The Literature Ofthe Fiji Coups
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THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC. SPRING 1990 The Literature ofthe Fiji Coups The Fiji Economy, May 1987: Prob by Bruce Knapman. Leichhardt, NSW: lems and Prospects, by Rodney Cole Pluto Press, 1988. xviii + 198 pp, map, and Helen Hughes. Pacific Policy graphs, notes, index. A$II.95. Papers no. 4. Canberra: National Cen tre for Development Studies, Austra Fiji, Politics ofIllusion: The Military lian National University, 1988. xiv + Coups in Fiji, by Deryck Scarr. Ken 147 pp, tables, bibliography. A$2o. sington: New South Wales University Press, 1988. xvii + 161 pp, photo Rabuka: No Other Way, (His own graphs, notes, index. US$19.95. story of the Fijian coup as told to) Eddie Dean and Stan Ritova. Sydney: From the Mangrove Swamps, by Doubleday, 1988. 174 pp, photo Tomasi R. Vakatora. Suva: Institute of graphs, index. A$12.95. Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific, 1988. vi + 98 pp, photographs, The Guns ofLautoka (The Defence of appendix, glossary, index. F$5. Kahan), by Christopher Harder. Auck land: Sunshine Press, 1988. xi + 249 The main sequence of events in Fiji's PP·~Z$19·95· recent political history is clear enough: in a general electionin April 1987 the . Fiji: Opportunityfrom Adversity? by Alliance Party government of Ratu Sir Wolfgang Kasper, Jeff Bennett, and Kamisese Mara, which had ruled Fiji Richard Blandy. CIS Pacific Papers I, through seventeen years of indepen St Leonards, NSW: Centre for Indepen dence, was defeated by Dr Timoci dent Studies, 1988. xvii + 168 pp, Bavadra's coalition ofthe recently appendixes, bibliography. A$16.95. formed Labour Party and the National Federation Party. On 14 May, Lieuten Power and Prejudice: The Making of ant-Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka, staff offi the Fiji Crisis, by Brij V. Lal. Wel cer in the Royal Fiji Military Forces, lington: New Zealand Institute of took government members ofParlia International Affairs, 1988. viii + 204 ment into custody and assumed control pp, notes. NZ$16.50. ofthe country. After an abortive attempt by Governor-General Ratu Sir Coup and Crisis: Fiji-A Year Later, Penaia Ganilau to find an accommoda edited by Satendra Prasad. Revised and tion between the political parties, enlarged. North Carlton, VIC: Arena Rabuka staged a second coup on 25 Publications, 1988. viii + II9 pp, September. A month later Fiji became a index. A$9.95. republic outside the British Common wealth. By year's end, Fiji was ruled by Fiji: Shattered Coups, by Robert T. an interim government with Ratu Sir Robertson and Akosita Tamanisau. Penaia Ganilau as president, Ratu Sir Foreword by Don Dunstan; Afterword Kamisese Mara as prime minister, and BOOK REVIEWS 199 Brigadier-General Sitiveni Rabuka in cent of all land in Fijian ownership, but the key Home Affairs portfolio with with much ofit leased to Indians, and control over the army, police, internal with most ofthe freehold land in the security, and a great deal more besides. hands of non-Fijians and foreign busi Although the sequence is clear, the ness interests, fear ofdispossession has cause and significance ofthe events, long been very real among Fijians and a and the motivations ofthe leading potent weapon in the hands ofpoliti actors, are still the subject offierce cians. Behind Rabuka's actions, and debate-a debate that is not fully certainly in the popular Fijian response resolved by the literature under review. to the first coup in particular, was a The first ofmany books on the coup fear of changes to the land law by an to appear was Rabuka: No Other Way, "Indian-dominated government" (45). the coup leader's own account of Emotive claims made by the Fijian events as told to, and by, two journal leadership totally ignored the constitu ists. Eddie Dean, an Australian, and tional entrenchment ofthe land laws; Stan Ritova, a Fijian, combined their and there is little evidence to suggest efforts to produce an account that gives that the Coalition contemplated chang great detail-most of it convincing ing the land laws in the manner on die logistics ofmounting the coups, claimed. Constitutionally, change establishing new governments, and would have been impossible without maintaining control; Rabuka also cov- the explicit approval ofthe Great . ers-insomede1:aiIRaouKa's·protractea Council oIaiiek'- The resI)onse repre negotiations with the governor-general sents a combination of a number of -and the gradual but inexorable shift issues-most notably, the failure to in the latter's stance-from the time of translate the constitution into the the coup through to his acceptance of Fijian language in nearly seventeen the presidency in the interim civilian years ofindependence, and the fact government. Through the photographs that, with or without encouragement as well as the text, the reader is pre by politicians, the Fijian people did not sented with Rabuka the family man, perceive the constitution as sufficient the sportsman, and the soldier, the protection for their land rights. charismatic leader of"his" men. There The postcoup strength ofthe Taukei is, indeed, a strong possessiveness (landowners) Movement demonstrates about Rabuka's attitude toward the the extent ofpopular Fijian support for men under his command-a loyalty Rabuka's move but raises other matters and affection that was obviously recip offundamental importance to any rocated. But dominant above all other explanation ofdevelopments after 14 facets of a complex character are May 1987. Rabuka argues that a major Rabuka the fundamentalist Methodist, reason for his action was the fear of and Rabuka the passionate Fijian unleashing taukei violence against Indi nationalist. ans and that, in a sense, the coup was The land issue remains central to protective ofIndian interests. An issue Fiji politics and to Rabuka's justifica that the book does not even begin to tion for the coup. With some 83 per- address was why the established Fijian 200 THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC. SPRING 1990 leadership did not invoke the tradi too well documented to be dismissed in tional mantle ofchieftainship-empha this way. Such omissions raise ques sized as the keystone ofFijian society tions as to how far the authors have felt either to control the taukei or to defend free to probe into areas of such sensi the established democratic process. tivity and how far they have accepted Nor does it explore how far the taukei Rabuka's views at face value. and Alliance politicians shared a com One area that is clearly docu mon agenda after the election of April mented, however, is Rabuka's religious 1987. The allegations ofcorruption in outlook, his "starkly fundamentalist the outgoing Mara government are Methodism" as the authors put it (II) touched on, but not explored. The sig -and his belief that sins and peccadil nificance of the new Coalition govern loes are readily forgiven by an under ment's inquiries into alleged corruption standing God. The irony of a coup in is not examined, nor is the reluctance defense of "traditional values" that sub of some politicians to renounce the sume a fiercely intolerant form of power and privileges to which they had Christianity draws little comment. become accustomed. Rabuka asserts that the coup was "a Rabuka's own operations order for mission that God has given me" (II) to the coup does offer some insight. The defend Fijian interests, the Fiji Military mission, he notes, is "to overthrow the Forces, and Methodist Christianity. govt and install a new regime that will Similarly a coup partly justified on pro e~s:':'re that the RF~lF and nado-nal - tectingFljI's-links witlidie Rritlsh interests are protected" (62). It is inter Crown has seen Fiji excluded from the esting, to say the least, that the inter Commonwealth. Declarations in ests of the RFMF come before national defense of"human rights" have been interest, or perhaps it is assumed that followed by oppressive decrees, a gag they are one and the same. But within ging ofthe media, and a proposed dis the military forces there was a fear that criminatory constitution. Action in under the Coalition, military strength defense of"the national interest" has at home and on peacekeeping duties been followed by a serious impact on overseas might be decreased. Rabuka the economy, particularly through a asserts that the Coalition government downturn in tourism, the flight of sav intended to introduce policies "which ings and investment capital, and a loss are bad for RFMF and our traditional of skilled personnel because of a sharp values" (61). increase in emigration. In two years The election results of April 1987 after the coup, Fiji lost more than half that produced the Coalition govern its doctors, two-thirds ofits lawyers, ment are not examined. The incidence one-third ofits accountants, and nearly of post-coup violence, intimidation, one quarter of its public servants. This and arson is also glossed over with may secure new opportunities for passing regret and specific reference Fijians, but at a considerable economic only to major incidents that were cost. widely reported. The routine maltreat Even on the evidence presented in ment of prisoners and detainees is now Rabuka, it would seem that the coup BOOK REVIEWS 201 leader did not fully appreciate the tion. That is for the future; for the implications ofthe coup-especially its past, one can only say that From the economic implications and interna Mangrove Swamps represents a lost tional ramifications. Developments opportunity to discuss in depth Fiji's subsequent to the first coup, however, politics over the past decade by one and Rabuka's eventual supremacy over whose perspective was from within the both Alliance politicians and the Alliance Party. taukei, reflect both a determination to Whereas the coup leader features secure his original ethnic and personal large in Rabuka-as one would expect goals, and a capacity to learn quickly he might-he is less prominent in Fiji: the ways ofgovernment and politics.· Politics ofIllusion by Deryck Scarr.