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Entrepreneurial Governance and the Gujari Bazaar: Erasure of the River as Commons Vineet Diwadkar site for the accumulated textile wealth Historians Achyut Yagnik and Suchitra Candidate Master in Landscape with the rise in maritime trade in the Sheth frame these changes through Architecture and Candidate Master sixteenth century. The area between three separate Ahmedabads (2005). In in Urban Planning Programs, Harvard the Sabarmati and Mahi rivers became the first Ahmedabad, the old walled city University. well known for its indigo cultivation and housed Dalits, Muslims and upper class Cambridge, USA continued in patches into the twentieth Hindus within individual pols(5). The [email protected] century where in 1966, Henri Cartier- second Ahmedabad extended eastwards Bresson famously photographed small- in the early twentieth century through Key Words: Entrepreneurial Governance, scale textile workers drying indigo-dyed villages-turned-townships near the Commons, Ahmedabad, , cottons in the dry Sabarmati riverbed. By emerging textile mills. Residents of this Ahmedabad Gujari Bazaar the 1850s, Ahmedabad’s fortified eastern second Ahmedabad were mostly Dalit banks would accrue manufacturing and and Muslim laborers who formed two- ABSTRACT production facilities(2) and with the British thirds of the city’s working population. This essay frames the Sabarmati construction of in 1892, Following Independence in 1947, a third Riverfront Development Project the Sabarmati’s Western banks were Ahmedabad spread westwards, separated (SRFDP) against a cultural history of incorporated into Ahmedabad as well. from the previous two Ahmedabads by the Sabarmati riverbed as a commons The histories of Ahmedabad and the the Sabarmati River. Upwardly mobile and against the successive aesthetic Sabarmati are also inextricably linked and elite residents created cooperative readings of the riverfront correlating with emancipatory struggle. In 1917, housing societies with the clear caste-based with Ahmedabad’s urbanization. Design Mohandas Gandhi founded an ashram on separations of the first Ahmedabad. The practice materialized Ahmedabadi elites’ a 36-acre site on the western banks of the communal riots of the 1960s, a familiar desires to remake Ahmedabad as a global Sabarmati with the financial and political phenomenon in Ahmedabad since 1714, city by commodifying the Sabarmati backing of Ahmedabad’s textile barons. He accompanied rapid urbanization during landscape. This simultaneously erased was later detained in 1922 in the adjacent this period. Multiple riots since then, the socio-spatial networks and practices Sabarmati Prison as retaliation for his most recently in 2002, further ghettoized grounding the working poor in the involvement in the Quit campaign. Hindus and Muslims with , riverbed for centuries. The case of the Gandhi led his first satyagraha(3) in the as Ahmedabad’s (and India’s) largest Ahmedabad Gujari Bazaar provides dry Sabarmati riverbed as a response to Muslim ghetto, housing an estimated insight into these disempowering abysmal living and working conditions for 400,000 residents.6 (Yagnik & Sheth, processes and into the market traders’ the city’s 50,000 textile workers.(4) Twelve 2005, pp. 229-230) In addition to Yagnik actions to claim their right in shaping the years later, over 100,000 Indians walked and Sheth’s “three Ahmedabads”, the city for their survival as well. 390 km from the Sabarmati River to the more recent shift westwards by elites into coastal village of Dandi in protest of Prahlad Nagar and Satellite demonstrate AHMEDABAD’S WORKING POOR British salt taxes. a further distancing from working class AND THE SABARMATI AS MAIDAN- populations. These exclusive and resource- COMMONS(1) These two histories of the city with the intensive corridors intentionally neglect Founded on the banks of the Sabarmati Sabarmati changed drastically with the other Ahmedabads, and instead build River in 1411, Ahmedabad became a India’s 1947 independence and the their identities upon ecologies of the manufacturing center and investment ensuing industrialization campaigns. consumption of high-end brands.

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Anuradha Mathur, in her essay “Neither through Ahmedabad has barred access to Traders’ co-dependence has provided Wilderness nor Home: The Indian that sand. Furthermore, the closing of the stability and survival through the city’s Maidan”, characterizes the maidan as an city’s 64 textile mills resulted in lay-offs history of communal riots. While Ahmed accommodating grounds that is nomadic, for a majority of Ahmedabad’s workforce. Shah originally organized the market to collective and supporting of indeterminacy It is estimated that 75-80% of the city’s operate with the weekly call to prayer (1999, p. 205). Her coupling of maidan working population, mostly women, at the Jama Masjid (main mosque), the with the commons is useful to describe an depend upon open markets and street market has been democratically governed occupation of land based upon subsistence vending as major sources of sustenance by the Ahmedabad Gujari Association and community respect. As an ocean- for Ahmedabad’s poor (Mathur N., 2012, (AGA), a secular membership-based like surface of sand, stone or grass, the p. 65). Many have also settled along organization that prioritizes economic maidan performs as a common ground by the river in response to previous State- rather than communal affiliation. These accommodating both cyclical and linear sponsored evictions and the later denial traders’ almost 600-year solidarity in time cycles in everyday life (Mehrotra, of access to rehabilitation and relocation cooperative dependence upon customers 2008, pp. 206-207). Introduced by Fifteenth processes mandated by law. and weekly access to the Sabarmati century Muslim rulers, the maidan has The saga of Ahmedabad’s Gujari Bazaar riverbed highlights the efficacy of this hosted a range of transient practices in traces a history of long-term use of the structure of socio-spatial relations. As India: military camps, parades and battles; riverbed as commons, dispossession such relationships for material exchange, sports and leisure; education, worship by the recent SRFDP and their struggle previously residing in the city’s commons, and celebration; farming and markets; as to participate in Ahmedabad’s urban are reconfigured as competitive binaries well as protest and extra-legal settlement transformations. Officially founded by between communities —be they elite/ (Mathur A. , 1999, p. 205). Ahmed Shah three years following the poor, with/without land tenure, upper- city’s establishment, this lively market Caste/Dalit or Hindu/Muslim— the The Sabarmati riverbed has functioned developed into a self-governed space for tipping points and consequences of as a civic and ecologic maidan- the weekly exchange of primary goods social and economic exclusion become commons throughout Ahmedabad’s for 200,000 low-income residents in the increasingly violent. history, supporting the livelihoods of region. Having first used the maidan many launderers, cloth washers, dyers in front of Bhadra Gate, the traders’ A second strength of the Gujari Bazaar’s and printers, petty traders, carpenters association began leasing 2600 square socio-spatial structure is its openness: and farmers (Yagnik & Sheth, 2011, p. yards of maidan on the Sabarmati traders set up in drier areas on wet days, 300). Three generations ago, many poor River in 1954 for a mere 151 Rupees per accommodate 1,000+ ad-hoc traders each families residing along the river grew year (Vakil, 1995, p. 11). The market week, wrap around and bypass other melons and pumpkins there to sell in is legendary for its ability to furnish an activities and fluxes in the riverbed to Ahmedabad’s produce markets. By 2004, entire lower-income family’s home in provide seamless functionality within a eighteen highly polluting industries had just one visit. Up to 200,000 customers perennial river landscape. Once co-opted made the river ecologically incapable and 2,400 traders(7) meet any given into the SRFDP, the policed, and high-rent of supporting crops (Bhatt, 2006, p. 81; Sunday, buying and selling cooking commanding strip of waterfront would United Nations Development Programme, utensils, clothes, furniture, books, render the Market’s flexibility impotent. 2004). Other laborers borrowed from hardware, electronics, antiques and The project’s designers intend for the low-interest banks to buy donkeys, hand carts among other things. As 40% self-organized petty traders of the Gujari seeking economic subsistence in the of the traders are women, and another Bazaar to be replaced with a ‘world-class’ river’s sand that they would carry to 40% self-identify as Dalit, the Gujari conference center and antiques traders nearby construction sites (Bhatt, 2006, p. Bazaar is representative of socially- and in the sanitized Gujari Bazaar as a 114). The later damming and flooding of economically-progressive attitudes in caricatured market meant to feed the self- the 9km stretch of the Sabarmati River Ahmedabad (Mathur & Joshi, 2009).(8) image of global city aspirants (Shah, 2010).

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Ahmedabad’s administrators interpret or built projects in Ahmedabad through towards reassuring images of the state these uses of the commons as the eyes of the city’s elites. Le Corbusier, for economic and development progress transgressive of its totalizing authority. in designing the Ahmedabad Textile (Desai, 2012a, pp.31-43; Harvey, 1989, Geographer Vinay Gidwani and Mill Owner’s Association Building in p. 4).(9) Implementation of these projects sociologist Amita Baviskar claim rings 1951, remarked that “the quaint scene of through the Jawaharlal Nehru National true that the “destruction of common local dry cleaners [in the river] washing Urban Renewal Mission (JnNURM) resources and the communities that their cotton fabrics and drying them encouraged Ahmedabad’s administrators depend on them is a long-standing on the sand in the company of herons, to evict slum dwellers in order to gentrify outcome (some would argue prerequisite) cows, buffaloes and donkeys, partially high exchange-value land (Desai, 2012b, of capitalist expansion” in India (2011, immersed to stay cool, was an invitation p. 52). Through the seemingly irrefutable p. 43). While this commodification to use architecture to produce (…) views rhetoric of the sanitary, predictable and of common resources is lauded as that would serve as a background for efficient modernization of Ahmedabad, a emancipatory for beneficiaries, this both everyday business and night-time nexus of landowners, builders, designers erasure of the commons devastates urban festivities.” (quoted in Touchaleaume, and city administrators profited populations living with thin survival Moreau, & Vigo, 2010, p. 459). While tremendously while a noncompliant urban margins of error (Gidwani & Baviskar, celebrated for its formal ingenuity, this poor was criminalized for their survival 2011, p. 43). The Sabarmati riverbed, first modernist project on the Sabarmati practices in coping with state-imposed when joined by Ahmedabad’s streets, River encoded the modernist aesthetic restrictions (Baviskar, 2011, p. 53).(10) The garbage dumps, open markets and in Ahmedabad with Le Corbusier’s spatial products of this gentrification other sites liminal to authority, becomes noted “gaze of domination over the are “mirrors”: on one side are the the ecological and civic commons for exterior world” (Colomina, 1992, p. 112), infrastructure-intensive gated enclaves the working urban poor to occupy in exoticizing the poor and their history of with public spaces programmed for resistance to their own dispossession. dependence upon the Sabarmati. leisure and consumption and on the other, peripheral relocation sites with minimal MODERNIZATION AND MODERNISM LIBERALIZATION, GLOBAL infrastructural service and severed access IN INDIA ASPIRATIONS AND THE ERASURE OF to livelihood and community networks Prime Minister Nehru structured post- MEMORY (Mathur, 2012, p. 69). This trend of independence India on the premise With India’s liberalization of entrepreneurial governance and spatial of technological modernization as a economic policies beginning in 1992, products extends throughout .(11) means for social progress. These efforts Indian architects became central invested in energy production, heavy in homogenizing urban form to In opposition to the extended history industrialization and state-sponsored project efficiency and competence of the Sabarmati as a commons and institution building. Modernism, as the to appeal to the investment of consistent with Gujarat’s pattern of cultural expression of a post-World War what Rahul Mehrotra describes as entrepreneurial governance following II social order (Swyngedouw & Kaika, “impatient capital” (Mehrotra, 2011, 1990s economic reforms, , 2003, p. 6), thrived in Ahmedabad under p. 49). Economic liberalization also head of the non-profit Environmental the patronage of textile barons who catalyzed Ahmedabad’s shift towards Planning Collective, proposed in 1998 sought to compete in the world market entrepreneurial urban governance, with to claim and reconfigure the Sabarmati by pairing traditional practices with city imagineering practices including riverbed through the Sabarmati modern technological means (Mehrotra, city branding, the staging of mega- Riverfront Development Project (SRFDP). 2011, p. 31). Ray and Charles Eames, events, and the construction of flagship In a self-congratulatory article published George Nakashima, Buckminster Fuller, urban projects to move discourse away in the Wall Street Journal with his 2011 Le Corbusier, Frank Lloyd Wright and from the blatant anti-Muslim rhetoric “public” project exhibition(12), Bimal Patel Louis Kahn all visited, proposed and/ and violence of Hindutva politics and wrote that the SRFDP was successful in

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“stopping the flow of untreated the SRFDP exacerbates the risk of estimate that the SRFDP evicted 14,000 sewage into the river, relocating and flooding for the high-value housing it families, often by bulldozer and without rehabilitating all slums in the project area speculates for its banks (D’Monte, 2011). warning. By structuring complex and and reclaiming 200 hectares of land in Even more alarming is that the sharp exclusionary relocation and rehabilitation order to convert a mostly private river 12.3 km concretized line of the SRFDP policies to label these residents as edge –where private plots front directly project area is not a river: dammed at “criminals” and “encroachers,” (Mathur, onto the river –into a public realm with both ends, the SRFDP holds stagnant 2012, p. 72) the city minimized resident promenades, parks, markets and public water conveyed from the drought- eligibility for rehousing in one of 13 amenities.” (Patel, 2011) stricken over 220 km sites at the city’s periphery. These away. Monsoon hydrologic patterns, sites, some without access to water, The exhibition, entitled “Envisioning which create biophysical activity in the sanitation or even shelter, have produced the ,” consisted of Sabarmati from upstream rains and even worse living conditions than the wall-scaled artistic renderings familiar to occupational activity in their absence, are original dwellings the SRFDP slated for design schools worldwide: the seduction ignored in favor of the commodification rehabilitation. By rendering the riverbed of perfect sunsets and clean-lined of a geometrically perfect water edge as a terra nulla and labeling existing concrete promenades, clear water for (Mathur & da Cunha, 2013). Additionally, residents as non-entities disinterested in watercrafts and floating restaurants the very modernization of the poor the stewardship of the commons upon and populated with devout Hindus with sanitary conditions used to rationalize which they depend, city administrators just-enough grit to pass as a bourgeois- the project have been reproduced in this and the design team constructed environmentalist pastiche of Ahmedabad. new fantasy-scape: since 2011, multiple narratives of progress, development and To top off the fantasy, a predictable reports document the city’s dumping of inclusion to reconfigure the Sabarmati to list of coastal development projects plastic and waste, the rise of malaria- serve the agendas of the city’s elites. from fully-industrialized neoliberal infected mosquito colonies, algae blooms cities –Paris, London, Sydney, New York, and invasive Hydrilla infestation (Bina EMANCIPATORY ACTION AND THE Singapore, Shanghai, Chengdu— were Patel, 2011; John, 2013). DESIGN PRACTICE presented through which the global city The SRFDP’s second claim of slum But is this emergent Ahmedabad that might manifest for Brand Ahmedabad relocation is perversely accurate. The designers have imagined and imaged (HCP Design & Project Management Pvt. proposal claimed that it would self- humane? Have designers’ visions for the Ltd., 2011). This rhetoric of landscape is finance its USD 300 million expense Sabarmati River increased or decreased indicative of what W. J. Mitchell might by “developing” and selling 21% of the the potential for emancipation for those describe as a site of “amnesia and SRFDP’s claimed site area to residential who depend upon it for sustenance? erasure, a strategic site for burying the and commercial real estate developers Apologists for the SRFDP(13) claim that past and veiling history with ‘natural and builders (Environmental Planning design consequences adversely affecting beauty’” (2002, p. 263), effectively erasing Collaborative, 1998). The project’s extents the poor are beyond the designer’s the economic and cultural contributions were determined accordingly without responsibility. In the unrolling and of commoners upon whose labor the addressing the 40,000 families living aftermath of the SRFDP, most of the city is reproduced every day (Gidwani & within the 70 settlements along the dispossessed have not been able to build Baviskar, 2011, p. 43). project area (Mathur, 2012, p. 65). Many the kinds of stability they knew before, The SRFDP performed a set of of these settlements were generational, let alone the stability enjoyed by those hydrologic gymnastics to create an having formed from residents’ livelihood with state-backed land or building tenure. illusion of a modern waterfront sited networks being embedded in the However, the resistance responses by on an ecologically healthy river. As an riverbed-as-commons, or as a result of affected communities offer opportunities immutable constriction to the river’s previous forced evictions from the city’s to examine the potentials for emancipation ability to accommodate monsoon rains, development projects. Civil society groups and disempowerment at the core of

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such urban reconfiguration projects without meaningful support from city demonstrated through recent projects (Swyngedouw & Kaika, 2003, p. 5). administrators. on the Sabarmati, designers have the Since the SRFDP’s inception, those threated In 2010, the Ahmedabad Municipal potential to mediate disempowerment in by demolition and construction activities Corporation began the illegal demolition their materialization of desire, activity have organized to make claims for of the Gujari Bazaar without providing and political will in the urban arena municipal and state-level action. Becoming notice or rehabilitation plans for the (Swyngedouw & Kaika, 2003, p. 5). aware of their impending eviction and the 1400-strong traders association, 1000 However, as demonstrated through the demolition of their homes, in 2004 slum ad-hoc traders, or extended livelihood process of the Gujari Bazaar’s community- dwellers residing within the Sabarmati networks of craftsmen, daily-wage supply based rehabilitation plan, design practice riverbed formed the Sabarmati Nagrik chain laborers and their collective family also holds the potential to reclaim more Adhikar Manch (Sabarmati Citizens’ dependents. The traders association humane possibilities from the margins of Rights Forum) to assert their right to initiated the design of a rehabilitation these increasingly normative scenarios. participate in shaping Ahmedabad’s form plan for the market along with faculty and its urban development machinery. members, students and researchers from NOTES By rallying over two years around their the Indian Institute of Management and (1) Events identified within this section rely upon Yagnik shared need for housing rights, the Manch National Institute of Design.(15) The traders’ and Sheth 2005 and 2011 and upon conversation with nu- merous Ahmedabad residents. was used Public Interest Litigation to association leveraged this community- demand the production of a rehabilitation based design process as evidence in the (2) Textile productions were co-opted into larger textile plan from city administrators prior to Gujarat High Court to demonstrate the houses under the Sarabhai, Shodhan and Arvind textiles baron families with at 47,109 loom capacity in 1944. See demolitions and the SRFDP’s construction feasibility of their inclusion in the design Mathur 2012, p. 65 and Ahmedabad Textile Mill Owners’ (Desai, 2011, p. 119; Mathur & Joshi, 2009). process and form for a modernized Association, 2013.

In 2010, 3,000-4,000 additional families Gujari Bazaar. They were able to halt (3) Organized protest of nonviolent resistance, from the were violently evicted and relocated demolitions until the SRFDP design team Sanskrit translating as “holding firmly to Truth”. to a snake-infested marshland site in could provide an in-situ rehabilitation (4) Mill owners, wanting to continue their enormous Piplaj consisting of little more than plan, but their present and future remain World War I profits, wanted to cut the workers’ plague chalk squares below high-tension uncertain: whether the Court’s decision bonus that they had offered as an incentive to panic- power cables.(14) Members of displaced will be honored, whether an appropriate stricken workers to stay in the city. See Yagnik and Sheth, 2005, p. 176. communities, academics, artists and rehabilitation plan will materialize, and citizens joined under the banner of Our whether traders will be able to organize (5) Dense, enclosed Ahmedabadi housing clusters in which inhabitants are of the same community. These played a Inclusive Ahmedabad and called a public and operate effectively within it. significant role in the possibility of trapping and escape hearing to hold city administrators and during the city’s numerous communal riots. the SRFDP design team accountable These histories do not outline clean (6) , Gujarat’s current Chief Minister and for their promised spatial tenure (Our problems with permanent, neatly supporter of the SRFDP, has been connected to or indicted Inclusive Ahmedabad, 2010). In 2011, packaged solutions – or for determined as an instigator in the riots since 1986. See Concerned Ci- as an alternative to the Ahmedabad types of projects and design practices. tizens Tribunal 2002. (16) Municipal Corporation’s narratives for Instead, they present the socio- (7) The Ahmedabad Gujari Association has 1,400 member- Ahmedabad’s year-long 600th birthday spatial practices that have produced traders and between 1,000-1,200 ad-hoc traders each Sunday. celebrations, a collective of relocated Ahmedabad’s Sabarmati riverbed (8) Selling stainless steel cooking utensils and second- communities organized the Residents landscape as a commons for more hand clothes, a number of women members of SEWA rely University at the same Piplaj relocation than 600 years, traced their erasure by on the market as a vehicle to economic independence. See Vakil, 1995. site to acknowledge their shared histories recent urban development projects, and of violent marginalization, exchange their highlighted efforts by the poor to claim (9) Following the 2002 Riots, this strategy continues with experiences coping and to learn from the their right to participate in shaping Chief Minister Narendra Modi’s indication on the Vibrant Gujarat website, that the state is safe for investment “with diverse means of reconstructing their lives Ahmedabad’s urban transformations. As its all inclusive, sustainable and rapid growth, is emerging as

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a globally preferred place to live in and to do business.” See medabad. In N. AlSayyad & M. Massoumi (Eds.), The fun- MEHROTRA, R. (2011). Architecture in India since 1990. Modi, 2013. damentalist city?: Religiosity and the remaking of urban Mumbai, Ostfildern: Pictor, Hatje Cantz. space (pp. 99-124). New York: Routledge. (10)Bimal Patel, director of the SRFDP, confirmed this ne- MITCHELL, W. J. (2002). Landscape and Power (Second xus during recorded public discussion. See Patel, Mathur DESAI, R. (2012a). Entrepreneurial Urbanism in the Time ed.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. and First Saturdays Meeting Group, 2012. of Hindutva: City Imagineering, Place Marketing, and Citizenship in Ahmedabad. In R. S. Desai, Urbanizing MODI, N. (2013). Vibrant Gujarat Summit 2013. Retrieved (11) See Bharwada and Mahajan 2006, p. 313. Gujarat’s dri- Citizenship: Contested spaces in Indian Cities (pp. 31-43). from http://www.vibrantgujarat.com ve to modernize its wastelands has resulted in the transfer Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage. of wasteland commons —used for sustenance by the state’s OUR INCLUSIVE AHMEDABAD. (2010). Report of Public large nomadic population— to larger corporate houses who DESAI, R. (2012b). Governing the Urban Poor: Riverfront De- Hearing on Habitat and Livelihood Displacements, Ah- will lease the land at prices beyond the nomads’ reach. velopment, Slum Resettlement and the Politics of Inclusion in medabad. Retrieved form http://www.spcept.ac.in/down- Ahmedabad. Economic & Political Weekly, 42(2), 49-56. load/cuemisc/Public-Hearing-Report-2010.pdf (12) It was accessible only by invitation to an exhibition space used by city elites. Project-affected communities ENVIRONMENTAL PLANNING COLLABORATIVE. PATEL, BIMAL. (2011, March 1). Urban Journal: Show Them were not notified nor were there any reasonable means (1998). Proposal for the Sabarmati Riverfront Develop- What You’re Making. Retrieved July 8, 2013, from India Real for them to become aware of the exhibition claiming to be ment. Report prepared for Sabarmati Riverfront Develo- Time, Wall Street Journal: http://blogs.wsj.com/indiarealti- oriented towards the public. pment Corporation, Ahmedabad. me/2011/03/01/urban-journal-show-them-what-youre-making

(13) Including those explicitly described earlier in the GIDWANI, V. & BAVISKAR, A. (2011). Urban Commons. PATEL, BIMAL, MATHUR, N. & FIRST SATURDAYS MEE- politician-builder-designer nexus and implied by their Economic & Political Weekly, 46(50), 42-43. TING GROUP (January 2012): Dark Side of Planning: River- planned benefit from heightened land exchange values. front Development of Ahmedabad. Public Discussion at First HARVEY, D. (1989). From Managerialism to Entrepre- Saturday Meetings, St. Xavier’s Social Service Society. Ahme- (14) Per author’s visit. For more information, see Mathur neurialism: The Transformation in Urban Governance in dabad, India. and Joshi, 2009. Late Capitalism. Geografiska Annaler. Series B, Human Geography, 71(1, The Roots of Geographical Change: 1973 PATEL, BINA. (2011). Development of Water Quality (15) IIM and NID are two of India’s premier educational to the Present), 3-17. Index: A Case of Sabarmati River Front Development institutions and are located within Ahmedabad. Project. Conference on Inclusive and Sustainable Growth, HCP DESIGN & PROJECT MANAGEMENT PVT. LTD. Nagpur. 1st ed. Vol. 1. Houston: International Journal of (16) As framed in the discourse on “wicked problems,” (see (November 2011): Conference Slideshow: Sabarmati Ri- Academic Conference Proceedings. Retrieved form http:// Rittel & Webber, 1973). verfront Development: Integrated Environmental Impro- ojs.ijacp.org/index.php/ISG/article/view/16/19 vement and Urban Revitalization. Retrieved from http:// REFERENCES iuc2011.in/sites/default/files/presentations/Sabarmati- RITTEL, H. & WEBBER, M. (1973): Dilemmas in a General AHMEDABAD TEXTILE MILL’S ASSOCIATION (May Riverfront-Development_comp.pdf Theory of Planning. Policy Sciences, 4(2): 155-69. 2013). About ATMA. Retrieved from http://www.atmaahd. com/past.htm JOHN, P. (March 2013). Dry Sabarmati’s Abuse Comes to SHAH, N. (2010, August). Conversation with Project Light in Times of India - Ahmedabad Online. The Times Manager Niki Shah at HCP Office. (V. Diwadkar, Inter- BAVISKAR, A. (2011). What the Eye Does Not See: The of India. Retrieved from http://articles.timesofindia.india- viewer). in the Imagination of Delhi. Economic & Political times.com/2013-03-15/ahmedabad/37743076_1_narmada- Weekly, 46(50), 45-53. waters-irrigation-department-amc-plans SWYNGEDOUW, E. & KAIKA, M. (2003). The making of ‘glocal’ urban modernities. City, 7(1), 5-21. BHARWADA, C. & VINAY M. (2006): Gujarat: Quiet Transfer MATHUR, A. (1999). Neither Wilderness nor Home: The of Commons. Economic and Political Weekly, 41(4); 313-315. Indian Maidan. In J. Corner, Recovering Landscape: Es- TOUCHALEAUME, E. & MOREAU, G. (Eds.); Vigo, M. (Coll.). says in Contemporary Landscape Architecture (pp. 205- (2010). Le Corbusier Pierre Jeanneret. L’aventure indienne BHATT, E. R. (2006). We are Poor but So Many: The Story 214). New York: Princeton Architectural Press. / The Indian Adventure. Design - Art - Architecture. Paris, of Self-employed Women in India. Oxford: Oxford Univer- Montreui: Éric Touchaleaume Galerie 54, Gourcuff Gradenigo. sity Press. MATHUR, A. & DA CUNHA, D. (2013, March 27). South Asia as a Hydrologic Depth. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME. COLOMINA, B. (1992). The Split Wall: Domestic Voyeu- University Graduate School of Design. (2004). Human Development Report 2004. New York: Uni- rism. In B. Colomina (Ed.), Sexuality & Space (pp. 73-130). ted Nations Development Programme. New York: Princeton Architectural Press. MATHUR, N. (2012). On the Sabarmati Riverfront: Urban Planning as Totalitarian Governance in Ahmedabad. Eco- VAKIL, S. (1995). Gujari: A Concept of Contemporality. CONCERNED CITIZENS TRIBUNAL. (2002, November nomic & Political Weekly, 47(47-48), 64-75. Thesis (Diploma Project) National Institute of Design, 22). History of Communal Violence in Gujarat. Retrieved Ahmedabad. May 1, 2013, from Outlookindia.com: http://www.outloo- MATHUR, N., & JOSHI, A. (Directors). (2009). Global Sites, kindia.com/article.aspx?217988 Local Lives. Indian Institute of Management-Ahmedabad YAGNIK, A. & SHETH, S. (2005). The shaping of modern Gu- [Motion Picture]. jarat: plurality, Hindutva, and beyond. New Delhi: Penguin D’MONTE, D. (2011, January 15-28). Sabarmati’s Sorrow. Re- Books. trieved May 15, 2013, from Frontline Magazine: http://www. MEHROTRA, R. (2008). Negotiating the Static and Kinetic frontlineonnet.com/fl2802/ stories/20110128280208500.htm Cities: The Emergent Urbanism of Mumbai. In A. Huyssen, YAGNIK, A. & SHETH, S. (2011). Ahmedabad: From Royal Desai, R. (2011). Producing and Contesting the ‘Commu- Other Cities, Other Worlds: Urban Imaginaries in a Globali- City to Megacity. New Delhi: Penguin Books. nalized City’: Hindutva Politics and Urban Space in Ah- zing Age (pp. 205-218). Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

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