The Literature Ofthe Fiji Coups
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Reflections on the 1987 Fiji Coups Sanjay Ramesh
162 Fijian Studies Vol. 5 No. 1 Dialogue: Reflections on the 1987 Coup 163 gence Agency (CIA) was behind the coups. The reasons for what has been termed as the ‘CIA chimera’, are many and varied (see Lal, 1990, and Scobell, Reflections on the 1987 Fiji Coups 1994). Immediately after the coup, the Fiji Military Forces (FMF) embarked on a propaganda campaign, informing the coup sympathisers that the coalition had relations with the former Soviet Union and Libya and as such posed a direct Sanjay Ramesh threat to the western alliance and to Fijian traditions and values. Widespread rumours of the coalition being socialist and left-wing in orientation led some The coups of 1987 have become a bitter memory for the people of Fiji, observers to conclude that the CIA was involved. Other observations, such as but unanswered questions still linger about the whole incident. Did then Colonel US Hercules carriers making brief and suspicious stopovers at the Nadi Interna- Sitiveni Rabuka, who claimed that intervention of the army in Fiji’s political tional Airport; the presence of US Ambassador to UN Vernon Walters in the process was necessary to avert ethnic bloodshed (Rabuka, 2000: 9), act entirely country for talks with the coalition in response to the coalitions non-alignment on an instinct to save the indigenous Fijian race from the Indo-Fijian political policy; the appearance of retired US army officer Larry Mackenna at the US designs, or were there other forces at work? Embassy in full military uniform; and the dubious political activities of the The deposed Prime Minister late Dr. -
Introduction
Introduction Brij V. Lal Soldiers rioting on the steps of parliament house in Papua New Guinea; tumultuous politics besetting the presidency in Vanuatu; political assassi nations in New Caledonia; confrontation between soldiers and civilians on the troubled island of Bougainville. In other, calmer times, such inci dents of terror and violence would have stunned observers of Pacific Island affairs. But in the aftermath of the dramatic events in Fiji, news of upheaval in the islands is increasingly being greeted with a weary sense of deja vu. Such has been their impact that the Fiji coups and the forces they have unleashed are already being seen as marking, for better or worse, a turning point not only in the history ofthat troubled island nation but also in the contemporary politics ofthe Pacific Islands region. The issues and emotions that the Fiji coups have engendered touch on some of the most fundamental issues of our time: the tension between the rights ofindigenous peoples ofthe Pacific Islands and the rights ofthose of more recent immigrant or mixed origins; the role and place of traditional customs and institutions in the fiercely competitive modern political arena; the structure and function of Western-style democratic political processes in ethnically divided or nonegalitarian societies; the use of mili tary force to overthrow ideologically unacceptable but constitutionally elected governments. These and similar issues, rekindled by the events in Fiji, will be with us for a long time to come. Unlike any other event in recent Pacific Islands history, the Fiji crisis has generated an unprecedented outpouring of popular and scholarly litera ture, as our Book Review and Resources sections amply demonstrate. -
Urban Maori Authorities
TEENA BROWN PULU Minerals and Cucumbers in the Sea: International relations will transform the Tongan state Abstract Constitution law researcher Guy Powles, a Pakeha New Zealander residing in Australia was not optimistic accurate predictions on “the [Tonga] election which is coming up now in November” could be made (Garrett, 2014). “A man would be a fool to try to guess just where the balance will finish up,” he uttered to Jemima Garrett interviewing him for Radio Australia on April 30th 2014 (Garrett, 2014). Picturing the general election seven months away on November 27th 2014, Powles thought devolving the monarch’s executive powers to government by constitutional reform was Tonga’s priority. Whether it would end up an election issue deciding which way the public voted was a different story, and one he was not willing to take a punt on. While Tongans and non-Tongan observers focused attention on guessing who would get into parliament and have a chance at forming a government after votes had been casted in the November election, the trying political conditions the state functioned, floundered, and fell in, were overlooked. It was as if the Tongans and Palangi (white, European) commentators naively thought changing government would alter the internationally dictated circumstances a small island developing state was forced to work under. Teena Brown Pulu has a PhD in anthropology from the University of Waikato. She is a senior lecturer in Pacific development at AUT University. Her first book was published in 2011, Shoot the Messenger: The report on the Nuku’alofa reconstruction project and why the Government of Tonga dumped it. -
Fiji's Road to Military Coup, 20061
2. 'Anxiety, uncertainty and fear in our land': Fiji's road to military coup, 20061 Brij V. Lal Introduction If civilization is to survive, one is driven to radical views. I do not mean driven to violence. Violence always compromises or ruins the cause it means to serve: it produces as much wrong as it tries to remedy. The State, for example, is always with us. Overthrow it and it will come back in another form, quite possibly worse. It's a necessary evilÐa monster that continually has to be tamed, so that it serves us rather than devours us. We can't do without it, neither can we ever trust it.2 Fiji experienced the whole gamut of emotions over the course of a fateful 2006. The year ended on an unsettled note, as it had begun. Fiji was yet again caught in a political quagmire of its own making, hobbled by manufactured tensions, refusing to heed the lessons of its recent tumultuous past, and reeling from the effects of the coup. Ironies abound. A Fijian army confronted a Fijian government, fuelling the indigenous community's worst fears about a Fijian army spilling Fijian blood on Fijian soil. The military overthrow took place 19 years to the day after frustrated coup-maker of 1987 Sitiveni Rabuka had handed power back to Fiji's civilian leaders, Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau and Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, paving the way for the eventual return to parliamentary democracy. The 2006 coup, like the previous ones, deposed a democratically elected government. Perhaps more importantly, it peremptorily sidelined the once powerful cultural and social institutions of the indigenous community, notably the Methodist Church and the Great Council of Chiefs (GCC)3 ± severing with a startling abruptness the overarching influence they had exercised in national life. -
WANSALAWARA Soundings in Melanesian History
WANSALAWARA Soundings in Melanesian History Introduced by BRIJ LAL Working Paper Series Pacific Islands Studies Program Centers for Asian and Pacific Studies University of Hawaii at Manoa EDITOR'S OOTE Brij Lal's introduction discusses both the history of the teaching of Pacific Islands history at the University of Hawaii and the origins and background of this particular working paper. Lal's comments on this working paper are quite complete and further elaboration is not warranted. Lal notes that in the fall semester of 1983, both he and David Hanlon were appointed to permanent positions in Pacific history in the Department of History. What Lal does not say is that this represented a monumental shift of priorities at this University. Previously, as Lal notes, Pacific history was taught by one individual and was deemed more or less unimportant. The sole representative maintained a constant struggle to keep Pacific history alive, but the battle was always uphill. The year 1983 was a major, if belated, turning point. Coinciding with a national recognition that the Pacific Islands could no longer be ignored, the Department of History appointed both Lal and Hanlon as assistant professors. The two have brought a new life to Pacific history at this university. New courses and seminars have been added, and both men have attracted a number of new students. The University of Hawaii is the only American university that devotes serious attention to Pacific history. Robert,C. Kiste Director Center for Pacific Islands Studies WANSALAWARA Soundings in Melanesian History Introduced by BRIJ V. LAL 1987 " TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. -
The Case of Fiji
University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform Volume 25 Issues 3&4 1992 Democracy and Respect for Difference: The Case of Fiji Joseph H. Carens University of Toronto Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjlr Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Cultural Heritage Law Commons, Indian and Aboriginal Law Commons, and the Rule of Law Commons Recommended Citation Joseph H. Carens, Democracy and Respect for Difference: The Case of Fiji, 25 U. MICH. J. L. REFORM 547 (1992). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjlr/vol25/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DEMOCRACY AND RESPECT FOR DIFFERENCE: THE CASE OF FIJI Joseph H. Carens* TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ................................. 549 I. A Short History of Fiji ................. .... 554 A. Native Fijians and the Colonial Regime .... 554 B. Fijian Indians .................. ....... 560 C. Group Relations ................ ....... 563 D. Colonial Politics ....................... 564 E. Transition to Independence ........ ....... 567 F. The 1970 Constitution ........... ....... 568 G. The 1987 Election and the Coup .... ....... 572 II. The Morality of Cultural Preservation: The Lessons of Fiji ................. ....... 574 III. Who Is Entitled to Equal Citizenship? ... ....... 577 A. The Citizenship of the Fijian Indians ....... 577 B. Moral Limits to Historical Appeals: The Deed of Cession ............. ....... 580 * Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Toronto. -
Business Va`Avanua: Cultural Hybridisation and Indigenous
Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. Business Va’avanua: Cultural Hybridisation and Indigenous Entrepreneurship in the Boumā National Heritage Park, Fiji A thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Social Anthropology Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand Trisia Angela Farrelly (Prince) 2009 Abstract This thesis explores the ways community-based ecotourism development in the Boumā National Heritage Park was negotiated at the nexus of Western entrepreneurship and the vanua, an indigenous epistemology. In 1990, the Boumā tribe of Taveuni, Fiji established the Boumā National Heritage Park. A growing dependence on the market economy and a desire to find an economic alternative to commercial logging on their communally-tenured land, led to their decision to approach the New Zealand government for assistance to establish the Park. The four villages involved have since developed their own community-based ecotourism enterprises. Despite receiving first place in a British Airways Tourism for Tomorrow Award category in 2002, there was a growing sense of social dysfunction in Boumā during the research period. According to my participants, this was partly due to the community-based ecotourism development process which had paid little attention to the vanua. Largely through talanoa as discussion, the people of Boumā have become increasingly conscious of references to the vanua values in their own evaluation and management of the projects. -
Fiji Maa: a Book of a Thousand Readings Daneshwar Sharma
Subramani’s Fiji Maa: A Book of a Thousand Readings Daneshwar Sharma Abstract The spread of English is like the spread of the plague of insomnia in Márquez’s One Hundred Years of Solitude. At first it is convenient; English (and insomnia) frees one to work more and improve connections, but soon one realises that they are losing memories of their past and unable to have dreams of their future. Living in a present with no ties to the past and no hopes of a future, one becomes an alien, speaking an alien language. To counter this erosion of memories, one has to write, label common household objects and describe their function in black and white. Márquez’s character does so, and so does Subramani in his upcoming book, Fiji Maa: Mother of a Thousand. Subramani recreates the world of Girmitiyaas and their descendants; a world lost long, long ago is made alive in front of the reader’s eyes with the power of his magical words. Reading this book will be like starting a journey back towards the grandparents’ village. This book, yet to be published, encapsulates the history of a time which will never return. The descendants of Girmitiyaas have migrated to far off places and have lost all ties to their collective memory. Fiji Maa: Mother of a Thousand will remind them what they were before the ‘plague’ of the foreign tongue. This paper proposes that Subramani’s upcoming novel should not only be supported and celebrated by the present generation but also be gifted to the coming generations by the present generation. -
History of Inter-Group Conflict and Violence in Modern Fiji
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Sydney eScholarship History of Inter-Group Conflict and Violence in Modern Fiji SANJAY RAMESH MA (RESEARCH) CENTRE FOR PEACE AND CONFLICT STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY 2010 Abstract The thesis analyses inter-group conflict in Fiji within the framework of inter-group theory, popularised by Gordon Allport, who argued that inter-group conflict arises out of inter-group prejudice, which is historically constructed and sustained by dominant groups. Furthermore, Allport hypothesised that there are three attributes of violence: structural and institutional violence in the form of discrimination, organised violence and extropunitive violence in the form of in-group solidarity. Using history as a method, I analyse the history of inter-group conflict in Fiji from 1960 to 2006. I argue that inter- group conflict in Fiji led to the institutionalisation of discrimination against Indo-Fijians in 1987 and this escalated into organised violence in 2000. Inter-group tensions peaked in Fiji during the 2006 general elections as ethnic groups rallied behind their own communal constituencies as a show of in-group solidarity and produced an electoral outcome that made multiparty governance stipulated by the multiracial 1997 Constitution impossible. Using Allport’s recommendations on mitigating inter-group conflict in divided communities, the thesis proposes a three-pronged approach to inter-group conciliation in Fiji, based on implementing national identity, truth and reconciliation and legislative reforms. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis is dedicated to the Indo-Fijians in rural Fiji who suffered physical violence in the aftermath of the May 2000 nationalist coup. -
Issues and Events, I992
.1 , • , Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, I992 FIJI Fijians and non-Indo-Fijians, won all The year 1992 may well be remembered the 5 seats allocated to that community. in Fiji as one of unexpected develop In an unexpectedly close contest, the ments in the political arena, dominated National Federation Party won 14 of by the general election in May. The the 27 seats allocated to the Indo-Fijian first half of the year was consumed by community, with the Fiji Labour Party the election campaign and the second securing 13. The Soqosoqo ni Vakavu half by its problematic reverberations. lewa ni Taukei was able to form a gov It ended with a promise to take Fiji ernment after entering into a coalition away from the politics ofracial divi with the General Voters Party and with sion toward a multiracial government the support of the Fijian National ofnational unity. Whether, and if, that United Front. Sitiveni Rabuka became occurs will be the challenge of1993. prime minister after Labour threw its The general election, the sixth since support behind him rather than Kami independence in 1970 and the first since kamica, who was backed by the the coups of1987, was preceded by a National Federation Party. long and sometimes bitter campaign Labour's strategy took supporters (see my article, this issue). Political completely by surprise. Its leaders fragmentation in the Fijian community argued that Rabuka was a changed accompanied the emergence of a num man who appeared to be a genuine ber ofpolitical parties and the rise of friend ofthe poor of all races. -
C:\Users\User\Desktop\Dr Hasan Colgis\Kertas Kerja\MOHD FO'ad
Politics of Accommodation, Power Sharing and Consociational Democracy Dr. Mohd Foad Sakdan Dr. Oemar Hamdan Political of Accommodation The concept of accommodation refers to pragmatic solution to divisive conflicts by abandoning the principles of unilateral majority decisions and including representatives of the main group in the organs of government and decision marking. The political of accommodation is based mainly on a recognition of the need for political stability, and not necessarily on a recognition in principle of the right of all group in society to participation, representation and equal status. Therefore, the more societal and political a particular group has, the more willingness there will be to consider it as a partner to the politics of accommodation.1 The political potential of a group is not determined exclusively or even mainly by its electoral achievements or even its coalition bargaining position. Other important factors are recognition of the legitimacy of the value and interests represented by group and acceptance of the group as part of the social and cultural consensus. Meanwhile, political stability in the country has been attributed to the political system that could be called `an elite accommodation model' or `consociational model' in which each ethnic community is unified under a leadership that can authoritatively bargain for the interests of that community. The leaders of each community, in turn, have the capacity to secure compliance and legitimacy for the bargains that are reached by elite negotiations. Under such circumstances, there exists sufficient trust and empathy among the elite to be sensitive to the most vital concerns of other ethnic communities. -
FIJI Dates of Elections: 10 to 17 July 1982 Purpose of Elections
FIJI Dates of Elections: 10 to 17 July 1982 Purpose of Elections Elections were held for all the seats in the House of Representatives on the normal expiry of the members' term of office. Characteristics of Parliament The bicameral Parliament of Fiji is composed of a Senate and a House of Represen tatives. The Senate consists of 22 members appointed by the Governor-General, of whom: - 8 nominated by the Great Council of Chiefs; - 7 nominated by the Prime Minister; - 6 nominated by the Leader of the Opposition; - 1 nominated by the Council of the Island of Rotuma. Appointements are for 6 years, 11 members retiring every 3 years. The House of Representatives consists of 52 members elected for 5 years on the following basis; - Fijian: 12 members elected by voters on the Fijian Communal Roll; 10 members elected by voters on the National Roll. - Indian: 12 members elected by voters on the Indian Communal Roll: 10 members elected by voters on the National Roll. - General (persons neither Fijian nor Indian): 3 members elected by voters on the General Communal Roll; 5 members elected by voters on the National Roll. The "National Roll" consists of all registered electors on the three Communal Rolls. Electoral System Any person may be registered as elector on a Roll if he is a citizen of Fiji and has attained the age of 21 years. The insane, persons owing allegiance to a State outside the British Commonwealth, those under sentence of death or imprisonment for a term exceeding 12 months and those convicted of electoral offences may not be registered.