reuJ sichJ we - sen, En hebdij mij noijt verleent.

25 w œ œ œ & b ∑ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ leent. Hoe soudt ghij mij troost ge - ven, hoe soudt ghij mij troost

& b œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ w Œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ leent. Hoe soudt ghij mij troost ge - ven, hoe soudt ghijœ mijœ troost ge - ven, hoe soudt ghij

œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ V b Œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ Hoe soudt ghij mij troost ge - ven, hoe soudt ghij mij troost ge - ven, hoe soudt ghij mij troost

31 ˙ ˙ œ œ U & b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ w ge - ven, Als ther - te nijet en meijnt, als ther - te nijet en meijnt?

j U & b œ j œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w mij troostœ geven, Als ther - te nijet en. œ œœ meijnt, als ther - te nijet en. œ œœ meijnt?

˙ ˙ U V b œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ w ge - ven, Als thert’, Als ther - te nijet en meijnt, als ther - te nijet en meijnt?

245 Tot u, o Heer inden hemel vol eeren Part 1 - Paired with “Ontfermt ons dan Heere, wilt ons ontfermen”

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Translation of Psalm 122 (123)

Cantus ˙ œ œ œ œ œ “ b C w & b C Ó Ó ˙ œ œ ˙ Œ � Tot u, o Heer in - den he - mel vol

Tenor b j j j ™ b C w & b C Ó Œ œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ Aœ. œ œ œ œ Tot˙ œ u, œ o Heer in --den he mel vol ee - � � Bassus œ œ œ œ œ. œ ™ b C V b C ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œœ w Tot u, o Heer in - den he - mel vol ee -

6 ˙b ˙ œ œ œ# œ ˙ Nœ œ œ œ & b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ee - ren, tot u, o Heer in - den he - mel vol ee --- ren, Heb # j & b œ œœœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ - ren, tot u, œ œ o Heer in - den he - mel vol ee - œ ren, Heb

˙b œ œ œ œ# œ ˙ ˙b ˙ œ V b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ - ren, vol ee - ren, tot u, o Heer in --den he mel vol ee - ren, Heb

12 ˙ œ ˙b & b œ ˙ œn ˙ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ic mijn ooghen ghe-- he ven, ghe-- he ven. Siet als den knecht,

j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ic mijn oo--- ghen ghe he ven, heb ic mijn˙ oo˙ - ghen ghe --he ven. Siet, œ siet als

œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ Œ ˙ œ œ œn ˙ œ œ ˙ Œ œ ic mijn ooghen ghe-- he ven, heb ic mijn oo - ghen ghe-- he ven. Siet als

246 Tot u, o Heer inden hemel vol eeren - 2

19 j j œ & b ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ ‰ œ œ siet als den knecht altijt is si - en-de, is si --en de Op die han -

n # j & b œ œ œ Nœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ# den knecht al˙ - tijt œ œ œ is si œ œ œ- œ œ en --de,œ alœ tijt œ œ œ œ isœ si en -- de

œ œ œ . V b œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ den knecht al - tijt is si ---enJ de, al tijt is si J--en de Op

26 # n ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ & b J J J œ Œ Ó J J J J œ œ œ den sijns hee - ren En op huer vrou-wen han - den die maerte

j b ∑ œ œ œ œ j & œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ Op˙ dieœ hanœ - den sijns hee - ren En op huer vrou-wen handen

œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ V b œ œ J J J J die handen sijns heeren, sijns hee - ren En op huer vrou-wen handen

31 # n œ œ œ œ & b ˙ Ó ˙. œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ# ˙ Œ œ œ œ slecht, Al - soo hebben wij ons ooghen op si - en - ghe - hecht, al --soo heb

j & b œ œ# œ. Nœ Ó ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ ˙ œ œ œ dieœ maerte slecht, œ˙ Al - soo heb- benœ wij ons oo - œ œ œ ghen,˙ al --soo heb

œ. œ œb œ . V b œ œ œ œ ˙. œ J œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó ˙ œ œ œ œ die maerte slecht, die maer - te slecht, die maer J - te slecht, Al - soo hebben

38 œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ & b J J œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ# - ben wijJ onsJ oo - ghen op si - en - de ghe - hecht Tot on - sen Godt in al ons suchten en ker -

j j j j & b œ œ œ œ ˙# #œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙# œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ - JbenJ wij ons oo - ghen op si ---en de ghe hecht Tot on - sen Godt in al œ œ onsœ# suchœ --ten en ker men,

˙ ˙ œ œ œ# œ œb œ ˙ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ wij ons oo - ghen op si ---en de ghe hecht Tot on - sen Godt in al ons such-ten en kermen, in

247 Tot u, o Heer inden hemel vol eeren - 3

45 U œ œb . œ ˙ & b œ J ˙n Œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ w men, en ker - men Tot dat hem be --lie ve on - ser ton-- fer men.

j U & b Œ œ# œ. nœ ˙ œ œ en ker - ˙b men˙ Tot. datœ hemœ be˙ --lieœ œ ve˙ onœ ---ser ton fer˙ men.w

U œb œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙. œ œ œ œ ˙ w V b ˙ ˙n œ ˙# œ œ al ons such - tenJ enJ ker - men Tot dat hem be --lie ve on - ser ton-- fer men.

Tot u, o Heer inden hemel vol eeren, To you, O Lord, in honorable heaven Heb ic mijn ooghen gheheven. I have lifted my eyes. Siet als den knecht altijt is siende Looking like the servant always looks Op die handen sijns heeren At the hands of his lord, En op huer vrouwen handen die maerte slecht, And the simple maiden looks at the hands of her lady; Alsoo hebben wij ons ooghen op siende ghehecht Thus we have our eyes raised, fixed Tot onsen Godt in al ons suchten en kermen To our God, in all our sighs and groans. Tot dat hem believe onser tonfermen. To those who believe in him mercy will be granted.

248 Ontfermt ons dan Heere, wilt ons ontfermen Part 2 - Paired with “Tot u, o Heer inden hemel vol eeren”

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Translation of Psalm 122 (123)

Cantus “ b C › & b C Ó ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ � Ont - fermt ons dan Hee - re, wilt ons ont -

Tenor b b C ™ b C w & ˙ ˙ ˙. œ Ont˙ - fermtœ onsœ dan Hee - re,˙ wilt˙ ons ont --fer˙ men,œ ontœ -

Bassus ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ j ™ b C w V b C ∑ œ œ ˙ œ. œ œ œ � Ont- fermt ons dan Hee - re, wilt ons ont -

6 ˙ & b ˙. œ œ w . Œ ˙ œ œn œ Œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙. œ fer - men, Want wij vervult sijn, want wij ver - vult sijn met ver -

# & b ˙. œ w# . œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ fer - œ men, Want˙ wij verœ - vult sijn,œ want wij verœ - vult œœ œ œ œ œ ˙ sijn˙

˙ w œ V b œ œ œ œ . ∑ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ fer - men, Want wij ver - vult sijn, want wij vervult sijn met

13 œ œ# œ œ #œ œ ˙# œ œ œ & b œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œœœ smaet- heijt groot, met ver - smaet - heijt groot, met ver - smaet - heijt groot, met ver -

& b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ Ó met˙. verœ --smaet heijt groot, met ver --smaet heijt groot, met ver - smaet - heijt groot.

˙ œb ˙b V b œ œ œ œ w w Œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ver --smaet heijt groot. Ons siel is vol be --nau theijts,

249 Ontfermt ons dan Heere, wilt ons ontfermen - 2

19 œ ˙ j œ œ œ œ œ & b œ. œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ smaet J - heijt groot. Ons siel is vol be-- nau theijts tot de - sen

& b ˙ Œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ# Œ œ œ œ Ons siel˙ œ isœb volœ beœ --nau˙b theijts,˙ onsœ sielœ is vol beœ --œ nau theijts tot deœ œ -

˙ ˙ œ j ˙ œ œ œ V b ˙ œ œn œ œ ˙ œ ˙# œ œ œ. œ ˙ œ œ œ œ is vol be --nau theijts, ons siel is vol be-- nau theijts tot de -

26 œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ & b œ ‰ œ œ J J ‰ œ J J J œ œ ter - mijn. Van tverJ - wijt des vijants, van tverwijt des vij - ants die ons tot - ter doot

j j j & b œ œ ˙ ˙ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ - sen ter - mijn. Van tver - wijt des vijJ - ants, van tver- wijtJ des vijJ - ants die ons tot -

œ œ ˙b œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ V b J œ œ J J ‰ œ J J J - sen ter - mijn. Van tverJ - wijt des vij - ants, van tver - wijt des vijants die ons tot -

31 j œ œ œ & b Œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ Œ J J œ Œ œ ˙ Eeu - wichJ verJ - volcht, eeu - wichJ vervolcht, eeu --wich ver volcht. Aen- siet # j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# ˙ ter dootJ EeuJ --wich ver volcht, eeu - wich verœ - volcht,œ eeuœ - wich vervolcht, eeu - wich verœ- volcht.

j œ œ œ V b œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ Œ J J œ Œ œ ter doot Eeu --wichJ verJ volcht, eeu --wichJ ver volcht, eeu --wich ver volcht. Aen -

35 œ œ œ j & b ˙ ˙ œ# ˙ œ w Ó ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ on - sen noot, on - sen noot, En wilt ons van sijn tijJ --ranJ nij e beJ -- vrij -

j j j j j j j & b Œ œ ˙ ˙. œ œ œ# Ó œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ Aen- siet on - sen noot, En˙ wilt onsœ vanœ sijnœ tij - ran-- nij e, en wiltœ ons van sijn

˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ j œ œ j œ œ V b œ œ# ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J - siet on - sen noot, En wilt ons van sijn tijJ -----ranJ nij e beJ vrij en, en wiltJ ons van sijn

250 Ontfermt ons dan Heere, wilt ons ontfermen - 3

41 œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙. œ & b ˙ Œ œ œ Œ œ œ J J ‰ J œ œ en. Staet ons bij Heer, staet ons bij Heer in de ----se be nau de tij den, staet ons bij Heer in

j b j j j Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & œ œ œb œ j œ œ œ œ J J œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ tij -----ran nij e beœ vrij en.˙ Staet onsœ bijœ Heer in de ----se be nau de tij den, staet ons bij Heer in de ---se be nau de j œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ V b œn œ œ œ J œ œ œ Ó œ œ J J œ œ ˙ Ó tijJ -----ranJ nij e be vrij en. Staet ons bij Heer, staet ons bij Heer in de ---se be nau de tij - den,

48 n œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ U & b J J J œ œ w Œ œ œ Œ J J J J ˙ œ œ wn de ----se be nau deJ tij den, staet ons bij Heer in de ---se be nau de tij - den.

j U & b œ œ Œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# ˙ w w w tij - den, inœ de --se beœ nauœ œ - de tij - den.

˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œb . œ U V b œ œ J J œ ˙ J J J ˙ ˙ w staet ons bij Heer in de ----se be nau de tij den, in de ---se be nau de tij - den.

Ontfermt ons dan Heere, wilt ons ontfermen, Have mercy on us then, Lord, have mercy on us, Want wij vervult sijn met versmaetheijt groot. Because we are filled with great censure. Ons siel is vol benautheijts tot desen termijn. Our souls are full of affliction now. Van tverwijt des vijants die ons totter doot From the rage of the enemy that knocks us down dead, Eeuwich vervolcht. Aensiet onsen noot, Eternal afterlife. Respect our need, En wilt ons van sijn tijrannije bevrijen. And we will be freed from tyranny. Staet ons bij Heer in dese benaude tijden. Stand by us, Lord, in these oppressive times.

251 Ick sondich daghelijcx tegens u o Heere Part 1 - Paired with “O Heer en God in uwen naeme crachtich”

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Translation of Responsory from Matins for the Dead

Cantus j œ œ C & C œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Ó ™ w Ick˙ son--- dich da ghe lijcx˙ te - gens uœ o Hee. - re, te - gens

Tenor C ˙ C ∑ Ó œ œ œ œb ™ & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ � � Te - gens u o Hee - re, ickœ son--- dich da ghe lijcx˙

Bassus ™ œ œ C V C ∑ Ó Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙b ˙ Ickœ son--- dich da ghe lijcx˙ te - gens u o Hee - � � �

6 j & œ œ ˙b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ u o Hee - re, te - gens uœ o Heeœœœ œ- œ re,œ En˙ tot beœ --terœ nisœ can ick mijœ quaœ. - lijckœ

œ œ ˙ œ & Ó œ œ ˙ œ œ# ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œb ˙ œ te - gens u o Hee - re, o Hee - re, En tot be --ter nis can ick mij qua - lijck stel -

V œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙b re, te - gens u o Hee - re,œ œ o Hee - re,˙ En tot be --ter nis can ick mij qua - lijck stel -

& œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙b w ˙ Ó Œ ˙ stel - len,œ en tot be --ter nis can ick mij qualijck stel - len. Die vreeœ -

& ˙ œ j œ œ ˙ œ œ œ len, enœ tot beœ --terœ. œ nisœ can ickœ mijœ œ œ quaœ - lijck stelœ - len. Die˙ vreeœ -œ se des˙ doots, die˙ vreeœ -

˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ V ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ œ œ# ˙ len, canœ œ ick mij qua J- lijck stel - len. Die vree - se des doots ver -

252 Ick sondich daghelijcx tegens u o Heere - 2

20 œ œ & œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ - se˙ desœ# doots˙ ver --tur beert mij see - re, Want gheen ver --los sing en isœ inœ derœ

œ œ & ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ se des doots˙ ver˙ --turœ beert˙ œ œ œ mijœ# see˙ - re,˙# Want gheen ver-- los sing en is in der

œ œ V ˙ œ œ ˙b œ œ œ# ˙ œ œ œ# œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ tur- beert mij see ---re, ver tur beert mij see˙ - re, Want gheen ver-- los sing en isœ

27 œ œ j œ œ. œ œ Œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ & . œ œ œ J ˙ J ˙ hel˙ - lenœ Voor mans noch vrouwen, voor mans noch vrou - wen, voor mans noch vrouwen.

j œ œ œ & Œ œ œ. œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ hel˙ - len˙ Voor mans noch vrouwen,œ voor mans nochJ vrouwen, voor œ œ œ mansœ noch vrouœ - wen.

œ œ œ V œ œ ˙ J œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ in der hel - len˙ Voor mans nochJ vrouwen, voor mans noch vrouwen.

33 j j œ & Ó ˙ ˙ w Œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ Ont˙ -˙ fermt u mijns,˙ God, en wiltœ mij be --hou wen,œen J wilt mijJ beJ --hou wen, en

œ j j & Ó ˙ ˙ ˙b ˙b ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ Ont - fermt u mijns, God, en wilt mijJ beJ -- hou wen, en wilt,œ en wiltœ mij be-- hou wen,œen J

V Ó ˙ ˙ ˙b ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ont - fermt u mijns, God,w en wilt mijJ beJ -- hou wen, en wilt mijJ beJ -- hou wen,

40 j j U & œ œ ˙ ˙# œ œ œ ˙b w wiltœ mij be- hou - wen,œ en wilt mij be- hou - wen.

U œ œ & œ œ œ Œ œ œ œb œ œ ˙ w# wilt mijJ beJ -- hou wen, en wilt mij be- hou - wen.

j j œ U V Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# ˙ en wiltœ mij be --hou wen,œ en wilt mij be- hou - wen.w

253 Ick sondich daghelijcx tegens u o Heere - 3

254 O Heer en God in uwen naeme crachtich Part 2 - Paired with “Ick sondich daghelijcx tegens u o Heere”

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Translation of Versicle from Matins for the Dead

Cantus C w C Ó Ó ˙ ˙ ˙b ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ ™ & ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ � O Heer en God in u - wen nae J -

Tenor C w C Œ ˙ ˙ ˙b ˙ Ó ™ & œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ � O Heer en God, o Heer en God in Bassus ™ w ˙ ˙ œ œ C V C ˙ ˙b œ œ ˙ ˙. œ œ ˙ ˙ O Heer en God, o Heer en God in u - wen

7 œ & œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœœ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ -- me crach ---œ tich, in u - wen nae œ œ- œ me crach - œ œ

j œ œ œ œ & œ œ œ. œ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ u - wen nae --me crachœ tich,œ in u - wen nae - œ œ meœ# crachœ œ œ---œ œ œ œ œ tichœ Sal˙ -

œ. V œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ nae - me crachtich,œ crach J - tich, inœ œu œ - wen nae - œ œ me

13 # ˙ œ œ ˙ j & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Ó Œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ. œ ˙ - œ œ œ œ# tichœ Sal - veert mij, sal - veert mij, sal - veert mij eer mij die doot compt vel -

& ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ veert mij eerœ mij die doot compt vel - len,œ salœ -veert mij eer mijœ dieœ doot,œ eer mij dieœ doot compt˙ velœ -

˙ œ œ ˙ V Ó ˙ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ Ó ˙ crach˙ - tich˙ Sal - veert mij eer mij die doot comptœ vel - len,˙ sal - veert

255 O Heer en God in uwen naeme crachtich - 2

20 j œ œ œ# ˙ & œ œ œ# œ# ˙ œ# œ ‰ œ œ œ Ó ˙ œ ˙ len,œ eer mij die doot compt vel - len En verlost mij,˙ en ver- lostœ mij,œ en ver - lost mij

œ j œ œ œ œ œ & œ J œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ Ó œ œ œ œ œ len,˙ eer mij die doot compt vel - len En verlost mij, en ver - lost mij, en ver - lost mij duer u

œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ V œ ˙ Ó œ œ ˙ œ œ Œ œ œ mij eer mij die doot compt vel - len En verlost mij, en ver - lost mij, en ver- lostœ mijœ duer

27 œ Nœ œ œ & œ œ œ œ œ œ j J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œœœ ˙ œ duer u goetheit, duer u goetœ - heit alœ -- mach tich,œ duer u goet-- heitœ al machœ - tich. Want gheen

œ j j j j j & œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ j ‰ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ goetœ --- heit alœ machœ tich, duer u goet ---heitJ al mach tich,œ duerœ u goetœ -- heitœ al mach œ- ˙ tich.œ Want gheen ver -

œ ˙ V œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j J œ œ œ œ ˙b ˙ ˙ u goetheit, duer u goetœ --- heit alœ mach tich,œ duer u goet ---heitœ al mach tich,œ al-- mach tich. Want

33 j œ œ œ & œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ. œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ ver-- los sing en is inœ derœ hel˙ - len˙ Voor mans noch vrouwen,œ voor mans nochJ vrouwen, voor

œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ. œ œ Œ œ & œ œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ J ˙ los - sing en is inœ derœ hel˙ - lenœ Voor mans noch vrouwen, voor mans noch vrou - wen, voor

œ œ œ V ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ J œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ gheen ver-- los sing en isœ in der hel - len˙ Voor mans nochJ vrouwen, voor mans

39 œ œ œ œ & œ œ ˙ Ó ˙ ˙ ˙b ˙ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ mansœ noch vrouœ - wen. Ont - fermt u mijns, God, en wilt mijJ beJ -- hou wen,

œ j j & . œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó ˙ ˙ w# Œ œ œ œ mansJ noch vrouwen. Ont˙ -˙ fermt u mijns,˙ God, en wiltœ mij be -

œ œ V œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó ˙ ˙ ˙b ˙ ˙ œ œ œ noch vrouwen. Ont - fermt u mijns, God,w en wilt mijJ beJ -- hou

256 O Heer en God in uwen naeme crachtich - 3

46 U œ œ œ b & Œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ Œ ˙ œb œ œ ˙ w# en wiltœ mij beœ -- hou wen,œen J wilt mijJ beJ -- hou wen, en wilt mij be-- hou wen.

U œ œ œ j j & œ j œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙# œ œ œ ˙b w hou- wen,œen J wilt mijJ beJ --hou wen, en wiltœ mij be-- hou wen,œ en wilt mij be-- hou wen.

U œ œ œ j j œ V ˙ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# ˙ wen, en wilt mijJ beJ -- hou wen, en wiltœ mij be --hou wen,œ en wilt mij be-- hou wen.w

O Heer en God in uwen naeme crachtich O Lord and God, in your powerful name Salveert mij eer mij die doot compt vellen Save me before death takes me down En verlost mij duer u goetheit almachtich. And redeem me with your omnipotent goodness. Want gheen verlossing en is in der hellen Because there is no redemption in the afterlife Voer mans noch vrouwen. For men nor women. Ontfermt u mijns, God, en wilt mij behouwen. Have pity on me, God, and save me.

257 Alma Susanna, ben felic’ e ’l core

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus j j “ b C w & b C ∑ Ó ˙ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ � � Al ---ma Su san na, alma Su-- san na, n Tenor b C ˙ b C Œ œ ™ & œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ# œ œ œ ˙ œ œ � Al ------ma Su san na, al ma Su san na, al ma Su san na, ben

Bassus œ œ ˙b ™ b C w V b C ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ Al - ma Su ------san na, al ma Su san na, al ma Su san na, ben

6 ˙ œ œ œ œb œ œ. & b Œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ ˙ œn œ œ œ œ ben fe --li c’ e ’l co - re, ben fe --li c’ e ’l co - re Ch’ ar - de del vostJ --r’ a I I I I I I

j j j j j j & b œ ˙ œ œ œ# Ó œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ‰ œ œ. œ œ fe --li c’ e ’l co - re, ben˙ fe --li c’ e ’l co - re, ben fe --Jli c’ Je ’l co - re Ch’ ar - de del vostœ --r’ a I I I I I I I I

˙ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ œb œ œ œ V b œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ fe --li c’ e ’l co - re, ben fe --li ce, ben fe --li c’ e ’l co - re Ch’ ar - de del vost --r’ a I I I I I I

12 œ œ œ œ & b ˙ œ œn œ Aœ œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ mo - re. Si dol - c’ e ’l guardo dei be---- gl’ oc ch’Jar den ti, Si sag - ge leJ paJ -- ro le, Et I I I I # j j j j & b œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ - œ mo - re. Si dol - c’ e ’l guardo dei beJ ---- gl’ oc ch’ ar den ti, Si sag - ge le pa-- ro le, Et I I I I

˙ œ œ œ œb œ œ j œ. œ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ J œ J J œ œ mo - re. Si dol - c’ e ’l guardo dei beJ ---- gl’ oc ch’ ar den ti, Si sag - ge le pa-- ro le, Et I I I I

258 Alma Susanna, ben felic’ e ’l core - 2

17 œ j j œ j œ j j œ & b œ J œn œ œ œ bœ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ siJ so Ja-- v’Jil gra --ti Ro--soR ri so, Che puo que - tar i ven - ti, Fer-mar i fiu - I

j j j j j j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ ‰ jNœ œ œ œ œ si so a-- v’ il gra - ti --œo so œri . œ - so, Cheœ puo que - tarœ œi venœ - ˙ti, Ferœ - marœ i fiuœ œ - I

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ V b J J J J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ si so a-- v’Jil gra --ti Jo - soJ ri - so, Che puo que - tar i ven - ti, Fer - mar i fiu - I

22 œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j & b Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ œ -- m’ e ’l so - le, Et in ter ------J raJ mos tra r’ il paJ ra di so. Poi tra tan-- ta bel ta, I I I

j j j j œ & b œ œ œ. œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙# Œ œ œ - m’ e ’l so - le, Et in ter ------ra mos tra r’ il paJ ra di so. Poi tra tan - I I I

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ j j œ œ œ œb œ. œ œ V b œ œ œ J J œ œ œ œ œ J J J œ œ œ --- m’ e ’l so - le, Et in ter ------ra mos tra r’ il pa ra di so, il pa--- ra di so. I I I

28 j j œ œ œ j œ œ j j œ œ œ & b œ œ œn J œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙n J œ. œ œ œ poi tra tan------ta belJ ta tan ta virJ tu de Sov vra l’hu man Ju san za La be ----l’Ja niR maJ vos I

j j j j j j j œ œ j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ# œ . j œ œ œ J œ. œ œ œ œ ta bel ------ta, tan taJ bel ta tan ta vir tu de Sovœ vraœ l’huœ manœ u san za La be ------l’Ja niR maJ vos tr’ al berœb I I

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j œ œ œb . œ œ V b œ œ J J œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ J J R J Poi tra tan------taJ belJ ta tan ta vir tu de Sov vra l’huJ man u san za La be ---l’ a ni ma I

33 j œ œ œ j j œ œ œ œ œ j & b œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J J œ œ œ œ Œ œ ---tr’ al berJ g’ e chiu - de Ch’J o---- gniJ pen sier Ja van za,J ch’ o---- gni pen sierJ Ja J van za. Dun - I I I I

j j j j j j j j j j j j j & b b j œ œ j œ œ œ j œ œ œ Ó ∑ - œ g’œe chiuœ - deœ Ch’ o---- gni penœ sierœ a van za, ch’œ o-- gniœ penœ sierœ a van -- za. I I I

œ œ. œ œ œ j j j œ ˙ V b œ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ vos ---tr’ al ber g’Re chiu - de Ch’ o---- gniJ penJ sierJ Ja van za, ch’J o---- gniJ pen sier Ja van za. Dun - I I I I

259 Alma Susanna, ben felic’ e ’l core - 3

& b œ œ ˙ que Su --- san - - - - -

& b ∑

œ œ ˙b V b que Su --- san - - - - -

38 œ j œ œ ˙ œ & b œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ. œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ na, dun--- que Su san na, dun - que Su-- san na, ben fe --li c’ e ’l co - re, ben fe - I I

j j j j & b Œ œ ˙ œ# œ œ Nœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# Ó œ œ œ œ œ œ Dun------queœ Suœ san na, dun que Su san˙ na,œ ben fe --li c’ e ’l co - re, ben˙ fe ---li c’ e ’l co re, ben I I I I

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œb œ œ œ V b œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ na, dun------que Su san na, dun que Su san na, ben fe --li c’ e ’l co - re, ben fe --li ce, ben fe - I I

45 Alma Susanna, ben felic’ e ’l core Glorious Susanna, so happy is the heart U œb Ch’œ arde˙ del vostr’ amore.œ œ œ œ A That burns withœ yourœ love.œ œ A & b Si dolc’ e ’l guardoœn œ dei begl’ occh’ ardenti,J œ ˙ So sweetœ œn is the look of fineJ eyesœ blazing,˙ wn li- c’ e ’l co - re Ch’ ar - de del vosJ ---tr’ a mo re, ch’ ar - de del vosJ ---tr’ a mo re. SiI I sagge le parole, I I So wise theI words, I Et si soav’ il gratioso riso, # And so sweet is the graceful laughter,# Che puo quetar i venti,j j j That it can calmj the jwind,j U & b œ Fermarœ œ i˙ fium’ œe ’l ‰sole,œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ# Stopœ the‰ riversœ œand. œthe sun,œ œ œ œ# w fe --Jli c’ Je ’l co - re Ch’ ar-de del vosœ ---tr’ a œ mo re, ch’ ar-de del vosœ ---tr’ a œ mo re. Et inI Iterra mostrar’ il paradiso.I I And reveal paradiseI on earth. I Poi tra tanta belta tanta virtude Then amidst so much beauty and virtue, œb Sovvra l’human usanzaœ œ œ ˙ Beyond œthe customsœ œ of mortals, ˙ U V b Laœ bel’ anima˙ vostr’œ alberg’ e chiudeœ œ Yourœ beautiful soul dwellsœ in andœ encompassesw li- c’ e ’l co - re Ch’ ar - de del vos ---tr’ a mo re, ch’ ar - de del vos - tr’ a mo -- re. Ch’I I ogni pensier avanza.I I That whichI surpasses all thought.I Dunque Susanna, ben felic’ e ’l core Therefore Susanna, so happy is the heart Ch’ arde del vostr’ amore. That burns with your love.

260 Anchor che col partire

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Alfonso d’Avalos (1502-1546)

Cantus w 4 ˙ œ j œ œ ˙ œ œ “ b c & b 4 ∑ Ó . œ ˙ ˙ � � An - chor che col par --ti re Io mi sen -

Tenor b w b 4 j j j ™ b c & 4 ∑ ˙ œ. j œ œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ � An - chor cheœ col par --ti re Io mi˙ senœ - to

Bassus 4 j ˙ . ™ b c w V b 4 ˙ œ. œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó Ó ˙ œ An - chor che col par --ti re Io mi sen -

6 n œ œ ˙ œ. œ œ. œ œ N˙ œ œ œ œ & b ˙# Œ œ œ œn œ œ ‰ J J œ# J J œ# to mo --ri re, Par --tir vorJ rei o - gn’ hor, par-tir vor --rei o gn’ hor, o--- gni mo men to, I I

j j j j j j j j & b ˙ œ j œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ. œ œ j œ œ œ moœ ------ri re,œ Parœ tir. vorœ reiœ œ o gn’ hor, o gniœ moœ men to, par ---tir vor reiœ œ o gn’ hor,œ o--- gni mo menœ to,œ I I

œ ˙ j œ. œ j œ V b œ# ˙ Œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œn ˙ œ œ œ œ to mo --ri re, Par --tir vor rei o - gn’ hor, par - tir vorJ --rei o gn’ hor, o--- gniJ mo men to, I I

12 ˙ œ j œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ & b Ó œ œ œ œ œ J J œ J J œ ˙ œ œ Tan --t’Jil pia cerJ ch’Jio sen --to, tan t’ il piaJ - cer ch’ io sen - to De la vi --ta ch’ ac I I I I I

j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j & b ‰ œ œ j œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ Tan --t’ il piaœ cerœ ch’ io sen ---to, tanœ t’œil pia cer ch’œio senœ ---to, tan t’ il pia cer ch’ io sen - to De la vi˙ --taœ ch’ ac I I I I I I I j j V b Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Ó œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ Tan - t’Jil pia - cerJ ch’Jio sen - to, tan-- t’Jil pia cerJ ch’Jio sen - to De la vi --ta ch’ ac I I I I I

261 Anchor che col partire - 2

17 œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ. œ œ j œ œ j œ œ. œ œ œ & b ˙ œ œ Œ J œ œ œ ‰ œ œn J quis - to nel ri-- tor no. Et co ----si mil l’Re milJ le volJ t’Jil giorno, e co ---si mil l’Re milJ leJ I I I

j j r j j j j j & b ˙ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ‰ jœ Œ œ œ œ œ . œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ quis - to œnelœ ri-- tor no. Etœ co - si,œ e co - si mil--- l’ e milœ leœ vol te, e co ---si milJ l’Re mil le I I

˙ ˙ œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ V b ˙ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ Ó ‰ œ œ ‰ J œ. œ J J quis - to nel ri-- tor no. Et co - si, e co - si, e co ---si milJ l’Re mil le I

23 œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ j & b J R J œ J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ vol - te, mil---- l’ e mil leJ vol t’ il gior no Par - tir da voi vor --re i, Tan - toJ son dol - I I # n j r r j j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ j j œ j œ j œ œ vol ----te, mil l’ e mil le vol t’ il giorno Parœ - tirœ œ daœ voi vorœ - reœ œ œ- œ# œi, Tan - toœ son dolœ - ci,œ tan I I œ

œ œ. œ j œ j V b œ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ Œ vol - te, mil---- l’Re milJ le volJ t’Jil gior no Par - tir da voi vor --re i, Tan - toJ son dol - ci, I I

28 . œ & b ˙ Œ œ œn œ œ ˙ Œ ˙ œ œ œ œn œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ ci, tan toJ sonJ dol - ci gli ri --tor J ni mie - i. Et

# j j & b œ j ‰ j j j œ j j j œ œ# œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# ˙ Œ œ to sonœ dolœ - ci,œ tanœ toœ sonœ dol - ci,œ tanœ toœ son dol - ci gli ri-- tor ni mie -œ i. Etœ co - si,œ

j ˙ œ# ˙ ˙b V b œ œ œ œ œ Ó œ œn œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ tan toJ son dol - ci, tan toJ sonJ dol - ci gli ri-- tor ni mie - i. Et

34 œ œ œ. œ œ j œ œ j œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ & b J œ œ œ ‰ œ œ J J R J co ----si mil l’Re milJ le volJ t’Jil giorno, e co ----si mil l’Re milJ leJ vol te, mil-- l’ e mil leJ I I I I

j r j j j j j j j r r j j j j & b Œ œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ e co - si mil--- l’ e milœ leœ vol te, e co ------si milJ l’Re mil le vol te, mil l’ e mil le vol t’ il I I I I

œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ j V b œ Ó ‰ œ œ ‰ J œ. œ J J J œ co - si, e co - si, e co ----si milJ l’Re mil le vol te, mil-- l’Re milJ le I I

262 Anchor che col partire - 3

38 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ & b J J œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ ˙ Œ vol --t’ il gior no Par - tir da voi vor --re i, Tan - toJ son dol - ci, tan I # n # b ‰ j j j j j j & œ œ j j œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ j giorno Parœ - tirœ œ da voi vorœ - reœ œ œ- œ œ œi, Tan - to son dolœ - ci, tan to son dol - ci,œ tanœ

œ œ œ j œ œ j V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ volJ --t’Jil gior no Par - tir da voi vor --re i, Tan - toJ son dol - ci, tan toJ son dol - ci, I

43 . U & b œn œ œ ˙ Œ ˙ œ œ œ œn œ ˙ A˙ w toJ sonJ dol - ci gli ri - tor J- ni mie - i.

# # U j j j & b j œ j j œ œ# œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ w# toœ sonœ dol - ci,œ tanœ toœ son dol - ci gli ri-- tor ni œ mie - i.

˙ œ# ˙ ˙ Uw V b Ó œ œn œ œ œ œ ˙ tan toJ sonJ dol - ci gli ri-- tor ni mie - i.

263 Cagion non e ne fia che ’l mio pensier

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus b ™ b C w & b C œ. œ œ# œ ˙ ˙ Ca˙ - gionœ# nonœ œ e neœ fi œœ˙- œa, ca - gion non e ne

Tenor ™ b C b C Ó Ó ˙ w V ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ � Ca - gion non e ne fi - a, ca - gion non

Bassus ı ? C œ œ# œ b C w b Ó ∑ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ � � Ca- gion non e ne fi - a, ca - gion non

& b œ œ œ. œœœ w Ó Œ œ ˙# œ ˙ fi - a che’œ l mioœ pen - sier,˙ mio pen - sierœ Si. moœ - I œ. œ j V b œ J œ œ œ# œ œ œn œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ œ ‰ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ e ne fi- a che’ l mio pen - sier J Si mo - va, che’ l mio pen - sier si mo - I I

? œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ. b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ e ne fi - a che’ l mio pen - sier Si mo - œ va, che’ l mio pen - sier J Si I I

12 j & b w ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ j œ j j œ va˙ maiœ# daœ œ œ leiœ perœ cui me stes--- s’ ob li o. Non perœ sde--- gn’œ o fieœ rez I I

œ œ. œ j j V b œ œœœ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙# Œ‰ œ œ œ - va mai da lei per cui meJ stes--- s’ ob li o. Non per sdeJ - gn’ o I I

? œ. œ œ b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ‰ œ J œ œ mo - va mai da lei per cui me stes J - œ s’œ# ob --˙li o. Non per sde-- gn’ o fie I I

264 Cagion non e ne fia che ’l mio pensier - 2

18 j & b œ jœ œ œ œ Œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ ˙ œ# œ œ œ - zaœ che. si siœ - œa Maiœ œ daœ lei, mai da lei si di-- par t’ il mio de ---si o. An zi la I

j œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ A V b œ œ œ J œ œ J œ œ œ œ œn œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ fie-- rez za che si si - a ˙Mai œ da lei, mai da lei si di-- par t’ il mio de --si o. An - I

? œ . œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ b œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ ˙b œ œ œ# rez - za che si si - a Mai da lei, mai da lei si di-- par t’ il mio de ---si o. An zi la I

& b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ pe-- na mi˙b œa creœ -sc’ in a - mar,œ cre-sc’ in a - mar Che ’l mio pen --sier ri no˙ - va.œ O me be --˙a to,œ o I I I

œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ j V b œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# ‰ J ˙# œ ‰ œ zi la pena mi - a cre--sc’ in a mar Che ’l mio pen ---sier ri no va. O me be --a to, o I I

? œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ b œ ˙b œ J œ œ œ pe---- na mi a cre sc’ in a mar Che ’l mio pen ---sier ri no va. O me be --a to, o I I

32 b Œ ˙ & ˙. œb ˙ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œb me be --a to,œ Poi œ cheœ maiœ daœ le - i non mu --ta ran i pen - sier, non mu - I ˙. œ œb V b ˙. œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ Œ ˙ œ me be --a to, Poi che mai J daJ le - i non mu ---ta ran i pen sier, non mu - I

? ˙. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ b œb ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œb me be --a to, Poi che mai da le - i non mu-- ta ran i pen - sier, non mu-- ta ran i I I

39 U b j & ˙b œ. œ ˙b taœ - ranœ i pen - sier,œ non˙ muœ --ta ranœ i penœ - sier,œ ˙ ˙i pen - sier mie - wi. I œ I U œ j ˙ V b œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ. œ œ œ wn ta - ran i pen - sier, non mu --ta ran i pen - sier, i pen - sier mie - i. I I œ U ? œ bœ œ œ . œ œ. œ œb œ w b œ Œ œ œ œ œ Œ J J ˙ pen - sier, non mu-- ta ran i pen - sier,œ i pen - sier mie - i. I

265 Cagion non e ne fia che ’l mio pensier - 3

Cagion non e ne fia che ’l mio pensier There is no reason, nor shall there be, that my thoughts Si mova mai da lei per cui me stess’ oblio. Ever move from her, and so I forget myself. Non per sdegn’ o fierezza che si sia Not for any anger or pride that might exist Mai da lei si dipart’ il mio desio. Will my desire for her ever depart. Anzi la pena mia cresc’ in amar Rather, my pain grows in the love Che ’l mio pensier rinova. O me beato, That my thoughts renew. Oh, blessed me! Poi che mai da lei non mutaran i pensier miei. For my thoughts of her will never change.

266 Misero me deh come amor m’ha posto

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus ˙b ™ b C ›. V b C ∑ Ó ˙ w ˙ ˙ ˙ � Mi ----se ro me deh

Tenor j ™ b C w. V b C ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ. œ œn œ ˙ ˙n ˙ Mi --se ro me, mi - se - ro me deh

Bassus ? ? C œ œ œ œ b C w b ∑ Œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ w � � Mi-- se ro me, mi --se ro me

6 œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ w V b œ œ œ ˙ œ J J J J co-- m’ a mor m’ ha pos - to in ques---to no vo lac cio On - d’ io non spero mai, I I I

œ œ ˙ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ# œ œ œ œ co-- m’ a mor m’ ha pos - to in quesJ --toJ no vo lac - cio, in ques --to no vo lac - I I

? œ œ œ œ œ j j j j b ∑ Œ J J œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ in ques---to noJ voJ lac cio, in ques--to no vo lacœ - cio On-d’ io non I

12 œ œ œ œ œ . V b Ó Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ on - d’ io non spero mai us - cir d’ in pac - cio Per fin ch’ in me non fia o- gni spirJ - I I I

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ V b œ œœœ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ - cio On - d’ io non spero mai us - cir d’ in pac J - cio Per fin ch’ in me non I I I

? . b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙b ˙ Ó ˙ spero mai, on - d’ io non spero mai us - cir d’ in pac - cio Per I I

267 Misero me deh come amor m’ha posto - 2

18 U œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙# ˙ V b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Ó t’ es-- tin to, non fia o- gni spir- to, per fin ch’ in me non fia o--- gni spir t’ es tin - to. I I I I U j j V b œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ Ó fia o- gni spir - t’ es-- tin to, per fin ch’ in me, per fin ch’ in me non fia o-- gni spir t’ es - tin - to. I I I I I I U ? œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ œ b œ œ. œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ fin ch’ in me non fia o---- gni spir t’ es tin to, per fin ch’ in me non fia o---- gni spir t’ es tin˙ to. Las - I I I I I I

25 ˙ ˙ œ œ V b œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ Ó ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó Ó ˙ Las - so son pres-s’ et vin - to Che debbo far, che debbo far se I

œ V b w œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ Ó Œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ Las - so son pres - s’ et vin - to Che debbo far se non do --ler m’ in vano, se I I

? ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ b ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ - so son pres--s’ et vin to Che debbo far se non do --ler m’ in vano,œ ins va-- no, se I I

33 ˙ œ œ. œœ œ ˙ œ V b œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ Ó Œ œ œ non do --ler m’ in vano Per - che tal m’ ha pre - gio - ne Che mi tien I I j V b œ œ œ œ œ œ# ˙ Ó ˙ œ œ# œ œ ˙ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ non do --ler m’ in va - no˙ Per - che tal m’ ha pre-- gio ne Che mi tien sem---pr’ ins mi J I I I

? j œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ b œ œ œ. œ ˙ œ# Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ non do --ler m’ in va-- noœ Per che tal m’ ha pre --gio ne Che mi tien sem------pr’ ins mi su ra t’ af fan I I I I

40 œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ# œ œ œ Nœ. œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œb b˙ V b œ ‰ J J œ J J œ œ œ œ ˙ sem------pr’ ins mi su ra t’ af fan no Et pur non ha ra-- gio ne, e pur non ha ra --gio ne I I . œb V b ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙n -- su ----ra t’ af fan no Et pur non ha ra- gio - ne, e pur non ha ra --gio ne I

? œ œ œ b œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ# ˙ no, ins ------mi su ra t’ af fan no Et pur non ha ra --gio ne,œ e pur non ha ra --gio ne˙ I

268 Misero me deh come amor m’ha posto - 3

47 œ œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ V b Œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ J œ œ ˙ œ œ œ# œ œ œ Ch’ io l’a --mo si, ch’ io l’a --mo si che non veg - gio al - tro bene Et que-st’ e la ca - I I I

˙ j œ V b Œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ch’ io l’a --mo si che non veg ---gio’ al tro be ne, che non veg --gio’ al tro be -˙ neœ Et I I I

? œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ œ b Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó Ch’œ io l’a --mo si che non veggio al - tro be - ne, che non veg ---gio’ al tro be ne I I

54 œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ bœ ˙. œ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ Œ J J œ ‰ J gion del - leJ mieJ pe - ne, e que - st’ e la ca - gion del - le mie pene, e I

œ ˙ V b œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ# œ œ œ que - st’ e la ca - gion del - le mie pene, e que - st’ e la caœb --insœ in I I œ œ œ ? b Ó Œ œ# œ œb œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ# œ Et que - st’ e la ca - gion del - le mie pe˙ - ne, e que - st’ e I I

59 U œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œb œ bœ ˙ w V b J J J J œ ˙ œ que - st’ e la ca - gion del - le mie pe - ne, del - le mie pe - ne. I b U V b œn œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ w queJ - st’Je laJ caJ - gion del - le mie pe - ne, del - le mie pe - ne. I U ? œ ˙ b b œ œ œ œb œ ˙ œb œ œ ˙ la ca - gion del - le mie pe - ne,œ del - le mie pe - ne.w

Misero me deh com’ amor m’ ha posto Poor me, alas, how love has placed me in questo novo laccio in this new snare Ond’ io non spero mai uscir d’ in paccio That I never hope to escape Per fin ch’ in me non fia ogni spirt’ estinto. Until all my spirit has been extinguished. Lasso son press’ et vinto Alas, I am seized and conquered Che debbo far se non dolerm’ in vano So I must act, not suffer in vain; Perche tal m’ ha pregione Because the one who has imprisoned me, Che mi tien sempr’ insmisurat’ affanno Who keeps me always in immeasurable suffering, Et pur non ha ragione And without good reason, Ch’ io l’amosi che non veggio altro bene Is the one that I love, so much that I see no other good, Et quest’ e la cagion delle mie pene. And this is the cause of my pain.

269 Non mi tolg’ il ben mio

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus j j “ b C ˙ & b C ∑ ∑ Ó œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ � Chi non arJ - J de d’a- mor, Non mi to -

Tenor b j j ™ b C ˙ & b C ∑ ∑ Ó œ j œ œ œ j œ Œ œ œ Chi nonœ ar - de d’aœ - mor, Non miœ to-gl’œil � I

Bassus œ j œ ™ b C w V b C ˙ œ œ œ œ œ Ó Œ œ œ œ œ œn œ Ó Non mi to-gl’ il ben mi - o, Chi non ar - Jde J d’aJ - mor, I

6 j œ œ j j j & b œ œ œ œ Ó œ œ J J œ œn œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ gl’ il ben mi - o, Chi non ar - de d’aJ - mor co - me facR --c’ i o, co ---me fac c’œi o, I I I

j j j j j j j j j & b ˙ œ œ œ j œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ j œ œ ˙ ben miœ - o, Chi nonœ arœ - deœ d’a - mor, chi nonœ ar - de d’a. œ- œ œ mor co ---meœ fac c’ i o, I

j œ œ j j j j œ œ œ V b Ó œ œ J J œ œn œ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J œ ˙ chi non ar - de d’aJ - mor,J chiJ non arJ -J de d’a-- mor co me fac --c’ i o, co ---meJ fac c’ i o, I I

11 j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j & b Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ‰ œ Ma perche non fia mai se nul --l’ o po co AJ - gua- gl’ il mio gran foco? Se non e in-gius--t’ a mo - re, se I I I I

j j j & b Œ œ œ œ œ œ jœ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ ‰ œ Ma perœ - che nonœ fiaœ mai. se nulœ ----l’œo po coœ A gua gl’ il mio gran foco? Se non e in----giusœ t’œa mo re, se I I I I

j œ jœ œ œ ˙ œ œ V b Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ma perche non fia mai. se nul ----l’ o po co A gua gl’ il mio gran foco? Se non e in----gius t’ a mo re, se I I I I

270 Non mi tolg’ il ben mio - 2

18 ˙ œ ˙. œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ ˙# Œ œ œ œ non e in----gius t’ a mo re, Io sol hav --ro delJ la mia don - n’ e ’l co - re, io sol hav - I I I I # n j & b œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ non eœin---giusœ t’ a moœ. œ - œ# re,˙ Io sol hav-- ro del la mia don- n’ e ’l co - re, io sol hav - I I œ I I

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ∑ Œ . œ œ ˙ w non e in--gius t’ a mo -- re, Io sol hav --ro delJ la mia don- n’ e ’l co - re, I I I I

25 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j œ œ & b œ œ# . œ œ J J J œ# ‰ œ œ œ# J œ ˙ Ó ∑ ro, io sol hav --ro delJ laJ mia don - n’ e ’l co - re, del - la mia don- n’ e ’l co - re, I I I I j b ‰ j œ œ j j j Œ & œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ J J œ œ œ œ# #œ œ œ œ ro, io sol hav --ro del la miaJ don - n’ e ’l co--re, del la mia don- n’œe ’l coœ - re,˙# Dun --queœN lasœ s’œil ben I I I I œ I œ œ j j œ œ œ œ V b Œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ J œ œ J œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ. œ œ io sol hav --ro del la mia donJ - Jn’ e ’l co --re, del la mia don- n’Je ’l co - re, Dun - que las - s’Jil ben I I I I I

31 œ œ œ j œ œ & b Ó Œ œ œ œ œ Ó œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ J Dun --que las s’ il ben mi - o, Chi non ar - de d’aJ - mor, chiJ nonJ ar - de I

j j j j j j j j j & b œ ˙ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ miœ - o, dun - que las - s’Jil ben mi - o, Chi nonœ arœ ------deœ d’a mor co me fac c’ i o, co meœ fac c’ i o, I I I

j œ j œ j œ V b œ ˙ ∑ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ mi - o,. Chi non ar - de d’aJ --morJ co me fac --c’ i o, chi non ar - deJ I

36 œ œ œ œ j j œ œ œ œ œ œ j & b J J œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ Ó ∑ Ó œ œ œ d’a---- morJ coJ me fac c’ i o, Dun --que las s’ il ben mi - o, Chi non arJ - I I

j j ˙ j & b œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ co œ- me fac --c’œi ˙o, Dun - que las - s’Jil ben mi --o, dun queœ œ las - s’ il ben miœ - o, Chi nonœ ar - I I I

œ œ j œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ V b œ œ J J Ó ∑ Ó œ œ œ œ Ó J d’aJ -- morJ co me fac c’ i -- o, Dun - que las - s’ il ben mi - o, I I

271 Non mi tolg’ il ben mio - 3

42 j œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ ˙ Œ . œ J œ ‰ J - J de d’a- mor, chi non ar - de d’aJ - mor, chiJ nonJ ar - de d’a- mor

j j j j j j j j & b œ œ œ Œ œ. œ œ j œ œ œ ˙ œ œ - de d’aœ - mor, chi nonœ ar --de d’aœ mor,œ chi nonœ ar - de d’a - mor, chi nonœ

œ j œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ V b Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Chi non ar - deJ J d’aJ - mor come fac --c’ i o, chi non ar - de d’aJ - mor I

46 j j j j j U & b ˙ œ . œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ j œ œ w co - me facR -c’ i - o, come fac - c’œi - o, co- meœ fac - c’ i - o. I I I

j j j j U & b œ. œ œ œ ‰ œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ w ar - de d’a. œ -œ œ mor co--- meœ fac c’ i o, come fac c’œi -- o. I I

œ œ œ œ œ U V b œ œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ J œ w come fac - c’ i - o, co- meJ fac --c’ i o, co- meJ fac c’ i -- o. I I I

Non mi togl’ il ben mio, Do not take my beloved away from me, Chi non arde d’amor come facc’ io. Who does not burn with love as I do. Ma perche non fia mai se null’ o poco But why shall it never be, if nothing or little Aguagl’ il mio gran foco? Can match my grand fire? Se non e ingiust’ amore, If love is not unjust, Io sol havro della mia donn’ e ’l core, I alone will have my lady’s heart, Dunque lass’ il ben mio, So do not take away my beloved, Chi non arde d’amor come facc’ io. Who does not burn with love as I do.

272 Udit’ amanti un miracol d’amore

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Antonio Francesco Raineri (c.1510-1560)

U Cantus ˙ œ “ b C & b C ∑ ∑ ˙ œ ˙ w w U- di ---t’ a man ti � I

Tenor b U ™ b C w & b C ˙ œ œ œ ˙ w U˙ - di - œ œ œ t’ a ------man˙ œ ti, u diœ t’ a manœ ti I I

Bassus U ™ b C V b C Ó ˙ ˙. œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ w w U - di ------t’ a man ti, u di t’ a man ti � I I

6 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b œ. œ œ œ œ Œ J J J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ un miJ ----raJ col d’aJ mo re Il mio cor ni altrui vi - v’ e in me - mo - re Ho --r’ a ma I I

j j j j j j j & b œ. œ œ œ œ œn œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ un mi----ra col d’aJ mo re Il mio cor ni al - trui vi - v’ e in me. ----œ œ moœ re Ho r’ a ma I I œ œ. œ œ œ J œ œ j j ˙ ˙b ˙ V b J J ˙ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ un mi----ra col d’a mo re JIl mio corJ niJ alJ --truiJ vi v’ e in me- mo - re Ho --r’ a ma I I I

12 œ œ œ œ œ j j j j œ œ œ œ œ j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J J œ J œ œ do---- n’ il dit te po scia ch’ el la Jno’ il cre-- de El la par che no’J il creJ - d’Jet si se ’l ve-- de, el la par che I I I I I I

j j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ j œ j œ œ œ Œ do---- n’ il dit te po scia ch’ el la no’ il creœ -- de El laœ par cheœ no’ il cre- d’œet siœ se ’l veœ - de,œ I I I I I I

œ œ œ œ j j j œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ Œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J do---- n’ il dit te po scia ch’ el la no’ il crede El- la par che no’J il creJ - d’Jet si se ’l vede, I I I I I I

273 Udit’ amanti un miracol d’amore - 2

17 j j j j j œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ j & b œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ Œ œ J J œ œ no’ il cre- d’ et si seJ’l ve - de,J J e siJ se ’l vede Et se ’l dir Ju---- ro’ ac quis t’ ap poJ lei fe - I I I I I I I

j j j j j j j j & b œ . j j j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ e œsiœ seœ’l veœ - de,œ œe siœ seœ ’l veœ - de Et se ’l dir u---- ro’ ac quis t’ ap poœ lei feœ - de,œ ac - I I I I I

œ œ j œ j œ œ œ œ j œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ J œ œ œ e siJ seJ’l vede, e siJ se ’l vede Et se ’l dirJ u---- ro’ ac quisJ t’Jap poJ lei fede, ac - I I I I I

21 œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ ˙ & b œ J œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ J J ˙ œ œ œ œ de, ap - po leiJ fe - de SiJ ch’Jel-- la m’ a mi, siJ ch’ el-- la m’ a mi o me be-- a t’ al I I I I I

j j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ quis --t’ ap po lei fe - de Si ch’ el-- la m’œ a mi,œ si ch’ el-J la m’J a - mi o me be-- a t’œal I I I I I I

œ œ j j j j j œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ quis --t’ ap poJ lei fe - de Si ch’ el-- la m’ a mi, si ch’Jel-- la m’ a mi o me be-- a t’ al I I I I I I

26 œ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œn ˙. mondo O J miJ ----ra col se con do Sa - rem coi cor u --ni ti et elJ - l’Jet i- o I j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j Œ œ mon˙ - doœ O mi--ra col se ---con do Sa rem coi cor u --niœ œti et elœ - l’œet œi- œ o Io I

œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ j j œ V b ˙ œ J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ mondo O mi----ra col se con do Sa - rem coi cor u --ni ti et el- l’ et i- o Io I

32 U œ. œ œ œ j œ. œ œ œ j & b Œ J œ œ œ Œ J œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ w Io vivJ - ro n’ el suo pet- to, io vivJ - ro n’ el suo pet - to el - la nel mi - o. I I U j j j j j & b œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ j˙ w vivro, io J vivro n’œel. suoœ pet- to, n’œel suo pet - toœ el - laœ œ nel miœ - o. I I U œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ. œ œ œ j j œ œ ˙ V b J J œ œ. œ J œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w vivJ - ro n’ el suo pet - to, io vivJ - ro n’ el suo pet - to el - la nel mi - o. I I

274 Udit’ amanti un miracol d’amore - 3

Udit’ amanti un miracol d’amore: Hear, lovers, a miracle of love: Il mio cor ni altrui viv’ e in memore. My heart lives not for others nor for remembering. Hor’ a madon’ il ditte poscia ch’ ella no’ il crede. Now, tell this to my lady because she does not accept it. Ella par che no’ il cred’ et si se ’l vede She does not believe it, but if she sees it Et se ’l dir uron acquist’ appo lei fede. And it is said, I would win her trust. Si ch’ ella m’ ami o me beat’ al mondo! If she loves me, oh, I am blessed in the world! O miracol secondo Oh, miracle by which Sarem coi cor uniti et ell’ et io. We will be united by our hearts, she and I. Io vivro n’ el suo petto ella nel mio. I will live in her breast, and she in mine.

275 Quando son piu lontan da bei vostr’ occhi

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus ˙. œ œ œ j j j C & C Ó Œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ j ™ Quan - J do sonJ piuJ lonR -tan da bei vosœ --tr’œoc chi˙ � � I

Tenor ˙ j j r j ™ C & C œ œ j j j . j j j œ . œ œ Quan- doœ son piuœ lonœ - œ tanœ daœ œ bei œ œ œ vosœ --tr’ oc chiœ Che m’ han fat - œI I

Bassus ™ ˙ œ œ j j œ œ C V C ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ j œ . Quan- do sonJ piu œ œ lon - tanœ da bei vosœ --tr’ oc chiœ CheJ m’Rhan � I I

4 j j œ œ j j j œ j & ‰ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ CheJ m’Rhan fatJ ------toJ canJ giar vol g’Je cosJ tu mi,J Cre sceJ laJ fiam - ma, cre - sce la fiam --ma, cre sceJ la I I

j j j j j j & j j œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ# œ ‰ œ œ œ j œ j œ j œ œ toœ canœ - giarœ œ œ œ œ vol ---g’œe cos tu mi, Cre - sceœ laœ fiam - ma,œ cre - sceœ laœ fiam - ma,œ cre œ- œ I

œ œ j œ œ œ j j œ V œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J œ œ ˙ Œ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ fatJ - to canJ - giar vol ---g’Je cos tu mi, Cre - sceJ laJ fiamJ J- ma, cre - sce la fiam - I

8 j œ j j j j & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ fiam - m’œ e mi con--- du c’Ja mor te. E voiJ cheJ per mia sor - te pot-- res ti I I

j j j j j j j j j j & j j r j j j œ œ œ œ# œ œ j j j j j - œ sceœ . laœ fiam -m’œ e miœ conœ --duœ. c’ a morœ - te.œ œE voi che per mia sor - teœ potœ ------resœ œti rafœ freœ nar,œ potœ resœ œ I I

j j œ œ j j œ V œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ J J œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ --œ œ m’œ e mi con--- du c’ a mor te. E voi che per mia sor - te pot-- resJ I I

276 Quando son piu lontan da bei vostr’ occhi - 2

12 j j j œ œ j j j & œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ j œ Œ‰ œ œ œ raf-- fre nar La dol - - œ œ - ceœ fiam - ma,œ mi ne-- ga te n j j j j j j & œ œ# œ œ. œ œ j j œ. œ œ œ œ ti raf-- fre nar œ œ Laœ dolœ. œ- œ ceœ fiamœ - ma,œ mi ne-- ga te la

œ œ œ œ. œ œ j j œ œ j j j j œ j V J J œ œ œ œ j j œ j œ œ œ œ œ Jti raf-- fre nar œ œ Laœ dol - ceœ fiamœ - ma,œ miJ J ne-- ga te la fiam - ma

15 j j j r j j j j & œ œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ Œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ la fiam - ma, la fiam - ma cheJ m’Jin--fiam ma, mi ne-- ga te la fiamJ - I

j j j j & œ j j œ œ j j j œ œ œ œ fiam - ma,œ laœ fiamœ œ œ - maœ cheœ m’œin--fiamœ ma,œ mi neœ -- gaœ teœ la fiam - I

œ j j œ j j j j œ V œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œche. œ œ m’ in--fiam ma,œ mi ne --ga te la fiam - ma I

18 j j r U & œ œ j j j j j œ œ œ œ . œ œ w - J ma, laœ fiamœ - maœ cheœ m’œin - fiam˙ - ma,˙ la fiamJ - ma che m’ in--fiam ma. I I U j j j j j & œ j j j j j œ œ œ œ œ ˙ w ma, laœ fiamœ - maœ cheœ m’œin œ - œ fiamœ - ma,œ la fiam - ma cheœ m’ in - fiam - ma. I œ I j j j U V œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œche. œ œ m’ in - fiam - ma,œ la fiamJ - ma che m’Jin - fiam - ma.w I I

Quando son piu lontan da bei vostr’ occhi When I am far from your beautiful eyes Che m’ han fatto cangiar volg’ e costumi, That have made me change my desires and ways, Cresce la fiamm’ e mi conduc’ a morte. The flame grows and leads me to death. E voi che per mia sorte potresti raffrenar And you who, by my fate, could hold back La dolce fiamma, mi negate la fiamma The sweet flame, deny me the flame che m’ infiamma. that inflames me.

277 Vel puo giurar’ amore

Vincenzo Ferro (b. early 16th century)

Cantus j r j . œ œ œ C ˙ & C . œ œ œ ‰ j j œ œ ™ Velœ puoœ giu---- ra r’ a moœ re,œ œ a moœ - re,œ vel puoJ giuR --- ra r’ a I I

Tenor œ j r j j œ œ. œ ™ C ˙ V C Œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ J J R Vel puoJ giuR ---- ra r’ a mo re, a J mo - re, vel puo giu- � I Bassus ™ j r j j C V C Ó Œ œ œ œ j œ ‰ œ ˙ Velœ puoœ . giu---- ra r’ a moœ re,œ a moœ - re,œ vel � � I

4 j ˙ j j & œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ ‰ œ œ mo - re, a mo - re Dol - ce pat-- ro na, dol - ce pat-- roœ. naœ miœ œ- œa Ch’ e- ra I

œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ V J J Œ ˙ œ œ œ œ j J ra -----r’ a mo r’ a mo re Dol - ce pat --ro na, dol - ce pat --ro na mi --œa Ch’ e I I I

œ j ˙ œ œ j V œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ œ j œ œ œ puoJ giuR ---- ra r’ a mo re,J a mo - re Dol - ce pat --ro na mi----œ a, patœ ro naJ miJ I

10 j j j œ j j j & œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ ˙ ‰ œ œ œ di giac˙ - cio,œ di giac - cioœ pri - a, ch’ e- ra diJ giac - cio pri - ˙a Che vostra I

œ œ j j œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J J œ œ œ œ ‰ J J J - ra di giac - cio pri - a, ch’ e- ra diJ giac - cio pri - œa, di giac - cio pri - a Che vostra I

œ j j œ œ j V œ J ‰ œ œ œ j œ ‰ J J œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ‰ j j œ - J a Ch’ e- ra di giacœ --cioœ priœ a, ch’ e - ra diJ giac - cio œ pri˙ - a Cheœ vosœ - tra I I

278 Vel puo giurar’ amore - 2

15 j j j j j j r j & œb ˙ œ œ œ. œ j œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ . œ œb œ Œ fiam - ma m’ ac ---cen des s’ il coœ - r’,œil co. - re Io mi sen ---ti feJ ri re, I I I

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V J J J J J J œ ‰ J J J J J J ‰ J J fiam - ma m’ ac--- cen des s’ il co ---R J re Io mi senJ ---ti fe ri re, io mi senJ - I I

j j j j j V œ œ œ œb œ ˙ ˙ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ fiam - maœ m’ ac--- cen des s’ il co - re,œ il coœ - reœ Io mi sen --ti fe I I

19 r j j j j j j j j j j j & ‰ j j j j œ ‰ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ. j j j‰ ioœ miœ senœ ---œti . feœ ri reœ di nova piag- œ ha, ˙ di no-- va piag h’œE qua - siœ œ veœ --- nirœ meœ noœ Anœ I œ œ. œ œ œ œ. œ œ. œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ jœ œ œ V J R J J œ œ J œ œ œ J J J œ . œ œ œ œ ‰ œ ti fe-- ri re, fe - ri - re diJ no---- vaJ piag ha,J di no va piag h’ E qua --si veJ nir me - no AnJ - I

r j j j j j r j V œb œ ‰ j j j j œ j ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ . œ ‰ œ ri- re, ioœ miœ senœ ---œti . feœ ri reœ di no-- va piag h’œE qua - siœ veœ -- nirœ meœ no, ve-- nir meœ noœ An - I

r r j j r j j j b j & j œ j œ ‰ œ . œ œ œb œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ ----œ ziœ volœ zi moœ ri re,œ an---- zi vol ziJ mo ri re Ma gl’ occhi non piu visœ ---t’ in ter ra maœ œ œi I I

œ œ œ# . œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ V œ œ œ J œ œ ‰ J R J J J J J ‰ J J J J œ J œ ----R ziR volJ zi mo ri re,J an---- zi vol zi mo ri re Ma gl’ occhi non piu vis --t’ in ter ra ma - i I I

r r j j j œ j j V œ œ œ j j œ ‰ j r j œ œ œ ‰ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ----zi vol ziœ moœ œri re, anœ ----. ziœ volœ zi mo ri reœ Ma gl’ occhi non piu vis ---t’ in ter ra ma i I I

29 r r j j j j j r r j j j r r j j œ œ œ & j œ œ œ j j œ œ œ j ‰ j œ œ œ œ œ œ j ‰ œ œ J Scacœ ---ciorœ no mor te conœ suoiœ dol - ci ra - œi, scacœ ------ciorœ no mor te, scac cior noœ mor œte, scac---ciorR noR mor teJ

j œ œ œ j œ œ œ r œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ j œ œ œ V ‰ œ œ J ‰ œ œ J œ œ J J J œ œ J œ œ ‰ J R R Scac ---ciorR noR mor te,J scac---ciorR noR mor teJ conR suoi dol - ci raJ ----i, scac ciorR noR mor teJ conJ suoi, scac --cior no

r r j j j j j r r j j j V Œ ‰ j œ œ œ j j œ œ œ ‰ j œ œ œ j j œ Scacœ ---ciorœ no mor te conœ suoiœ dol -ci raœ - œi, scacœ ---ciorœ no mor te conœ suoi,œ scac -

279 Vel puo giurar’ amore - 3

32 j œ j j j œ œ œ j j j j & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ j conJ suoi dolJ - ci ra - i, dol - ci raœ - œi, dol - ciJ raJ ---i, dol ci ra œi,

œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V J J J J J œ œ œ J ‰ J R R J J J J J mor - te con suoi dol - ci ra - i, scac ---cior no mor te con suoi dol - ciJ

œ œ œ j j j œ œ œ j j œ V œ J œ œ j j œ j ‰ œ œ J œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ ciorR -- noR mor teJ con suoi dolœ - ciœ ra - œi, scac ---ciorR noR mor teJ conJ J suoi dol - ci ra -

35 j r r j j j j j j j U & œ j œ j j ‰ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ ˙ w# con suoiœ dolœ - ci raœ - œi, scacœ ---ciorœ no mor te con suoi dol - ci ra - i.

œ œ j œ j œ œ œ j œ j œ œ U V J J ‰ œ œ œ J œ œ œ J J œ J œ œ œ J œ J œb œ œ w ra - i, scac ---ciorR noR mor teJ conJ suoi dol - ci raJ ----i, scac ciorR noR mor te con suoi dolJ --ciJ ra i.

œ œ r r j j j U V j œ J j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œi, ra -J i, scacœ ---ciorœ no mor te conœ suoiœ dol - ciJ ra - wi.

Vel puo giurar’ amore To you I can swear love, Dolce patrona mia My sweet lady Ch’ era di giaccio pria Who was like ice before. Che vostra fiamma m’ accendess’ il core When your flame ignited my heart, Io mi senti ferire di nova piagha I felt afflicted by a new wound E quasi venir meno And almost faint. Anzi volzi morire In fact, I wanted to die. Ma gl’ occhi non piu vist’ in terra mai But the eyes no longer seen on earth Scacciorno morte con suoi dolci rai. Chase away death with their gentle rays.

280 Eximie castitatis exemplar Susanna

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Based on Bible, Daniel 13

Cantus “ b C w & b C ∑ ∑ Ó ˙ ˙. œ ˙ œ œ � � Ex ---i mi e cas-- ti

Tenor b C b C Ó j ™ b w & ˙ ˙. œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ# œ � Ex ---i mi e cas--- ti ta tis, ex ----i mi e cas

Bassus ™ b C V b C ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ w ˙ Ó w Ex ---i mi e cas-- ti ta - tis,

6 # n ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ & b ˙ ˙ J œ œ œ# Ó ˙# œ ta- tis, ex -----i mi e cas ti ta - tis ex -----em plar Su san na, ex

j & b N˙ . œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œti- ta ---œ œ œ tis exœ --em˙ plar Suœ ------san˙# na,œ ex em plar Su san˙ na,œ exœ

˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ V b ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙# œ ˙ œ œ ex ---i mi e cas-- ti ta - tis ex --em plar Su -----san na, ex em plar Su

13 ˙ œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b ˙ œ œ ˙# ˙ ∑ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ# em - plar Su san -- na su - a in ----noJ cen ti a, in - no --cen ti -

j & b œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ em˙ --plar Su san - na su -----a in no cen ti a, inœ œ - no - cen - œœœ œti -

˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ V b ˙# œ œ œ J Ó Œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ san --na, Su san - na su -----a in no cen ti a, su ----a in noJ cen ti - a

281 Eximie castitatis exemplar Susanna - 2

20 ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ. œ w ˙ œ. œ & b Œ œ. œ ˙ Œ ˙ œ . Œ J J a et a- niJ -mi for ----ti tu diJ ne, et a-- ni mi, et a- ni-

˙ j j & b ˙ j j œ œ j œ. œ ˙. œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œa et œa --œ niœ mi,˙ et œa. -- niœ mi,œ et a- ni - mi for -----ti tu di ne, for

œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ. œ ˙ œb . œ ˙ V b Œ œ. œ ˙ œ œ . Œ J ˙. œ J et a- niJ - mi for ----ti tu di ne, et a- ni-mi for ----ti tu di ne,

27 œ œ œ. œ ˙ œ. œ ˙ œ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J œ. œ ˙ J ˙ œ œ mi for - ti-- tu di - ne im --proJ bis, im - pro - bis se ---ni bus re

j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ# œ j œ œ œ ˙. œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ti- tu - di - ne imœ. --proœ bis,œ œ im. - pro- bis se - ni- bus

b ˙b œ bœ ˙ j ˙. œ œ œb œ ˙ V b œ œ œ. œ ˙ œ. œ ˙ for --ti tu - dine im --pro bis, im - proJ - bis se - ni- bus

33 b œ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ ˙ œ# ˙ j & b J œ œ J ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ. œ œ --sis teJ - reJ ma-- lu it, re --sis teJ - re ma --- lu - it quam li ---bi di ni

j j j b œ. j œ. j j œ œ œ œ œ & œ œ œ œ œ œ œb . œ œ œ . ˙ j re ---sis te re, re --sis te - re ma---- lu it, re sis te - re ma- lu - it quamœ œli ----biœ. diœ niœ vaœ œb j jœ œb œb j j V b Œ‰ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ re -----sis te re, re sis teJ - re ma - lu- it quam li ---bi di ni va -

39 j j œ. œ & b œ œ ˙ ∑ ∑ Œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ J va ca -- re, quam li ----bi di ni va ca - re et do --mi

b j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ & œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ J J ˙ œ œ. œ œ ca˙ - re,œ quam li ---bi di ni va --ca re, quam li ---bi di ni va - ca - re et do --mi num de - ˙ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ bœ ˙ œ œ. œ œ œ V b J J œ J J œ ˙ œ J ca - re, quam li -----bi di ni va ca re, quam li ----bi di ni va ca - re et do ---mi num de

282 Eximie castitatis exemplar Susanna - 3

46 ˙ j œ œ. œ œ œ j U & b œ œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ J œ œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ wn num deum su ----um of fen de re, et do --mi num de - um su ----um of fen de re.

# j j U & b œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ. œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ# œ œ w - œ um su - um of fen de--- re, et do --miJ num deum su ----um of fen de re.

œ œ œ. œ œ œ. œ œ œ. œ U V b ˙ ˙ œ J ˙ J œ œ ˙ œ œ J w - um su - um. of ---fen de re, et do ------mi num de um su um of fen de - re.

Eximie castitatis exemplar Susanna sua innocentia et animi fortitudine improbis senibus resistere maluit quam libidini vacare et dominum deum suum offendere.

Remarkably, Susanna, the very likeness of chastity, because of her innocence and fortitude of mind, preferred to resist wicked old men rather than give occasion for lust and offend her Lord God.

283 Omnis caro fænum Part 1 - Paired with “Vere fænum est populus”

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Bible, Isaiah 40:6-7

Cantus b j C w. & b C ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó ™ Om - nis ca - ro. fæ- num,

Tenor ˙. œ ™ b C w. V b C ∑ ∑ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œœœ � � Om - nis ca - ro fæ -

Bassus w. ™ b C V b C ∑ ∑ ∑ Ó ˙ œ œ ˙ � � Om - nis ca -

6 ˙. œ œ œ œ j & b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œœœ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ. œ om - nis ca - ro fæ - num et om---- nis gloJ ri a ei us, et om--- nis glo ri

œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ V b œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ J œ. œ num, omnis ca - ro fæ - num et om---- nis glo ri a ei us, et om--- nis gloJ ri

j j j V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœœ œ. œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ro fæ - - - num et om---- nis glo. ri a ei us,˙ et om--- nis glo. ri

13 # œ j & b œ œ ˙# ˙ œ œ. œœœ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ# œ N˙ ˙ œ a ei - us qua - si flos a - œ œ œ - - -œ gri: exœ ---sicœ ca tumœ est,œ ex --sic

˙b V b œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œœ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ a ei - us qua - si flos a- gri, flos a- gri: ex ---sic ca tum est fæ -

V b œ œ Ó Ó Ó ∑ Œ a ei - ˙us ˙ qua˙ - siœ flosœ ˙b a - gri:˙ ex˙ --sicœ

284 Omnis caro fænum - 2

& b ˙. œ œ œ ˙ œ œ# œ œ œ ca - tum est fæ- num, ex ---sic ca tumœ est˙ fæ˙ - num˙ et˙ ce˙b --œ ciœb dit˙

œ œ œ V b w ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ ˙n ˙ œ œ ˙ num, ex ---sic ca tum est, ex ---sic ca tumJ est fæ- num et ce --ci dit

V b ˙. œ ˙ œ œ œ# ˙ ˙ ˙ ca - tumœ estœ fæ- num, ex˙ ---sicœ ca tum est fæ- num˙ et ce˙ --œ ciœ dit˙

27 ˙ j j œ j j & b œn œ. œ œ Aœ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œn œ œ œ œ Aœ. œ flosœ qui- a spi-- ri tus do --J mi ni suf --flau it in e --o, qui a spi ----J ri tus do mi

˙ œ œ. œ œ œb . œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ V b ˙n J œ œ œ œ J J J flos qui - a spi-- ri tus do ----miJ ni suf flau it in e --o, qui a spi ----ri tus do mi

œ j V b w ∑ ∑ Ó œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ flos qui˙ - a, quiœ - a spi ----J ri tus do miJ

33 œ œ Uw & b œ œ œ œ œ œ# ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ni suf-- flau it in e- o, suf- flau - it in e - o. U œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ w# V b J J œ œ œ œ œ œ ni suf-- flau it in e- o, suf - flau - - - it in e - o.

œ œ U V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ni suf-- flau it inœ œe- o, suf - flau - - - it inœb œe - wo.

Omnis caro fænum et omnis gloria eius quasi flos agri: exsiccatum est fænum et cecidit flos quia spiritus domini sufflauit in eo.

All flesh is hay and all its glory is like a flower of the field: hay dries up and the flower falls because the breath of the Lord has blown upon it.

285 Vere fænum est populus Part 2 - Paired with “Omnis caro fænum”

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Bible, Isaiah 40:7-8

Cantus . b C w b C ∑ ∑ ∑ œ ˙ œ ™ & ˙. œ � � Ve - re fæ- num est

Tenor . œ ˙ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ ™ b C w. V b C ˙ œ œ œ œ Ve - re fæ- num est po ---pu lus, ve re fæ- num est

Bassus ™ b C w V b C Ó Œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó ∑ � � Ve - re fæ - num est po pu -- lus,

6 œ œ & b œ# œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ# œ ˙N ˙ œ ˙. œ œ œ ˙ po--- pu lus, ve re fæ - num est po -----pu lus: exœ sicœ ca tumœ est,œ ex ---sic ca tum est fæ- num,

œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ V b ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ w po--- pu lus, ve re fæ - num est po-- pu lus: ex ---sic ca tum est fæ - num, ex ---sic ca

V b Ó ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ# œ Ó ∑ Œ ˙. œ ˙ ve - re fæ - num est po puœ -- lus:˙ ex˙ ---sicœ ca tumœ estœ fæ- num,

& b œ œ# œ œ œ b Ó ˙# œ ex ---sic ca tumœ est˙ fæ˙ - num˙ et˙ ce˙b --œ ciœ dit˙ flos,˙ ver. - bum

œ V b œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ ˙n ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙n Ó ˙. œn - tum est fæ- num, est fæJ - num, fæ- num et ce --ci dit flos, verbum

V b œ œ œ# ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Ó œ ex˙ ---sicœ ca tum est fæ- num˙ et ce˙ --œ ciœ dit˙ flos, ver˙. - bum

286 Vere fænum est populus - 2

21 œ œ j œ j & b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ autem do --J miJ ni nos - tri manet in e --ter num, manJ -J et in e - ter -

˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b J J ‰ J J J œ autem do --mi ni nos - tri manet in e ---terJ num,J man et in e --ter num,

œ œ œ V b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ autem do --J miJ ni nos - triœ manet in e --ter num, man - et in e --ter

26 j & b œ j œ œ œ œ# ˙ Ó ˙# œ œ ˙ œ œ. œ œ ˙ ˙ - num,œ inœ œe - ter - num, ver - bum au - tem do - miJ -ni nostri

œ. œ œ œ œ V b œ œn œ. œ œ œ ˙ Ó ˙ œ œn ˙ nœ J ˙# ‰ J in e J- ter - num, ver - bum au - tem do --mi ni nostri man-

œ V b œ ˙ Ó œ ˙ œ œ. œ œ ˙ num,œ in ˙e - ter˙ - num, ver˙ - œ bum au - tem do --miJ ni nos- triœ man -

32 œ j U & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ ˙ œ# w manet in e - ter - num, man- etJ in J e - ter - num,œ inœ œe - ter - num.

œ œ œ œ œ œ U V b J œ œ œ J œ œ ˙ œn œ. nœ œ œ wn - et in e ---terJ num,J man et in e --ter num, in e -J ter - num.

U V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w et in e --ter num, manet in e --ter num,œ in ˙e - ter˙ - num.

Vere fænum est populus: exsiccatum est fænum et cecidit flos, verbum autem domini nostri manet in eternum.

Truly people are like hay: hay dries up and the flower falls, but the word of our Lord remains eternal forever.

287 Peccantem me quotidie

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Responsory from Matins for the Dead

Cantus b C b C Ó ∑ ∑ ∑ ∑ ™ w & � � � Tenor ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ™ b C w V b C Ó œ œ œ. J � Pec -----can tem me

Bassus ™ b C w V b C ˙ ˙. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Pec -----can tem me quo --ti

6 j & b ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ Pec ----can tem meœ œ œ quo ---œti . diœ ˙ e et non me pe--- ni ten

œ œ œ œ ˙. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# ˙ quo --ti di - e, œquo ---ti di e et non me pe--- ni ten tem, et

V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙. œ œ œ œ Œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ - - - - di- e˙ w et non me pe- ni ten-- tem,

13 œ œ œ w ˙ & b œ œ œ œ œ J J œ# Ó ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ tem, et non œ œ me pe--- ni ten tem, et non me pe--- ni ten tem ti -

˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙# œ ˙ Nœ œ V b ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J J J non me pe--- ni ten tem, et non me pe--- ni ten tem, et non me pe--- ni ten tem ti -

œb œ bœ V b ∑ Ó ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ et non me pe--- ni ten tem, et non me pe--- ni ten tem ti -

288 Peccantem me quotidie - 2

20 œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙# ˙ ˙ -- mor mor - tisœ con-- tur bat me, con- tur - bat me, qui- a ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙# ˙ œb œ œ ˙ œ œ V b œ Œ Œ œ - mor mor - tis con- tur - bat me, con-- tur bat me, qui- a in

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ -- mor mor˙b - tisœ con - tur - bat me, con - tur - œb œ bat me,˙ qui- a œin

& b œ œ Ó ∑ Ó ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙. œ in in fer˙b -- no˙ nul - la est re ---dem pti o, nul - la

œ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ œb œ V b œ œ. œœœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ ˙ in --fer no nul - la est re ---dem pti o, nul - la est re ---dem pti o, nul - la

V b ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ∑ Œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ inœ --fer˙ no˙ nul - la est re -dem pti -- o, nul - la est, nul - la

34 j j j j & b œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ œ est re--- dem pti o. Mi. ---- se re re meœ i, de˙ - us,˙ mi. ----se re re meœ i, de˙ -

œ œ œ œ ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙# ˙ œ. œ œ Nœ œ ˙# V b J œn J œn est re--- dem pti o. Mi---- se re re me i, deus, mi ---se re re me- i, de -

V b œ œ œ œ ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ est re--- dem pti o. Mi---- seJ re re meœ i, deus, mi ---seJ re re me- œ i, de -

40 # # j j j j œ j œ j & b ˙ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ us,œ et sal - va me,œ et œ œ sal -œ œ œ vaœ me,œ et sal - va œ me, et sal - va me,J et œ #˙ ˙ Nœ ˙ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ J us, et sal - va me, et sal - va me, et sal - va me, et sal - va me,J

V b ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ us, et sal - va me, et salœ - va me,œ etœb sal˙ - va˙ me, et sal - va

289 Peccantem me quotidie - 3

45 # # U b j j j j œ j j & œ œ œ œ œ j j œ j J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# ˙ w w sal - va me, et œ salœ -œ va me,œ et sal - va me. U œ œ œ j j ˙ ˙ V b J J œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ wn et sal - vaJ me, etJ sal - va me, et sal - va me, et sal - va me.

U V b œ œ œ œ œ w me, et salœ - va me,œ etœb sal˙ - va˙ me, et sal˙b - va˙ me.

Peccantem me quotidie et non me penitentem timor mortis conturbat me, quia in inferno nulla est redemptio. Miserere mei, deus, et salva me.

Since I sin everyday and do not repent, the fear of death disturbs me, for in hell there is no redemption. Have mercy upon me, God, and save me.

290 Filius sapiens letificat patrem

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Bible, Proverbs 10:1 and 10:14

Cantus . ˙ œ. œ ™ b C w. V b C ∑ ∑ ˙ œ J ˙ Ó � Fi --li us sa --pi ens

Tenor ™ b C b C ∑ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ# œ œ œ œ w. V ˙. œ œ. J œ œ œ � Fi --li us sa - pi ---ens le ti Bassus w. ? ˙. œ ˙ œ. œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ı b C b C J œ œ œ œ Fi --li us sa --pi ens le------ti fi cat pat rem, le ti

6 ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b Ó œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ le - ti - fi ------cat, le ti fi cat pat rem, fi J Jli us vero stul - tus,

œ œ œ A œ b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ J J ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ------fi cat pat rem, le ti fi cat, le ti fi cat pat rem, fi li us vero stul -

? œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ b œ œ ˙ Ó Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ J J ˙ ˙ ---fi cat pat rem, le---- ti œ fi cat pat rem,˙ fi ---li us ve ro stul -

13 ˙b . ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ w ˙ ˙ ˙ œ. œ V b œ œ J stul - tus mæs ---ti ti a est mat - ri su - e. Sa --pi

œ œ œ œ œ œ V b œ œ œ œ œœœ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙# ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ - - tus mæs - ti-- ti a est mat - ri su - e. Sa ---J piJ en tes

? œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙. œ ˙ ˙ œ. œ œ b œb œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ ˙ J œ - - tus mæs ---ti ti a est mat - ri su - e. Sa ---pi en tes

291 Filius sapiens letificat patrem - 2

20 œ œ ˙ V b œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œœœ œ ˙ Ó ∑ Œ œ œ œ œœ œ en--- tes ab scon dunt sci - en - ti - am, os au - tem stul -

œ œ œ œ œ œ V b ˙ œ ˙ Ó ∑ Ó œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ab. scon -- dunt sci - en - ti - am, os au - tem stul -

? ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ b œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙b ab --sconœ dunt˙ sci - en - ti - am, sci - en - ti - am, os au - tem stul -

27 3 3 3 œ ˙b U V b ˙ œ œ œ Œ œn œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ w ti con---- fu si o ni pro --xi mum est, pro --xi mum est.

3 3 œ œ œ œb ˙ ˙ U V b ˙ œ œ ˙ œn Œ ˙ œ œ ˙ w# ti con---- fu si o ni pro --xi mum est, pro --xi mum est.

3 3 œ œ œ U ? b ˙ œ œ ˙ Œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ w ti con---- fu si o niœ pro --xi mum est, proœ œ--xiœ# mum˙ est.

Filius sapiens letificat patrem, filius vero stultus mæstitia est matri sue. Sapientes abscondunt scientiam, os autem stulti confusioni proximum est.

A wise son makes his father happy, but a foolish son is the sorrow of his mother. Wise men preserve knowledge, but the mouth of the foolish man invites ruin.

292 Non glorietur sapiens

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Bible, Jeremiah 9:23-24

Cantus C C ∑ ∑ Ó j ™ w & ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ � In sa -----pi en ti œa suœ œa, in sa ----pi en ti

Tenor ˙ œ œ# œ œ Nœ. œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ. œ ™ C w V C J œ J œ œ œ œ J œ œ Non glo--- ri e tur sa --pi ens in sa -----pi en ti a su a, in sa ----pi en ti

Bassus ™ œ. œ C w V C ˙ œ œ œ œ# J ˙ ∑ ˙ œ. œ œ œ Non glo--- ri e tur sa pi-- ens in saœ ----piœ en J ti

7 œ œ & œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ w œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œa suœ - œa, in sa ------piJ en ti a su œa, ne que glo ri e - tur for - tis in

œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ. œ ˙ œ. œœ ˙ œ œ V œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ a su - a, in sa ------pi en ti a su a, ne que glo ri e - tur for - tis in

j V œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ œ œ a su - œa, inœ sa ------pi enœ ti œa suœ œa, ne que glo ri e - tur for - tis in

14 j œ & œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ ∑ Ó ˙ œ œ. œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ for -----ti tu di ne su a, et non glo---J ri e tur di - ves in di-- vi tijs su -

œ œ œ. œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ# V J œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ for -----ti tu di ne su a, et non glo ---ri e tur, et non glo----J ri e tur di ves in di-- vi tijs su -

œ j ˙ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ V œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ . œœ œ œ for -----ti tu di ne su a, et non glo ---ri e tur, et non glo--- ri e turœ di - ves in di-- vi tijs su -

293 Non glorietur sapiens - 2

22 j j & ˙ œ œ œ œ Ó ∑ Ó œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ is, sed in hoc glo - ri --e tur, qui glo--- ri e tur:

˙ ˙ ˙ Nœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ Nœ. œ œ œ V œ œ ˙ œ œ œ J is, sed in hoc glo - ri --e tur, glo -----ri e tur, qui glo--- ri e tur:

˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ j V œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ∑ Ó Œ œ œ. œ œ is, sed in hoc glo - - -ri e -- tur, qui glo--- ri e tur:œ

29 ˙ ˙ & œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙# Œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ sci - re et nos - se me, qui --a e go sum do --mi nus qui fa ---ci o mi

œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ# #œ ˙ œ ˙ . œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V Œ œ J œ ˙. œ sci - re et nos - se me, qui --a e go sum do --mi nus qui fa -----ci o mi se ri

˙ œ. œ œ œ V ˙ œ œ ˙b ˙ Œ ˙ œ ˙ J ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ sci - re et nos - se me, quiœ --œa e go sum do --mi nus qui fa -----ci o mi se œri

& œ j œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ se ------œri corœ. diœ amœ ju di Jti um et jus ---ti ti am in ter - ra, hec e-- nim pla cent mi - chi,œ hec

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ V œ œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ cor----- di am ju di Jti um et jus ---ti ti am in ter - ra, hec e- nim pla - cent mi -

j V œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ cor˙. ----- diœ amœ ju di ti um et jus ---ti ti amœ in ter - ra,˙ hec e- nim placent mi -

44 # U œ ˙ & œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ# œ ˙ œ . œ w e- nim placent miœ œ ----œ chi, a - it Do --mi nus.

˙ œ œ . ˙. U V œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ w chi, pla ---J cent mi --- chi, a - it Do mi -- nus.

U V ˙ Œ œ œ ˙ Œ ˙ œ ˙. œ w chi, hecœ e- nimœ plaœ - cent mi - chi,˙ a - it Do mi -- nus.

294 Non glorietur sapiens - 3

Non glorietur sapiens in sapientia sua, neque glorietur fortis in fortitudine sua, et non glorietur dives in divitijs suis, sed in hoc glorietur: scire et nosse me, quia ego sum dominus qui facio misericordiam juditium et justitiam in terra, hec enim placent michi, ait Dominus.

“Let not the wise man take pride in his wisdom, nor the strong man take pride in his strength, nor the rich man take pride in his riches, but let him take pride in this: understanding and knowing me, since I am the Lord, the one who makes mercy, judgment, and justice on earth, for these things are pleasing to me,” says the Lord.

295 Ego sum alpha et Ω

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Bible, Revelation (Apocalypse) 21:6-7

Cantus œ C › & C ˙ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ. œœ . œ ˙ ˙ ˙. œ œ ™ E - go˙ sum al - pha et Jo --me ga, al - pha

Tenor œ. œœ œ. œ ™ C › V C Ó ∑ w ˙ œ œ œ œ J ˙ � � E - go sum al - pha et o--me Bassus ™ C › V C Ó ∑ ∑ Ó ˙ ˙ œ ˙ œ E - go˙ sum al - pha � �

7 ˙ œ & ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ Ó Œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙. œ etœ œo - me˙ - ga˙ i - ni - Jti - um et finis. E -----go si ti en ti, œe go si -

˙ œ. œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ V ˙ Ó J œ œ ˙ Œ œ ga i--- ni ti um et finis. E----- go si ti en ti, e go si ---ti en

j V œ œ œ. œœ œ ˙ Œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó ˙ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ œ et o --me ga i ---ni ti um et finis. E - go si ---ti en ti, ˙e-- goœ si

& œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ ---ti en ti dabo de fon --te a quæ vi - tæ gra ----

˙ œ œ œ œ ˙. œ œ œ œ ˙ V ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ti da - bo de fon - te a - quæ vi - tæ gra - tis, vi - tæ

V œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ ---ti en ti da - bo de fon - teœ a- quæ vi - tæ graœ œ œ - œ

296 Ego sum alpha et Ω - 2

21 œ œ ˙ j j œ œ œ œ œ ˙ & œ œ œœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ ˙ - - tis. Qui vi --ce rit,œ qui viJ --ceJ rit pos ---si de bit hec et e- ro œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ V . J J J J J J J J J J gra - tis. Qui vi --ce rit,J qui vi ------ce rit, qui vi ce rit pos si de bit hec et e- ro illi

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ V œ œ œ ˙ Œ J œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ - tis. Qui viJ --ce rit, qui viJ --ceJ rit pos ---si de bit hec et e- ro il -

27 œ œ & œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ illi de - us et e- rit il-- le mi chi fi --li us, et e-- rit il le miœ ---chiœ fi li

œ ˙ œ œ# œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ Nœ œ œ V œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ de - us et e- rit il-- le mi chi fi --li us, et e-- rit il le mi ---chi fi li

V œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó ∑ Ó Œ œ œ œ œ - li de - us et e-- ritœ œil le mi ---chiœ œ fi œli

33 j U & œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ us,œ et e----- ritœ œil le mi chiœ œfi œli ˙us, ˙ et e----- rit il leJ mi chi fi . li us.w

U V œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ w w w w us, et e--- rit il le mi chi fi li -- us.

U œ œ j V œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙. œ œ. œ us,œ etœ e----- rit œil leœ miœ chiœ fi li us,œ et e- rit il - leœ mi - chiœ fi li -- us.w

Ego sum alpha et Ω initium et finis. Ego sitienti dabo de fonte aquæ vitæ gratis. Qui vicerit possidebit hec et ero illi deus et erit ille michi filius.

I am the alpha and omega, the beginning and the end. To him who is thirsty, I shall give freely from the fountain of life. Whoever prevails will acquire these things and I will be his God and he will be my son.

297 Domine Jesu Criste respicere

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus C w. & C ˙. œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ w Œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ ™ Do --mi ne Je - su Cris - te, do --mi ne, do mi --

Tenor ˙ ˙. œ w . ™ C w. V C ∑ ˙. œ ˙ ˙ œ � Do --mi ne Je - su Cris - te, do --mi

Bassus . ™ C w V C ∑ ∑ ∑ ˙. œ w ˙. œ � � Do --mi ne, do --mi

7 ˙ j j & ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ ˙ ne Je- su Cris - te res -----pi ce re dig ne ris su - per meœ mi. --se rum pec ---ca to

œ œ ˙ œ. œ œ œ ˙ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ V J œ œ J ˙ J œ ˙b ne Je- su Cris - te res -----pi ce re dig ne ris su - per me mi --se rum pec ---ca to

j ˙ V ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œb . œ œ œ œ œ# ˙ ne Je - su Cris - te res -----pi. ce re dig ne ris su - per me mi --seJ rum pec ---ca to

& ˙# ˙ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ ˙. œ ˙ ˙ ˙# Œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ rem o --cu lis mi -----se ri cor di e tu - æ, qui ----bus res pe xis ti

œ ˙ œ œ ˙. œ ˙ ˙ œ ˙ V ˙ Œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ ˙ rem o --cu lis mi -----se ri cor di e tu - æ, qui ----bus res pe xis ti

V ˙ œ ˙ œ ˙. œ# ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ rem˙ o --cuœ lis˙ mi -----se œri cor di e tu - æ,˙ qui ----bus res pe xis ti

298 Domine Jesu Criste respicere - 2

23 ˙ w ˙ œ & ˙ œ œ œ œ Ó œ œ œ œ ∑ œ Pet - rum in at --ri˙ o, Pet - rum in at ri -- o Ma --ri am

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ V Œ œ œ œ ‰J œ œœ œ ˙ Pet- rum in at ---ri o, Pet rum in at --ri o, in at ------ri o Ma ri am mag da le num, Ma -

˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ j V œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ Pet - rum in at ---ri o, Pet rum in at --ri o, inœ at --ri ˙o Ma ----ri am mag da le - œ

30 j j j j j j j j & œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙# Œ ˙ œ mag---da le num, mag ---da le num in con--- vi vi o, in J con--- viJ viJ o, in con--- vi viJ o et lat -

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ Nœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ V œ J J J J J J J J J J J J ri ---am mag da le - num in con--- vi vi o, in con--- vi vi o, in con--- vi vi o et lat --ro

j œ œ œ ˙ œ œ V œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó Œ J œ# J œ ˙ - na, Ma -----ri am mag da le num in J conJ --- viJ vi o, in conJ --- vi viJ o et lat --ro

37 j & œ ˙ œ œ œ œ j j ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ. œ ˙# Œ ˙ ro- nem in cru ----cis pa œti œ buœ lo,œ et lat --ro nem in cru ----cis pa ti bu lo. Conœ --ce

˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ V œ œ œ œ. œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ nem in cru ----cis pa ti buJ lo, et lat --ro nem in cru ----cis pa ti J buJ lo. Con --ce

j V ˙ œ œb œ œ œ. œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ j ˙ ˙ nem in cru ----cis pa ti bu lo, et lat --ro nem in cru ----cis pa œti . buœ lo.˙ Con --ce

44 ˙ œ œ œ & œ œ ˙ w ˙ . ˙ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ - de mi - chi om--- niœ poœ tens˙ deœ - us,œ utœ cum Pet - ro, ut cum Pet --ro dig

œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙. ˙. œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ V ˙ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ Œ œ Œ - de mi - chi om ---ni po tens de - us, ut cum Pet - ro, ut cum Pet - ro

˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ V œ œ ˙ ˙ . ˙ ˙ Œ œ . Œ - de mi - chi˙ om ---ni˙ poœ tens˙ de - us, ut cum Pet - ro, ut cum Pet - ro

299 Domine Jesu Criste respicere - 3

52 # # œ œ œ œ & œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó Œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ - ne fle - œ am, etœ Ma --ri a, et Ma ------ri a Mag da le na, Mag

˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ V ‰ J Œ digne fle - am, et Ma -----ri a Mag da le na, Mag ---da le na, Mag ---da le na,

V ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ w ∑ Œ œ œ œ digne fle - am, et Ma ----ri a Mag da le - na, et Ma --ri

& œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ ---da le naœ per-- fec to a - mo - re te di - li - gam, et

œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ j j œ V Œ J J œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ J Mag ---da le na per - fec - to a - mo - re te di --li gam, et cum lat --ro ne, et

V œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ a Mag ---da le na per --fec to a --mo re te di --li gam, et cum lat -

65 3 3 3 3 3 C j U & œ œ œ œ Œ œ œ. œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ# œ œ ˙. œ w cum lat --ro ne in se -----cu la se cuJ lo rum te vi-- de am, te vi-- de am.

3 3 3 U œ œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ ˙. œ w V 3J J œ ˙ Œ œ cum lat --ro ne in se -----cu la se cu lo rum te vi --de am, te vi de -- am.

3 3 3 3 U œ ˙ ˙ j œ. œ œ V œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ w ro- ne in se -----cu la se cuJ lo rum te vi --de am,˙ te vi˙. deœ -- am.

Domine Jesu Criste respicere digneris super me miserum peccatorem oculis misericordie tuæ quibus respexisti Petrum in atrio Mariam magdalenum in convivio et latronem in crucis patibulo. Concede michi omnipotens deus, ut cum Petro digne fleam, et Maria Magdalena perfecto amore te diligam, et cum latrone in secula seculorum te videam.

Lord Jesus Christ, may you deign to look upon me, a miserable sinner, with the eyes of your mercy that saw Peter in the courtyard, Mary Magdalene at the banquet, and the thief upon the cross. Almighty God, grant me worthiness to weep with Peter, to love you with a perfect love with Mary Magdalene, and, with the thief, to look upon you forever.

300 Benedicite domino oculi ominum Consecratio Mensæ - Consecration of the Table Part I - Paired with “Gratias agimus tibi, pater celestis”

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Bible, Psalm 144:15-16 and First Book of Chronicles 16:36

Cantus U C w & C ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙. œ w ˙. œ ˙ œ. œ ™ Be---- ne di ci te do --mi no. O --cu li om -J

Tenor ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙. œ U ™ C w V C w ∑ Ó ˙ Be---- ne di ci te do mi -- no. O -

Bassus ™ w U C V C ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙. œ w ∑ ∑ Be---- ne di ci te do mi -- no.

7 œ. œ & œ œ œ œ œ œ. œœ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ J œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ --ni um in te spe - rant, in te spe - rant do --mi ne, et tu das illis,

œ ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ ˙ ˙ œ. œ ˙ œ œ œ œ. œ V œ J œ œ J Œ J --cu li om --ni um in te spe - rant do --mi ne, et tu das il -

œ. œ V ∑ ˙ œ ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œœœ ˙ J ˙ Œ œ O . --cu li om J --ni um in te spe - rant do --mi ne, et

& Ó Œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ et tu das il - lis es - cam in tem -----poJ re o por tu no, in temJ -----poJ re o por tu

œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V œ œ œ ˙ Œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ - lis, et tu das illis escam in tem ------po re o por tu no, o por --tu

j j V œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó Œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ tu das il - lis, et tu das illis escam in tem ---po re o por tu -- no,

301 Benedicite domino oculi ominum - 2

21 ˙ j œ. œ œ & . œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ# ˙ J œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ no, o-- por - --tu no; a-- pe ris tu ma - num tuam

œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ J J œ ˙ no, in tem ------po re o por tu no, o por - tu - no; a --pe ris tu ma - num tu -

j œ œ œ œ œ V ∑ Œ œ. œ œ œ œ Œ J J œ œ œ œ . œ ˙ ˙ inœ tem -----po re o porœ tu no;˙ a --pe ris tu ma - num tu J - am

& Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ. œ ˙ et im ----ples om ne a ni mal, et im - ples omne a ------ni mal be ne dic J ti

˙ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙. œ œ œ œ V œ œ œ ‰J œ œ œ œ œ am et im - ples om--- ne a ni mal, et im ------ples om ne a ni mal be ne dic ti -

œ œ œ œ ˙ j V ˙ Œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ Nœ œ œ œ œ œ. œ ˙ et im ----ples om ne a ni mal, et im - plesœ omœ ------neœ a ni malœ be ne dic ti

35 j j & ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ on. Be -----J neJ dic tus do mi nus, de - us Is-- ra el,œ ab e --ter no et usque in e --ter num,

œ. œ œ ˙. œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ V œ J J J œ œ œ œ œ œ on. Be--- ne dic tus do --mi nus, de - us Is-- ra el, ab e --ter no et usque in e -

j j V ˙ œ. œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó ∑ Œ œ œ œ on. Be--- neJ dic tus do --mi nus,œ de - us Is ra -- el, ab e --ter

42 U œ œ & œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ Ó ˙ w et usque inœ e --ter num, et di - cet omnis po --pu lus, a - men.

œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ N˙ œ œ ˙ U V J J œ œ œ œ ˙ œ Ó ˙ w ter - num, et usque in e --ter num, et di - cet omnis po --pu lus, a - men.

j œ U V œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ Ó ˙ w no et usque in e --ter num, et di - cet omnis po --pu lus, a - men.

302 Benedicite domino oculi ominum - 3

Consecratio Mensæ Benedicite domino. Oculi omnium in te sperant domine, et tu das illis escam in tempore oportuno; aperis tu manum tuam et imples omne animal benediction. Benedictus dominus, deus Israel, ab eterno et usque in eternum, et dicet omnis populus, amen.

Consecration of the Table Praise the Lord. The eyes of all men hope for you, Lord, and you give them food at a suitable time; you open your hand and fill every living thing with your blessing. Blessed Lord, God of Israel, from the beginning of time and continuously to eternity, all people will say, “Amen.”

303 Gratias agimus tibi, pater celestis Gratiarum Actio - Giving of Thanks Part II - Paired with “Benedicite domino oculi omnium”

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Desiderius Erasmus (1469-1536)

Cantus C w. C Ó ∑ Ó ˙. œ ˙ ™ & ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ � Gra --ti as a --gi mus ti - # Tenor œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ# ˙ œ œ. œ ™ C w. V C ˙ œ œ ˙ J œ œ œ œ Gra --ti as a - gi- mus ti - bi, pa - ter

Bassus ™ ˙ œ ˙ C w. V C Ó ˙. œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ. œ œ œ � Gra --ti as a --gi mus ti - bi, pa - ter

7 œ œ œ j & ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ. œ ˙. œ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ bi, pa - ter ce-- les tis, qui tu -----a in ef fa biJ li po ------ten ti a con di di sti om--- ni a, con

œ œ œ. œœ w ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ# œ œ V J œ ce-- les tis, qui tu -----a in ef fa bi li po ------ten ti a con di di sti om--- ni a, con

˙ œ œ œ V ˙ ˙ œ. œ ˙ w ∑ œ œ œ. œ œ ˙ œ œ Œ œ ce - les J - tis, qui tu ------a in ef fa biJ li po ten ti a con -

15 j & œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ -----di di sti om. ni ˙a, tu - a in ----scru ta biœ œli, tu - a in----scru ta bi li sa -----pi en ti œa gu

œ Nœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V œ œ ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ. œ di------di sti om ni a, tu a in scru ta biJ li, tu a in scru ta bi li sa pi enJ ti a, sa pi enJ ti

œ œ œ œ V œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Ó Œ œ œ œ ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j -----di di sti om ni a, tu -----a in scru ta bi li, tu ------a in scru ta biœ œli sa piœ enœ. œ ti

304 Gratias agimus tibi, pater celestis - 2

23 # # œ j j œ œ & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ∑ ˙ œ ber------nas u ni ver sa, gu ber nas u ni ver sa, u niœ - ver - œ sa tu --œa in

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V ‰ J Œ œ œ œ œœ ˙ œ œ a gu----- ber nas u ni ver sa, gu---- ber nas u ni ver - sa tu ------a in ex hau sta bo ni

œ ˙ œ V ˙. œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ œ ˙ . œ œ œ œ a gu -----ber nas u ni ver sa, guœ -----berœ nasœ u niœ ver˙ sa tu - a in--- ex hau sta

30 U j ˙ & œ œ j j œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ w ∑ œ œ ex------hau staœ boœ œ niœ taœ teœ cunœ ctaœ pas˙ cis, cun --cta pas cis et ve ge -- tas. Lar --gi ra

œ œ œ œ U ˙ œ œ V œ œ Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w Ó œ œ ta- te cun - cta pas - cis et ve---- geJ tas, cun cta pas cis et ve-- ge tas. Lar ---gi ra fi lijs

U j j ˙ œ V œ. œ œ œ ˙ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ . œ boœ -- niœ ta œ ˙- teœ cun - cta pas - cis etœ ve˙. -- geœ tas.w Lar ---gi ra fi lijs J

38 œ œ ˙ & œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ fi - lijs tu - is, ut a ---li quan do te - cum bi - bant,œ bi - bantœ in

˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ V ˙ œ œ œ œ tuis, ut a ---li quan do te - cum bi - bant in reg - no tu - o, bibant in

œ œ ˙ V œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ∑ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ tuis, ut a ---li quan do te - cum bi - œ œ bantœ in

& œ ˙ œ œ œœ œ ˙ Ó Œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ regno tu - o nec - tar il - lud im -----mor ta li ta tis

œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ# ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ V œœ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ J J œ regno tu - o nec - tar il ---lud im mor ta - li ------ta tis, im mor ta li ta tis quod

œ ˙ ˙ V œ œ ˙ ˙ Œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ regno tu - o nec - tar il - lud im ------mor ta li ta tis quod

305 Gratias agimus tibi, pater celestis - 3

52 j j & Œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ∑ Œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ quod pro ---miJ si sti ac pre - pa ras -- ti vere di ---li gen

œ. œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ V J Œ pro ---mi si sti ac pre--- pa ras ti vere di ----li gen ti bus te per

œ œ œ ˙ œ œ V . œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œ pro ---miJ si sti ac pre--- pa ras ti ve - re di ----li gen ti bus te per

58 U & ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Ó ˙ w ti - bus te per Je - sum Cris- tum. A - men.

˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Uw V œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó Je - sum Cris- tum, per Je - sum Cris- tum. A - men.

U V ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Ó ˙ w Je - sum Cris- tum, per Je - sum Cris- tum. A - men.

Gratias agimus tibi, pater celestis, qui tua ineffabili potentia condidisti omnia, tua inscrutabili sapientia gubernas universa tua inexhausta bonitate cuncta pascis et vegetas. Largira filiis tuis, ut aliquando tecum bibant in regno tuo nectar illud immortalitatis quod promisisti ac preparasti vere diligentibus te per Jesum Cristum. Amen.

We give thanks to you, heavenly Father, who have created all things with your ineffable power, who govern your entire universe with your inscrutable wisdom, who with your boundless goodness feed and nourish all things. Allow your children to drink with you in your kingdom the nectar of immortality that you have promised and prepared for those who truly love you through Jesus Christ. Amen.

306 Brief vienne regarder ses delicates mains

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578)

Cantus œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j “ C ˙ & C J J J J J J J ‰ œ œ œ Brief vienJ --- ne re gar der ses de ---li ca tes mains, sesJ deJ ---Jli ca tes

Tenor ˙ C Ó j j j j j j œ œ œ œ j j j j ™ C & œ œ œ œ j œ œ J J œ œ œ œ œ# � Brief vien--- ne re garœ derœ ses de ---li ca tesJ mains, ses de ---li ca tes

Bassus œ œ œ C Œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ ™ C ˙ V J J J J ‰ J J J J J ‰ J J œ J J � Brief vien--- ne re gar der ses de ---li ca tes mains, ses de ---li ca tes

4 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j & ˙ Ó ˙ œ œ J J J J J œ J œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ mains Qui cap-- ti vent les dieux et les cœurs des hu- J mains, lesJ cœursJ des huJ - mains EtJ sesJ doigsJ

j œ œ ˙ œ j j j j j j j j & œ ‰ œ œ ˙ œœœ œ œ œ œ œ# œ #œ j œ mains Qui cap--œ ti œ vent les dieux et les cœursJ des humains, et lesœ cœurs desœ huœ - mainsœ Et

˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j V ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ Œ‰J J J J J œ J œ œ œ œ œ mains Qui cap-- ti vent les dieux et les cœurs des hu - mains,J et lesJ cœursJ des humains

9 œ j œ œ# œ œ Nœ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ & œ œ J ‰ œ œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ i---- vo rins, i vo rins qui les ro ---ses ef fa cent VoiJ - antJ sonJ cres- peJ poil, son front, son oeil besson Et

j j j j j j j & œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œœ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ# œ ‰ œ ses doigs i-- vo rins qui les ro ---sesJ ef fa cent Voi- ant sonœ cres- peœ poil,œ sonœ front, son oeil besson Et

œ œ œ œ j œ V œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Et sesJ doigsJ i-- vo rins qui les ro ---ses ef fa cent Voi- ant sonJ cresJ - peJ poil, son front, son oeil besson Et

307 Brief vienne regarder ses delicates mains - 2

15 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ Nœ œ œ œ & œ œ œ J J Œ œ J J J sa bouche et ses mains dir - a’ et a raison, dir - a’ et a rai - son, et a raison Que plusJ de ra-- ri I I

˙ j j j œ j j j & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ# œ œ Nœ œ ˙ sa bou- ch’ et ses mains dir- a et a raiJ - son, dir --œa dir a dir - œa et a raiœ - œ son œ Que plus I

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ V ˙ J J J J ˙ œ œ œ œ. J œ ˙ œ œ œ J sa bou- ch’ et ses mains dir- a et a raison, dir-- a dir a et a raison Que plusJ deJ raJ -- ri I

21 œ œ œ œ# œ œ #œ œ œ œ œ w œ ˙ œ œ œ U & œ œ œ œ J œ ˙ w tes, que plusJ deJ raJ -- ri tes les cieux en eux ne ca - chent, les cieux en eux ne ca - chent.

j j j U & œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ jœ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ w de ra --ri tes, queœ plus deœ ra-- ri tes les cieux, les cieux en eux ne ca - chent.

œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ œ U V œ œ œ œ œ œ J œ J œ œ ˙ w tes les cieux en eux ne ca - chent, que plusJ deJ raJ -- ri tes les cieux en eux ne ca - chent.

Brief vienne regarder ses delicates mains In short, he will come to see her delicate hands Qui captivent les dieux et les cœurs des humains That charm the gods and the hearts of humans, Et ses doigs ivorins qui les roses effacent. And her ivory fingers that eclipse the roses. Voiant son crespe poil, son front, son oeil besson Seeing her curly hair, her brow, her twin eyes, Et sa bouche, et ses mains, dira’ et a raison And her mouth, and her hands, he will say (and with reason) Que plus de rarites les cieux en eux ne cachent. That the heavens have hidden more treasures in them.

308 Io mi son giovenett’ e volontieri

Noé Faignient (c.1537-1578) Giovanni Boccaccio (1313-1375)

* Cantus w ˙ œ œ œn . œ œ# œ Nœ œ “ b C & b C J J œ ˙ ˙ Ó Io mi son gio--- ve net t’ e voJ -- lon tie - ri, I

Tenor b w j j j j j ™ b c & b C Œ ˙ œ œ œ. œ œ j œ œ œ# ‰ nœ œ œ œ œ Io mi son gio------ve net t’œe voœ lon tie ri, io mi son gio-- ve � I

Bassus ˙ œ œ œn . œ ™ b c w V b C ∑ ∑ Ó J � � Io mi son gio-- ve

5 œ œ œ œn . œ œ # œ j œ œ œ œ œ n œ & b Œ J œ# œ J œ œ J J J œ# ‰ J œ J io mi son gio--- ve net t’ e voJ --- lon tie ri, e vo--- lon tie ri, e voJ -- lon I

j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j & b œ œ œ# œ œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ net ----t’ e vo lon tie œri, io mi son gio------ve netJ t’Je vo lon tie ri, e vo--- lon tie ri, e vo--- lonœ tieœ ri I I

œ j j j j œ œ j j j V b œ# ‰ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ J J œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ net - ta, io mi son gio--- veJ net t’ e vo--- lonJ tie ri, e voJ --- lon tie ri,J e vo-- lon I

9 j j j œ. j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# J J J J J J tie - ri M’ al--- legJ r’ e canJ t’Jen la staJ ---gionJ no vel la,J m’ al--- leg r’ e can t’ en la staR - I I I I I I

j j j j j j j j j & b ‰ j œ r œ œ ‰ œ j œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ M’œal--- leg . r’œe canœ t’ en la staœ - gion,œ enœ la staœ - gion no-- vel la, noJ - I I I

œ j j œ. œ j j V b œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ tie - ri M’ al ---legJ r’ e canJ t’Jen la staR ---gionJ noJ vel la, m’ al-- legJ r’ e I I I I I * in source used as a cautionary sign to indicate that E should not be lowered to E . This same indication appears several times in this piece. # b Chansons, madrigales & motetz à 3 parties Copyright © Sienna M. Wood, 2015

309 Io mi son giovenett’ e volontieri - 2

12 œ Nœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ. œ œ & b J œ ˙ ‰ J J J J Œ‰ J J œ gion noJ -- vel la, en la staJ ---gion no vel la, en la staJ - gion novel -

j j j j j j j j j j j j j & b œ œ. œœœ œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ œ - J vel - la, m’œal-- leg r’œe canœ œ - t’ en la. sta---gion no vel. œœœ la,œ en la sta---gion no velœ I I I

œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j V b œ J J œ œ ‰ J J œ ‰ J œ œ œ œ canJ - t’Jen la sta - gion noJ --vel la, en la staJ - gion no-- vel la, en laJ sta---gionJ no vel I

16 # U ˙ ˙ œ œb œ j œ œ. j j & b Ó œ œ œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Ó la Mer -----ce d’a mor, mer ce d’a mo r’ e diJ dolJ -ci penJ -sie - ri. I

j j j j j U & b ‰ œ œ œ œ# œ œn œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙n ˙ Ó laœ Mer------ce d’a mor, mer ce d’a mor, merœ ce d’a mo r’ e di dol -ci penJ - sie - ri. I U œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ j j j j j j œ œ œ œ V b ‰ J œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ J J la Mer------ce d’a mor, mer ce d’a mor, mer ce d’a mor e diJ dol ----ci, dol ci pen sie ri. Io vo pe’ i I

22 œ œ œ œ j j j œ œ œ œ œ œ# & b Œ œ J J J œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ J Io vo pe’ i ver-- diJ pra ti, io voJ pe’J i verJ -- di pra ti ri - guar - dan - I I

j j j j j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ j œ œ j œ j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ Io voJ pe’J i ver-- di pra ti, ioœ vo pe’ i verœ - diœ pra --œti œri guar - dan- do,œ ri-- guar dan - I I œ b œ œ œ j œ œ œ j œ ‰ œ œ j œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ V J J ‰ œ J J œ œ J œ œ œ œ œ ver-- di pra ti, io vo pe’ i verJ -- di pra ti, pe’ i verJ -- di pra ti ri- guar - dan - I I

26 œ œ Nœ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ j j j œ œ œ & b ‰ J J J ‰ J œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ J œ do, io vo pe’ i verJ - diJ pra - ti ri- guar - dan---- do,œ ri guar dan do I bianJ -- chi fio I

b j j j j j j j & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j œ j œb œ œ œ œ do, io voJ pe’J i verdi pra - ti ri---- guarœ œ œ danœ do, ri guar œ œ œ œ- œ œ danœ - do I bian-- chi fio I œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ b œ œ œ œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# V ˙ ‰ J J J J J ‰ œ œ œ J Ó do, io vo pe’ i ver-- di pra ti ri -----guar dan do I

310 Io mi son giovenett’ e volontieri - 3

30 œ œ œ j œ œ œ œ# œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ & b ˙ J œ œ J ‰ J J J J ri, bian-- chiJ fio ri e gia - li, LeJ ro - s’ in su le spi-- n’ e bian chi gi - I I

j j j j j j j & b œ j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ri,œ i bianœ -- chi fioœ œ ri e gia - li, e gia - œli, Leœ ro. - s’ in su le spi- n’ e bianchi gi - œ œ I I j œ œ b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ‰ j œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ V J J œ J œ œ J J J œ œ J I bian-- chi fio ri, i bianchi fio --r’ e gia li, Le ro - s’ in su le spi- n’ e bianchi gi - I I I

35 # n œ œ œ# œ œ Nœ œ œ œb œ œ. nœ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b œ œ œ œ ‰ J J œ J R œ. œœœ œ J œ -- gli, E tut --ti quan ti, Je tutJ --ti quan Jti gli vo so ---mi glian do Al viJ --so diJ coJ

j j j œ j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ --˙ gli,œ E tut --œti quanœ ti, e tut - ti quan - ti gli voJ so ---miJ glian do Al vi --so di co

œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ V b ˙ Œ œ œ œ œ J J œ œ œ J ˙ Ó gli, E tut --ti quan ti, e tut - Jti quan - ti gli voJ so ---mi glian do

40 œ j j j j j j j j œ. œ œ j œ œ œ j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ. œ œ œ J . œ œ œ J J œ œ œ œ lui, al vi --so di co lui ch’ a-manJ - doR -mi, ch’ a - man --doR mi, MiJ pre - se e ter ---raJ sem pre, ch’ a I I I # n n œ j j j r j j j j j j j & b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ . œ œ œ œ. œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ j œ lui, al viJ ------soJ diJ coJ lui ch’ a man do mi, ch’ a manJ doR mi, Mi pre - se e terJ - ra sem -œ pre,œ ch’ a - I I I

j j j j œ j œ. œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ j œ j œ V b ˙ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ J œ œ J R J J ‰ œ œ œ Al vi --so di co lui ch’ a ------man doR mi,J ch’J a man do mi, Mi pre - se e terJ --ra sem pre, I I

44 U j r j j œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & b œ . œ œ œ J J œ œ œ. œ œ œ wn man --do mi, ch’ a ---man doR mi, J Mi pre - se e ter - ra sem - pre. I

j j j j j U & b œ. œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ# w manJ --doR mi, ch’ a ---manJ doR mi, MiJ pre - se e ter - ra sem - pre. I U j œ. œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œb ˙ V b ‰ œ J œ œ J R J œ œ w ch’ a ---man doR mi,J ch’J a ---man do mi, MiJ pre - se e ter - ra sem - pre. I I

311 Io mi son giovenett’ e volontieri - 4

312 Sources of the CM&M Collections and Other Works by Faignient

Although Faignient’s biography suggests that he never found a regular position as a composer, his debut should not be considered entirely unsuccessful. A survey of Faignient’s printed output shows that pieces from his debut collections were promptly reprinted in anthologies and rearranged for instruments; they became the basis for contrafacta, and were widely distributed. New pieces were printed in popular and influential anthologies, appearing alongside those of celebrated composers such as Orlande de Lassus, Cipriano de Rore, Giovanni

Pierluigi da Palestrina, Luca Marenzio, Claude le Jeune, Clément Janequin, Jacob Arcadelt, and

Josquin des Prez.241 Furthermore, the distribution of Faignient’s works was international and enduring: his pieces appear in anthologies printed in the Low Countries, England, Switzerland, and Germany, some of which were published more than 50 years after the composer’s death.

This section will survey both print and manuscript sources of the CM&M collections and

Faignient’s subsequent works.

Published Output

A broad look at Faignient’s published output demonstrates his strong connection to

Antwerp. Far more of his works were published there than in any other city. Both CM&M collections appear to have been published in Antwerp by Elizabeth Saen, the widow of Jan de

241 For a list of these works, see Appendix A.

313 Laet (see Chapter VII), and the Phalèse printing firm published seven anthologies containing pieces by Faignient after they moved operations to Antwerp in 1581. Several of these Antwerp collections were reissued, and in the case of the Livre septième new editions appeared every few years until the mid-17th century.

That said, the production and distribution of Faignient’s works were not limited to

Antwerp. His pieces appear in anthologies printed in Switzerland, Germany, England, and several cities in the Low Countries other than Antwerp, and these volumes are now held in libraries all over Western and Northern Europe.

Single-Author Collections Other than the CM&M Collections

The only two extant collections devoted entirely to works by Faignient are the two

CM&M volumes of 1568, but a few additional collections have been attributed to Faignient in catalogues and biographies from as early as 1611. Two volumes of motets and madrigals by

Faignient were first described by Georg Draudius in his 1611 Bibliotheca classica:

Noe Faigment [sic] Madrigalia & Motetae, 4. 5. & 6. vocum, Antuerp, 69. Madrigalia 4. 5. & 8. voc. Antuerp. apud Ioan. Bellerum, 95.

Subsequent catalogues and biographies have handed down entries for one or the other of these items, but copies have never been located nor have their contents been described. Furthermore, discrepancies between catalogues suggest that there is much confusion surrounding these items, casting doubt upon their accurate identification and very existence.

Some catalogues give the date of this doubtful 4-6-voice collection as 1559 rather than

1569. If a volume did appear in 1559 it would precede the CM&M collections that represent the

314 composer’s debut, making this sequence of events unlikely.242 Other catalogues interpret

Draudius’s 4-6-voice collection as an imperfect description of CM&M à 4-6. He gives the date as 1569 rather than 1568 and the title is incomplete, but the same number of voices and closeness of the dates suggest that it may very well be the same volume.243

The chronology surrounding the 4-8-voice collection described by Draudius is also awkward. The publication of a collection of madrigals by a man who was not principally a composer (he made a living as a shop owner from the 1570s) and had probably been dead for 17 years seems to be an ill-conceived business venture. Although Faignient’s works were still being printed and circulated into the 17th century, this was only as part of the often reprinted and revised Livre septième, a large anthology in which Faignient’s pieces played only a small role. It seems unlikely that there would be sufficient demand for Faignient’s madrigals to justify the printing of a collection devoted to them so many years after his death. These circumstances, therefore, cast further doubts on the existence of a madrigal collection by Faignient printed in

1595.

242 The dedication in CM&M à 4-6 describes the contents as “les premiers fruitz de mon jardinet.” See also Ignace Bossuyt and Saskia Willaert, “Jean De Castro’s Il primo libro di madrigali, conzoni e motetti,” in Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation, vol. 2, eds. Eugeen Schreurs and Henri Vanhulst (Peer, Belgium: Alamire, 1997), 333-352. 243 The catalogues and biographies in question include Georg Draud (Dradius), Bibliotheca classica… (Frankfurt, Germany: Nicolaum Hoffmannum, Petri Kopffij, 1611); Johann Gottfried Walther, Musicalisches Lexicon oder Musicalische Bibliothec (Leipzig, Germany: Deer, 1732); François-Joseph Fétis, Biographie universelle des musiciens et bibliographie générale de la musique (Brussels, Belgium: Leroux, 1835-1844); Albert Göhler, Verzeichnis der in den Frankfurter und Leipziger Messkatalogen der Jahre 1564 bis 1759 angezeigten Musikalien (Leipzig, Germany: C.F. Kahnt Nachf, 1902); Alphonse Goovaerts, Histoire et bibliographie de la typographie musicale dans les Pays-Bas (Amsterdam, Netherlands: Frits A.M. Knuf, 1963); Andrew Pettegree, and Malcolm Walsby, eds., Netherlandish Books: Books Published in the Low Countries and Dutch Books Printed Abroad before 1601 (Boston, Massachusetts: Brill, 2011); Andrew Pettegree, et al, eds., French Vernacular Books: Books Published in the French Language before 1601 / Livres vernaculaires français: Livres imprimés en français avant 1601 (Boston, Massachusetts: Brill, 2007); Robert Lee Weaver, A Descriptive Bibliographical Catalog of the Music Printed by Hubert Waelrant and Jan de Laet (Warren, Michigan: Harmonie Park Press, 1994); RISM A/I and B/I; and USTC.

315 A third collection is ascribed to Faignient by Fétis: “Airs, motets et madrigales à trois parties” (Paris, 1567).244 We once again face a chronological issue because this volume would precede Faignient’s CM&M collections and conflict with evidence that shows the CM&M collections to be Faignient’s debut. Furthermore, the volume is described as being printed in

Paris, which seems unlikely since Faignient was probably a young composer in Antwerp at the time and would not yet be known in Paris. Perhaps Fétis was describing CM&M à 3 and improperly transcribed the title, reordering the words and substituting ‘airs’ for ‘chansons.’ But there are also discrepancies in both the date and place of publication, making this possibility less likely. This volume has not been found nor described elsewhere, and is not attributed to

Faignient in any other catalogues, making its existence doubtful.

Although several single-composer collections other than the two CM&M volumes are attributed to Faignient in various sources, the evidence concerning these collections is very weak. In no instance have any of these volumes been described in enough detail to classify them as ‘missing’ rather than ‘doubtful.’ In all likelihood, these mystery volumes are actually faulty descriptions of the CM&M volumes, or they describe collections that have been misattributed to

Faignient. As the evidence stands, the only single-composer volumes that can be reliably attributed to Faignient are the two CM&M volumes.

Anthologies

Faignient’s works appear in several anthologies printed between 1569 and the middle of the 17th century (see Appendix A for a complete list), several of which were popular, widely distributed, and influential. Many of the pieces in these volumes were reprinted from the

244 Fétis, Biographie, 64-65.

316 CM&M collections, but some new pieces appear in anthologies beginning in 1583. This is somewhat surprising, given that Faignient was most likely dead before 1579. But we know from archival documents that his widow, Anna, experienced financial difficulties in 1583 so it seems logical that she would have seized upon any opportunity to print works he left behind in order to support her family. Whatever the reason for the appearance of Faignient’s works in these anthologies, their presence is a strong indication that the composer was well respected and that his works were in demand throughout Western Europe.

Faignient in the Anthologies of the Phalèse Press

Anthologies containing Faignient’s pieces were printed in Geneva, Munich, Amsterdam,

London, and other places in between, but the Phalèse printing firm in Louvain and then Antwerp printed the greatest number of them by far. The Phalèse press was established by Pierre Phalèse

Sr. (c. 1510-1576) in Louvain in 1542 and became associated with Jean Bellère of Antwerp beginning in 1570. After the death of Phalèse Sr. prior to 1577, Pierre Phalèse the younger took over operations and in 1581 he moved the business to Antwerp.245

The Phalèse printing firm issued a total of 16 anthologies containing pieces by Faignient, including the first and last: Recueil des fleurs… tiers livre (RISM B/I 156911, USTC 64363) was the first anthology including works by Faignient and was printed shortly after the CM&M collections were issued; the edition of the Livre septième issued between 1641 and 1643 by the heirs of Phalèse was the last anthology to contain works by Faignient to be printed in the 17th century. Although several of these anthologies contained only a few pieces by Faignient, the

245 Susan Lewis Hammond, “Selling the Madrigal: Pierre Phalèse II and the Four ‘Antwerp Anthologies,’” in Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation, vol. 6 (Neerpelt, Belgium: Alamire Music Publishers, 2008), 225-252; and Grove Music Online, s.v. “Phalèse,” accessed April 15, 2015, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/21541#S21541.

317 repeated appearance of his works show that the Phalèse firm held him in high regard and recognized the commercial value of his works well after the composer’s death.

Livre septième (1560-1643)

The Livre septième des chansons vulgaires de diverses autheurs à quatre parties is an anthology of chansons à 4 that was reprinted more than thirty times in the century following its first print in 1560. Although it was originally the seventh volume in a series, reprintings of the septième volume were independent of the premier to sixiesme volumes of 1552, as no reprints of the earlier volumes appear after the 1560s. The Livre septième (originally published as

Septiesme livre des chansons à quatre parties by Pierre Phalèse Sr. in Louvain in 1560) also differs from the earlier volumes in that it was significantly larger and was the first to contain works by Parisian composers in addition to those originating in the Low Countries.246

Reprintings were often used as an opportunity to add and remove a few pieces, meaning that most reprintings were actually new editions and that the collection was transformed over time by its various editors. A handful of pieces by Faignient appear in several editions of the

Livre septième issued between the 1610s and 1655. For example, in Phalèse’s Livre septième of

1617 (RISM 16176a, Vanhulst 16)247 we find Faignient’s “Soyons plaisans tous gallans” along with three liedekens: “Maer Heere want ick op der aerden moet leven” and “Overvloedighen rijckdom noch armoede groot” (paired), and “Musica, aldersoetste const.” These four pieces were all taken from CM&M à 4-6, the latter being “L’homme qui n’est point amoureus” with a new Dutch text.

246 Rudolf Rasch, “The ‘Livre septième,’” in Atti del XIV Congresso della Società Internazionale di Musicologia, I: Round Tables, ed. Angelo Pompilio et al. (Turin, Italy: Edizioni di Torino, 1990), 306. 247 ‘Vanhulst’ numbers from Henri Vanhulst, “Un succès de l’édition musicale: le Septiesme livre des chansons a quatre parties (1560-1661/3),” Revue belge de Musicologie / Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Muziekwetenschap 32/33 (1978/1979): 102-109.

318 A Phalèse edition dated 1613 (RISM 16137, Vanhulst 15) contains a single piece by

Faignient, “Le seul espoir.” Phalèse most likely took the piece from his earlier collection, Le

Rossignol musical des chansons… of 1597 (RISM 159710). Strangely, the table of contents in the tenor part of the 1613 edition is actually the table from RISM 16176a/Vanhulst 16. The tables in the superius, contratenor, and bassus are correct, so the anomaly is only to be found in the tenor book. An error of this kind usually occurs when a typesetter uses an old table of contents for a new print, resulting in an old table in a new collection. But in this case we find a newer table in an older collection, which is very unusual and raises questions about the dating of this edition.248

A valuable clue about the chronology of the 1613 edition is offered by another edition of the Livre septième, the edition printed in 1633 in Douai by the Bogart press (RISM 16332,

Vanhulst 20). The Bogart 1633 edition contains exactly the same pieces as Phalèse’s 1613 edition, suggesting that the Bogart edition was a copy of Phalèse’s. The same relationship can be found between RISM 16176/Vanhulst 17 from the Bogart press and Phalèse’s RISM

16176a/Vanhulst 16, but in this case the Bogart edition was printed in the same year as Phalèse’s.

It seems strange that in 1617 the Bogart press would copy Phalèse’s edition and issue it right away, and then 16 years later they would copy a different Phalèse edition that was 20 years old by then. Much more plausible is that the so-called 1613 edition was actually printed in 1633 and that the 1633 edition (RISM 16332/Vanhulst 20) from the Bogart press is a copy that was put to press later in the same year. Not only would this show a pattern at the Bogart press of emulating

Phalèse’s editions promptly after their issue, but it would also explain the appearance of a 1617

248 The only copy of the 1613 print is held at the British Library under the call number A.315. I was not able to consult this volume in person (only in microfilm), but the error is noted in the catalogue of the British Library and Christopher Scobie of the Rare Books & Music Reference Service was able to confirm it in the hard copy as well.

319 table of contents in the so-called 1613 edition by reversing the sequence of the two editions.249

Further comparisons between the output of the Phalèse and Bogart printing firms and a deeper analysis of the type and paper could offer additional evidence to confirm this theory, but I will not undertake that here.

Faignient’s pieces continued to appear in various editions of the Livre septième until the mid-17th century (for a complete list, see Appendix A). A lost edition from 1636 published by the Heirs of Phalèse (Vanhulst 21) contained a new group of pieces by Faignient: “Ick sal den

Heer mijn Godt ghebenedyen,” “Musica, aldersoetste const,” and “Soyons plaisans tous gallans.”

The latter two appeared in previous editions of the Livre septième, but “Ick sal den Heer mijn

Godt ghebenedyen” is a new addition taken from CM&M à 4-6. With the exception of Broer

Jansz’s 1640 edition (Amsterdam, RISM 16406, Vanhulst 22), all the remaining editions contain

“Musica, aldersoetste const” and “Soyons plaisans tous gallans.” The subsequent editions published by the Heirs of Phalèse also include “Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt ghebenedyen.” The remarkable staying power of Faignient’s pieces in these later editions of the Livre septième attest to the composer’s enduring popularity and commercial viability well into the 17th century.

249 The presence of the 1617 table in the 1613 tenor book could also have been caused by the page being inserted into the collection by mistake when the collection was bound, and the error would not be obvious since the final piece of both collections was the same: “Je suis desheritée” printed on 28r, the reverse side of the table of contents (the listing of “Comme la rose” on fo. 29 in the proper 1613 table is an error, this piece is found on fo. 19). The presence of modern bindings on the partbooks (they were rebound by the British Library in 1956) means that very little can be said about the circumstances of the original binding. However, Mr. Scobie at the British Library observed no physical characteristics of the paper of the tenor table of contents that differentiate it from the paper used in the rest of the collection. With this evidence, we cannot conclude for certain that the 1617 table of contents was printed as part of the (so-called) 1613 edition, but we cannot rule out the possibility either. In any case, the redating of the 1613 edition to 1633 is not contingent on this piece of evidence. Mr. Scobie has my gratitude for his assistance.

320 La fleur des chansons à trois parties (1574)

La fleur des chansons à trois parties… (RISM 15743, USTC 64232), contains 18 of the

22 chansons from Faignient’s CM&M à 3, omitting only “Sur toutte fleur d’éslite,” the pair of

Ronsard settings (“Veu que tu es plus blanche” and “Te souvient il plus du prophète”), and

“Brief vienne regarder ses delicates mains.”250 Faignient’s pieces play such a large role in this massive collection (containing 101 chansons for three voices) that the title page includes

Faignient’s name, as follows:

La Fleur des chansons a trois parties, contenant un recueil, produit de la divine musique de Jean Castro, Severin Cornet, Noe Faignient, & autres excellens aucteurs, mis en ordre convenable suivant leurs tons.251

This suggests that Faignient’s name and reputation had commercial value and that advertising the presence of his works in the collection would have improved its marketability.

Also in La fleur des chansons we find several different settings of the same texts, including three that are parallel to Faignient’s settings: “Susann’ ung jour” (one each by Cornet and Castro), “Las voules vous qu’une personnne chante” (by Castro), and “Tout ce qu’on peut en elle voir” (also by Castro). In her dissertation concerning the 3-part chanson Courtney Adams observes,

“[La fleur des chansons] offers several instances of duplication indicating which melodies were the most popular and suggesting that Phalèse thought that more than one version would appeal to his public.”252

250 “Brief vienne regarder ses delicates mains” appears at the end of CM&M à 3 rather than grouped with the other chansons, which raises the possibility that it may have been overlooked when La fleur des chansons was compiled rather than being deliberately excluded. For more on the two pieces that appear out of order in CM&M à 3, see page 167. 251 Transcribed in Courtney Adams, “The Three-Part Chanson During the Sixteenth Century” (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1974), 305 (underline mine). 252 Adams, “The Three-Part Chanson,” 318.

321 The inclusion of three instances of parallel text settings with Faignient’s pieces again suggests that his works were appealing and highly marketable to the general public.

The ‘Antwerp Anthologies’ (1583)

Perhaps the most important of all the Phalèse anthologies are the so-called ‘Antwerp

Anthologies’ of Italian madrigals.253 All four volumes were widely circulated throughout

Europe and were highly influential. Two of these anthologies, Harmonia celeste (1583) and

Musica divina (1583), each contain two works by Faignient. Phalèse himself selected the pieces for Musica divina, choosing a combination of works by Italians (Palestrina, Alfonso Ferrabosco,

Andrea Gabrieli, etc.) and by composers from the Low Countries (Lassus, Rore, Philippe de

Monte, etc.). Harmonia celeste was complied by Andreas Pevernage, a composer from the Low

Countries and close associate of Phalèse. The fact that both Phalèse and Pevernage, who were very knowledgeable and experienced in the publication of music, would select works by

Faignient for these important collections demonstrates the wide appeal and commercial value of these pieces to a contemporary audience. 254

Harmonia celeste, Musica divina, and the other Antwerp Anthologies are among the earliest volumes of Italian madrigals to appear in northern Europe. They have been recognized as an important means by which Italian madrigals were disseminated in this region, but they were also instrumental in the transmission of madrigals by composers of the Low Countries to the international market, particularly England.

253 For the source of the term ‘Antwerp Anthologies’ see Hammond, “Selling the Madrigal.” 254 Hammond, “Selling the Madrigal,” 229-230.

322 Musica Transalpina and Anglo-Netherlandish Relations in the Late 16th Century

Two of Phalèse’s Antwerp Anthologies, Musica divina and Harmonia celeste, became important sources for Musica Transalpina of 1588, the first printed collection of Italian madrigals in England. Musica Transalpina contains 57 madrigals by composers from all across

Europe that were ‘Englished’ (given new English texts). The collection was remarkable both for its commercial success and its influence on English composers and publishers. The very first piece is Faignient’s “These that be certaine signes of my tormenting” (a contrafactum of “Questi ch’indizio fan del mio tormento” from Musica divina), and a second piece of his, “When shall I cease lamenting” (a contrafactum of “Chi per voi non sospiro” from Harmonia celeste), can be found about halfway through the collection.

It is surprising that a piece by composer from the Low Countries should have been chosen as the first piece in the first book of madrigals printed in England, especially since there was ready access to madrigals by native Italians from presses in Venice and elsewhere in the south. Moreover, when compared to some of the other composers featured in Musica

Transalpina, Faignient’s career and composition style seem rather unremarkable: He was not working in England (unlike Ferrabosco, who served Queen Elizabeth I between 1562 and 1578), nor was he particularly prolific or innovative (unlike Marenzio), nor was he internationally famous (unlike Lassus). Nicholas Yonge, the editor of the collection, had a wide array of pieces to choose from, both from Italy and from the North, so why did he choose Faignient?

The appearance of Faignient’s pieces in Musica Transalpina may indicate an affinity between Faignient’s compositional style and English taste in music, which is supported by the fact that the collection of Faignient-related prints and manuscripts held at the British Library today is the largest such collection in the world (see page Table 8 on page 330). These library

323 holdings include documents from as late as the end of the 18th century, indicating a sustained

English appreciation for these pieces well after their first appearance there.

On the other hand, there may be a political aspect to the choice of Faignient’s pieces for

Musica Transalpina. Relations between the Spanish Low Countries and England were amicable during the reign of Mary Tudor, both because of her Catholicism and her marriage to Philip II of

Spain. But after Mary died in 1558 and Elizabeth I ascended to the English throne, relations deteriorated. Elizabeth refused an offer of marriage from Philip in 1559, ensuring England’s religious and political independence from the Habsburgs. Following this rejection, Philip began to support Elizabeth’s Catholic opposition, namely the Catholic rebellion in England and Mary

Queen of Scots’s claim to the English crown. In 1585, Elizabeth pledged English support for the

Dutch fight for independence from Spain in the Dutch Revolt. Both English and Spanish seafarers carried out attacks on each other, either with the tacit or overt support of Elizabeth and

Philip. Trade relations between England and the Low Countries were disrupted by these skirmishes and seizures, much to the detriment of the economy in the Low Countries.255

Despite all this, there was not outright war between Spain and England until 1587 when

Mary Queen of Scots was executed for her involvement with the Babington Plot to overthrow

Elizabeth. Turning his attention (and resources) away from recapturing the Low Countries,

Philip ordered an invasion of England. An armada of over 130 ships sailed to England in 1588 with orders to clear the English Channel to allow Spanish troops from the Low Countries to cross

255 Hastings Robinson, ed., The Zurich Letters (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1842), 208-210; and Royal Museums Greenwich, “The Armada of 1588,” accessed April 15, 2015, http://www.rmg.co.uk/explore/sea- and-ships/in-depth/elizabeth/threats-to-the-crown/the-armada-of-1588. On political and economic relations between the Low Countries and England, see also G.D. Ramsay, The End of the Antwerp Mart, Part II: The Queen’s Merchants and the Revolt of the Netherlands (Dover, NH: Manchester University Press, 1986); Conyers Read, “Queen Elizabeth’s Seizure of the Duke of Alva’s Pay-Ships,” The Journal of Modern History 5, no. 4 (December 1933): 443-464; and Jonathan Israel, The Dutch Republic: Its Rise, Greatness, and Fall: 1477-1806 (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1995), 219-230.

324 and continue the invasion on land. England was well prepared for the attack and soundly defeated the Spanish armada, destroying more than half of their ships.256

Published in 1588, the same year that the Spanish failed to invade England, Musica

Transalpina’s connections to the Antwerp Anthologies suggest an anti-Spain posture. Just as

Philip had supported those opposing Elizabeth, the promotion of composers from the Low

Countries in Musica Transalpina may be a signal of English support for the enemies of Philip and his government in Brussels.

Instrumental Arrangements

In addition to the lute arrangement found in manuscript in the Thysius Lute book (see below), there are several printed instrumental arrangements of pieces by Faignient. The presence of such arrangements as early as 1574 shows that the CM&M volumes and reprints of these pieces by the Phalèse printing house (in 1569, 1572, and 1574; see Appendix A) had succeeded in building a reputation for the emerging composer. These lute and organ intabulations show that there was enough demand for Faignient’s works to justify an alternative format, and that these pieces were considered valuable even without their texts. Instrumental arrangements of songs by Faignient continued to appear until 1617, although Thesaurus musicus of 1574 was the only instance in which the pieces were taken from one of the CM&M collections.

Table 7: Collections of instrumental intabulations containing works by Faignient257 Contents by Title City, Printer, Date RISM USTC Instrument Faignient Thesaurus musicus… Louvain & Antwerp, 157412 83710 lute 7 chansons from Pierre Phalèse Sr. & CM&M à 4-6 Jean Bellère, 1574

256 Royal Museums Greenwich, “The Armada of 1588,” http://www.rmg.co.uk/explore/sea-and-ships/in- depth/elizabeth/threats-to-the-crown/the-armada-of-1588. 257 All lute volumes in French lute tabulature. For listings of individual pieces, see Appendix A.

325 Pratum musicum longe Antwerp, Pierre 158412 402046 lute a motet (source amoenissimum… (arr. Phalèse, 1584 unknown) and a Emanuel Adriaenssen) madrigal from Musica divina Novum pratum Antwerp, Pierre 159222 402262 lute a madrigal (source musicum… (arr. Phalèse & Jean unknown) Emanuel Adriaenssen) Bellère, 1592 Flores musicae… (arr. Heidelberg, Gotthard 16005a 553077 lute two madrigals from Johann Rude) and Philipp Vögelin, Musica divina 1600 Pratum musicum longe Antwerp, Pierre 160018 402517 lute a madrigal from amoenissimum… [II] Phalèse, 1600 Harmonia celeste (arr. Emanuel Adriaenssen) Florida, sive Utrecht, Salomon 160118 n/a lute two madrigals from cantiones… (arr. Aartszoon de Roy and Harmonia celeste Joachim van den Jan Willemszoon van Hove) Rhenen, 1601 Nova musices Basel, J.J. Genath, 161724 n/a organ a motet from Sacrae organicae 1617 cantiones tabulatura… (arr. Johann Woltz)

In some of these collections attributions are not present, meaning that the composers of these works can only be identified through textual and musical content. When Brown published

Instrumental Music Printed Before 1600: A Bibliography in 1965, the only pieces he attributed to Faignient were those found in Adriaenssen’s 1584 and 1592 editions.258 Fortunately, Vanhulst recognized Faignient’s pieces from Thesaurus musicus when making his catalogues of the

Phalèse editions at Louvain in 1990, and Ballman offered the remainder of the attributions listed above in her 1997 article on this very topic.259

Arrangements were made from Faignient’s chansons, madrigals, and motets, but none of his liedekens appear in instrumental versions. This may be because the liedekens were too

258 Howard Mayer Brown, Instrumental Music Printed Before 1600: A Bibliography (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965). 259 Henri Vanhulst, Catalogue des é itions de musique publiées Louvain par Pierre Phalèse et ses fils 1545-1578 (Brussels, Belgium: Palais des Académis, 1990); and Christine Ballman, “Versions vocales et instrumentales des chansons de Noé Faignient,” in Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation, vol. 2, eds. Eugeen Schreurs and Henri Vanhulst (Peer, Belgium: Alamire, 1997), 365-376.

326 closely associated with their words for a textless version to be of any interest. In Thesaurus musicus (1574) six of the seven pieces by Faignient (all based on chansons) are settings of texts that were never set to music by anyone else, suggesting that the texts themselves may have been of little cultural importance. However, it is more likely that the chansons and madrigals were simply more widely marketable than the liedekens, which meant greater commercial potential for their instrumental versions.

Thesaurus musicus (1574) contains fantasies, vocal music, and dances intabulated on five lines for lute. The anthology contains 39 vernacular pieces, seven of which are chansons from

CM&M à 4-6. The only composer with more pieces in the collection is Sandrin (c. 1490-after

1560). Ballman notes that Faignient’s pieces were not revised between their original printing in

CM&M à 4-6 and Thesaurus musicus, and suggests that “l’importance que Phalèse attach à

Faignient est bien une nouveauté.”260 After Thesaurus musicus (1574), only madrigals and a couple of motets by Faignient were intabulated, none of which were drawn from either CM&M collection.

Johann Rude’s two-volume Flores musicae for eight-course solo lute was intended as a companion to Noctes musicae by Matthias Reymann, who was fellow lutenist and lawyer in

Leipzig. Reymann’s collection contains preludes and dances, while Rude’s is primarily vocal repertoire. Lobaugh describes these pieces as mostly “exact transcriptions, introducing here and there interesting melodic and harmonic modifications.”261

Florida sive cantiones is the first lute collection by Joachim van den Hove (1567- 1620), a native of Antwerp who was living in Leiden when this volume appeared. As in Adriaenssen’s

260 Ballman, “Versions vocales et instrumentales,” 369. 261 Ibid., 371; and Grove Music Online, s.v. “Rude, Johann,” by H.B. Lobaugh, accessed June 18, 2015, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/24075.

327 collections, Hove includes two vocal parts (the highest and lowest) in standard notation with his lute intabulations. Robinson suggests that Rude’s “often elaborate music” demonstrates the composer’s own “technical mastery” of the lute, but notes that as a composer Rude’s style

“developed little” between publications. Both of Faignient’s pieces in Florida sive cantiones were drawn from Harmonia celeste.262

The Pratum collections (1584, 1592, 1600) arranged by Emmanuel Adriaenssen (c. 1554-

1604) each contain five fantasies, around 50 arrangements of vocal pieces, and about 30 dances.

Spiessens describes the vocal pieces as “virtuoso lute arrangements of madrigals, chansons and motets by prominent Netherlandish, French and Italian composers of the 16th century” and the

“apogée dans l’œuvre du virtuose” and of Adriaenssen as a composer.263 Along with each intabulation are two or more vocal parts in standard notation. In the case of the four madrigals by Faignient, the superius and bassus parts are included. Two of the four pieces by Faignient were drawn from Musica divina and Harmonia celeste, two of Phalèse’s four Antwerp

Anthologies. The arrangement of “Chi per voi non sospira” is for two lutes tuned ad secundam.

Nova musices organicae tabulatura, compiled by Johann Woltz, contains the lone organ intabulation of a piece by Faignient: “Laudate Dominum omnes gentes,” a setting of Psalm 116

(117) originally printed in Sacrae cantiones (1585). It is notated in the ‘New German’ keyboard system, which is distinguished from the earlier German system in that letters are used to represent all voices.264 The collection contains 85 motets, 53 German songs, 50 canzoni alla

262 Grove Music Online, s.v. “Hove, Joachim van den,” by John H. Robinson, accessed June 19, 2015, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/13415. 263 First quote from Grove Music Online, s.v. “Adriaenssen, Emanuel,” by Godelieve Spiessens, accessed June 18, 2015, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/00218. Second quote from Godelieve Spiessens, Luitmuziek van Emanuel Adriaenssen (Antwerp, Belgium: De Ring, 1966), n.p. 264 Willi Apel, The Notation of Polyphonic Music 900-1600, 4th ed. (Cambridge, MA: The Medieval Academy of America, 1949), 32.

328 francese (dances), and 27 other instrumental pieces of various types. The composers represented are mostly Italian and German, but in addition to Faignient’s piece we find a few works by

Orlande de Lassus and Philip de Monte of the Low Countries. The introduction indicates that

Woltz “simplified [the music] for easy reading and playing by reducing all scores to four voices, though leaving intact imitative entries, suspensions and characteristic decorations,” and Young describes the collection as “intended for the amateur’s use, especially in services and for private devotions.”265

Rude’s Flores musicae and Woltz’s Nova musices organicae were both printed in

Germany, but all of the other collections were issued in the Low Countries. Four of the five volumes issued in the Low Countries were printed in Antwerp, and although Florida sive cantiones was printed in Utrecht, its author, Van den Hove, was a native of Antwerp. This strong association with Antwerp is consistent with Faignient’s biography and printed output overall. The inclusion of pieces by Faignient in the volumes from the Low Countries may represent the desire of publishers to include works by local composers, but also shows that

Faignient was well respected, not just by the general public or by music publishers, but also by working musicians in the region. His works inspired new instrumental arrangements, both for amateurs and virtuosos, and music publishers recognized the commercial value of these versions.

Manuscript Sources

Examining manuscript sources of Faignient’s works other than CM&M à 3 can help create a broad view of the role that hand-written sources played in the circulation of the composer’s output. Catalogued in series A/II of the Répertoire International des Sources

265 Grove Music Online, s.v. “Woltz, Johann,” by Clyde William Young, accessed June 19, 2015, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/30529.

329 Musicales (RISM A/II),266 we find 39 entries for manuscripts containing works by Faignient.

One is an acknowledged misattribution, and two refer to CM&M à 3 (one entry describes the entire collection of 44 pieces including Vincenzo Ferro’s “Vel può giurar amore,” and the other entry represents only the 43 pieces that were composed by Faignient himself). The other 36 items are described in the table below along with a few additions from the Madrigal Society

Collection that are not captured in RISM A/II.267

Table 8: Faignient works found in manuscripts and their prior printed sources Holding Holding Library and Original Printed Name of Piece Country City Call No. Source Laudate Dominum omnes Denmark Syddansk (R406) Sacrae cantiones gentes Universitetsbibliotek, (Nuremberg: Gerlach, Odense 1585) Laudate Dominum omnes Germany Ratsbücherei, Lüneburg Mus.ant.pra Sacrae cantiones gentes (Arr) ct. K.N. 209 (Nuremberg: Gerlach, 1585) Laudate Dominum omnes Germany Ratsbücherei, Lüneburg Mus.ant.pra Sacrae cantiones gentes (Arr) ct. K.N. 210 (Nuremberg: Gerlach, 1585) [Chi per voi non sospira] Germany Museum, Bibliothek, Mus.Gri.52 Musica divina (Antwerp, (untexted) Delitzsch 1583) or Musica Transalpina (London: East, 1583) Basciami vita mia Great Britain The British Library A.1-4 Harmonia celeste (Madrigal Society (Antwerp: Phalèse, 1583) Le seul espoir de mieux Collection), London Le Rossignol musical des avoir chansons (Antwerp: Le tien espoir de mieux Phalèse, 1597) avoir Questi ch’indizio fan del Harmonia celeste mio tormento (Antwerp: Phalèse, 1583) Chi per voi non sospira Great Britain The British Library A.6-11 Musica divina (Antwerp: /When shall I cease (Madrigal Society Phalèse, 1583), lamenting (Arr) Collection), London Musica Transalpina (London: East, 1583) Parmi veder la bella Musica divina (Antwerp: donna mia Phalèse, 1583)

266 Répertoire International des Sources Musicales (RISM A/II), accessed May 6, 2015, https://opac.rism.info/. 267 Items with call numbers C7, J, and J82 have been identified by Samantha Bassler in her study of the Madrigal Society of London. Thanks to Samantha for sharing her findings with me.

330 Basciami vita mia Great Britain The British Library A.11*-14 Harmonia celeste (Madrigal Society (Antwerp: Phalèse, 1583) Le seul espoir de mieux Collection), London Le Rossignol musical des avoir chansons (Antwerp: Le tien espoir de mieux Phalèse, 1597) avoir Questi ch’indizio fan del Harmonia celeste mio tormento (Antwerp: Phalèse, 1583) Basciami vita mia Great Britain The British Library A.15 Harmonia celeste (Madrigal Society (Antwerp: Phalèse, 1583) Le seul espoir de mieux Collection), London Le Rossignol musical des avoir chansons (Antwerp: Le tien espoir de mieux Phalèse, 1597) avoir Questi ch’indizio fan del Harmonia celeste mio tormento (Antwerp: Phalèse, 1583) Questi ch’indizio fan del Great Britain The British Library A.16-21 Harmonia celeste mio tormento / These that (Madrigal Society (Antwerp: Phalèse, be certain signes (Arr) Collection), London 1583), Musica Transalpina (London: East, 1583) Basciami vita mia Great Britain The British Library A.52-56 Harmonia celeste Questi ch’indizio fan del (Madrigal Society (Antwerp: Phalèse, 1583) mio tormento Collection), London Basciami vita mia Great Britain The British Library, Add. 12532 Harmonia celeste Questi ch’indizio fan del London (Antwerp: Phalèse, 1583) mio tormento Chi per voi non sospira / Great Britain The British Library, Add. 29372- Musica divina (Antwerp: When shall I cease London 29376 Phalèse, 1583), lamenting (Arr) Musica Transalpina (London: East, 1583) Questi ch’indizio fan del Great Britain The British Library, Add. 30016- Harmonia celeste mio tormento / These that London 30019 (Antwerp: Phalèse, be certain signes (Arr) 1583), Musica Transalpina (London: East, 1583) Chi per voi non sospira / Great Britain The British Library, Add. 30016- Musica divina (Antwerp: When shall I cease London 30020 Phalèse, 1583), lamenting (Arr) Musica Transalpina (London: East, 1583) Chi per voi non sospira Great Britain The British Library, Add. 30820- Musica divina (Antwerp: London 30822 Phalèse, 1583) Chi per voi non sospira Great Britain The British Library, Add. 31393 Musica divina (Antwerp: London Phalèse, 1583) Baciami vita mia Great Britain The British Library, Add. 31442, Harmonia celeste Questi ch’indizio fan del London Vol. 1-4 (Antwerp: Phalèse, 1583) mio tormento

331 Questi ch’indizio fan del Great Britain The British Library C7 Harmonia celeste mio tormento / These that (Madrigal Society (Antwerp: Phalèse, be certain signes Collection), London 1583), Musica Transalpina (London: East, 1583) Questi ch’indizio fan del Great Britain The British Library C.23 Harmonia celeste mio tormento / These that (Madrigal Society (Antwerp: Phalèse, be certain signes (Arr) Collection), London 1583), Musica Transalpina (London: East, 1583) Chi per voi non sospira / Great Britain The British Library C.24 Musica divina (Antwerp: When shall I cease (Madrigal Society Phalèse, 1583), lamenting (Arr) Collection), London Musica Transalpina (London: East, 1583) Questi ch’indizio fan del Great Britain The British Library J Harmonia celeste mio tormento / These that (Madrigal Society (Antwerp: Phalèse, be certain signes (Arr) Collection), London 1583), Musica Transalpina (London: East, 1583) Questi ch’indizio fan del Great Britain The British Library J82 Harmonia celeste mio tormento / These that (Madrigal Society (Antwerp: Phalèse, be certain signes (Arr) Collection), London 1583), Musica Transalpina (London: East, 1583) Basciami vita mia Great Britain The British Library, R.M.24.h.1- Harmonia celeste Questi ch’indizio fan London 4.(2.) (Antwerp: Phalèse, 1583) Chi per voi non sospira Great Britain The British Library, R.M.24.h.1- Musica divina (Antwerp: Parmi veder la bella London 5.(1.) Phalèse, 1583) donna

It is readily apparent from this list that anthologies printed at the Phalèse press in

Antwerp left their mark in England. This was in large part due to Musica Transalpina, which likely sparked greater interest in Musica divina and Harmonia celeste specifically, and madrigals by northern composers more generally. Faignient’s “Questi ch’inditio fan del mio tormento” and

“Chi per voi non sospira” appear in these manuscripts not only in their ‘Englished’ versions

(“These that be certaine signes of my tormenting” and “When shall I cease lamenting”) from

Musica Transalpina, but also with their original Italian texts from the Antwerp Anthologies and in other cases with nothing more than an incipit, showing that interest in these pieces was not

332 limited to the “private recreation” that was initially envisioned by Nicholas Yonge, the compiler of the collection.268

Given the importance of England as trade partners with the Low Countries, it is no surprise that Phalèse’s anthologies found their way across the channel. Perhaps more surprising is that no such manuscript collection has been catalogued in the Netherlands, Belgium, or

France, and only three manuscripts of Faignient’s pieces have been located in German libraries.

However, the greater abundance of English manuscripts may have been caused by the limits placed on the import of continental music into England by Thomas Tallis and William Byrd who owned the monopoly on such imports. As a result of these limits, few people other than professional musicians had access to continental prints, so the English public relied largely on manuscript copies as a substitute.269 This state of affairs is aptly illustrated by the library of the

Madrigal Society of London, which contains a mixture of English and continental music captured almost exclusively in manuscripts. The library of the Madrigal Society is also a major source of manuscripts of works by Faignient.

Madrigal Society Collection

More than half of the pieces listed in Table 8 (above) are part of the manuscript collection of the Madrigal Society of London, held at the British Library since 1954. The Madrigal

268 Digital transcription of the texts in Musica Transalpina is available from ProQuest, “Early English Books Online (EEBO),” http://eebo.chadwyck.com/search/fulltext?SOURCE=var_spell.cfg&ACTION=ByID&ID=D00000998554830000. 269 Roger Bray, “William Byrd’s English Psalms,” in Psalms in the Early Modern World, ed. Linda Phyllis Austern et al. (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011), 73; and Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. “Byrd, William” by Craig Monson, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/4267 (accessed September 24, 2015). For a transcription of the priviledge that granted this monopoly, see Iain Fenlon and John Milsom, “‘Ruled Paper Imprinted:’ Music Paper and Patents in Sixteenth-Century England,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 37, no. 1 (Spring 1984): 140. For a case study on the manuscript library of Edward Paston, see Hector Sequera, “House Music for Recusants in Elizabethan England: Performance Practice in the Music Collection of Edward Paston (1550-1630)” (PhD diss., University of Birmingham, 2010).

333 Society, which is still in operation today,270 was founded in 1741 as an informal gathering for the purpose of performing madrigals. The founder, an attorney named John Immyns, had come to admire the madrigal though his work as a copyist for the Academy of Ancient Music, of which he was a member.

The Madrigal Society soon became a fully independent society and established its own library, developing the collection mainly by hand copying from print or manuscript sources.271

An inventory dated 1816 shows part books lettered A-I, K and M in their collection. Faignient’s works appear in the earliest of these, the A series, which contains polyphonic songs for four voices in Italian, English, French and Latin.272 Most of the Italian madrigals, including

Faignient’s, were taken from anthologies published in Antwerp by the Phalèse firm.273

Two pieces by Faignient are also preserved in a series of four manuscripts capturing

Younge’s two volumes entitled Musica Transalpina (1588 and 1597). The call numbers of these documents suggest that they are the C series described in the 1816 inventory, but the documents in question are in score format and according to Craufurd the lettered items were part books.

The Madrigal Society used both scores and part books, so it may be that these scores were companions to the C series of part books, but the records are unclear on this point.274

270 Thanks to Samantha Bassler for informing me that the society is still in operation. 271 J.G. Craufurd, “The Madrigal Society,” Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 82 (1955-1956): 33-34. 272 Catalogued in RISM A/II as “Collection: 97 Vocal Pieces,” https://opac.rism.info/search?id=806149625. 273 Craufurd, “The Madrigal Society,” 40. 274 Ibid., 39-40. Series C catalogued in RISM A/II as “Collection: 33 Madrigals,” https://opac.rism.info/search?id=806551439.

334 Figure 29: Concert by the Madrigal Society at the Freemasons’ Hall, London: engraving from the Illustrated London News (January 24, 1846)275

St. Michael’s College, Tenbury

Another example of an English manuscript of Faignient’s work can be found in the music collection of St. Michael’s College, Tenbury, which was bequeathed to the Bodleian library in

Oxford in 1985. Before it was held at St. Michael’s, the collection was the private library of the

Rev. Sir Frederick Ouseley, a composer, organist, and music scholar, who compiled it himself.

The collection, which has been described as “magnificent,” includes about 600 printed treatises,

5500 printed music items, and more than a thousand manuscripts.276

275 “Concert by the Madrigal Society at the Freemasons’ Hall, London, January 1846: engraving from the ‘Illustrated London News’ (24 January 1846); the conductor is at the front centre table with the choirboys of Westminster Abbey and the Chapel Royal, while the altos, basses and tenors sit at the left, back centre and right tables,” Grove Music Online, Oxford Music Online, accessed June 25, 2015, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/img/grove/music/F001874. 276 Bodleian Library, University of Oxford, “Special Collections: Subject Guides: Music,” accessed June 25, 2015, http://www.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/bodley/finding-resources/special/guides/music; Edmund H. Fellowes, comp., The Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Library of St. Michael’s College Tenbury (Paris, France: Editions de l’Oiseau Lyre, 1934), 1. Quote from Roger Bray, comp., The Music Collection of Christ Church Oxford (Brighton, England: Harvester Microform, 1981), 7.

335 According to Fellowes’s catalogue of the St. Michael’s collection, among the manuscripts are two pieces attributed to Faignient. These are “Queen of the North” (602-606, volume V, no. 31, fo. 107) and “When shall I cease lamenting?” (1162-1167, no. 34, p. 45). The latter is from Musica Transalpina (London: East, 1588; RISM 158829, USTC 510947), but the former is unknown by this title and may be a contrafactum. Fellowes describes the bundle containing “Queen of the North” numbered 602-606 as “a collection, originally in six volumes of which no. 2 is now missing, described as ‘Taylor MSS’ and containing motets etc., in score, adapted in English words” and dates them from the mid-19th century.277 The manuscripts numbered 1162-1167, containing “When shall I cease lamenting” are dated from the early 17th century and formerly belonged to James Bartleman. These are described as “a set of six partbooks containing madrigals and anthems by various composers, although no composers’ names are given.”278 Because many of the pieces contained in the manuscripts are unattributed, it is possible that other works by Faignient are present but have not yet been identified.

Thysius Lute Book (Leiden, Bibliotheca Thysiana 1666)

The Thysius Lute Book is another important manuscript that contains pieces by

Faignient, but in this case its provenance is in the Low Countries. The book contains French seven-line lute tablature and is preserved at the Bibliotheca Thysiana near Leiden University.

The Bibliotheca Thysiana houses the personal collection of Johan Thysius (1621-1653) who was born in Amsterdam and studied philology and law at the university. His father was a wealthy merchant and Thysius used his inheritance to develop his personal library. He died at the young age of 31, and his will stipulated that his library should be preserved for public benefit and set

277 Fellowes, Catalogue of Manuscripts, 113-115. 278 Ibid., 249-250.

336 aside funds for this purpose. The result was Bibliotheca Thysiana, which is still standing today and is home to 2,500 books and thousands of pamphlets.279

The Thysius Lute Book is a collection of about 450 pieces and was most likely compiled by Adriaan Joriszoon Smout (1580-1646), who was a student at Leiden University at the turn of the 17th century. Radke describes the collection as “the richest Dutch collection of lute music and one which shows the international aspect of musical taste in the Netherlands at that time.”280

A piece attributed to Faignient can be found in the lute book on fo. 224v-226v, labeled “Cantic.

4:16. End 5:1.” Grijp, Groot, and Robinson have numbered this piece 361 and identified the music as “Ogn’ uno sap’ hor mai la pena mia” from CM&M à 4-6.281 The text written under the tablature is a rhymed Dutch translation of verses from Songs of Solomon of the Bible that was most likely written by Smout himself. This piece is followed by three other canticle settings, the first two labeled “Cant. 5:9. & 17” (no. 362) and “Cant. 5:10.11.12.13” (no. 363) and an unlabeled piece on verses 6:2-3 (no. 364). In his 1889 edition of the manuscript, Land attributed these pieces to Faignient as well, but the more recent facsimile edition by Grijp et al does not identify musical sources for these works and leaves them anonymous.282 A page of blank staff paper separates the first piece from the other three, which is also an indication that the pieces are separate and only the first should be attributed to Faignient.

279 Grove Music Online, s.v. “Thysius, Johan,” by Hans Radke, accessed June 19, 2015, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/27924; and Leiden University, “Bibliotheca Thysiana,” accessed June 19, 2015, http://www.library.leiden.edu/special-collections/rare/bibliotheca-thysiana.html. 280 Grove Music Online, s.v. “Thysius, Johan.” 281 Louis Peter Grijp et al., eds., Het Luitboek van Thysius/The Thysius Lute Book: Facsimile edition of Leiden, Bibliotheca Thysiana 1666 (Leiden & Utrecht, Netherlands: Dutch Lute Soceity and Royal Society for Music History of the Netherlands, 2009), I:60-61 and II:224v-226v. 282 Ibid. and Jan Pieter Nicolaas Land, Het luitboek van Thysius: répertoire d'un luthiste hollandais vers les premières années du XCIIe siècle (Amsterdam, Netherlands: Frederik Muller & Co., 1889), 166-169.

337 Table 9: Transcription and translation of the contrafactum text to “Ogn’ uno sap’ hor mai la pena mia” found in the Thysius Lute Book283

Rijst, o gij Noordewindt end komt vant Arise, o north wind, and come from the Suyden, south, Doorwaeyet mijnen hof, dat al sijn kruyden Waft through my garden, that all its herbs End specerijen druppen ende vloeijen; And spices may dribble and flow; Mijn lief die kom’ in sijnen hof gespoeijen, May my love hasten to his garden End’ ete d’edel vrucht die hij doet groeijen. And may he eat the noble fruits that he makes grow. Ik kom in mijnen hof, mijn Suster, glijen; I sweep into my garden, my Sister; Mijn bruydt, ik gaer mijn myrrh end specerijen. My bride, I gather my myrrh and spices. Ik eet mijn honichraten t’allen tijen, I eat my honeycomb all day, Ik drink, mijn wijn en melk sijn ingeschonken: I drink, pouring in my wine and milk: Lief vrienden, eet en drinckt dat gij wordt Dear beloved, eat and drink your fill. droncken!

This piece is both a contrafactum and an instrumental arrangement of Faignient’s original madrigal. The fact that his composition should be reworked in this way shows that it was valued for its musical features, independent of its text, and that it inspired other musicians to create alternate versions. Furthermore, that Faignient’s works should be part of such a unique and important collection shows the significant role he played in Dutch-language music in his time.

Sacred Contrafacta

There are several sources of contrafacta on music by Faignient, including the English versions of Faignient’s madrigals found in Musica Transalpina. Although this is not the case in

Musica Transalpina, the majority of contrafacta give sacred texts to pieces that originally had amorous or pastoral texts. In some cases the new texts are reworkings of the original texts that transform a poem about amorous love into one about the love of God with just a few small changes. But in other cases entirely new texts are supplied, sometimes in a language other than

283 Grijp et al., Het Luitboek van Thysius, I:60.

338 that of the original. Both types of contrafacta were created on Faignient’s works: the first type can be seen in Goulart’s collections, while the second can be found in Stalpart’s Dutch contrafacta in Madrigalia.

Simon Goulart’s Premier and Second livre du meslange des pseaumes et cantiques

The Premier and Second livre du meslange des pseaumes et cantiques printed by Pierre de Saint-André in Geneva in 1577 contain 12 pieces from CM&M à 3. The compiler of this collection, Simon Goulart, selected a combination of sacred, moralizing, and secular works for this collection, all of which were drawn from La fleur des chansons, a massive collection of 3- voice chansons compiled by Jean de Castro and printed by Pierre Phalèse Sr. and Jean Bellère in

1574.284 When secular works were selected, Goulart altered their lyrics to transform them into chansons spirituelles. For example, Faignient’s amorous “Comment mes yeux aves vous entrepris” becomes a devotional text, “Ouvre mes yeux, à fin que je sois pris”:

Comment mes yeux aves vous entrepris Ouvre mes yeux à fin que je sois pris, A regarder chose tant excelente. Voiant ta face, ô Dieu, tant excellente. Mon cœur se plaint et dit, “Quel fut surprise” Mon cœur se plaint que peché l’a surpris, Quant il se mist en prison si plaisante. En le privant de veue si plaisante. Mais j’ay espoir qu’amour que me tourmente De vanité le regard me tourmente Rendra content mon esprit sourieux, Et rend enfin mon esprit sourieux. Car cell’en qui gist toute mon attente O Dieu, en toi gist toute mon attente: Me peut guérir d’un seul trait de ses yeux. Gueri moi donc d’un doux trait de tes yeux.

In this instance, the number of syllables and rhyming patterns are retained; in fact, the final word of each line is retained with the exception of the first. Contrafacta have also been made on “Tout ce qu’on peult en elle veoir” (as “O Dieu, ce qu’on peut”) and “Amour me donne

284 Grove Music Online, s.v. “Castro, Jean de,” by Ignace Bossuyt, Katrien Derde, and Saskia Willaert, accessed September 8, 2014, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com:80/subscriber/article/grove/music/05149.

339 pain’ et douleurs” (as “Péché me donne peine”). The following spiritual pieces were reprinted in the Meslange des pseaumes et cantiques volumes without meaningful alterations to the texts:

“Que peult au fol richesse proufiter” (Part I), “Quant le fol rit” (Part II), “O mort, amere est ta souvenance,” “Verb’ éternel par lequel toutte chose” (Part I), “Ta déité en nostre chair enclose”

(Part II), “Sur nous tes serfs plus le veil péché” (Part III), “Prince Jesus doux agneau de Syon”

(Part IV), “Pis ne me peult venir,” and “Susann’ ung jour.”

Joannes Stalpart van der Wiele’s Madrigalia

The second kind of contrafacta, where a completely new text is supplied, can be found on

Faignient’s music in a collection of contrafacta entitled Madrigalia by Catholic priest Joannes

Stalpart van der Wiele (1579-1630). This collection is an appendix found at the end of a collection of sacred songs by Stalpart entitled Gulde-Iaers Feest-Dagen of Den Schat Der

Geestlycke Lof-Sangen, Gemaeckt op Elcken Feest dagh van ‘t geheele Iaer (Antwerp,

Netherlands: Ian Cnobbaert, 1634 and 1635). Madrigalia contains 84 sacred Dutch contrafacta285 on amorous Italian madrigals, including three by Faignient, “Chi per voi non sospira,” “Basciami vita mia,” and “Questi ch’indito fan del mio tormento,” which were printed in 1583 in Musica divina and Harmonia celeste, two of Phalèse’s ‘Antwerp Anthologies.’286

Some literary scholars have dismissed Madrigalia as an trivial collection tacked on to the end of a major work, citing the lack of music notation and the fact that Madrigalia was not announced in the front matter as indications that it was not intended for use by the general

285 On the moral and religious rationale for creating sacred contrafacta, see Natascha Veldhorst, “Pharmacy for the Body and Soul: Dutch Songbooks in the Seventeenth Century,” Early Music History 27 (2008): 275-276. 286 Joannes Stalpart van der Wiele, Madrigalia, ed. M.C.A. van der Heijden (Zwolle, Netherlands: N.V. Uitgevers- Maatschappij and W.E.J. Willink, 1960), 12-27, 178-9 (“Basciami vita mia”), 192-3 (“Chi per voi non sospira”), 206-7 (“Questi ch’indito fan del mio tormento”). Digital copy available online from DBNL at http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/stal001mcav01_01/colofon.php.

340 public, but was rather Stalpart’s own private collection of alternate texts for his personal use.287

But contrafacta were often published without notation; it was quicker and easier to do so when their melodies were widely known or at least commonly available in print elsewhere.288 Instead of being an indication of the personal nature of the contrafacta, the absence of notation is more likely a signal that the original melodies were so widely known and available that printing them again would have been thoroughly unnecessary.

Indeed, all of Stalpart’s contrafacta were on madrigals that were printed not in Italy, but in Antwerp and Nuremberg, such as Phalèse’s four Antwerp Anthologies. Out of 84 contrafacta,

52 were for pieces from Phalèse’s four Antwerp Anthologies (see Table 10).289 These four anthologies were also important sources for Musica Transalpina, which was printed in London five years later (1588).290 If five years was enough time for Musica divina and Harmonia celeste to arrive in London and become the source material for a new collection, then the 50 years between the publication of these anthologies and the publication of Madrigalia certainly would have been time enough for the same pieces to become well known in the Low Countries where they were originally printed.

287 M.C.A. van der Heijden, introduction to Madrigalia by Joannes Stalpart van der Wiele (Zwolle, Netherlands: N.V. Uitgevers-Maatschappij and W.E.J. Willink, 1960), 12-15; and Charles van Leeuwen, “Zang als geestelijk wapen van de contrareformatie,” accessed August 28, 2014, http://www.charlesvanleeuwen.nl/docs/Zang%20als%20geestelijk%20wapen%20van%20de%20contrareformatie %20-%20Charles%20van%20Leeuwen%202001.pdf. 288 The importance of Madrigalia has been recognized by Natascha Veldhorst and Godelieve Spiessens. See Veldhorst, “Pharmacy for the Body and Soul,” 217-285; and Godelieve Spiessens, “Nieuwe biografische gegevens over Noe Faignient,” Musica antiqua 9, no. 1 (1992): 15-17. 289 Stalpart van der Wiele, Madrigalia, 24-26. The remaining texts are contrafacta for pieces composed by Luca Marenzio, printed in Antwerp by Phalèse (and Bellère) or in Nuremberg by Paul Kaufmann. 290 Susan Lewis Hammond, “Selling the Madrigal: Pierre Phalèse II and the Four ‘Antwerp Anthologies,’” in Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation, vol. 6, eds. Bruno Bouckaert and Eugeen Schreurs (Neerpelt, Belgium: Alamire Music Publishers, 2008), 239; and Joseph Kerman, “Elizabethan Anthologies of Italian Madrigals,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 4, no. 2 (Summer 1951): 123. See page 314 for more on Musica Transalpina.

341 Table 10: Phalèse’s Antwerp Anthologies as sources for contrafacta in Stalpart’s Madrigalia291 Numbers of contrafacta in Madrigalia on pieces Antwerp Anthologies in this collection Total number Musica divina (1583) 28, 29, 36-40, 44-54 18 Harmonia celeste (1583) 30, 41-43, 55-65 15 Symphonia angelica (1585) 66-79 14 Melodia olympica (1591) 80-84 5

Furthermore, if Madrigalia had no value for the general public, why bother to publish it?

Typesetting 84 poems was not a negligible task, so it seems unlikely that it would be undertaken without good reason. The most obvious explanation is that Madrigalia was indeed considered commercially viable, if not on its own, then at least as a supplement to Gulde-Iaers Feest-Dagen.

Seen in this light, it is clear that literary scholars have misunderstood Stalpart’s

Madrigalia as a personal document that was printed as an afterthought to a more substantial work. In reality, the importance of Madrigalia is much greater than this interpretation allows.

The collection can give us an important glimpse into the art and practice of writing sacred contrafacta in Dutch, and gives evidence about of the reception of Italian madrigals in the Low

Countries. Madrigalia is also an indication of the success of Phalèse’s “Antwerp Anthologies,” and – most relevant to this particular study – testifies to the enduring popularity of Faignient’s madrigals into the 17th century. As Spiessens notes,

De componist moet dus erg populair geweest The composer [Faignient] must have been zijn in zijn tijd en dit wordt ook nog very popular in his time, which is also geïllustreerd door het feit dat drie van zijn illustrated by the fact that three of his madrigalen, Chi per voi non sospira, Basciami madrigals, Chi per voi non sospira, Basciami vita mia en Questo ch’indito fan del mio vita mia and Questo ch’indito fan del mio tormento, in het Nederlands herdicht werden tormento were commemorated in Dutch by door Joannes Stalpaert van der Wiele… in Joannes Stalpaert van der Wiele and were diens Madrigalia… werden uitgegeven. printed in his Madrigalia.292

291 Adapted from Stalpart van der Wiele, Madrigalia, 25-26. 292 Spiessens, “Nieuwe biografische gegevens,” 16 (translation mine).

342 Part 3. Bibliography and Appendices

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Veldman, Ilja M. “Lessons for Ladies: A Selection of Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century Dutch Prints.” Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art 16, no. 2/3 (1986): 113-127.

Vente, M.A. “De Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap te ’s-Hertogenbosch 1541-1620. II.” Tijdschrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis 19, no. 3/4 (1962-1963): 163-172.

Vogel, Emil et al., eds. Bibliografia della Musica Italiana Vocale Profana Pubblicata dal 1500 al 1700. Pomezia, Italy: Staderini-Minkoff, 1977-1982.

Waelrant, Hubert. Le Rossignol musical des chansons (Antwerp, 1597). Edited by Gerald R. Hoekstra. Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 138. Middleton, WI: A-R Editions, 2004.

———. Il primo libro de madrigali e canzoni francezi for five voices. Edited by Gerald R. Hoekstra. Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 88. Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 1991.

364 Wagner, Lavern J. Preface to Sacred and Secular Songs for Three Voices, by Gérard de Turnhout, 7-12. Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 1970.

Waite, Gary K. Reformers on Stage: Popular Drama and Religious Propaganda in the Low Countries of Charles V, 1515-1556. Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press, 2000.

Walther, Johann Gottfried. Musicalisches Lexicon oder Musicalische Bibliothec. Leipzig, Germany: Deer, 1732.

Wangermée, Robert. Flemish Music and Society in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries. Translated by Robert Erich Wolf. Brussels, Belgium: Editions Arcade, 1968.

Weaver, Robert Lee. A Descriptive Bibliographical Catalog of the Music Printed by Hubert Waelrant and Jan de Laet. Warren, MI: Harmonie Park Press, 1994.

———. Waelrant and Laet: Music Publishers in Antwerp’s Golden Age. Warren, MI: Harmonie Park Press, 1995.

———. “Waelrant’s Working Relationship with Jan de Laet, as Given in the Prefaces to Their Partbooks.” In Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation, vol. 2, edited by Eugeen Schreurs and Henri Vanhulst, 237-252. Peer, Belgium: Alamire, 1997.

Woudhuysen, H.R. Sir Philip Sidney and the Circulation of Manuscripts 1558-1640. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1996.

Wulstan, David. Tudor Music. Iowa City, Iowa: University of Iowa Press, 1986.

Young, Robert W. “Terminology for Logarithmic Frequency Units.” The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 11 (1939): 134-139.

Yonge, Nicholas, ed. Musica Transalpina (1588). Modern edition edited by David Greer. The English Madrigalists 42. London, United Kingdom: Stainer & Bell, 2011.

16th- and 17th-Century Music Sources (listed chronologically)

Lupi, Didier (second). Premier livre de chansons spirituelles, nouvellement composees par Guillaume Gueroult et mises en musique par Didier Lupi second. Lyon, France: Godefroy and Marcellin Beringen, 1548. USTC 40640.

365 Faignient, Noé. Chansons madrigales & motetz a 3 parties, par Noe Faignient. 1568. Linköping, Sweden, Stifts- och Landsbiblioteket, s.s. 1964:6. USTC 64312. (CM&M à 3)

Faignient, Noé. Chansons, madrigales & motetz a quatre, cinq & six parties, nouvellement composees par Noe Faignient. Le premier livre. Antwerp: Widow of Jean Laet, 1568. RISM A/I F61. USTC 61098. (CM&M à 4-6)

Recueil des fleurs produictes de la divine musicque a trois parties, par Clemens non papa, Thomas Cricquillon, et aultres excellens musiciens. Tiers livre. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1569. RISM B/I 156911. USTC 64363.

Een duytsch Musyck Boeck, daer inne begrepen syn vele schoone Liedekens met IIII. Met V. ende VI. partijen. Nu nieuwelijck met groote neersticheyt ghecolligeert ende verghaert. Ghecomponeert bij diversche excellente Meesters seer lustich om singhen, ende spelen op alle instrumenten. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1572. RISM B/I 157211. USTC 405434.

Flori, Jacobus. Modulorum aliquot tam sacrorum quam prophanorum cum tribus vocibus, et tum musicis instrumentis, tum vocibus concinnentium accommodatorum. Louvain: P. Phalèse, 1573. RISM A/I F11.

La Fleur des chansons a trois parties, contenant un recueil, produit de la divine musicque de Iean Castro, Severin Cornet, Noë Faignient, & autres excellens aucteurs, mis en ordre convenable suivant leurs tons. Louvain: P. Phalèse; Antwerp: J. Bellère, 1574. RISM B/I 15743. USTC 64232.

Thesaurus musicus continens selectissima Alberti Ripae, Valentini Bacfari, et aliorum paestantissimorum carmin, ad usum Chelys, vel testudinis accommodata. Quibus adjectae sunt ingeniosae quaedam fantasiae, passomezi, alemandes, galliardae, branles, atque idgenus caetera, recens in lucem edita. Louvain: P. Phalèse and J. Bellère, 1574. RISM B/I, 157412. USTC 83710.

Premier livre du meslange des pseaumes et cantiques a trois parties, recueillis de la musique d’Orlande de Lassus, & autres excellens musiciens de nostre temps. [Geneva]: n.p., 1577. RISM B/I 15772. USTC 5488.

Second livre du meslange des pseaumes et cantiques a trois parties, recueillis de la musique d’Orlande de Lassus, & autres excellens musiciens de nostre temps. [Geneva]: n.p., 1577. RISM B/I 15773. USTC 61938.

366 Harmonia celeste di diversi eccellentissimi mvsici a IIII. V. VI. VII. et VIII. voci. Nuovamente raccolta per Andrea Pevernage, et data in luce. Nella quale si contengono i più eccellenti madrigali che hoggidi si cantino. Antwerp: P. Phalèse and J. Bellère, 1583. RISM B/I 158314. USTC 405453.

Musica divina di XIX. autori illustri, a IIII. V. VI. Et VII. voci, nuovamente raccolta da Pietro Phalesio, et data in luce. Nella quale si contengono i più excellenti madrigali che hoggidi si cantino. Antwerp: P. Phalèse and J. Bellère, 1583. RISM B/I 158315. USTC 405459.

Pratum musicum longe amoenissimum, cuius spatiosissimo, eoque iucundissimo ambitu (praeter varii generis aytomata, seu phantasias) comprehenduntur… Omnia ad testudinis tabulaturam fideliter redacta, per… Emanuelem Hadrianum… Adiuncta est singulis carminibus, in gratiam eorum, qui vivae vocis concentu oblectantur, distincta vocibus aliquot notularum description… Opus novum. Antwerp: P. Phalèse, 1584. RISM B/I 158412. USCT 402046.

Sacrae cantiones, cum quinque, sex et pluribus vocibus, de festis praecipuis totius anni, a praestantissimis Italiae musicis nuperrime concinnatae. Quarum quaedam antea Venetiis separatism editae sunt, quaedam verò planè novae, nec usquam excusae, at nunc in gratiam & usum scholarum atque ecclesiarum germanicarum in unum corpus redactae, studio & opera Friderici Lindneri,… Nuremberg: C. Gerlach, 1585. RISM B/I 15851. USTC 552906.

Musica transalpina. Madrigales translated of foure, five and sixe parts, chosen out of divers excellent authors, with the first and second part of La Verginella, made by maister Byrd, upon two stanza’s of Ariosto, and brought to speake English with the rest. Published by N. Yonge, in favour of such as take pleasure in musick of voices. London: T. East, 1588. RISM B/I 158829. Short Title Catalogue 26094 and 26094.5. USTC 510947.

Liber secundus Gemmae musicalis: selectissimas varii stili cantiones, quae madrigali et napolitane italis dicuntur, quatuor, quinque, sex & plurium vocum, continens… Editae studio & opera Friderici Lindneri,… Nuremberg: C. Gerlach, 1589. RISM B/I 15898. USTC 552961.

Symphonia angelica di diversi eccellentissimi musici a IIII. V. et VI. voci, nuovamente raccolta per Huberto Waelrant, et data in luce. Nella quale si contengono i più eccellenti madrigali che hoggidi si cantino. Antwerp: P. Phalèse and J. Bellère, 1585. RISM B/I 158519. USTC 405465.

Neue kurtzweilige teutsche Liedlein, mit vier und fünff Stimmen, mach Art der welschen Canzonetten componirt durch Frantz Ioachim Brechtel. Nuremberg: C. Gerlach, 1590. RISM B/I 159027. USTC 552991.

367 Melodia olympica di diversi eccellentissimi musici a IIII. V. VI. et VIII. voci, nuovamente raccolta da Pietro Phillippi inglese, et data in luce. Nella quale si contengono i più eccellenti madrigali che hoggidi si cantino. Antwerp: P. Phalèse and J. Bellère, 1591. RISM B/I 159110. USTC 405502.

Novum pratum musicum longo amoenissimum, cujus spatiosissimo, eoque iucundissimo ambitu (praeter varii generis aytomata, seu phantasies) comprehenduntur selectissimi diversorum autorum et idiomatum madrigales, cantiones, & moduli 4. 5 & 6 vocum… Omnia ad testudinis tabulaturam fideliter redacta, per id genus musices experientissimum artificem Emanuelem Hadrianum antverpiensem… Tum etiam methodus ad omnes omnium tonorum cantiones, in gratiam illorum, qui in hac arte mediocriter versati… Opus plane novum, nec hactenus editum. Antwerp: P. Phalèse and J. Bellère, 1592. RISM 159222. USTC 402262.

Cinquante pseaumes de David, avec la musique a cinq parties d’Orlande de Lassus. Vingt autres pseaumes à cinq & six parties, par divers excellents musiciens de nostre temps. [Heidelberg]: Jérôme Commelin, 1597. RISM B/I, 15976. USTC 41705.

Le Rossignol musical des chansons de diverses et excellens autheurs de nostre temps a quatre, cinq et six parties. Novellement recueillé & mises en lumière. Antwerp: P. Phalèse, 1597. RISM B/I 159710. USTC 75277.

Flores musicae, hoc est, suavissimae et lepidissimae cantiones, madrigalia vulgus nominat, una cum variis pavanis, paduanis, galliardis, intradiis, fantasiis & choriis, ex quam plurimis autoribus italicis, gallicis & germanicis magna industria collectae, et nunc primum ita descriptae, ut testudinis fidibus cani possint, per Jonnem Rudenium lipsiensem… Una veneunt Matthaei Reymanni toronensis Noctes musicae perquam artificiose compositae, in quibus variata praeludia et passamezae,… Heidelberg: Vöeglin, 1600. RISM B/I 16005a. USTC 553077.

Pratum musicum longe amoenissimum, cuius spatiosissimo, eoque iucundissimo ambitu (praeter varii generis aytomata, seu phantasias) comprehenduntur. Selectissimi diversorum autorum et idiomatum madrigales, et cantiones 4. 5. 6. vocum. Balletti 5. vocum Cantiones trium vocum… variae… modulations. Omnis generis choreae, passomezo cum suis saltarellis, galliardae, alemandae, branslae, courantae, voltae &c. Omnia ad testudinis tabulaturam fideliter redacta, per id genus musices… Emanuelem Hadrianum, antverpiensem… Editio nova priori locupletior. Antwerp: P. Phalèse, 1600. RISM B/I 160018. USTC 402517.

368 Florida, sive cantiones, è quamplurimis praestantissimorum nostril aevi musicorum libris selectee. Ad testudinis usum accomodatae… I. van Hove, antverpiani… Utrecht: S. de Roy and J.G. de Rhenen, 1601. RISM B/I 160118.

Nervi d’Orfeo, di eccellentiss. autori a cinque et sei voci: nuovamente con ogni diligentia raccolti, & seguendo l’ordine de suoi toni posti in luce. Leiden: H.L. de’ Haestens, 1605. RISM B/I 16059.

Hortus musicalis, variis antea diversorum authorum Italiae floribus consitus, jam verò latinos fructus, mira suavitate & artificio. V. VI. VII. VIII. & pluribus vocibus concinendos, piè & religiosè parturiens. Authore R. P. Michaele Herrerio,… Liber tertius,… Munich: A. Berg, 1609. RISM B/I 160915.

Livre septieme des chansons vulgaires, de diverses auteurs a quatre parties, convenables et utiles a la jeunesse, toutes mises en ordre selon leurs tons. Avec une brieve et facile instruction pour bien apprendre la musicque. Antwerp: P. Phalèse, 1613 [1633?]. RISM B/I 16137.

Livre septième des chansons vulgaires de diverses autheurs à quatre parties, convenables et utiles à la jeunesse, toutes mises en ordre selon leurs tons. Avec une brieve et facile instruction pour bien apprendre la musique. Antwerp: P. Phalèse, 1617. RISM B/I 16176a.

Livre septieme des chansons vulgaires, de diverses auteurs a quatre parties, convenables et utiles a la jeunesse, toutes mises en ordre selon leurs tons. Avec une briefve et facile instruction pour bien apprendre la musique,… Douai: Jean Bogart, 1617. RISM B/I 16176.

Nova musices organicae tabulatura. Bas ist: ein newe art teutscher Tabulatur, etlicher ausserlesenen latinisch: und teutschen Motteten und geistlichen Gesängen, auch schönen lieblichen Fugen und Canzoni alla francese, von den berhümbtesten Musicis, und Organisten teutsch: und welsch Landen, mit 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 10. 12. und mehr Stimmen componirt:… Durch Johann Woltzen… Basel: J.J. Genath, 1617. RISM B/I 161724.

Livre septième des chansons vulgaires, de diverses autheurs a quatre parties, convenables et utiles a la jeunesse, toutes mises en ordre selon leurs tons. Avec une brieve & facile instruction pour bien apprendre la musique. Antwerp: P. Phalèse, 1622.

369 Livre septième des chansons vulgaires de diverses autheurs à quatre parties, convenables et utiles à la jeunesse, toutes mises en ordre selon leurs tons. Avec une brieve et facile instruction pour bien apprendre la musique. Antwerp: P. Phalèse, 1633. RISM B/I 16332.

Livre septieme des chansons vulgaires, de diverses autheurs à quatre parties, convenables & utiles à la jeunesse, toutes mises en ordre selon leurs tons. Avec une brieve facile instruction pour bien apprendre la musicque. Le tout de nouveau revue & exactement corrigé esprouvé, sans qu’il y aye resté aucune faute es notes. Amsterdam: Broer Jansz, 1640. RISM B/I 16406.

Livre septieme des chansons… De nouveau revue, et corrigé a ec des nouvelles chansons. Antwerp: Heirs of Pierre Phalèse, 1641-1643.

Livre septieme, Dat is, het boek vande zanghkunst, Uyt verscheyden auteuren by een vergaert, om met 4 stemmen te zingen: En op nieuw verrykt, met verscheyden stukken, a 2, 3, 4, en 5 stemmen door D. J. Sweelingh, Organist van d’Oude Kerk, tot Amsterdam, en andere voorname Autheuren, dewelke op de navolgende zyde worden aengewezen. Oock een lichte en korte instructive, zoo met als zonder veranderingh, bequaem om wel Musyk t leeren. Amsterdam: Joost Jansz, 1644. RISM B/I 16443.

Livre septième des chansons vulgaires. Dat is, Het zevende Boek van de Gemeene Zang-stukken, met 4 Stemmen. Verbetert, en vermeerdert met verscheyde stukken, en Canons van 2, 3, 4, en 5 stemmen, door D.J. Zweeling, Orgelist van d’Oude Kerk in Amsterdam, en verscheyde andere treffelyke Auteuren; En nu op ‘t nieuw met de Vertaaling van de Latynsche, Italiaansche, Spaansche, Fransche, in Duitsche woorden verrykt. Ook een licht en korte onderwyzingh, zoo met als zonder veranderingh, bequaem om wel Musyk te leeren. Amsterdam: Paulus Matthysz, c. 1650.

Livre septième des chansons vulgaires. Dat is, Het zevende Boek… bequaem om wel Musyk te leeren. Amsterdam: Paulus Matthysz, c. 1655.

Livre septieme des chansons… De nouveau revue, et corrigé a ec des nouvelles chansons. Avec une brieve facile instruction pour bien apprendre la musique. Antwerp: Heirs of Pierre Phalèse, 1661/1663.

370 Appendix A. An Inventory of the Printed Works of Noé Faignient

Items are listed in chronological order of first editions. Pieces are listed in alphabetical order under the spelling used in

CM&M à 3. Paired pieces are listed individually with their pairings indicated. Items doubtfully attributed to Faignient or whose

existence itself is doubtful are not included here (see page 314). RISM (Répertoire International des Sources Musicales) numbers are

drawn from the B/I series (anthologies, sigla begin with a year the collection appeared) and A/I series (single-composer collections,

371 sigla begin with the first letter of the composer’s last name).

Chansons, madrigales & motetz à 3 parties (CM&M à 3) Single-author [Antwerp], [Widow of Jan de Laet], 1568 RISM: n/a USTC: 64312 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. in Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient Highest Part Number of Voices Notes “Alma Susanna, ben felic’ e ’l core” fo. 32v-33r 3 “Amour me donne pain’ et douleurs” unnumbered verso-fo. 1r 3 “Anchor che col partire” fo. 33v-34r 3 “Brief vienne regarder ses delicates mains” fo. 50v-51r 3 “Cagion non e ne fia che ’l mio pensier” fo. 34v-35r 3 “Comment mes yeux aves vous entrepris” fo. 2v-3r 3 “Benedicite domino oculi omnium (Consecratio fo. 48v-49r 3 Mensæ)”

“Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne” (Part II with fo. 10v-11r 3 Text also set in CM&M à 4-6 “Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne”) “Contre raison vous m’estes fort estrange” fo. 6v-7r 3 “Die onder Gods beschermsel is geseten” fo. 23v-24r 3 “Domine Jesu Criste respicere” fo. 47v-48r 3 “Ego sum alpha et Ω” fo. 46v-47r 3 “Eximie castitatis exemplar Susanna” fo. 40v-41r 3 “Filius sapiens letificat patrem” fo. 44v-45r 3 “Gratias agimus tibi, pater celestis (Gratiarum fo. 49v-50r 3 Actio)” “Ick ben den rechten wijngaert” fo. 22v-23r 3 “Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt gebenedijen” fo. 21v-22r 3 Text also set in CM&M à 4-6 “Ick sondich daghelijcx tegens u o Heere” (Part I fo. 30v-31r 3 with “O Heer en God in uwen naeme crachtich”) “Io mi son giovenett’ e volontieri” fo. 51v-52v [continues to next 3

372 unnumbered verso in tenor book] “Judith seer vroom die is getreden” fo. 25v-26r 3 “Las voules vous qu’une personne chante” fo. 8v-9r 3 “Misero me deh com’ amor m’ ha posto” fo. 35v-36r 3 “Non glorietur sapiens” fo. 45v-46r 3 “Non mi togl’ il ben mio” fo. 36v-37r 3 “O grand beaulté remplie de soucis” (Part II with fo. 12v-13r 3 “Veu que tu es plus blanche”) “O Heer en God in uwen naeme crachtich” (Part II fo. 31v-32r 3 with “Ick sondich daghelijcx tegens u o Heere”) “O mort, amere est ta souvenance” fo. 7v-8r 3 “Omnis caro fænum” (Part I with “Vere fænum est fo. 41v-42r 3 populus”) “Ontfermt ons dan Heere, wilt ons ontfermen” (Part fo. 29v-30r 3 II with “Tot u, o Heer inden hemel vol eeren”) “Peccantem me quotidie” fo. 43v-44r 3 “Pis ne me peult venir” fo. 5v-6r 3

“Prince Jesus doux agneau de Syon” (Part IV of fo. 16v-17r 3 Quartine) “Quando son piu lontan da bei vostr’ occhi” fo. 38v-39r 3 “Quant le fol rit” (Part II with “Que peult au fol fo. 5r 3 richesse proufiter”) “Que peult au fol richesse proufiter” (Part I with fo. 4v 3 “Quant le fol rit”) “Schoon lief wat macht u baeten” fo. 27v-28r 3 “Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne” (Part I fo. 9v-10r 3 Text also set in CM&M à 4-6 with “Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne”) “Staet ons bij, Heer, in dese benauden tijden” fo. 20v-21r 3 “Sur nous tes serfs plus le veil péché” (Part III of fo. 15v-16r 3 Quartine) “Sur toutte fleur d’éslite” fo. 19v-20r 3 “Susann’ ung jour” fo. 1v-2r 3 “Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach” fo. 24v-25r 3 373 “Ta déité en nostre chair enclose” (Part II of fo. 14v-15r 3 Quartine) “Te souvient il plus du prophète” (Part II with “Une fo. 18v-19r 3 pastorelle gentille”) “Tot u, o Heer inden hemel vol eeren” (Part I with fo. 28v-29r 3 “Ontfermt ons dan Heere, wilt ons ontfermen”) “Tout ce qu’on peult en elle veoir” fo. 3v-4r 3 “Udit’ amanti un miracol d’amore” fo. 37v-38r 3 “Une pastorelle gentille” (Part I with “Te souvient il fo. 17v-18r 3 plus du prophète”) “Vel puo giurar’ amore” by Vincenzo Ferro fo. 39v-40r 3 “Verb’ éternel par lequel toutte chose” (Part I of fo. 13v-14r 3 Quartine) “Vere fænum est populus” (Part II with “Omnis caro fo. 42v-43r 3 fænum”) “Veu que tu es plus blanche” (Part I with “O grand fo. 11v-12r 3 beaulté remplie de soucis”)

“Wij lesen in Esdras vanden wijn” fo. 26v-27r 3

Chansons, madrigales & motetz à 4-6 parties (CM&M à 4-6) Single-author Antwerp, Widow of Jan de Laet, 1568 RISM: F61 USTC: 61098 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Notes “Adieu Anvers, adieu la noble ville” p. 32 5 “Adieu celle que j’ay servi” p. 30 5 “Angelicque bonte qui ne vous beniroit” (Part I with p. 11 4 “Vivant ne cesserai vos sainctz dons admirer”) “Antequam comedam, suspiro” (Part I with p. 43 5 “Nunquid dixi, afferte mihi”) “C’est de vous, o ma valentine” (Part I with “Or p. 15 4 veuilles doncq, je vous supplie”)

374 “Che fai che pensi” p. 25 4 “Chi sara mai ch’ io dica” p. 40 5 “Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne” (Part II with p. 18 4 Text also set in CM&M à 3 “Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne”) “Deh doue senza me” p. 24 4 “Deus patris mei Abraham” p. 29 4 “Donna per acquetar vostro desire” p. 39 5 “Dormiva ne begl’ occhi di madonna” p. 26 4 “Erravi sicut ovis quæ perijt” p. 45 5 “Fermis’ il sol, la lune, gl’ elementi” p. 37 5 “Hor ch’ il destin consente” p. 28 4 “Iamque exorta per has” (Part II with “Insignis p. 42 5 virtute Comes Mansfeldæ”) “Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt gebenedijen” p. 21 4 Text also set in CM&M à 3 “Insignis virtute Comes Mansfeldæ” (Part I with p. 41 5 In honorem Comitis Mansfeldæ “Iamque exorta per has”) “Jamais ne cesserai de magnifier le seigneur” p. 7 4

“L’homme qui n’est point amoureus” p. 5 4 “L’oeil dict assez s’il estoit entendu” p. 33 5 “Maer Heere want ick op der aerden moet leven” p. 23 4 (Part II with “Overvloedighen rijckdom noch armoede groot”) “Multi dicunt animæ meæ” p. 46 6 “Nunquid dixi, afferte mihi” (Part II with “Antequam p. 44 5 comedam, suspiro”) “O allendighe mensche die daer was verdoent” (Part p. 20 4 II with “O hemelsche vader”) “O hemelsche vader” (Part I with “O allendighe p. 19 4 mensche die daer was verdoent”) “O pre un jour j’espere” (Part II with “Un pre verd je p. 4 4 cognois”) “Ogn’ uno sap’ hor mai la pena mia” p. 27 4 “Or veuilles doncq, je vous supplie” (Part II with p. 16 4 375 “C’est de vous, o ma valentine”) “Overvloedighen rijckdom noch armoede groot” p. 22 4 (Part I with “Maer Heere want ick op der aerden moet leven”) “Par un matin tout par souhait” p. 13 4 “Parmi veder la bella donna mia” p. 36 5 “Pero se l’opra non giung’ al desio” p. 38 5 “Rijckdom en haven” p. 34 5 “S’ io mi lamento” p. 35 5 “Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne” (Part I p. 17 4 Text also set in CM&M à 3 with “Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne”) “Soyons plaisans tous gallans” p. 9 4 “Sus loues Dieu mon ame” p. 31 5 “Sus prens ton luth ma nymphette” p. 10 4 “Tout doucement marionette” p. 6 4 “Un pre verd je cognois” (Part I with “O pre un jour p. 3 4 j’espere”)

“Vivant ne cesserai vos sainctz dons admirer” (Part p. 12 4 II with “Angelicque bonte qui ne vous beniroit”) “Vivre ne puis sur terre” p. 8 4 “Vostre rigueur veut doncques que je meure” p. 14 4

Recueil des fleurs… tiers livre Anthology Louvain, Pierre Phalèse Sr., 1569 RISM: 156911 USTC: 64363 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne” (Part II with p. 4 3 CM&M à 3 “Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne”) “Las voules vous qu’une personne chante” p. 12 3 CM&M à 3 “O mort, amere est ta souvenance” p. 6 3 CM&M à 3 “Pis ne me peult venir” p. 27 3 CM&M à 3

376 “Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne” (Part I p. 4 3 CM&M à 3 with “Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne”) “Susann’ ung jour” p. 20 3 CM&M à 3

Een duytsch musyck boeck… Anthology Louvain & Antwerp, Pierre Phalèse Sr. & Jean Bellère, 1572 RISM: 157211 USTC: 405434 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt gebenedijen” fo. 6v 4 CM&M à 4-6 “Maer Heere want ick op der aerden moet leven” fo. 8r 4 CM&M à 4-6 (Part II with “Overvloedighen rijckdom noch armoede groot”) “Overvloedighen rijckdom noch armoede groot” fo. 7v 4 CM&M à 4-6 (Part I with “Maer Heere want ick op der aerden moet leven”)

La fleur des chansons à trois parties… Anthology Louvain & Antwerp, Pierre Phalèse Sr. & Jean Bellère, 1574 RISM: 15743 USTC: 64232 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Amour me donne pain’ et douleurs” p. 58 3 CM&M à 3 “Comment mes yeux aves vous entrepris” p. 54 3 CM&M à 3 “Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne” (Part II with p. 89 3 CM&M à 3 “Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne”) “Contre raison vous m’estes fort estrange” p. 95 3 CM&M à 3 “Las voules vous qu’une personne chante” p. 81 3 CM&M à 3 “O grand beaulté remplie de soucis” (Part II with p. 113 3 CM&M à 3 “Veu que tu es plus blanche”) “O mort, amere est ta souvenance” p. 87 3 CM&M à 3

377 “Pis ne me peult venir” p. 51 3 CM&M à 3 “Prince Jesus doux agneau de Syon” (Part IV of p. 70 3 CM&M à 3 Quartine) “Quant le fol rit” (Part II with “Que peult au fol p. 57 3 CM&M à 3 richesse proufiter”) “Que peult au fol richesse proufiter” (Part I with p. 56 3 CM&M à 3 “Quant le fol rit”) “Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne” (Part I p. 88 3 CM&M à 3 with “Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne”) “Sur nous tes serfs plus le veil péché” (Part III of p. 69 3 CM&M à 3 Quartine) “Susann’ ung jour” p. 52 3 CM&M à 3 “Ta déité en nostre chair enclose” (Part II of p. 68 3 CM&M à 3 Quartine) “Tout ce qu’on peult en elle veoir” p. 55 3 CM&M à 3 “Verb’ éternel par lequel toutte chose” (Part I of p. 67 3 CM&M à 3 Quartine )

“Veu que tu es plus blanche” (Part I with “O grand p. 112 3 CM&M à 3 beaulté remplie de soucis”)

Thesaurus musicus… Anthology, lute Louvain & Antwerp, Pierre Phalèse Sr. & Jean Bellère, 1574 RISM: 157412 USTC: 83710 intabulation Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Adieu Anvers, adieu la noble ville” no. 50, fo. 57r lute arrangement from à 5 CM&M à 4-6 (arranged for lute) “Adieu celle que j’ay servi” no. 51, fo. 58r lute arrangement from à 5 CM&M à 4-6 (arranged for lute) “C’est de vous, o ma valentine” no. 42, fo. 51r lute arrangement from à 4 CM&M à 4-6 (arranged for lute) “L’homme qui n’est point amoureus” no. 36, fo. 46r lute arrangement from à 4 CM&M à 4-6 (arranged for lute) “Soyons plaisans tous gallans” no. 41, fo. 50v lute arrangement from à 4 CM&M à 4-6 (arranged for lute) “Sus prens ton luth ma nymphette” no. 47, fo. 54v lute arrangement from à 4 CM&M à 4-6 (arranged for lute)

378 “Tout doucement marionette” no. 44, fo. 52v lute arrangement from à 4 CM&M à 4-6 (arranged for lute)

Premier livre du meslange des pseaumes et cantiques… (contrafacta by Simon Goulart) Anthology [Geneva], [Pierre de Saint-André], 1577 RISM: 15772 USTC: 5488 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Comment mes yeux aves vous entrepris” (with fo. 5v 3 CM&M à 3 incipit “Ouvre mes yeux, à fin que” and minor alterations to lyrics) “O mort, amere est ta souvenance” fo. 9v 3 CM&M à 3 “Quant le fol rit” (Part II with “Que peult au fol fo. 7r 3 CM&M à 3 richesse proufiter”) “Que peult au fol richesse proufiter” (Part I with fo. 6v 3 CM&M à 3 “Quant le fol rit”) “Tout ce qu’on peult en elle veoir” (with incipit “O fo. 20v 3 CM&M à 3 Dieu, ce qu’on peut” and minor alterations to lyrics)

Second livre du meslange des pseaumes et cantiques… (contrafacta by Simon Goulart) Anthology [Geneva], [Pierre de Saint-André], 1577 RISM: 15773 USTC: 61938 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Amour me donne pain’ et douleurs” (with incipit fo. 17v 3 CM&M à 3 “Péché me donne peine” and minor alterations to lyrics) “Pis ne me peult venir” fo. 11v 3 CM&M à 3 “Prince Jesus doux agneau de Syon” (Part IV of fo. 4v 3 CM&M à 3 Quartine) “Sur nous tes serfs plus le veil péché” (Part III of fo. 3v 3 CM&M à 3 Quartine) “Susann’ ung jour” fo. 12v 3 CM&M à 3 “Ta déité en nostre chair enclose” (Part II of fo. 2v 3 CM&M à 3 379 Quartine ) “Verb’ éternel par lequel toutte chose” (Part I of fo. 1v 3 CM&M à 3 Quartine)

Harmonia celeste… (comp. Andreas Pevernage) Anthology Antwerp, Pierre Phalèse & Jean Bellère, 1583 RISM: 158314 USTC: 405453 Note: Reprints in 1589, 1593 (with slight modifications), 1605, 1614, 1628 Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. in Highest Part Number of Voices “Basciami vita mia” fo. 5v 4 “Questi ch’inditio fan del mio tormento” fo. 8v 4

Musica divina… (comp. Pierre Phalèse) Anthology Antwerp, Pierre Phalèse & Jean Bellère, 1583 RISM: 158315 USTC: 405459 Note: Reprints in 1588, 1591, 1595, 1606, 1614, 1623, 1634

Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. in Highest Part Number of Voices “Chi per voi non sospira” fo. 10r 5 “Parmi veder la bella donna mia” fo. 15r 5

Pratum musicum longe amoenissimum… (arr. Emanuel Adriaenssen) Anthology, lute Antwerp, Pierre Phalèse, 1584 RISM: 158412 USTC: 402046 intabulation Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Primum potum” 5? “Chi per voi non sospira” 4? Musica divina…

Sacrae cantiones… (comp. Friedrich Lindner) 380 Anthology Nuremberg, Katharina Gerlach, 1585 RISM: 15851 USTC: 552906 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Notes “Laudate Dominum omnes gentes” no. 41 8 (antiphonal: two groups of Psalm 116 (117) four voices)

Musica transalpina… Anthology London, Thomas East, 1588 RISM: 158829 USTC: 510947 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Questi ch’inditio fan del mio tormento” as “These no. 1 4 Harmonia celeste… that be certaine signes of my tormenting” “Chi per voi non sospira” as “When shall I cease no. 21 5 Musica divina… lamenting”

Liber secundus Gemmae musicalis… (comp. Friedrich Lindner) Anthology Nuremberg, Katharina Gerlach, 1589 RISM: 15898 USTC: 552961 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Basciami vita mia” no. 63 4 Harmonia celeste… “Rendimi il gentil viso” no. 64 5

Neue kurtzweilige teutsche Liedlein mit vier und fünf stimmen… (comp. Frantz Joachim Brechtel) Anthology Nuremberg, Katharina Gerlach, 1590 RISM: 159027 USTC: 552991 Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. in Highest Part Number of Voices “Ich bring meim bruder ein guten trunck” no. 15 4

381 Novum pratum musicum… (arr. Emanuel Adriaenssen) Anthology, lute Antwerp, Pierre Phalèse & Jean Bellère, 1592 RISM: 159222 USTC: 402262 intabulation Piece, Folio, and/or Page Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient No. in Highest Part Number of Voices Notes “Non al suo amante” fo. 14v-15r arranged for two voices text by Petrarch set numerous other times and lute from à 4 (see Ballman)

Cinquante pseaumes de David… Anthology [Heidelberg], Jérôme Commelin, 1597 RISM: 15976 USTC: 41705 Piece, Folio, and/or Page Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient No. in Highest Part Number of Voices Notes “On a beau sa maison” p. 94 6 Nisi Dominus ædificauerit, Psalm 126 (127)

Le Rossignol musical des chansons… Anthology Antwerp, Pierre Phalèse, 1597 RISM: 159710 USTC: 75277 Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. in Highest Part Number of Voices “Le seul espoir” fo. 5r 4 “Le tien espoir” fo. 7r 4 “Jupiter ò tres grand roy” fo. 20v 5

Flores musicae… (arr. Johann Rude) Anthology, lute Heidelberg, Gotthard and Philipp Vögelin, 1600 RISM: 16005a USTC: 553077 intabulation Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From 382 “Chi per voi non sospira” no. 9, Book I: B2r lute intabulation from à 5 Musica divina… “Par mi vedere” no. 36, Book I: E5r lute intabulation from à 5 Musica divina…

Pratum musicum longe amoenissimum… [II] (arr. Emanuel Adriaenssen) Anthology, lute Antwerp, Pierre Phalèse, 1600 RISM: 160018 USTC: 402517 intabulation Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Basciami vita mia” fo. 9v-10v for lute and two voices, from à 4 version Harmonia celeste…

Florida, sive cantiones… (arr. Joachim van den Hove) Anthology, lute Utrecht, Salomon Aartszoon de Roy and Jan Willemszoon van Rhenen, 1601 RISM: 160118 USTC: n/a intabulation

Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Basciami vita mia” voice: 14v, 16r; lute: 15r-15v for lute and two voices, from à 4 version Harmonia celeste… “Questi ch’inditio fan del mio tormento” voice: 22r, lute: 21v for lute and two voices, from à 4 version Harmonia celeste…

Nervi d’Orfeo… Anthology Leiden, H.L. de’ Haestens, 1605 RISM: 16059 USTC: n/a Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Chi per voi non sospiro” p. 3 (listed in table correctly, 5 Musica divina… but music misnumbered as 6 in canto and quinto parts)

383 Hortus musicalis… liber tertius Anthology Munich, A. Berg, 1609 RISM: 160915 USTC: n/a Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Notes “Quam efficax et infinita Christi” no. 8 5 Mors Christi, vita nostra

Livre septième… Anthology Antwerp, Pierre Phalèse, 1613 [1633? see page 318] RISM: 16137 USTC: n/a Note: Vanhulst no. 15 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Le seul espoir” fo. 22v 4 Le Rossignol musical des chansons…

Livre septième… Anthology Antwerp, Pierre Phalèse, 1617 RISM: 16176a USTC: n/a

Note: Vanhulst no. 16 Piece, Folio, and/or Page Number of Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient No. in Highest Part Voices Reprinted From Notes “Maer Heere want ick op der aerden moet leven” fo. 14r 4 CM&M à 4-6 (Part II with “Overvloedighen rijckdom noch armoede groot”) “Musica, aldersoetste const” fo. 21v 4 music from CM&M New Dutch text for “L’homme à 4-6 qui n’est point amoureus” “Overvloedighen rijckdom noch armoede groot” fo. 13v 4 CM&M à 4-6 (Part I with “Maer Heere want ick op der aerden moet leven”) “Soyons plaisans tous gallans” fo. 3r 4 CM&M à 4-6

Livre septième… Anthology Douai, Jean Bogart, 1617 RISM: 16176 USTC: n/a 384 Note: Vanhulst no. 17 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Maer Heere want ick op der aerden moet leven” fo. 14r 4 CM&M à 4-6 (Part II with “Overvloedighen rijckdom noch armoede groot”) “Musica, aldersoetste const” fo. 21v 4 music from CM&M à 4-6 “Overvloedighen rijckdom noch armoede groot” fo. 13v 4 CM&M à 4-6 (Part I with “Maer Heere want ick op der aerden moet leven”) “Soyons plaisans tous gallans” fo. 3r 4 CM&M à 4-6

Nova musices organicae tabulatura… (arr. Johann Woltz) Anthology, organ Basel, J.J. Genath, 1617 RISM: 161724 USTC: n/a intabulation

Piece, Folio, and/or Page Number of Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient No. in Highest Part Voices Reprinted From Notes “Laudate Dominum omnes gentes” no. 66 8 Sacrae cantiones… intabulation, Psalm 116 (117)

Livre septième… Anthology Antwerp, Pierre Phalèse, 1622 RISM: n/a USTC: n/a Note: Vanhulst no. 18 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Maer Heere want ick op der aerden moet leven” fo. 14r 4 CM&M à 4-6 (Part II with “Overvloedighen rijckdom noch armoede groot”) “Musica, aldersoetste const” fo. 21v 4 music from CM&M à 4-6 “Overvloedighen rijckdom noch armoede groot” fo. 13v 4 CM&M à 4-6 (Part I with “Maer Heere want ick op der aerden 385 moet leven”) “Soyons plaisans tous gallans” fo. 3r 4 CM&M à 4-6

Livre septième… Anthology Amsterdam, Jan Jansz, 1632 RISM: 16325 USTC: n/a Note: Vanhulst no. 19 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Maer Heere want ick op der aerden moet leven” fo. 14r 4 CM&M à 4-6 (Part II with “Overvloedighen rijckdom noch armoede groot”) “Musica, aldersoetste const” fo. 21v 4 music from CM&M à 4-6 “Overvloedighen rijckdom noch armoede groot” fo. 13v 4 CM&M à 4-6 (Part I with “Maer Heere want ick op der aerden moet leven”) “Soyons plaisans tous gallans” fo. 3r 4 CM&M à 4-6

Livre septième… Anthology Douai, Pierre Bogart, 1633 RISM: 16332 USTC: n/a Note: Vanhulst no. 20 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Le seul espoir” fo. 22v 4 Le Rossignol musical des chansons…

[Livre septième…] Anthology [Antwerp], [Heirs of Pierre Phalèse], [1636] RISM: n/a USTC: n/a Note: Vanhulst no. 21. Only the bassus was ever catalogued and it has been lost since WWII. Lenaerts gives an inventory of the volume (which he incorrectly dates 1632). Piece, Folio, and/or Page No.

386 Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From [“Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt ghebenedyen”] [p. 38] 4 [CM&M à 4-6] [“Musica, aldersoetste const”] [p. 35] 4 [music from CM&M à 4-6] [“Soyons plaisans tous gallans”] [p. 6] 4 [CM&M à 4-6]

Livre septième… Anthology Amsterdam, Broer Jansz, 1640 RISM: 16406 USTC: n/a Note: Vanhulst no. 22 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Maer Heere want ick op der aerden moet leven” fo. 14r 4 CM&M à 4-6 (Part II with “Overvloedighen rijckdom noch armoede groot”) “Musica, aldersoetste const” fo. 21v 4 music from CM&M à 4-6

“Overvloedighen rijckdom noch armoede groot” fo. 13v 4 CM&M à 4-6 (Part I with “Maer Heere want ick op der aerden moet leven”) “Soyons plaisans tous gallans” fo. 3r 4 CM&M à 4-6

Livre septième… Anthology Antwerp, Heirs of Pierre Phalèse, 1641-1643 RISM: n/a USTC: n/a Note: Vanhulst no. 23 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt ghebenedyen” p. 38 4 CM&M à 4-6 “Musica, aldersoetste const” p. 35 4 music from CM&M à 4-6 “Soyons plaisans tous gallans” p. 6 4 CM&M à 4-6

387 Livre septième… Anthology Amsterdam, Joost Jansz, 1644 RISM: 16443 USTC: n/a Note: Vanhulst no. 24 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Musica, aldersoetste const” fo. 21v 4 music from CM&M à 4-6 “Soyons plaisans tous gallans” fo. 3r 4 CM&M à 4-6

Livre septième… Anthology Amsterdam, Paulus Matthysz, c. 1650 RISM: n/a USTC: n/a Note: Vanhulst no. 25 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Musica, aldersoetste const” fo. 21v 4 music from CM&M à 4-6 “Soyons plaisans tous gallans” fo. 3r 4 CM&M à 4-6

Livre septième… Anthology Amsterdam, Paulus Matthysz, c. 1655 RISM: n/a USTC: n/a Note: Vanhulst no. 26 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Musica, aldersoetste const” fo. 21v 4 music from CM&M à 4-6 “Soyons plaisans tous gallans” fo. 3r 4 CM&M à 4-6

Livre septième… Anthology Antwerp, Heirs of Pierre Phalèse, 1661/1663 RISM: n/a USTC: n/a Note: Vanhulst no. 27 Piece, Folio, and/or Page No. 388 Textual Incipit of Pieces by Faignient in Highest Part Number of Voices Reprinted From “Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt ghebenedyen” p. 38 4 CM&M à 4-6 “Musica, aldersoetste const” p. 35 4 music from CM&M à 4-6 “Soyons plaisans tous gallans” p. 6 4 CM&M à 4-6

Appendix B. Textual Concordances with CM&M à 3

The table below lists textual concordances that appeared both before and after CM&M à 3. Most sources are alternate settings

of the texts, but some are collections of poetry that may be the original sources of these texts. Headings use Faignient’s spellings from

CM&M à 3. Earliest editions are given in the main entry with subsequent reprintings listed under ‘notes.’ RISM (Répertoire

International des Sources Musicales) numbers are drawn from the B/I series (anthologies, sigla begin with a year the collection

389 appeared) and A/I series (single-composer collections, sigla begin with the first letter of the composer’s last name).

“Alma Susanna, ben felic’ e ’l core”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Rore, Cipriano de Le vive fiamme de’vaghi e Venice Scotto, 1565 156518 853315 Reprinted with small dilettevoli madrigali… Girolamo and variations in title in R2514 1569 (R2515), 1576 (R2516), and 1585 (R2517) Rore, Cipriano de 5 Di Cipriano de Rore il quinto Venice Gardane, 1566 156617 853317 libro di madrigali a cinque Antonio voci…

Rore, Cipriano de 5 Di Cipriano de Rore il quinto Venice Gardane, 1568 156819 853319 Reprinted as 15748 libro di madrigali a cinque Antonio voci… con nova gionta ristampato [Willaert, Adrian] 5 I dolci frutti del primo libro Venice Scotto, 1570 157015 809612 (attr. Adriano de vaghi et dilettevoli Girolamo Hauville) madrigali.. Rore, Cipriano de 5 Spoglia amorosa… Venice Scotto, 1584 15845 805936 Girolamo

“Amour me donne pain’ et douleurs”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Cornet, Séverin 5 Chansons francoyses a 5, 6 et Antwerp Plantin, 1581 15814 65796 390 8 parties… Christopher

“Anchor che col partire”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Rore, Cipriano de 4 Primo libro di madrigali a Venice Gardane, 1547 154714 762320 Faignient uses melodic quatro voci di Perissone Antonio material from this Cambio… often-reprinted setting Rore, Cipriano de 4 Madrigali de la fama a quatro Venice Gardane, 1548 15487 853286 voci composti da l’infrascritti Antonio autori, novamente con diligentia stampati et corretti…

Rore, Cipriano de 4 Madrigali de la fama a Venice Scotto, 1548 15488 n/a quattro voce composti Girolamo novamente da diversi eccellentissimi musici… Rore, Cipriano de 4 Il primo libro de madrigali a Ferrara Buglhat, 1550 R2500 853290 Reprinted many times quatro voci… Giovanni & (sometimes with Antonio minor changes) by Hucher Gardane, Scotto, and others: R2501 (1551), R2502 (1552), R2503 (1554), R2504 (1557), R2505 (1563), R2506 (1564), R2507 (1565), R2508 (1569), R2509 (1573), R2510 (1575), R2511 (1582), R2512 (1590). See RISM A/I, 391 Bernstein 1998 (p. 459), and Lewis 1988 (vol. 1, p. 561). Nasco, Giovanni 5 Di Vicenzo Ruffo il secondo Venice Gardane, [1553 [1553]28 853774 This piece not libro di madrigali a cinque Antonio or and included in reprint voci… 1554] R3074 (155725 [R3075]) Romano, Alessandro 4 Le vergini, a quattro voci, con Venice Scotto, 1554 M2321 808604 Reprinted (see RISM) (a.k.a. Alessandro la gionta di alcuni Girolamo Merlo) madrigali… Calderino, [Giovanni 4 Il secondo libro de villotte del Venice Gardane, 1559 155919 811792 Reprinted by Scotto as Francesco] fiore… Antonio and 156415 (A2985) A2984

Cambio, Perissone 6 Di Alessandro Striggio Venice Gardane, 1560 156022 n/a Reprinted several gentilhuomo mantovano Antonio and times by Gardane, servitore dell’ illustriss… S6950 Scotto, and Rampazetto. First edition (probably 1561) no longer extant. Caimo, Giuseppe 4 Il primo libro de madrigali a Milano Moscheni, 1564 C34 817677 quattro voci… Francesco Rore, Cipriano de solo lute Luculentum theatrum Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1568 156823 83692 musicum… Sr. Castro, Jean de 3 Il primo libro di madrigali, Antwerp Widow of Jean 1569 C1468 406111 canzoni et motetti a tre voci… de Laet Rore, Cipriano de 4 La eletta di tutta la musica Venice [Zorzi] 1569 156920 n/a intitolata corona… 17

392 Gabrieli, Andrea 3 Il primo libro delle justiniane Venice Scotto, 1570 1570 804749 Parody version. a tre voci… Girolamo Reprinted as 15726, 157819, and 158613.

Rore, Cipriano de 4 Tutti i madrigali di Cipriano Venice Gardane, 1577 R2513 853330 di Rore… Angelo Baccusi, Ippolito 6 Madrigali di Hippolito Venice Gardane, 1579 B39 811849 Baccusi… libro terzo a sei Angelo voci Cornet, Séverin Madrigali a cinque, 6, 7 et 8 Antwerp Plantin, 1581 15817 405446 voci… Christopher and C3947 Castro, Jean de 3 Chansons, madrigaux et Antwerp Phalèse & Jean 1582 C1475 84371 motetz à trois parties… Bellère Rore, Cipriano de 4 Musica divina.. Antwerp Phalèse & Jean 1583 158315 405459 Reprinted many times Bellère (see RISM) [Fallamero, Gabriele] voices Il primo libro de intavolatura Venice Scotto, 1584 158413 828683 and lute da liuto… Girolamo

Rore, Cipriano de Sesieme livre de chansons a Paris Le Roy & 1584 15843 30573 Reprinted as 15915 quatre et cinq parties… Ballard Rore, Cipriano de 4 Gemma musicalis: Nuremberg Gerlach, 1588 158821 552948 selectissimas varii stili Katharina cantiones… Paolo Isnardi 6 Il primo libro de madrigali a Venice Gardane, 1589 I126 836610 sei voci di Paolo Isnardi… Angelo Rore, Cipriano de 5 Musicale essercitio di Venice Gardane, 1589 158912 811988 Ludovico Balbi… Angelo Rore, Cipriano de 4 Nuova spoglia amorosa… Venice Vincenti, 1593 15935 806826 Giacomo Rore, Cipriano de Regole, passaggi di musica, Venice Vincenti, 1594 B4029 816631 Volume contains madriagali, e motetti Giacomo mostly works by passeggiati Giovanni Battista Bovicelli. Also

393 printed in Milan by Francesco & Simone Tini. Mancinus, Thomas 2 Duum vocum Helmstadt Lucius, Jacbo 1597 M316 n/a cantiuncularum… Rore, Cipriano de Florem musicae a Ioanne Heidelberg Vöeglin, 1600 16006 553078 Rudenio lipsiense collectorum Gotthard & liber secundus… Philipp Rore, Cipriano de Flores musicae… Heidelberg Vöeglin, 1600 16005a 553077 Gotthard & Philipp Marinis, Giovanni de 6 Il secondo libro de madrigali Venice Gardane, 1601 160113 n/a a sei voci… Angelo Marinis, Giovanni de 4 De’ fiori del giardino di Nuremberg Kauffmann, 1604 160412 n/a diversi excellentissimi autori. Paul Seconda parte…

Rore, Cipriano de 4 Archadelt il primo libro de’ Naples Sottile, G. B. 1608 160814 n/a madrigali à quattro voci… Rore, Cipriano de 4 Archadelt il primo libro de’ Naples Beltrano, O. 1625 16257 n/a Reprinted as 162813 madrigali à quattro voci… and 16546

“Benedicite domino oculi omnium”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes D. Joannis Jacobi 4 Sextus tomus Evangeliorum, Nuremberg Berg, Johann [1556] [1556]9 552705 Second part of “Omnia Lucarij et piarum sententiarum… von and Ulrich quae fecisti nobis a.k.a. Evangelia dominicorum Neuber Domine.” Shares text et festorum dierum… from Psalm 144:15-16, but other material differs.

394 Gombert, Nicolas 6 Primus liber cum sex Venice Gardane 1539 15393 802896 Shares text from vocibus… Psalm 144:15-16, but other material differs. Lassus, Orlande 5 Patrocinium musices… prima Munich Berg, Adam 1573 L857 683242 Shares text from pars Psalm 144:15-16, but other material differs. Reprinted in 1578 (L906). Lassus, Orlande 5 Patrocinium musices… opus Louvain Phalèse, 1574 L872 405585 Shares text from novum Cornelius Psalm 144:15-16, but other material differs. Lassus, Orlande 5 Moduli, quatuor, 5, 6, 7, 8, et Paris Le Roy & 1577 L904 170385 Shares text from novem vocum… Ballard Psalm 144:15-16, but other material differs. Lassus, Orlande 5 Moduli quinque vocum… Paris Le Roy & 1588 L986 170920 Shares text from Ballard Psalm 144:15-16, but other material differs.

Clemens non Papa, 3 Tricinia sacra ex diversis et Nuremberg Gerlach, 1567 15672 552795 Jacobus probatis autoribus collecta… Katharina Clemens non Papa, 3 Selectissimarum sacrarum Louvain Phalèse & Jean 1569 15695 401408 Jacobus cantionum… liber secundus Bellère Byrd, William 4 Gradualia… liber primus London East, Thomas 1605 B5217 n/a Shares text from Psalm 144:15-16, but other material differs Schütz, Heinrich 4 with Cantiones sacrae quatuor Freiberg Hoffmann, 1625 S2279 n/a Shares text from continuo vocum cum basso ad organum Georg Psalm 144:15-16, but other material differs

“Brief vienne regarder ses delicates mains” No known textual concordances. 395

“Cagion non e ne fia che ’l mio pensier”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Ruffo, Vincenzo 5 Il primo libro de madrigali a Venice Gardane, 1553 R3071 853773 Reprinted in 1555 cinque voci… Antonio (R3072) and 1562 (R3073)

“Comment mes yeux aves vous entrepris”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Mornable 4 Quart livre de chansons, Paris Le Roy & 1553 155323 29625 composé s à quatre parties… Ballard

Arcadelt, J. 4 Cinquiesme livre de chansons Paris Le Roy & 1561 15614 29760 nouvellement composé Ballard Arcadelt, J. 4 [Premier/Second/Tiers/Quart Paris Chemin, [1561 n/a n/a It is unclear from the livre du recueil des recueilz Nicolas du or surviving evidence de chansons a quatre 1567] which volume in this parties…] series contained Arcadelt’s chanson.

“Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Faignient, Noé 4 CMM à 4-6 Antwerp Widow of Jean 1568 F61 61098 de Laet 396 “Contre raison vous m’estes fort estrange”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Sermisy, Claudin de 4 Trente et quatre chansons Paris Attaingnant, 1529 15293 n/a musicales a quatre parties… Pierre Anonymous no S’ensuyvent plusieurs belles Paris [Bossozel, 1535 n/a 65930 notation chansons nouvelles… Guillaume de] Sermisy, Claudin de 3 Trente et une chansons Paris Attaingnant, 1535 n/a 27569 musicales… Pierre Sermisy, Claudin de 4 Premier livre contenant Paris Attaingnant, 1536 15362 n/a chansons… Pierre [Sermisy, Claudin de] 3 Trium vocum cantiones Nuremberg Petreius, J. 1541 15412 552554 (attr. Janequin and centum… Gero)

[Sermisy, Claudin de] 3 Di Constantio Festa il primo Venice Gardane, 1541 154113 829364 (attr. Janequin) libro de madrigali a tre voci… Antonio [Sermisy, Claudin de] 3 Quaranta madrigali di Jhan Venice Gardane, 1543 154323 832313 (attr. Janequin) Gero… Antonio Susato, Tielman 3 Le premier livre des chansons Antwerp Susato, 1544 S7238 54036 a deux ou a troix parties… Tielman (a.k.a. Premier livre des chansons à trois parties auqel sont contenues trente et une nouvelles chansons…)

Susato, Tielman 6 Le sixiesme livre contenant Antwerp Susato, 1545 154514 53202 trente et une chansons Tielman nouvelles a cincq et a six parties… Susato, Tielman 6 Dixneufiesme livre contenant Paris Attaingnant, 1546 154613 27727 Also published in two 12 397 xxii chansons nouvelles à Pierre volumes (1546 ) quatre parties en ung volume… [Sermisy, Claudin de] 3 Quaranta madrigali di Jhan Venice Scotto, [1551] n/a n/a Gero… Girolamo Sermisy, Claudin de 4 Quart livre du recueil… Paris Chemin, 1551 15517 40840 Printed again the same Nicolas du year with minor additions. Sermisy, Claudin de 3 Tiers livre de chansons Paris Le Roy & 1553 155322 41009 composé s a trois parties… Ballard Sermisy, Claudin de 4 Second recueil des chansons Paris Le Roy & 1555 155523 29631 composees a quatre parties… Ballard [Susato, Tielman] 3 Recueil des fleurs… second Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1569 156910 64360 livre Sr. [Sermisy, Claudin de] 3 Premier livre de chansons a Paris Le Roy & 1578 157814 30536 trois parties… Ballard

“Die onder Gods beschermsel is geseten”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes [Nyevelt, Willem van 1 Souter Liedekens Ghemaect Antwerp Cock, Symon 1540 n/a 403021 Souterliedekens1540a Zuylen van] ter eeren Gods… and and (Souterliedekens) 438110 Souterliedekens1540d in Dutch Song Database Clemens non Papa, 3 Souterliedekens III… Antwerp Susato, 1556 C2710 400985 Jacobus Tielman Mes, Gherardus 4 Souter liedekens. VII. Het Antwerp Susato, 1561 M2384 406098 thienste musyck boeck mit vier Tielman partien… Flori, Jacobus 3 Modulorum aliquot tam Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1573 F1185 405980 Also uses melodic sacrorum quam prophanorum Sr. material from CMM à 398 cum tribus vocibus… 3

“Domine Jesu Criste respicere”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Clemens non Papa, 4 Sextus tomus Evangeliorum, Nuremberg Berg, Johann [1556] [1556]9 552705 Jacobus et piarum sententiarum… von and Ulrich a.k.a. Evangelia dominicorum Neuber et festorum dierum…

Luython, Carl 6 Promptuarii musici, sacras Argentinae Kieffer, Karl 1611 16111 n/a harmonias sive motetas… [Strasbourg] pars prima…

“Ego sum alpha et Ω” No known textual concordances.

“Eximie castitatis exemplar Susanna” No known textual concordances.

“Filius sapiens letificat patrem” No known textual concordances. 399 “Gratias agimus tibi, pater celestis”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Gombert, Nicolas 4 Nicolai Gomberti, musici Venice Scotto, 1541 G2987 833640 imperatorii, motectorum, Girolamo nuperrime maxima diligentia in lucem aeditorum, liber secundus…

Anonymous 3 Tricinia. Tum veterum tum Wittenberg Rhau, Georg 1542 15428 552561 recentiorum in arte musica symphonistarum, latina, germanica, brabantica et gallica…

Turnhout, Gérard de 3 Sacrarum ac aliarum Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1569 T1434 83694 cantionum trium vocum… Sr.

Aichinger, Gregor 4 Sacrarum symphoniarum Nuremberg Kauffmann, 1600 16002 691895 continuatio… Paul

“Ick ben den rechten wijngaert”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Flori, Jacobus 3 Modulorum aliquot tam Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1573 F1185 405980 Also uses melodic sacrorum quam prophanorum Sr. material from CMM à cum tribus vocibus… 3

“Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt gebenedijen”

No. of Place of 400 Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Faignient, Noé 4 CMM à 4-6 Antwerp Widow of Jean 1568 F61 61098 Shares melodic de Laet material with his à 3 setting Faignient, Noé 4 Een duytsch musyck boeck… Louvain, Phalèse Sr. & 1572 157211 405434 Antwerp Jean Bellère

“Ick sondich daghelijcx tegens u o Heere” No known textual concordances.

“Io mi son giovenett’ e volontieri”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Ferrabosco, Domenico 4 Il primo libro d’i madrigali de Venice Gardane, 1542 154217 803014 Reprinted many times diversi eccellentissimi Antonio by Gardane, Scotto, autori… and others: 154317, 154615, 154713, 15486, 155015, 155217, 155218, 155716, 155811, 15609, 15638a. Scotto, Girolamo 2 Di Girolamo Scoto il secondo Venice Scotto, 1559 n/a 855626 libro delli madrigali a duoi Girolamo voci… Ferrabosco, Domenico 4 Il secondo libro de madrigali Venice Scotto, 1567 156715 n/a de diversi autori… Girolamo

401 Castro, Jean de 3 Il primo libro di madrigali, Antwerp Widow of Jean 1569 C1468 406111 canzoni et motetti a tre voci… de Laet Ferrabosco, Domenico 4 La eletta di tutta la musica Venice [Zorzi] 1569 156920 n/a intitolata corona… Aranda, Sessa d’ 4 Del Sessa d’Aranda il primo Venice “Li figliuoli di 1571 157112 856095 libro de madrigali a quatro Antonio voci… Gardano” Maneti, Giovanni 6 Madrigali di Giovanni Piero Venice “Li figliuoli di 1574 M328 840019 Pietro Manenti… libro primo Antonio Gardano” Ferrabosco, Domenico 4 Livre des meslanges Louvain, Phalèse Sr. & 1575 15754 64366 contenant un recueil de Antwerp Jean Bellère chansons a quatre parties… Anonymous 6 Corona de madrigali a sei Venice Scotto, 1579 15792 805474 voci… libro primo Girolamo

Castro, Jean de 3 Chansons, madrigaux et Antwerp Phalèse & Jean 1582 C1475 84371 motetz à trois parties… Bellère Ferrabosco, Domenico 4 Musica divina… Antwerp Phalèse & Jean 1583 158315 405459 Reprinted many times Bellère (see RISM) Ferrabosco, Domenico voices Il primo libro de intavolatura Venice Scotto, 1584 158413 828683 and lute da liuto… Girolamo Ferrabosco, Alfonso 4 Gemma musicalis: Nuremberg Gerlach, 1588 158821 552948 selectissimas varii stili Katharina cantiones… Piccoli, Giovanni de 3 Il primo libro delle villanelle Venice Vincenti, 1590 159024 843326 a tre voci… Giacomo Mosto, Giovanni 6 Melodia olympica… Antwerp Phalèse, Pierre 1591 159110 405502 Reprinted as 15947 Battista and 161111 Ferrabosco, Domenico 4 Nuova spoglia amorosa… Venice Vincenti, 1593 15935 806826 Giacomo 402 Anonymous Florem musicae a Ioanne Heidelberg Vöeglin, 1600 16006 553078 Rudenio lipsiense collectorum Gotthard & liber secundus… Philipp Anonymous Flores musicae… Heidelberg Vöeglin, 1600 16005a 553077 Gotthard & Philipp Ferrabosco, Alfonso 4 Di Camillo Lambardi maestro Naples Carlino, G. J. 1600 160013 837123 di cappella dell’ Annuntiata di Napoli… Aranda, Sessa d’ 4 Del Sessa d’Aranda il primo Elmstat Luzio, G. 1605 160516 n/a libro de madrigali a quattro voci… nuovamente ristampati Ferrabosco, Domenico 4 Archadelt il primo libro de’ Naples Sottile, G. B. 1608 160814 n/a madrigali à quattro voci…

Sweelinck, Jan Rimes françoises et italiennes, Leyden “imprimerie 1612 S7246 n/a Pieterszoon mises en musique… Plantinienne de Raphelengius” Ferrabosco, Domenico 4 Archadelt il primo libro de’ Naples Beltrano, O. 1625 16257 n/a Reprinted as 162813 madrigali à quattro voci… and 16546

“Judith seer vroom die is getreden” No known textual concordances.

“Las voules vous qu’une personne chante”

No. of Place of 403 Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Vermont 4 Chansons nouvelles en Paris Attaingnant, 1527 15283 27409 musique… Pierre [1528] Vermont keyboard Vingt et six chansons Paris Attaingnant, 1530 15318 27419 tabulature musicales reduictes en la Pierre from à 4 tabulature des orgues version espinettes manicordions…

[Vermont] 4 Trente et sept chansons Paris Attaingnant, 1531 15322 41025 Not listed in table of musicales à quatre parties… Pierre [1532] contents for Bassus Vermont 4 Premier livre contenant Paris Attaingnant, 1536 15362 n/a chansons… Pierre Anonymous no Les chansons nouvellement n.p. [Marot, 1538 n/a 66457 notation assemblées oultre les Clément] anciennes impressions…

Gardane, Antonio Le paragon des chansons. Lyon Moderne, J. 1538 153818 30611 Reprinted as 153919 Quart livre contenant XXXII chansons a deux et a troys parties… Gardane, Antonio 2 Canzoni francese a due voci Venice Gardane, 1539 153921 66991 Reprinted as 154414, di Ant. Gardane… Antonio 155216, 156413, and 15866 Gardane, Antonio 2 Bicinia gallica, latina, Wittenberg Rhau, Georg 1545 15456 552595 germanica… Lassus, Orlande 4 Le quatoirsiesme livre a Antwerp Susato, 1555 155519 53230 Reprinted as 155529 quatre parties contenant Tielman and (L756) and 15604 dixhuyct chansons L755 (L765) italiennes… Caulery, Jean 4 Jardin musical, contenant Antwerp Waelrant & [1556] [1556]18 41342 plusieurs belles fleurs… livre Laet second

404 Lassus, Orlande 4 Second livre de chansons Paris Chemin, 1557 155710 48098 nouvellement mises en Nicolas du musique a quatre parties… Lassus, Orlande 4 Second livre de chansons Paris Chemin, 1557 155710 48098 nouvellement mises en Nicolas du musique a quatre parties… Lassus, Orlande 4 Douziesme livre de chansons Paris Le Roy & 1559 155912 29749 nouvellement composees en Ballard musique a trois, quatre, & cinq parties…

Lassus, Orlande 4 Tiers livre des chansons a Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1560 L764 83510 Reprinted in 1562, quatre cincq et six parties… Sr. 1566, 1570 Lassus, Orlande 4 Douziesme livre de chansons Paris Le Roy & 1561 15615 29761 nouvellement compose en Ballard musique a quatre, & cinq parties…

Lassus, Orlande 4 Douzieme livre de chansons a Paris Le Roy & 1565 15656 29900 Reprinted as 156915, quatre & cinq parties… Ballard 15724 Lassus, Orlande 4 Seiziesme livre, contenant Paris Chemin, 1567 156810a 61068 vingt chansons nouvelles a Nicolas du [1568] quatre parties… Lassus, Orlande solo lute Luculentum theatrum Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1568 156823 83692 from à 4 musicum… Sr. version Castro, Jean de 3 Il primo libro di madrigali, Antwerp Widow of Jean 1569 C1468 406111 canzoni et motetti a tre voci… de Laet Castro, Jean de 3 Recueil des fleurs… second Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1569 156910 64360 livre Sr. Turnhout, Gérard de 3 Sacrarum ac aliarum Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1569 T1434 83694 cantionum trium vocum… Sr. Certon, Pierre 6 Les meslanges… esquelles Paris Chemin, 1570 C1718 61295 405 sont quatre vingt dix-huict Nicolas du tant cantiques que chansons spirituelles…

Lassus, Orlande 4 Mellange d’Orlande de Paris Le Roy & 1570 L834 2506 Lassus contenant plusieurs Ballard chansons tant en vers latins qu’en ryme francoyse…

Lassus, Orlande 4 Recueil du mellange London Vautrouller, 1570 L835 76588 d’Orlande de Lassus Thomas contenant plusieurs chansons tant en vers Latins qu’en ryme Francoyse.. Lassus, Orlande solo lute Theatrum musicum.. Louvain, Phalèse Sr. & 1571 157116 83706 from à 4 Antwerp Jean Bellère version

Turnhout, Gérard de 2 Liber musicus, duarum vocum Louvain, Phalèse Sr. & 1571 157115 83705 cantiones… Antwerp Jean Bellère [Grotte], Nicolas [de 5 Mellange de chansons tant Paris Le Roy & 1572 15722 30492 la] des vieux autheurs que des Ballard modernes… Lassus, Orlande 4 Livre troisiesme de chansons Louvain, Phalèse Sr. & 1573 L862 64221 Reprinted in 1562, a quatre cinc et six parties… Antwerp Jean Bellère 1566, 1570 Castro, Jean de 3 La fleur des chansons à trois Louvain, Phalèse Sr. & 1574 15743 64232 parties… Antwerp Jean Bellère Lassus, Orlande solo lute A briefe and plaine instruction London Le Roy, 1574 n/a 507816 from à 4 to set all musicke of eight Adrian version divers tunes in tableture for the lute… Lassus, Orlande 4 La fleur des chansons des Lyon Bavent, Jean 1574 15741 61677 deux plus excellents musiciens

406 de nostre temps… Castro, Jean de 3 Livre de chansons Paris Le Roy & 1575 C1472 30508 nouvellement compose a troys Ballard parties… Lassus, Orlande 4 Dousieme livre de chansons à Paris Le Roy & 1575 15757 30513 quatre, & cinq parties… Ballard Lassus, Orlande 4 Les meslanges d’Orlande de Paris Le Roy & 1576 L891 2593 Lassus… Ballard Turnhout, Gérard de 3 Premier livre du meslange des [Genève] [Saint-André, 1577 15772 5488 pseaumes et cantiques… Pierre de] Castro, Jean de 3 Livre de chansons Antwerp Phalèse & Jean 1582 C1476 74291 nouvellement compose a trois Bellère parties… Lassus, Orlande 4 Dousieme livre de chansons à Paris Le Roy & 1583 15836 30568 quatre, & cinq parties… Ballard Lassus, Orlande 4 Meslanges de la musique Paris Le Roy & 1586 L967 2700 Reprinted in 1619 d’Orlande de Lassus… Ballard (L1032)

Lassus, Orlande 4 La fleur des chansons Antwerp Phalèse & Jean 1592 15929 48970 Reprinted as 15967 d’Orlande de Lassus… Bellère and (L1011), and in 1604 L1002 (L1020), 1612 (L1026), and 1629 (L1034)

“Misero me deh com’ amor m’ ha posto”

407 “Non glorietur sapiens” No known textual concordances.

“Non mi togl’ il ben mio”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Rore, Cipriano de 4 Le vive fiamme de’vaghi e Venice Scotto, 1565 156518 853315 Reprinted with small dilettevoli madrigali… Girolamo and variations in title in R2514 1569 (R2515), 1576 (R2516), and 1585 (R2517) Coma, Annibale 5 Di Anniballe Coma il primo Venice Gardane, 1568 C3475 823575 libro de madrigali a cinque Antonio voci…

Castro, Jean de 3 Il primo libro di madrigali, Antwerp Widow of Jean 1569 C1468 406111 canzoni et motetti a tre voci… de Laet Rore, Cipriano de 4 Livre des meslanges Louvain, Phalèse Sr. & 1575 15754 64366 contenant un recueil de Antwerp Jean Bellère chansons a quatre parties…

“O grand beaulté remplie de soucis”

408 Monte, Ph. de 6 Sonetz de Pierre de Ronsard, Louvain, Phalèse Sr. & 1575 M3362 83477 As part of “Veu que tu mis en musique… Antwerp Jean Bellère es plus blanche” Bertrand, Antoine de 4 Second livre des amours de P. Paris Le Roy & 1578 B2416 30530 Reprinted in 1587 de Ronsard mis en musique… Ballard (B2417). Unable to confirm that this part of the poem (the second part of “Veu que tu es plus blanche”) is included in this version.

“O Heer en God in uwen naeme crachtich” No known textual concordances.

“O mort, amere est ta souvenance” No known textual concordances.

“Omnis caro fænum” No known textual concordances.

“Ontfermt ons dan Heere, wilt ons ontfermen” No known textual concordances. 409 “Peccantem me quotidie”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Willaert, Adrian 6 Il primo libro di motetti di M. Venice Gardane, 1542 154210 863949 Adriano a sei… a.k.a. Adriani Antonio and Wilaert musicorum omnium… W1112 Gero, Jehan 4 Musica quatuor vocum, que Venice Scotto, 1549 15499a 803361 materna lingua moteta… Girolamo Tiburtino, Giuliano 3 Musica diversa a tre voce… Venice Scotto, 1549 T775 n/a (a.k.a. Giuliano Girolamo Buonaugurio) Benedictus 4 Sextus tomus Evangeliorum, Nuremberg Berg, Johann [1556] [1556]9 552705 et piarum sententiarum… von and Ulrich a.k.a. Evangelia dominicorum Neuber et festorum dierum…

Gero, Jehan 4 Sextus tomus Evangeliorum, Nuremberg Berg, Johann [1556] [1556]9 552705 et piarum sententiarum… von and Ulrich a.k.a. Evangelia dominicorum Neuber et festorum dierum…

Corfini, Jacopo 6 Di Jacopo Corfini organista Venice Scotto, 1571 C3930 824024 del duomo di Lucca, il primo Girolamo libro de motetti a cinque, sei, sette, & otto voci…

Palestrina Johannis Petraloysii Venice Scotto, 1572 15721 846198 Reprinted several Prænestini motettorum… Girolamo and times by Scotto and P705 Gardane.

“Pis ne me peult venir”

410 No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Anonymous 4 Trente et huyt chansons Paris Attaingnant, 1529 15305 27404 musicales à quatre parties… Pierre [1530] Anonymous no S’ensuyvent huict belles n.p. n.p. [1530] n/a 55791 notation chansons nouvelles… Crecquillon, Thomas 5 Vingt et six chansons Antwerp Susato, [1543] [1543]¹⁵ n/a musicales & nouvelles a cincq Tielman parties… Louys, Jean 3 Jardin musiqual, contenant Antwerp Waelrant & [1555 [1555]22 41253 plusieurs belles fleurs… Laet or premier livre 1556] Cléreau, Pierre 3 Premier livre de chansons Paris Le Roy & 1559 C3188 29742 tant françoises… Ballard Barius 3 Premier livre du recueil des Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1560 15607 41744 fleurs… Sr.

Crecquillon, Thomas 5 Livre des meslanges Paris Le Roy & 1560 n/a 29755 contenant six vingtz Ballard chansons… Cléreau, Pierre 3 Premier livre d’odes de Paris Le Roy & 1566 C3191 29910 Ronsard mis en musique… Ballard Crecquillon, Thomas solo lute Luculentum theatrum Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1568 156823 83692 musicum… Sr. Barius 3 Recueil des fleurs… premier Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1569 15699 64357 livre Sr. Louys, Jean 3 Recueil des fleurs… second Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1569 156910 64360 livre Sr. Cléreau, Pierre 3 Les odes de Pierre de Paris Le Roy & 1575 C3193 48407 Reprinted in 1619 by Ronsard, mis en musique… Ballard Pierre Ballard (C3194)

411 “Prince Jesus doux agneau de Syon”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Lupi II, Didier 4 Premier livre de chansons Lyon Beringen, 1548 L3087 40640 4th verse of “Verb’ spirituelles… Godefroy & éternel.” Reprinted by Marcellin Nicolas du Chemin in 1559 (USTC 57274) and 1568 (USTC 7313, RISM 156810)

“Quando son piu lontan da bei vostr’ occhi”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes [Berchem, Jachet de] 4 Il primo libro d’i madrigali de Venice Gardane, 1542 154217 803014 Reprinted many times (attributed to Yvo in diversi eccellentissimi Antonio by Gardane, Scotto, this source, but to autori… and others: 154317, Berchem in most 154615, 154713, 15486, reprints) 155015, 155217, 155218, 155716, 155811, 15609, 15638a. Berchem, Jachet de 4 Il secondo libro de madrigali Venice Scotto, 1567 156715 n/a de diversi autori… Girolamo

“Quant le fol rit” 412 No known textual concordances.

“Que peult au fol richesse proufiter” No known textual concordances.

“Schoon lief wat macht u baeten”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes [Brussels Chamber of 1 Een schoon liedekens boeck… Antwerp Roulans, Jan 1544 n/a n/a Melody resembles Rhetoric] (Antwerps liedboek) Faignient’s superius melody, but it may be that another source gave rise to both Anonymous 4 Het tweetste musiek boexken Antwerp Susato, 1551 155119 405106 [Hompe?] mit vier partyen… Tielman Verdonck, Jan 2 Liber musicus, duarum vocum Louvain, Phalèse Sr. & 1571 157115 83705 cantiones… Antwerp Jean Bellère Flori, Jacobus 3 Modulorum aliquot tam Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1573 F1185 405980 Also uses melodic sacrorum quam prophanorum Sr. material from CMM à cum tribus vocibus… 3 413

“Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Faignient, Noé 4 CMM à 4-6 Antwerp Widow of Jean 1568 F61 61098 de Laet

“Staet ons bij, Heer, in dese benauden tijden”

“Sur nous tes serfs plus le veil péché”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Lupi II, Didier 4 Premier livre de chansons Lyon Beringen, 1548 L3087 40640 3rd verse of “Verb’ spirituelles… Godefroy & éternel.” Reprinted by Marcellin Nicolas du Chemin in 1559 (USTC 57274) and 1568 (USTC 7313, RISM 156810)

“Sur toutte fleur d’éslite”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes

414 Anonymous no S’ensuyvent plusieurs belles Lyon Nourry, [1533 n/a 80087 notation chansons nouvelles… Claude or 1534] Anonymous no S’ensuyvent plusieurs belles Paris [Bossozel, 1535 n/a 65930 notation chansons nouvelles… Guillaume de] Anonymous no S’ensuivent plusieurs belles Paris Lotrian, Alain 1537 n/a 49845 notation chansons nouvelles et fort joyeuses… Anonymous no Les chansons nouvellement n.p. [Marot, 1538 n/a 66457 notation assemblées oultre les Clément] anciennes impressions Anonymous no S’ensuyt plusieurs belles Paris Lotrian, Alain 1543 n/a 57125 notation chansons nouvelles et fort joyeuses… Crespel, J. 5 Premier livre des chansons a Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1553 155324 53372 cincq et six parties… Sr.

Macque, Jean de 5 Le Rossignol musical des Antwerp Phalèse, Pierre 1597 159710 75277 chansons…

“Susann’ ung jour”293

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Lupi II, Didier 4 Premier livre de chansons Lyon Beringen, 1548 L3087 40640 Reprinted by Nicolas spirituelles… Godefroy & du Chemin in 1559 Marcellin (USTC 57274) and 1568 (USTC 7313, RISM 156810) Mithou 4 Premier livre de psalmes et Paris Fezendat, 1552 15523 40894 Reprinted as 155612 cantiques en vulgaire Michel francoys… 18 415 Bacchius 4 Jardin musical, contenant Antwerp Waelrant & [1556] [1556] 41342 plusieurs belles fleurs… livre Laet second Anonymous 3 Premier livre du recueil des Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1560 15607 41744 fleurs… Sr. Lassus, Orlande 5 Livre des meslanges Paris Le Roy & 1560 n/a 29755 contenant six vingtz Ballard chansons… Anonymous 4 Septiesme livre de chansons a Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1562 15623 88761 quatre parties… Sr. Lassus, Orlande solo lute Luculentum theatrum Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1568 156823 83692 musicum… Sr. Anonymous 3 Recueil des fleurs… premier Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1569 15699 64357 livre Sr.

293 ‘Levy’ numbers from Kenneth Jay Levy, “‘Susanne un jour’: The History of a 16th-Century Chanson,” Annales musicologiques 1 (1953): 402.

Castro, Jean de 3 Il primo libro di madrigali, Antwerp Widow of Jean 1569 C1468 406111 canzoni et motetti a tre voci… de Laet Castro, Jean de 3 Recueil des fleurs… second Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1569 156910 64360 livre Sr. Turnhout, Gérard de 3 Sacrarum ac aliarum Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1569 T1434 83694 cantionum trium vocum… Sr. Monte 5 Second livre des chansons a Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1570 15706 64276 quatre et cinq parties Sr. composees par Orlando di Lassus, Cyprian de Rore & Philippe de Mons…

Certon, Pierre 6 Les Meslanges de maistre Paris Chemin, 1570 C1718 83941 Pierre Certon… Nicolas du Rore, Cipriano de 5 Premier livre des chansons a Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1570 15705 64271 quatre et cinq parties Sr. 416 composees par Orlando di Lassus, Cyprian de Rore & Philippe de Mons

Turnhout, Gérard de 2 Liber musicus, duarum vocum Louvain, Phalèse Sr. & 1571 157115 83705 cantiones… Antwerp Jean Bellère Le Jeune 7 Mellange de chansons tant Paris Le Roy & 1572 15722 30492 des vieux autheurs que des Ballard modernes… Milliot 5 Mellange de chansons tant Paris Le Roy & 1572 15722 30492 des vieux autheurs que des Ballard modernes… Nicolas 5 Mellange de chansons tant Paris Le Roy & 1572 15722 30492 des vieux autheurs que des Ballard modernes… Castro, Jean de 3 La fleur des chansons à trois Louvain, Phalèse Sr. & 1574 15743 64232 parties… Antwerp Jean Bellère

Cornet, Séverin 3 La fleur des chansons à trois Louvain, Phalèse Sr. & 1574 15743 64232 parties… Antwerp Jean Bellère Castro, Jean de 3 Premier livre du meslange des [Genève] [Saint-André, 1577 15772 5488 pseaumes et cantiques… Pierre de] Cornet, Séverin 3 Second livre du meslange des [Genève] [Saint-André, 1577 15773 61938 pseaumes et cantiques… Pierre de] Monte 5 Vingtuniesme livre de Paris Le Roy & 1577 15776 30528 Reprinted as 15813 chansons a quatre & cinq Ballard parties… Roussel, Francoys 5 Chansons nouvelles mises en Paris Le Roy & 1577 n/a 30524 musique a iiii, v, et vi Ballard parties… Turnhout, Gérard de 3 Premier livre du meslange des [Genève] [Saint-André, 1577 15772 5488 pseaumes et cantiques… Pierre de] Le Blanc 2 Premier livre de chansons a Paris Le Roy & 1578 157817 30535

417 deux parties… Ballard Servin, Jean 8 Premier livre de chansons Lyon Pesnot, 1578 S2838 62055 nouvelles… par Jean Servin Charles Servin, Jean 6 Second livre de chansons Lyon Pesnot, 1578 S2839 62055 nouvelles… par Jean Servin Charles Papius, Andreas 2 De consonantiis seu pro Antwerp Plantin, 1581 n/a 401869 diatessaron Christopher Castro, Jean de 3 Chansons, madrigaux et Antwerp Phalèse & Jean 1582 C1475 84371 motetz à trois parties… Bellère La Grotte 5 Premier livre d’airs et Paris Cavellat, Leon 1583 L246 75104 chansons… a 3, 4, 5, et 6 parties… Le Jeune, Claude 5 Livre de melanges de C. Le Antwerp Plantin, 1585 L1674 30966 Jeune… Christopher Lassus, Orlande 5 Musica Transalpina London East, Thomas 1588 158829 510947 As ‘Susanna fayre’ Ferrabosco, Alfonso 5 Musica Transalpina London East, Thomas 1588 158829 510947 As ‘Susanna fayre’

Pevernage 5 Chansons… livre premier… Antwerp Plantin, 1589 P1670 57137 Levy no. 33 Christopher Sweelinck, Jan 5 Chansons a cinq parties de M. Antwerp Phalèse & Jean 1594 15945 64675 Levy no. 34 Pieterszoon Jean Pierre Swelingh… Bellère Du Caurroy, François- 6 Meslanges de la musique Paris Ballard, Pierre 1610 D3616 n/a Levy no. 36 Eustache Du Caurroy, François- 4 Traité de la Musique by Paris Ballard, Pierre 1636 B-VI p. n/a Fragment only (eight Eustache Antoine Parran 637 and a half measures). Reprinted in 1639. Anonymous 3 Livre septieme… Amsterdam Mathysz, [after n/a n/a Levy no. 38 Paulus 1642]

“Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach”

No. of Place of 418 Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Flori, Jacobus 3 Modulorum aliquot tam Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1573 F1185 405980 Also uses melodic sacrorum quam prophanorum Sr. material from CMM à cum tribus vocibus… 3

“Ta déité en nostre chair enclose”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Lupi II, Didier 4 Premier livre de chansons Lyon Beringen, 1548 L3087 40640 2nd verse of “Verb’ spirituelles… Godefroy & éternel.” Reprinted by Marcellin Nicolas du Chemin in 1559 (USTC 57274) and 1568 (USTC 7313, RISM 156810)

“Te souvient il plus du prophète”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Marot, Clément no L’adolesence clémentine Paris Tory, 1532 n/a 73922 notation Geoffroy, pour Pierre Roffet Marot, Clément no Les chansons nouvellement n.p. [Marot, 1538 n/a 66457 notation assemblées oultre les Clément] anciennes impressions Waelrant, H. 4 Il primo libro de madrigali e Antwerp Waelrant & 1558 W1 64300 canzoni francezi… Laet

“Tot u, o Heer inden hemel vol eeren” 419 No known textual concordances.

“Tout ce qu’on peult en elle veoir”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Cartier, Antoine 3 Vingt et une chansons Paris Le Roy & 1557 C1372 29734 nouvellement composées à Ballard trois parties… Rore, Cipriano de 4 Douziesme livre contenant Paris Chemin, 1557 155711 41428 XXV chansons nouvelles… Nicolas du Rore, Cipriano de 4 Huitiesme livre de chansons… Paris Le Roy & 1557 155715 29737 Reprinted as 15599 en quatre volumes Ballard Castro, Jean de 3 Il primo libro di madrigali, Antwerp Widow of Jean 1569 C1468 406111 canzoni et motetti a tre voci… de Laet

Certon, Pierre 6 Les meslanges… esquelles Paris Chemin, 1570 C1718 61295 sont quatre vingt dix-huict Nicolas du tant cantiques que chansons spirituelles…

[Grotte], Nicolas [de 5 Mellange de chansons tant Paris Le Roy & 1572 15722 30492 la] des vieux autheurs que des Ballard modernes… Milliot 3 Second livre de chansons a Paris Le Roy & 1578 157815 30537 trois parties… Ballard

“Udit’ amanti un miracol d’amore”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes

420 Raineri, Antonio no Cento sonetti Milan Borgia, 1553 851913 Francesco notation Giovanni Antonio Ruffo, Vincenzo 5 Di Vicenzo Ruffo il secondo Venice Gardane, [1553 [1553]28 853774 Reprinted as 155725 libro di madrigali a cinque Antonio or and (R3075) voci… 1554] R3074 Raineri, Antonio no Rime Venice Gabriel Giolito 1554 851915 Francesco notation de’ Ferrari et fratelli

“Une pastorelle gentille”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Anonymous 4 Trente et huyt chansons Paris Attaingnant, 1529 15305 27404 musicales à quatre parties… Pierre [1530]

Marot, Clément no L’adolesence clémentine Paris Tory, 1532 n/a 73922 notation Geoffroy, pour Pierre Roffet Marot, Clément no Les chansons nouvellement n.p. [Marot, 1538 n/a 66457 notation assemblées oultre les Clément] anciennes impressions Waelrant, H. 4 Il primo libro de madrigali e Antwerp Waelrant & 1558 W1 64300 canzoni francezi… Laet Caurroy, Eust. du 5 Vingtdeuxieme livre de Paris Le Roy & 1583 15837 30569 First part of poem only chansons à quatre & cinq Ballard (“Te souvient il plus parties… du prophète” not included)

“Vel puo giurar’ amore” 421 No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Ferro, Vincenzo 3 Madrigali a tre voci de diversi Venice Gardane, 1551 155110 803528 Reprinted by Gardane eccellentissimi autori… libro Antonio as 155528, 156111, and primo 156922; by Scotto as 155920 and 156627; by Merulo as 156923; and by Angelo Gardane as 159716. An edition not catalogued in RISM with the same title was printed by Claudio da Correggio in Venice in 1568 and appears to contain the pieces as Gardane’s original print.

Ferro, Vincenzo 3 Madrigali a tre voci de diversi Venice Scotto, 1559 155920 804014 eccell. auttori… libro primo Girolamo Ferro, Vincenzo 3 Musica libro primo a tre Venice Scotto, 1566 156627 863970 voci… Girolamo and 804496 Mazzone, 4 Il primo libro de madrigali a Venice Scotto, 1569 M1684 841770 Marc’Antonio quattro voci Girolamo Ferro, Vincenzo 3 Della scelta di madrigali de Florence Marescotti, 1582 15828 805732 piu eccellenti autori… libro Giorgio primo

“Verb’ éternel par lequel toutte chose”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes 422 Lupi II, Didier 4 Premier livre de chansons Lyon Beringen, 1548 L3087 40640 Reprinted by Nicolas spirituelles… Godefroy & du Chemin in 1559 Marcellin (USTC 57274) and 1568 (USTC 7313, RISM 156810)

“Vere fænum est populus” No known textual concordances.

“Veu que tu es plus blanche”

No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Ronsard, Pierre de no Nouvelle continuation des Paris Serenas, 1556 n/a 27461 notation Amours… Vincent Monte, Ph. de 6 Sonetz de Pierre de Ronsard, Louvain, Phalèse Sr. & 1575 M3362 83477 Also printed the same mis en musique… Antwerp Jean Bellère year by Le Roy & Ballard in Paris (M3363, USTC 2578) Bertrand, Antoine de 4 Second livre des amours de P. Paris Le Roy & 1578 B2416 30530 Reprinted in 1587 de Ronsard mis en musique… Ballard (B2417)

“Wij lesen in Esdras vanden wijn”

423 No. of Place of Composer or Author Voices Source name Publication Publisher Year RISM USTC Notes Flori, Jacobus 3 Modulorum aliquot tam Louvain Phalèse, Pierre 1573 F1185 405980 Also uses melodic sacrorum quam prophanorum Sr. material from CMM à cum tribus vocibus… 3 Anonymous no Schriftuerlicke liedekens, met Dordrecht Boot, Jacob de 1580 n/a 421924 notation noch sommige lofsangen ende (a.k.a. Jan ghebeden… Canin) Wybo, Joris no Gheestelijcke liedekens. Oock Antwerp Troyen, Jasper 1582 n/a 414600 notation by ghevoecht M. Joris laetste predicatie… [Wybo, Joris] no Amoreuse liedekens [Amsterdam] n.p. 1613 n/a n/a notation

Appendix C. Alphabetical Incipit Index

“Alma Susanna, ben felic’ e ’l core” ...... 258 “Amour me donne pain’ et douleurs” ...... 172 “Anchor che col partire” ...... 261 “Benedicite domino oculi omnium (Consecratio Mensæ)” ...... 301 “Brief vienne regarder ses delicates mains” ...... 307 “Cagion non e ne fia che ’l mio pensier” ...... 264 “Comment mes yeux aves vous entrepris” ...... 178 “Contrainct je suis, amour l’ordonne,” (Part II) ...... 199 “Contre raison vous m’estes fort estrange” ...... 190 “Die onder Gods beschermsel is geseten” ...... 232 “Domine Jesu Criste respicere” ...... 298 “Ego sum alpha et Ω” ...... 296 “Eximie castitatis exemplar Susanna” ...... 281 “Filius sapiens letificat patrem” ...... 291 “Gratias agimus tibi, pater celestis (Gratiarum Actio)” ...... 304 “Ick ben den rechten wijngaert” ...... 229 “Ick sal den Heer mijn Godt gebenedijen” ...... 226 “Ick sondich daghelijcx tegens u o Heere” (Part I)...... 252 “Io mi son giovenett’ e volontieri” ...... 309 “Judith seer vroom die is getreden” ...... 239 “Las voules vous qu’une personne chante” ...... 194 “Misero me deh com’ amor m’ ha posto” ...... 267 “Non glorietur sapiens”...... 293 “Non mi togl’ il ben mio” ...... 270 “O grand beaulté remplie de soucis” (Part II) ...... 204 “O Heer en God in uwen naeme crachtich” (Part II) ...... 255

424 “O mort, amere est ta souvenance” ...... 192 “Omnis caro fænum” (Part I) ...... 284 “Ontfermt ons dan Heere, wilt ons ontfermen” (Part II) ...... 249 “Peccantem me quotidie” ...... 288 “Pis ne me peult venir” ...... 188 “Prince Jesus doux agneau de Syon” (Part IV) ...... 215 “Quando son piu lontan da bei vostr’ occhi” ...... 276 “Quant le fol rit” (Part II) ...... 186 “Que peult au fol richesse proufiter” (Part I) ...... 184 “Schoon lief wat macht u baeten” ...... 244 “Si par raison à vous mon cœur s’adonne” (Part I) ...... 196 “Staet ons bij, Heer, in dese benauden tijden” ...... 223 “Sur nous tes serfs plus le veil péché” (Part III) ...... 212 “Sur toutte fleur d’éslite” ...... 221 “Susann’ ung jour” ...... 175 “Susanna schoon ginck op eenen bequamen dach” ...... 235 “Ta déité en nostre chair enclose” (Part II) ...... 209 “Te souvient il plus du prophète” (Part II) ...... 219 “Tot u, o Heer inden hemel vol eeren” (Part I) ...... 246 “Tout ce qu’on peult en elle veoir” ...... 181 “Udit’ amanti un miracol d’amore” ...... 273 “Une pastorelle gentille” (Part I) ...... 217 “Vel puo giurar’ amore” by Vincenzo Ferro ...... 278 “Verb’ éternel par lequel toutte chose” (Part I) ...... 206 “Vere fænum est populus” (Part II) ...... 286 “Veu que tu es plus blanche” (Part I) ...... 202 “Wij lesen in Esdras vanden wijn” ...... 241

425