It Is' Happening Here
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
15/18/22 Liberal Arts and Sciences Political Science Clarence A
The materials listed in this document are available for research at the University of Record Series Number Illinois Archives. For more information, email [email protected] or search http://www.library.illinois.edu/archives/archon for the record series number. 15/18/22 Liberal Arts and Sciences Political Science Clarence A. Berdahl Papers, 1920-88 Box 1: Addresses, lectures, reports, talks, 1941-46 American Association of University Professors, 1945-58 AAUP, Illinois Chapter, 1949-58 Allerton Conference, 1949 Academic freedom articles, reports, 1950-53 American Political Science Association, 1928-38 Box 2: American Political Science Association, 1938-58 American Political Science Review, 1940-53 American Scandinavian Foundation, 1955-58 American Society of International Law, 1940-58 American Society for Public Administration, 1944-59 Autobiographical, Recollections, and Biographical, 1951, 1958, 1977-79, 1989 Box 3: Beard (Charles A.) reply, 1939-41 Blaisdell, D. C., 1948-56 Book Reviews, 1942-58 Brookings Institution, 1947-55 Chicago broadcast, 1952 College policy Commission to study the organization of peace, 1939-58 Committee on admissions from higher institutions, 1941-44 Committee of the Conference of Teachers of International Law, 1928-41 Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies, 1940-42 Committee on School of Journalism, 1938-47 Box 4: Conference of Teachers of International Law, 1946, 1952 Correspondence, general, 1925-58 Council on Foreign Relations, 1946-57 Cosmos Club, 1942-58 Department of Political Science, 1933-39 Box 5: Department of Political Science, 1935-50 DeVoto, Bernard, 1955 Dial Club, 1929-58 Dictionary of American History, 1937-39 Dilliard, Irving, 1941-58 Document and Readings in American Government, 1938-54 Douglas, Sen. -
SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT in PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NVJ\14-2\NVJ208.txt unknown Seq: 1 30-APR-14 10:47 SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT IN PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M. Fink* Staat ist ein Verh¨altnis, ist eine Beziehung zwischen den Menschen, ist eine Art, wie die Menschen sich zu einander verhalten; und man zerst¨ort ihn, indem man andere Beziehungen eingeht, indem man sich anders zu einander verh¨alt.1 I. INTRODUCTION In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, municipal govern- ments in various US cities assumed responsibility for utilities and other ser- vices that previously had been privately operated. In the late twentieth century, prompted by fiscal crisis and encouraged by neo-liberal ideology, governments embraced the concept of “privatization,” shifting management and control over public services2 to private entities. Despite disagreements over the merits of privatization, both proponents and opponents accept the premise of a fundamental distinction between the “public” and “private” sectors, and between “state” and “market” institutions. A more skeptical view questions the analytical soundness and practical signifi- cance of these dichotomies. In this view, “privatization” is best understood as a rhetorical strategy, part of a broader neo-liberal ideology that relies on putative antinomies of “public” v. “private” and “state” v. “market” to obscure and rein- force social and economic power relations. While “privatization” may be an ideological definition of the situation, for public service workers the difference between employment in the “public” and “private” sectors can be real in its consequences3 for job security, compensa- * Associate Professor of Law, Elon University School of Law, Greensboro, North Carolina. -
VILLA I TAT TI Via Di Vincigliata 26, 50135 Florence, Italy
The Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies VILLA I TAT TI Via di Vincigliata 26, 50135 Florence, Italy Volume 30 E-mail: [email protected] / Web: http://www.itatti.it Tel: +39 055 603 251 / Fax: +39 055 603 383 Autumn 2010 or the eighth and last time, I fi nd Letter from Florence to see art and science as sorelle gemelle. Fmyself sitting on the Berenson gar- The deepening shadows enshroud- den bench in the twilight, awaiting the ing the Berenson bench are conducive fi reworks for San Giovanni. to refl ections on eight years of custodi- In this D.O.C.G. year, the Fellows anship of this special place. Of course, bonded quickly. Three mothers and two continuities are strong. The community fathers brought eight children. The fall is still built around the twin principles trip took us to Rome to explore the scavi of liberty and lunch. The year still be- of St. Peter’s along with some medieval gins with the vendemmia and the fi ve- basilicas and baroque libraries. In the minute presentation of Fellows’ projects, spring, a group of Fellows accepted the and ends with a nostalgia-drenched invitation of Gábor Buzási (VIT’09) dinner under the Tuscan stars. It is still a and Zsombor Jékeley (VIT’10) to visit community where research and conver- Hungary, and there were numerous visits sation intertwine. to churches, museums, and archives in It is, however, a larger community. Florence and Siena. There were 19 appointees in my fi rst In October 2009, we dedicated the mastery of the issues of Mediterranean year but 39 in my last; there will be 31 Craig and Barbara Smyth wing of the encounter. -
German Hegemony and the Socialist International's Place in Interwar
02_EHQ 31/1 articles 30/11/00 1:53 pm Page 101 William Lee Blackwood German Hegemony and the Socialist International’s Place in Interwar European Diplomacy When the guns fell silent on the western front in November 1918, socialism was about to become a governing force throughout Europe. Just six months later, a Czech socialist could marvel at the convocation of an international socialist conference on post- war reconstruction in a Swiss spa, where, across the lake, stood buildings occupied by now-exiled members of the deposed Habsburg ruling class. In May 1923, as Europe’s socialist parties met in Hamburg, Germany, finally to put an end to the war-induced fracturing within their ranks by launching a new organization, the Labour and Socialist International (LSI), the German Communist Party’s main daily published a pull-out flier for posting on factory walls. Bearing the sarcastic title the International of Ministers, it presented to workers a list of forty-one socialists and the national offices held by them in Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Poland, France, Sweden, and Denmark. Commenting on the activities of the LSI, in Paris a Russian Menshevik émigré turned prominent left-wing pundit scoffed at the new International’s executive body, which he sarcastically dubbed ‘the International Socialist Cabinet’, since ‘all of its members were ministers, ex-ministers, or prospec- tive ministers of State’.1 Whether one accepted or rejected its new status, socialism’s virtually overnight transformation from an outsider to a consummate insider at the end of Europe’s first total war provided the most striking measure of the quantum leap into what can aptly be described as Europe’s ‘social democratic moment’.2 Moreover, unlike the period after Europe’s second total war, when many of socialism’s basic postulates became permanently embedded in the post-1945 social-welfare-state con- European History Quarterly Copyright © 2001 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol. -
Some Aspects of Life and Politics in the United States of America in 19321)
M. S. VENKATARAMANI SOME ASPECTS OF LIFE AND POLITICS IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN 19321) To the present generation of young Americans the so-called two party system appears to be an almost unshakeable and permanent feature of the nation's polity. Several well-known American liberals (as, for instance, Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois and Walter Reuther, head of the powerful United Automobile Workers), who, in earlier years had reposed little faith in the Republican and Democratic parties, have gradually veered round to the view that the quest for reform must be pursued within the framework of the two major political parties. "Third parties" on the American scene have become virtually skele- tonized for various reasons and their plans and platforms receive scant notice at the hands of the media of mass communication. With the advent of good times during the war and post-war years, organizations advocating a radical reconstruction of the social and economic order have found a progressively shrinking audience. Radicalism among the intelligentsia has become a factor of minor significance. Will there be any important changes in such a state of affairs if the current business "recession" continues much longer or intensifies? Do "bad times" favor the growth of militant parties of protest and dissent? Few students of the American scene expect that in the foreseeable future there will be any widespread move away from the two traditional parties. It is interesting in this connection to examine the developments in the United States a quarter of a century ago when the nation was plunged into one of the most serious economic crises in its annals. -
Beyond the Law of Value: Class Struggle and Socialisttransformation
chapter 11 Beyond the Law of Value: Class Struggle and Socialist Transformation If only one tenth of the human energy that is now expended on reform- ing capitalism, protesting its depredations and cobbling together elect- oral alliances within the arena of bourgeois politics could be channelled instead into an effective revolutionary/transformative political practice, one suspects that the era of socialist globalization would be close at hand … The objective, historical conditions for a socialist transformation are not only ripe; they have become altogether rotten. The global capital- ist order is presently in an advanced state of decay. The vital task today is to bring human consciousness and activity – the ‘subjective factor’ – into correspondence with the urgent need to confront and transform that objective reality.1 Such was my assessment in Global Capitalism in Crisis, published in the imme- diate aftermath of the Great Recession of 2008–09. Nearly a decade on, one must concede perforce that little progress has been made in accomplishing the vital task prescribed. The capitalist class has waged a remarkably success- ful campaign to suppress the emergence of a mass socialist workers movement capable of addressing the ‘triple crisis’ of twenty-first-century capitalism that was outlined in Chapter 1. In the face of persistent global economic malaise, growing inequality, accel- erating climate change, and worsening international relations portending world war, global capitalism has avoided a crisis of legitimacy proportionate to the dangers facing humanity. This anomaly speaks volumes about the power of ideology, as deployed by the main beneficiaries of the capitalist order, to ‘obscure social reality and deflect attention from the demonstrable connec- tions that exist between the capitalist profit system and the multiple crises of the contemporary world’.2 InThe German Ideology, Marx and Engels wrote: ‘The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas: i.e. -
To All Enrolled Socialist Voters: a Statement on the Primaries [Election of April 2, 1936] by Jack Altman, Et Al
To All Enrolled Socialist Voters: A Statement on the Primaries [Election of April 2, 1936] by Jack Altman, et al. Published in The Socialist Call [New York], New York Edition, v. 2, whole no. 54 (March 28, 1936), pg. 1. You have a difficult task, but as Socialists you must be equal to your responsibility. On April 2 you will decide the immediate fu- ture of the Socialist Party in New York State. With two slates listed on the ballot, you must choose. We are sure that your choice will be made on the basis of which slate will be better able to build the Socialist Party. On the one hand, you have the Old Guard ticket set forth by Louis Waldman, which backs him in the attacks he has been mak- ing on the Socialist Party. Because he was defeated in the national convention [Detroit: June 1-3, 1934] he has waged a bitter fight for two years against the Party. On the other hand, you have the ticket supported by Norman Thomas, who today leads the Party in its most aggressive strug- gles. The Old Guard has tried to make it seem that we are Commu- nists. This is not true. We are Socialists who want the Party and its leaders to participate in a militant fight for the principles of Social- ism. We do not deny that some of the Old Guard have served So- cialism in the past. But they have since lived through a period of decline, with the party growing weaker, and they have never re- covered from it. -
What -Is Fusion? by JAM ES CASEY
CAPiTALIS ' . What -Is Fusion? By JAM ES CASEY 11 -d t Price IIc S. Radical Pampblet Colletion Coutesy Bloomsburg State CoUege Library TRIUMPH AND DISASTER: THE READING SOCIALISTS IN POWER AND DECLINE, 1932-1939-PART II BY KrNNErm E. HENDmcKsoN, JR.' D EFEAT by the fusionists in 1931 did little internal damage to the structure of the Reading socialist movement. As a matter of fact, just the reverse was true. Enthusiasm seemed to intensify and the organization grew.' The party maintained a high profile during this period and was very active in the political and economic affairs of the community, all the while looking forward to the election of 1935 when they would have an op- portunity to regain control of city hall. An examination of these activities, which were conducted for the most part at the branch level, will reveal clearly how the Socialists maintained their organization while they were out of power. In the early 1930s the Reading local was divided into five branches within the city. In the county there were additional branches as well, the number of which increased from four in 1931 to nineteen in 1934. All of these groups brought the rank and file together each week. Party business was conducted, of_ course, but the branch meetings served a broader purpose. Fre- quently, there were lectures and discussions on topics of current interest, along with card parties, dinners, and dances. The basic party unit, therefore, served a very significant social function in the lives of its members, especially important during a period of economic decline when few could afford more than the basic es- sentials of daily life. -
Capitalism Has Failed — What Next?
The Jus Semper Global Alliance In Pursuit of the People and Planet Paradigm Sustainable Human Development November 2020 ESSAYS ON TRUE DEMOCRACY AND CAPITALISM Capitalism Has Failed — What Next? John Bellamy Foster ess than two decades into the twenty-first century, it is evident that capitalism has L failed as a social system. The world is mired in economic stagnation, financialisation, and the most extreme inequality in human history, accompanied by mass unemployment and underemployment, precariousness, poverty, hunger, wasted output and lives, and what at this point can only be called a planetary ecological “death spiral.”1 The digital revolution, the greatest technological advance of our time, has rapidly mutated from a promise of free communication and liberated production into new means of surveillance, control, and displacement of the working population. The institutions of liberal democracy are at the point of collapse, while fascism, the rear guard of the capitalist system, is again on the march, along with patriarchy, racism, imperialism, and war. To say that capitalism is a failed system is not, of course, to suggest that its breakdown and disintegration is imminent.2 It does, however, mean that it has passed from being a historically necessary and creative system at its inception to being a historically unnecessary and destructive one in the present century. Today, more than ever, the world is faced with the epochal choice between “the revolutionary reconstitution of society at large and the common ruin of the contending classes.”3 1 ↩ George Monbiot, “The Earth Is in a Death Spiral. It will Take Radical Action to Save Us,” Guardian, November 14, 2018; Leonid Bershidsky, “Underemployment is the New Unemployment,” Bloomberg, September 26, 2018. -
Testimony to the Special Investigative Committee of the New York State Assembly by George R
Testimony to the Special Investigative Committee of the New York State Assembly by George R. Lunn, Jan. 28, 1920 Published in State of New York, Proceedings of the Judiciary Committee of the Assembly in the Matter of the Investigation by the Assembly of the State of New York as to the Qualifications of Louis Waldman, August Claessens, Samuel A. DeWitt, Samuel Orr, and Charles Solomon, to Retain Their Seats in Said Body: Volume 1. Albany, NY: J.B. Lyon Co., Printers, 1920; pp. 352-366. George R. Lunn, called and sworn as a witness, testified as fol- lows: Direct examination by Mr. [John B.] Stanchfield: Q. Mr. Lunn, where do you reside? A. Schenectady, NY. Q. And what is your occupation? A. Mayor of the city. Q. When were you last elected mayor of Schenectady? A. The fall elections, last year, 1919. Q. Have you been a member of Congress? A. I have. Q. From when to when? A. Taking my seat March 1917. My term expired 1919, March. Q. Now, you were at one time a member of the Socialist Party? A. I was. Q. Now, at that time were you elected? A. I was. Q. There was quite a strenuous campaign, if I recall right, in the newspapers publications, was there not? A. If I recall it, very strenuous. Q. Now, prior to the time of your election as mayor, had you be- come a regularly affiliated member of the Socialist Party? A. I had. 1 Q. Now, do you recollect at the time of that election who were looked upon as the leaders of the Socialist Party in Schenectady? A. -
Socialist Collections in the Tamiment Library 1872-1956
Socialist Collections in the Tamiment Library 1872-1956 , '" Pro uesf ---- Start here. ---- This volume is a fmding aid to a ProQuest Research Collection in Microform. To learn more visit: www.proquest.com or call (800) 521-0600 About ProQuest: ProQuest connects people with vetted, reliable information. Key to serious research. the company has forged a 70-year reputation as a gateway to the world's knowledge - from dissertations to governmental and cultural archives to news, in all its forms. Its role is essential to libraries and other organizations whose missions depend on the delivery of complete, trustworthy information. 789 E. E1se~howcr Paik1·1ay • P 0 Box 1346 • Ann Arbor, r.1148106-1346 • USA •Tel: 734.461 4700 • Toll-free 800-521-0600 • wvNJ.proquest.com Socialist Collections in the Tamiment Library 1872-1956 A Guide To The Microfilm Edition Edited by Thomas C. Pardo !NIYfn Microfilming Corporation of America 1.J.J.J A New York Times Company This guide accesses the 68 reels that comprise the microfilm edition of the Socialist Collections in the Tamiment Library, 1872-1956. Information on the availability of this collection and the guide may be obtained by writing: Microfilming Corporation of America 1620 Hawkins Avenue/P.O. Box 10 Sanford, North Carolina 27330 Copyright © 1979, Microfilming Corporation of America ISBN 0-667-00572-2 TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE v NOTE TO THE RESEARCHER . vii INTRODUCTION . • 1 BRIEF REEL LIST 3 COLLECTION I. SOCIALIST MINUTEBOOKS, 1872-1907 • 5 COLLECTION II. SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY PAPERS, 1900-1905 . • • . • . • • • . 9 COLLECTION III. SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY PAPERS, 1879-1900 13 COLLECTION IV. -
Speech Honoring the 2Nd Anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution: Brownsville Labor Lyceum, NYC — Nov
Oneal: Speech in Honor of the Bolshevik Revolution [Nov. 7, 1919] 1 Speech Honoring the 2nd Anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution: Brownsville Labor Lyceum, NYC — Nov. 7, 1919 by James Oneal Published in State of New York, Proceedings of the Judiciary Committee of the Assembly in the Matter of the Investigation by the Assembly of the State of New York as to the Qualifications of Louis Waldman, August Claessens, Samuel A. DeWitt, Samuel Orr, and Charles Solomon, to Retain Their Seats in Said Body. In 3 Volumes. (Albany, NY: J.B. Lyon & Co., 1920), vol. 1, pp. 411-421. Mr. Chairman and Comrades:— administration, efforts to destroy the industries, efforts to overthrow the government, despite this and despite We are meeting tonight on the Second Anniver- the fact that Russia is facing some 12 or 13 nations sary of the Second Revolution in Russia. We meet in at war with her, who have armed bandits endeavoring the presence of the strangest conduct on the part of to surround Russia and cut her off from the world, governments that the world has ever known. despite the fact that Soviet Russia inherited a rotten There is no war being waged against Russia. If regime of corruption from the Tsar, the breaking down you ask the diplomats of England and of France and of its economic life, famine stalking from Siberia to of the United States, they will tell you there is no war the Baltic, despite all these tremendous handicaps, being waged against Soviet Russia. If you ask the ad- with the imperialistic powers of the world trying to ministration in Washington whether the war is ended crush this working class Republic, she has survived it or not, President Wilson will say, “Yes, it is ended; the all, and the latest news shows us that even the armies war is over in the case of Prohibition, but the war is in the Baltic, some of them, or at least part of them, on regarding the United Mine Workers.” are surrounded by the Soviet Red Guard.