Maryna Semenchenko

Memorials to victims. History, design, impact. Cases of and Sweden. Centre for the Future of Places Report 2018:2

KTH Royal Institute of Technology School of Architecture and the Built Environment The Centre for the Future of Places TRITA-ABE-RPT-1841 Stockholm 2018 ISBN: 978-91-7873-063-6 Memorials to the . History, design, impact Cases of Belarus and Sweden

The Centre for the Future of Places Maryna Semenchenko The Centre for the Future of Places

Contents

Contents Introduction. Why Holocaust memorials matter?...... 4

I. How to analyze memorials?...... 8

II. About the research Studied cases and criteria for their choice ...... 14 Research questions and sources of information ...... 15 Method ...... 16 Approach to the memorials’ analysis ...... 17

III. Socio-Historical Background of Belarus and Sweden within the Studied Subject Belarus and in the Second World War. ...... 20 Memory about the Holocaust in Soviet Belarus ...... 22 Memory about the Holocaust in modern Belarus ...... 24 Sweden in the second World War ...... 26 Memory about the Holocaust in Sweden ...... 28

IV. Case studies Case 1. Memorial in the Pit History of the black obelisk ...... 32 History of the walking shadows ...... 34 Informal memorial, formal practices ...... 36 Case 2. Memorial in a Former Jewish Cemetery The Centre for History of the Broken Hearth ...... 40 the Future of Places Social practices, not-such-a-social place ...... 44 Case 3. Memorial by the Great Synagogue Outcome of national policy or individual effort? ...... 48 Memorials to the Holocaust Victims Social practices in (non)public space ...... 52 in Minsk, Belarus and Stockholm, Sweden. History, Design, Impact V. Discussion and implications Maryna Semenchenko Discourse ...... 56 Power ...... 57 Keywords: memorial, Holocaust, Minsk, memory, public realm Design and message ...... 58 Location and identity ...... 60 KTH Royal Institute of Technology Implications ...... 61 School of Architecture and the Built Environment Stockholm, Sweden References ...... 62 Appendix. Interview questions ...... 66

Photo on a cover: the Pit memorial in Minsk, 1992, by V. Miaževič

2 3 The Centre for the Future of Places

phenomenon has left the city and personal memory about to discursive space, this report Introduction. limits and nowadays happens this event is disappearing and also briefly describes the politics globally. Thousands of people transforming a great humanity’s of memory that were formed Why are looking for a new place to drama into an abstract history in Soviet and contemporary live due to wars, discrimination, lesson. Belarus and modern Sweden. persecution, and climate change Therefore, the inclusion of Literature and media review Holocaust escaping from the places of their a certain group to physical as well as a work with archival origin. or social space is linked to its documents allowed to discover memorials Although international status in a society. The status, how the design of the studied organizations declare everyone’s in turn, represents the access memorials was formed and right to have a place to live and a to the resources. Additionally what actors were involved matter? freedom to choose it (Universal to physical and social space, in their creation. In turn, Declaration of Human Rights, Henri Lefebvre distinguished media review in combination 1948) the numerous groups, another dimension, which with direct observations and Figure 1. The Pit memorial in Minsk obviously, do not have these could be called discursive interviews shed light on social opportunities, hence, the basic space. According to Lefebvre, practices that have taken place rights turn into rare privileges. these three spheres produce around the chosen memorials. Someone’s location in physical the space by mutually affecting Therefore, this research space still affects his or her and supplementing each other comprehensively analyzes access to goods, mobility, (Lefebvre, 1991). This allows physical, social and discursive education or even safety (Young, concluding that socially and spaces and their relations that 1999) in a city, national or spatially excluded groups, most together formed three memorial international scale. Therefore, probably, are pushed out from sites in Minsk and Stockholm. limitations linked to a place of discursive space as well. Thus, As it was mentioned, origin are related not only to a a lack of representation of a Sweden had a totally different quality of life but sometimes to certain group in media, art or experience of the Holocaust. a chance to stay alive by finding politicians’ speeches potentially This fact determined a research Figure 2. The memorial in the former Jewish a shelter. So, an origin begins leads to its stigmatization perspective, according to which, cemetery in Minsk determining a life’s value. This and further discrimination. In this report does not attempt During the recent lecture at KTH statement transforms a theme this report, all of these three to compare two contexts. This Open Lab, an Israeli researcher of exclusion and displacement spheres are taken into account survey analyzes them both Rachel Kallus described her from an exclusively socio-spatial in examining memorials to the for presenting a variety of local context as an intersection problem to an ethical issue. Holocaust victims in Minsk, conditions and approaches to of different cultures and Coming back to a dramatic Belarus and Stockholm, Sweden. the Holocaust commemoration interests (Kallus, 2018). While example of Israel, in addition Using the abovementioned in Europe. This is particularly working with the community to millions of Jews who died research lens, this report important due to a fact that the based-projects she interacts in the concentration camps examines the chosen memorials chosen cases are not that well with Jewish, Palestinian, and shooting operations of the and identified how these known and, hence, studied as, Ethiopian, and Russian groups Holocaust, thousands of them spaces were formed. Both of for instance, the memorial to Figure 3. The memorial by the Great Synagogue in Stockholm that are looking for their perished on their way to a new the Belarusian memorials are the Murdered Jews of Europe in place both in the society and home being displaced from their located on a territory that used Berlin. Although the conclusions in physical urban space. The countries even after the war to be a part of the Minsk ghetto and implications made by this fact that her work takes place (Wyman, 1989). Though the during the Second World War. report are specific to the context in Israel, though, leads to a example of the Holocaust was While Belarusian experience of each case such a critique, as discussion broader than just a unprecedented it can serve as a of the war and the Holocaust well as a suggested research city scale. As a country Israel lens for looking at the current was dramatic, Sweden was method, can be applied to basically appeared for hosting global issues of socio-spatial remaining officially neutral. other contexts. Including such the entire nation which used to segregation, displacement, Such different backgrounds dissimilar cases enriched the seek the place to establish its and massive migration. Such require a brief introduction into understanding of the subject national state. However various an approach seems to be Belarusian and Swedish socio- and demonstrated a range of groups still struggle for their particularly important at the historical contexts. Due to an issues of the contemporary place in the cities, this moment when communicative attention that this study pays memorialization in public space.

4 5 I

How to analyze memorials?

Map I. Minsk I. How to analyze memorials? The Centre for the Future of Places

One of the papers that were choreography”, in turn, places allowed memorizing purpose. According to the How used for forming a research describes the user’s movement and remembering the speeches paper, a strong connection method for this report suggests in a relation to the focus, for precisely. According to the between an image and an event to analyze its own definition of a memorial instance, through or towards it suggested approach, a memorial creates a clearer message to and a method to evaluate (table I). serves for remembrance of a the public. By contrast, the its properties. In this work, Therefore, though memorials certain event by being such weaker their relations are the memorials? such an analysis was made are evaluated here from an an image situated in a certain bigger amount of individual by examination of three post- exclusively architectural location. Additionally to these connotations is possible. 1990s-war memorial sites perspective this approach two elements – image and While this correlation itself in Croatia. According to this looks beyond their volumetric locus – the author adds to her does not cause any doubts the paper, in addition to a function properties. The chosen analysis method a factor of their conclusions based on it, for sure, of remembrance, memorials places of commemoration are relations to each other. do. So, a diversity of potential also play a therapeutic role by considered as a part of urban Although the paper suggests connotations is seeing here as providing the ways to deal with space and, hence, as a variety a solid method of memorial rather a negative characteristic the traumatic past and construct of dynamic spatial experiences. evaluation its conclusions seem that can prevent “right” the future. The paper highlights According to the authors, these debatable; besides, its practical understanding of a memorial. the importance of both experiences are supposed to implementation to actual Does this mean that there is a memorial’s ability to preserve increase users’ awareness of cases with all their complexity “right” version of memory and a memory and its ability to the past and reflection on the causes numerous difficulties. history? Must a memorial serve heal. In the authors’ idea, this future. This connection, though, The first of them is a proposed for its translation instead of combination can be achieved is not obvious from the paper. definition of a memorial itself. encouraging or at least allowing by designing contemporary While the work intends to find a This approach takes into the plurality of individual memorials as an integral part correlation between described account only one aspect of the interpretations? of public space and providing properties of the memorials memorials – remembrance with conditions for reflection, and their “healing” effect it – while more often authors rather managed to make a pay attention to other of 2017). comparative analysis of three their functions including, Table I. The table is taken from the paper Design of memorials – the art of remembering. debates,For evaluating and exchange several (Bojanić, places. Nevertheless, this paper - case studies authors use the articulates the importance Method of place regeneration, Prostor, vol. 25, №2 (54) Due to a fact that memorials parameters of accessibility, of memorial analysis in a Whileparadoxically, preservation oblivion of the (Сте are not a new subject for scale, and a so-called “concept mandatory connection with memoryпанова, 2018;is often Yurchuk, considered 2014). researches the existing studies of manipulation”. The latest is the urban context and spatial as a political mission a right to are focused on a wide range of based on three criteria and their practices of visitors though, forget or, at least, not to recall questions. While some of these interconnections: “elements without suggesting universal traumatic memories is an works study exclusively spatial of focus”, “vista”, and “walking solutions. individual’s need. Additionally, properties of the memorials, choreography”. Researchers The second paper that such a method seems to conflict others examine memory about divide the accessibility into such contributed to the research a contemporary vision of the certain events and consider the subcategories as a location of method is quite remarkable due memory in general by assuming memorials only as its physical a memorial site, distance from to a fact that it is based on a that we remember the “true” representation. Despite such the center, and usage. In the famous memorizing technique. past but not construct our diversity in approaches and criterion of scale, they specify A so-called “art of memory” optics, literature review allowed the number of inhabitants in a appeared in the Classical period finding similarities between settlement, a function of a place as a part of rhetoric (Yilmaz, memorialown version is notof it mandatorily (Хлебников, them and, hence, drawing some and a fact whether it is public 2010). For memorizing the supposedАссман, 2013). to simply Therefore, provoke a principal conclusions regarding or not. Regarding the “concept speeches those who were the remembrance of an memorials’ analysis. The crucial of manipulation”, they consider practicing the art of memory event, especially not only one aspects of the memorials that a compositional dominant of had to pick an “image” that particular way to remember it. I distinguished as common for each memorial as an “elements represented the memorized Another weakness of the used sources formed a base of focus”. A “vista” they apply and a “locus” – imagined or real the suggested tool is in its for the research method, which to a type of a prospect that is space where the chosen images subjectivity and again, as it was is applied in this study and available for the user while were placed in a certain order. mentioned above, its narrow described in the next chapter. exploring a memorial. “Walking Mental walks through these perspective of the memorial

8 9 I. How to analyze memorials? The Centre for the Future of Places

though, a use of an old powerful a Russian writer Maria In addition to works that study separated facts via questioners metaphor risks to make a newly Stepanova in a biographical memorials, some researches on this research dealt with whole designed memorial something novel, or, according to memory studies were analyzed. narratives that varied depending what visitors expect to see in the author, romance “In So, the survey performed by on pupils’ educational or regard to the Holocaust and, remembrance of remembrance” Elena Ivanova in 2004 was ethnical backgrounds and even hence, a part of a cliché about it. describes a moment of her focused not on the memorials to gender (Ivanova, 2004). Regarding the second aspect visit to a house where her the Holocaust but on memory Such an approach of the art of memory, locus, Jewish ancestors used to live. about it. Despite this fact, a demonstrated that a careful the author makes several Being highly impressed by this method of discourse analysis consideration of discourse in significant conclusions that can experience she imagined the that she used can be valuable which memory (memorials) be controversial but definitely whole lifestyle of her family in application to memorials exists can significantly useful for the memorials in this courtyard, tried to as well. The main source of contribute to a comprehensive analysis. So, the author claims memorize every minor detail information for her research understanding of the subject. that “detachment” of the and smell, touched every became a number of essays The way users, designers, memorial site from the regular surface and remembered its written by high school pupils and politicians talk about the conditions in which it exists texture. After a couple of days from Eastern Ukraine. Being memorials signals about a focus forms unique space for the she found out that, in fact, her asked to share their knowledge of public attention as well as visitor’s perception. As Yilmaz family was occupying a different about the Holocaust, teenagers lacunas in public knowledge states, this makes memorization building nearby. This incident demonstrated dramatically about the Holocaust and more “effective and long-lasting”. she comments with a phrase: different levels of awareness places of its commemoration. In addition, there is no Although “effectiveness” is a “This is, basically, everything I and attitudes towards the Additionally, this instrument persuasive and universal way to debatable category in regard to know about memory” - phenomenon. Through can be especially substantial for evaluate a degree to which an memory and a memorial it is analyzing the written narratives studying Soviet and Belarusian image represents the essence hard to not agree that a sharp not a place or its historically (Степано and their emotional tones the contexts where a language on of the memorized event. contrast between the memorial accurateва, 2017). location Thereby, but in the this images case author managed to construct a the memorials followed a very Furthermore, even the most site and its surroundings can constructed by her contributed coherent understanding of what specific canon. As it will be precise and expressive images become an impressive spatial to her perception the most. Not students knew and thought mentioned below, such a word Figure 4. The memorial in the former Jewish tend to stale. As a successful tool. This, indeed, can enhance a a place but rather an existing about the Holocaust. Instead of as “Jews” was simply excluded cemetery in Minsk example of an accurate image visitor’s experience, highlight a discourse affects a visitor. gaining knowledge about from it. the author provides a “railway, role of a memorial, and create a What is essential for this which disappears in the darkness special atmosphere suitable for research about both papers is of the gate of the Auschwitz dealing with specific emotions. their attention to the spatial Concentration Camp” that, Another aspect of a locus, properties of the memorials according to her, has similar “guidance”, has similarities and spatial experiences that associations for the most of with what was called “walking their design provokes. Despite the people. A railway and a choreography” in the previous differences in the approaches wagon appeared in two recent study. As much as detachment, both works articulate that in Belarusian memorials and while guidance can intensify the user’s studying memorials a research in the latest one (fig.5) this experience by constructing should be focused not on a image is artistically and spatially a certain narrative of routes, memorial exclusively but its Figure 5. A memorial complex in Blahaŭščyna interpreted by the authors’ landmarks, and viewpoints. complex relations with a context collective the earlier one (fig.4) Though the location of and a user. James E. Young goes simply claims that people were a memorial is identified as further by claiming that the transferred to the Belarusian extremely important by this art of memory “consists in the camp this way. Doubtlessly, paper as well as by other ongoing activity of memory, originally these used to be researchers (Young, 1994; in the debates surrounding strong symbols, on the one Yurchuk, 2014) this does these memorials, in our own hand, of a fateful road without not mandatory mean that a participation in the memorial’s a way back and, on the other memorized event should be performance” (Young, 1994), hand, of debugged machinery in physically represented in a site which adds to the memorial this production of death. Today, where it actually took place. So, analysis discursive and social dimensions.

10 II

About the research

Map II. Minsk city center with an approximate outline of the former ghetto II. About the research The Centre for the Future of Places

Studied cases and criteria for their choice

For this report, two memorials overlapping one another. Also, About to the Holocaust victims my aspiration was to analyze Research questions and sources in Minsk, Belarus and one how the design of the memorial of information the research memorial in Stockholm, Sweden and social practices that happen were chosen. The first of them there have changed through the Holocaust victims in Therefore, in respect to the The preliminary literature and is Yama, which means a Pit in the time, and how they have Belarus were erected on the interest in users’ interaction media review allowed forming translation from Russian. The determined each other. places of extermination sites. with the memorials and my a set of empirical research second memorial is located in While the Pit had been started Therefore, many of them are factual opportunities, I formed questions relevant to the a former Jewish cemetery and, as a typical Soviet after-war located outside of the cities or the following requirements for chosen cases. The questions by contrast to the Pit, does not commemorative practice, a in their peripheries, which does the cases’ choice: were formulated in a respect to have such an informal title. Both memorial on a former Jewish not guarantee a permanent the political, social and urban of the memorials are situated in cemetery has begun its history presence of people. Finally, - location in the urban context in which the memorials the central part of the city that much later, in the 90s. This Minsk is my home city, hence, I environment; have existed. The questions are belonged to the Minsk ghetto. memorial also consists of knew its context well and I had - location in the city center or divided into four categories that During World War II, they were several parts that, by contrast an opportunity for conducting good connection with it; include such aspect as decision- major extermination and burial to Yama, do not create a whole field observations and - opportunity to conduct direct making, design, message, and sites. Finally, the last place of ensemble but, in fact, look quite organizing necessary meetings. observations in a chosen city; public reaction. For answering memory is a name memorial disintegrated. The first part As for Stockholm, small-scale - free access for the public. each of the questions multiple by the Great Synagogue in is represented by a so-called monuments and memorials sources were used: literature Stockholm. Due to a fact that Pantheon of Memory, a compact to the Holocaust victims were and media review, work with Sweden was neutral during the circular square with stone installed in the city cemeteries archival materials, results of war, this site, obviously, does not stelas around that have been in peripheral areas, which, the direct observations and Figure 6. Diary for direct observations have such a direct relation to funded mostly by foreign actors though, did not meet my b) Research questions and sources of informationinterviews. A detailed list of the the Holocaust events as Minsk starting from the beginning of requirements. In this respect, questions and corresponded examples. the 90s. Tombstones from the the only potential research sources is presented in the table Today’s Pit memorial consists former Jewish cemetery lay on option was the name memorial below. of several parts installed in the grass nearby creating an in the Synagogue’s courtyard different time periods by irregular pattern on the surface. surrounded by a fence. Although different actors. The first of Another part of the memorial it is hypothetically available Table II. Research questions with corresponded sources of information them is a so-called “black is a Broken Hearth, a sculpture for public a degree of its 1. Decision obelisk” that was a result of that appeared here in 2008 “publicness” requires some a) Who did initiate and finance the a) Literature and media review, archival a grassroots initiative run by with a full financing from Minsk clarification. In addition to a installation of the studied memorials? materials, interviews the Jewish community in the Municipality. As in a case of fence that obviously serves as 2. Design early after-war years. Another the Pit, I aimed to follow the a physiological barrier, visiting one is represented by a bronze history of this place, which, the memorial is possible only a) How did the design/appearance of the a) Literature and media review, archival studied memorials change through time? materials, interviews sculptural composition and though, turned out to be quite within the working hours of b) What aspects of the Holocaust are b) Literature and media review, direct a menorah-shaped stela that problematic due to a lack of the Jewish Community. This is presented in the studied memorials and observations why? were installed in 2000 with a available sources. In addition, I announced on the Community’s c) Whom are the studied memorials c) Literature and media review, direct participation of the Belarusian performed an analysis of social website though not obvious commemorate? What were the reasons observations for choosing these particular groups? government. Additionally, practices that take place there for a random visitor from the an alley to the Belarusian and attempted to identify a street. Such limitations, for sure, 3. Message

Righteous among the Nations correlation between them and affect the use of the memorial a) How did the author/s define his/their a) Literature and media review, interviews message to the public? was established nearby this the memorial’s design. and users’ behavior, which b) What were the tools for transferring this b) Observations, literature and media place in the middle of the 90s. In Due to the intention to is reflected in details below. message? review, interviews

my research, I aimed to provide study social practices around Nevertheless, I included this 4. Reaction a history of these “layers” that the memorial sites, the key place of memory to this report a) Have the studied memorials provoked a) Literature and media review, interviews have so many differences but criteria for my choice were their and took its “semi-public” any public reaction? today compose one significant location and availability to the character into consideration. b) Do the citizens interact with the studied b) Observations, media review, interviews memorials and, if so, how? place of commemoration by public. Numerous memorials to

c) Method 14 15 II. About the research The Centre for the Future of Places

Method Approach to the memorials’ analysis This report uses exploratory captured social practices that the direct observations, I research methods and a mixed- had taken place there. Also, was counting the passersby this meeting, I also accessed Literature review demonstrated Therefore, each sphere methods approach of qualitative review of Minsk Municipality’s specifying their gender and, in to the books that were that analysis of the memorials is described by Lefebvre and quantitative research official decisions was made. some cases, approximate age, published in a small number been performed by the scholars corresponds with a particular performed in several stages. It provided with valuable tracing their routes, and making of copies and spread mostly with the use of numerous aspect of the studied The first stage included a broad information regarding certain notes in the diary. The notes within the community. The different methods. Their choice memorials. The dominant literature review. The second transformations of the studied usually described interaction second interview involved mostly depends on the research sphere, or representations stage involved a comprehensive memorial sites that were poorly with the memorials or any Halina Levina, a daughter of questions and studied contexts. of space, is the “space of review of the archival described in the literature. atypical activities. In both cities an architect Leanid Levin who This review, though, allowed scientists, planners, urbanists, documents, municipal policies, the first session was less formal played a key role in designing making one principal conclusion technocratic subdividers and newspapers, and websites. The Direct observations and did not include counting, both memorials. Due to a fact regarding memorials studies. social engineers”, in a word third stage was represented by tracing and mapping, since its that Halina is also a current In addition to the physical those who conceived this space. a series of direct observations of Direct observations aimed main aim was initial spatial leading architect in Levin’s properties of the memorials, In application to the memorials, the memorial sites. Additionally, to study the design of the analysis in terms of visibility, architectural bureau as well as a analysis of social practices and this sphere is represented three interviews were done as chosen memorials and social urban morphology, etc. famous Jewish activist, she was discourse is needed. by their physical appearance the fourth stage of this research. practices that happen there able to answer all the questions These three dimensions formed by architects, sculptors, Finally, the last stage involved these days. The main tools Interviews to a certain degree. Besides, this perfectly represent three and decisions of the politicians. analysis of the collected data. I were photographing, counting, interview took place in Levin’s elements of the theory of space Representational space is lived did not have initial assumptions tracing, mapping, and keeping While developing this report, I studio where publications, developed by Henri Lefebvre. “through its associated images or a hypothesis at the beginning a diary (Gehl, Svarre, 2013). A conducted two semi-structured physical models and graphical While describing “production and symbols” and constructed of my research. Though, after series of seven observations interviews with open-ended materials for both memorials of space” he distinguished mostly by artists, philosophers, the preliminary analysis of in Minsk was conducted in the questions in Minsk and one are collected. Finally, the third three interconnected spheres: and writers. Within my method, the chosen memorial sites via period from July 16 to August in Stockholm. Interviews interview was conducted with representations of space, this dimension of space is literature and media review 16. Each session’s duration was questions were categorized into an activist Roman Wroblewski representational space, and represented by the discourse I formed several empirical from 15 to 20 minutes. As for four groups. The first of them who initiated an installation spatial practice (Lefebvre, that forms the memorials and, research questions, which are Stockholm, the same amount dealt with a personality of the of the Holocaust memorial 1991). In this research, I at the same time, is partly provided above. All the further of observations was performed interviewee and his/her role in by the Great Synagogue. This attempted to apply this formed by them. Finally, a research was structured and between October 25 and the Holocaust memorialization conversation contributed much theory to the space of chosen spatial practice is perceived, performed with a respect to November 3. Due to the weather in Belarus or Sweden. The to the understanding of the memorials. By studying all experienced space combined by these questions and the aim to conditions, each observation second group of questions design and approval process as of these three dimensions, I everyday and urban realities, answer them. was limited to 15 minutes. For involved history and design of well as shed some light on social explored how the memorial individual routine activities and gaining the most comprehensive the memorials. The third one practices around the memorial. spaces have been formed in the city routes that link them to Documents review understanding of the social was related to the memorials’ In addition to the interviews, way the public sees them today. each other. This sphere includes practices, my field observations idea. The final group was asking I also had two significant activities that take place around Due to a lack of text sources were performed at different about memorials’ use and role informal meetings. The first one the memorials. related to the design of the time and days of a week. for the city or certain social was with an Israeli researcher of Holocaust memorials in Belarus, Therefore, one observation groups. Since two out of three the Holocaust in Belarus Leanid Figure 7. The author during the direct observations visual information became was performed in the morning interviews were conducted Smilavicki. Another one involved an indispensable source for before the beginning of the in Russian, in the appendix I a head of a Belarusian-German the research. The work in the working day, one in lunchtime, provide with a full list of the center for the archives of Minsk and Minsk one at the end of the working questions in both languages. in Belarus “History workshop” region contributed significantly day. The rest of them were The first person I interviewed Kuzma Kozak. Both of these to this study, especially a conducted in the weekend was a head of the Museum of conversations were valuable for search in the Belarusian State or between these key hours. Jewish History and Culture in this study and made my search Archive of Photo Documents Despite a fact that entrances Minsk Vadzim Akapian. In this for the sources much easier. to the Stockholm Holocaust conversation, I focused mostly Additionally, I took a guided and even artworks allowed memorial are open only during on the last group of questions tour at the Great Synagogue in toin Dziaržynsk.follow the evolution Pictures, in videos the working honors, observation related to the use of the chosen Stockholm performed by Folke appearances of the memorial during the weekends turned out memorials and their role for the Holtz. sites. Additionally, some of them to be informative. During Jewish community. Thanks to

16 17 III

Socio-historical background of Belarus and Sweden within the studied subject The Pit

Tankavaja Street

Suchaja Street

The Memorial Park

Niamiha Street

Map III. Fragment of the Minsk city center with studied memorial sites III. Socio-historical background of Belarus and Sweden within the studied subject The Centre for the Future of Places

them lived in its contemporary A term Great Patriotic War One of the reasons why so many Another distinction of the Minsk homogenous in economic Belarus and boundaries. The official refers to hostilities that took Jews perished in Minsk was ghetto was the frequency of the and social terms, inhabitants after-war statistics claimed place in 1941-1945 on the a fact that the Minsk ghetto and extermination of the ghetto did not have Minsk in that 2,200,000 Belarusian Soviet territories and is still had existed much longer than operations on its territory. anything to exchange for food inhabitants died in the commonly used in post-Soviet ghettos in other major cities While in other ghettos such or other goods, especially the Second hostilities, actions of countries including Belarus like Warsaw or Vilnius. Due actions took place periodically by the second year of the extermination, as well as due to numerous factors, it was with months of a relatively safe occupation. Regarding cultural to the wounds, starvation, and 23 and 24 Nazi planes were liquidated among the latest life between them, in Minsk life, Jews were not allowed to World War. diseases. Some researchers in already(Ластовский, bombing 2009). Minsk On causing June in October 21, 1943. A partial every week was darken by at institutionalize themselves the 90s, though, provided with dramatic damage to the city. explanation for this was Minsk’s least a local on one of in the 30s, therefore barely Minsk ghetto a number of 3,000,000 victims In these circumstances the strategic location on a way the streets. Such an oppressive had their national art and communist leaders of Belarus to Moscow and, hence, the atmosphere affected both community leaders before the Ascertaining an actual managed to organize their own necessity to place here military people’s emotional state and the war, which caused numerous proportion(Смиловицкий, of the 2000). Jewish evacuation to Moscow and a and administrative reserves of practices that were common at difficulties in forming the population in pre-war Belarus is partial evacuation of children the Nazi army. This “enormous resistance movement during also quite problematic though, to the East. In the rest, by the machine of occupation” - Additionally to a permanent the Nazi occupation. All the obviously, Jews composed a moment of Nazi occupation, that danger,the time an (Смоляр, economic, 2002). social, above-mentioned circumstances significant part of the citizens. happened several days after, maintenance and, of course, (Смо and cultural status of Jews in resulted in a fact that, by For an approximate calculation Minsk did not have a formal rule laborляр, 2002) including was high-qualifiedrequiring the pre-war times also determined contrast to other ghettos, Minks scholars categorize Belarusian or any plans of evacuation or professionals from the Jewish their lifestyle and types of the did not have restaurants, shops, Jews into three major groups. resistance (Epstein, 2008). population (Epstein, 2008). resistance in the Minsk ghetto. theaters or other places regular The first one includes those In a month after the Due to a fact that the population who lived in Eastern Belarus. occupation, on August 1, 1942 of the Soviet Union was quite 2002). The second group refers to Nazis established a ghetto in for a peaceful life (Смоляр, Jews who populated western Belarusian capital. It was located regions annexed by the Soviet in today’s city center and Union in 1939. Finally, the included 39 streets. Different Map IV. The Minsk ghetto, according to the memories of L. Melamed third group was a number of sources provide with a number Jewish refugees who escaped of the ghetto imprisoners that from Poland in 1939-1941. In varies from 80,000 to 100,000 total, an amount of Jews who lived in Belarus by the moment This figures make the Minsk of Nazi occupation can be ghettopeople one(Ботвинник, of the largest 2000). in Although Belarus suffered approximately evaluated as Eastern Europe and the second from the most dramatic loss - largest in the Soviet Union Tankavaja Street of population among all the countries (Rudling, 2008) The800,000-900,000 amount of perished (Смиловиц Jews, in 2014). Noticeably, almost all the the exact numbers of victims turn,кий, 2000;varies Kotljarchuk, in different sources2013). inhabitantsafter Ukrainian of the Lviv Minsk (Іофе, ghetto including Jews are still not from 245 thousand to one were killed except for those known. Additionally, the million. In any case, numerous who managed to escape. This Places of the pogrom on Suchaja Street boundaries of the Belarusian sources claim that around 80% was an extremely risky but the November 7, 1941 Niamiha Street state changed twice in 1939 and of Belarusian Jews died during only possible way to stay alive Places of the pogrom on 1945, which makes a precise the war. According to the census (Epstein, 2008). Additionally November 20, 1941 Places of the pogrom on calculation even more intricate. of 1939, Jews constituted almost to the ghetto, Nazis created a July 21, 1942 Due to this reason, recent works 30% of Minsk inhabitants while developed infrastructure for Place where «Hamburg Jews» tend to provide separated by 1959 this number decreased Jews’ annihilation in the city lived on Nonember, 1941 numbers. So, Leanid Smilavicki - and its suburbs that comprised Burial sites of the pogrom on states that a pre-war population concentration and death camps, March 2, 1942 of Belarus was 10,528,000 to Worldapproximately War II came 8% (Смилоto the - citizens while 9,200,000 of Sovietвицкий, Union 2000). on June 22, 1941. roads, railways, etc. (Ботвин ник, 2000).

20 21 III. Socio-historical background of Belarus and Sweden within the studied subject The Centre for the Future of Places

“path dependence” that started was deliberately silenced Memory to be applied to historical and even “marginalized”. science. While doing his Moreover, in his reflection on about the evaluation of the current the Soviet politics of memory, memory politics in Belarus he he introduces a powerful takes into account its Soviet term “politics of forgetting” Holocaust past that to a high degree that, according to him, were determined the present culture applied to the Holocaust by in Soviet of remembrance (Kotljarchuk, authorities (Kotljarchuk, 2013). 2013). What is essential, a principal Whereas in Europe the distinction of the Soviet public Belarus Holocaust played a role of a representation of the Holocaust foundation in forming memory was its consideration as a part culture as it is known today, in of the genocide against “peaceful the USSR it was presented by the citizens”. state memory politics as an ugly Gitelman sees three main and inescapable consequence of reasons for the appearance of capitalism. Therefore, since the such an attitude. Firstly, due to Holocaust was simply explained non-democratic conditions, the by the “nature” of capitalism Jewish community had limited Regardless the common archive of documents related to there was no necessity for its opportunities in spreading features in Soviet memory the Nazi occupation regime and politics of memory additionally problematization in the Soviet knowledge about the Holocaust. politics, attitude towards the life in ghettos (Gitelman, 1994) blurrednoticeable the that distinctions Mašeraŭ’s official discourse. Moreover, As he mentions, the only Holocaust had some regional but, for sure, there were political between the Holocaust and the while for European intellectuals publication that was regularly characteristics. So, whereas a reasons for this as well. extermination of Belarusian an experience of Jewish writing about the Holocaust in history of Ukraine published A politician who made, people by ignoring a factor genocide became a frontier the Soviet Union was a monthly in 1982 did not even mention probably, the most significant of ethnicity and accenting a between past and new ethical magazine Sovetish Heymland Jews in regard to the Holocaust, contribution to the memory national character of a tragedy. standards, new understanding which, though, was still quite a work developed in Estonia in about Belarusian role in World Although several major of humanism and social ideologized. Secondly, none of 1973 freely explored this subject War II was a leader of Soviet memorial complexes were responsibility, in the Soviet the European countries lost and, furthermore, Estonian Belarus in 1965-1980 Piotr erected during this period none Union even a term Holocaust as much of the non-Jewish collaboration with Nazis of them commemorated Jews was not used due to a fact that population as the Soviet Union (Gitelman, 1994). Regarding according to which the republic as a specific group of victims the event was not distinguished did; hence, in the European Belarus, it used to represent, lostMašeraŭ. its “every His famousfourth” statement,citizen, (Kotljarchuk, 2013). as a separated phenomenon context the death of Jews was for example, some bottom-up laid a foundation for the future What is worth mentioning more “visible”. Finally, Soviet practices of memorialization memory politics and, moreover, is that the Holocaust was not Huyssen, 1994). authorities had political reasons that were common in other Belarusian national identity the only taboo in the Soviet (Ассман,Researchers’ Хлебников, opinion 2013; for not shedding the light on Soviet republics. One of them that has been influenced by and, in particular, Belarusian regarding the Holocaust’s status the Holocaust as a distinct was an installation of informal the war more than any other memory politics. Other aspects A contemporary Belarusian in the Soviet memory politics event. Gitelman claims that in memorials built by the citizens event (Kotljarchuk, 2013; of the war like, for example, memory about World War slightly differs but they mostly the 40s-50s such reasons were in remembrance of their Rudling, 2008). Even though Belarusian collaboration with II and the Holocaust is still agree about the existence of Stalin’s and his adherents’ anti- relatives in early post-war such a math was not accurate a the Nazis were also excluded significantly affected by the significant limitations in its Semitic and “anti-cosmopolitan” years. Nevertheless, Belarus phrase started to be repeated from the official narrative Soviet politics of memory regard. So, according to an views. Later, in the 60s-70s, still had local peculiarities. and symbolize common grief, because they contradicted an but, according to the American scholar Zvi Gitelman, October Revolution as a Some sources even claim that which completed a status of a abovementioned myth about the researchers, has gained its own the Soviet politics of the “legitimating myth” of the Soviet Belarusian authorities paid “nation-hero” with a new title of heroic victory of the solid Soviet Holocaust in general neither regime had to be replaced by a special attention to the history a “nation-martyr” nation (Kotljarchuk, 2013). 2009). For analyzing them, denied it nor focused attention newly formed myth about the of the Holocaust like none of the 2009). Additionally, local politics This myth still strongly affects though,characteristics it is necessary (Ластовский, to study on it (Gitelman, 1994). By triumphal victory of the Soviet - of memory tended (Ластовский, to highlight Belarusian official and public their background which was contrast to Gitelman, a Swedish people over . In this - a crucial role of Belarusians in discourse to a certain degree formed in the Soviet era. In this legend, obviously, there was no Soviet republics did (Ойлен the victory, specifically, through continuing the Soviet tradition respect, a researcher Andrej claims in a more radical way place for Jewish national agenda memoryбург, Керпель-Фрониус, culture was possible Ной an image of a “Partisan Republic” thatresearcher the history Andrej of theKatliarčuk Holocaust (Gitelman, 1994). dueмеркер, to a well-preserved2016). Partly developed (Rudling, 2008). It is also 2009). of remembrance (Ластовский, Katliarčuk refers to a concept of

22 23 III. Socio-historical background of Belarus and Sweden within the studied subject The Centre for the Future of Places

European tendency of the 90s. Despite undeniable connections memorial but who initiated head of a provincial store. For called public. Probably, due Memory This turn, though, was caused by between the Soviet and its installation. Moreover, the avoiding an official approval it to limited resources, a visitor the local conditions, specifically, Belarusian memory politics, actors that managed the process was decided to make the generic should previously give a call for about the a much higher level of freedom researchers distinguish of its implementation, maintain title “To the victims of fascism. making an appointment. After in comparison to a Soviet significant changes. They have it, and visit it in the present are 1941-1945”. Besides, the Yiddish arriving and coming through period. started in the 90s or even in also symptomatic and worth language and the memorial’s a security post in a separated Holocaust in After the collapse of the the late Soviet era. This period consideration. location in the Jewish cemetery building one should cross an USSR, Belarus acquired its is characterized by two major In this regard, authors referred to a memorized inner courtyard of Minsk Jewish modern independence and, hence, tendencies in the memory of a digest published by group clearly enough. In the Community House and seek an an opportunity to form new politics common for the Post- International Holocaust latest decades of the Soviet entrance to the museum itself. politics of memory. The Jewish Soviet countries (Kotljarchuk, Remembrance Alliance in 2015 era former citizens of Turov Thus, in current conditions with Belarus organizations finally were able 2013). The first of them is a mention that activities related to who lived in Israel, the USA a lack of governmental support, Figure 8 to institutionalize themselves. “nationalization” of the memory. the Holocaust commemoration and Germany were supporting it can make just a modest impact Regardless the radical changes So, an appropriated myth in Belarus are usually supported financially the maintenance in the memory landscape. numerous features of the Soviet about a key role of Belarusian by the local authorities while of the cemetery. Therefore, The State Museum of the politics of memory migrated to partisan movement nowadays the initiative usually comes from for years the memorial had Great Patriotic War, by contrast, the contemporary discourse. contributes to forming and other institutions. A positive been a meaningful place of occupies a huge newly designed One of the key transfers from enhancing Belarusian national role of Belarusian officials was commemoration formed by a building and attracts dozens the Soviet politics of memory also appreciated by Simon grassroots initiative. Regardless, of tourists and locals being a was an application of the The second factor that Mark Lazarus Foundation this fact was ignored during the significant part of a dialog about term “genocide” to the entire characterizesidentity (Ластовский, contemporary 2009). which aims to indicate all the erection of the new stone that the war. However, its exposition nation. The only difference Belarusian memory politics is a Holocaust extermination sites was installed directly on the sheds the light only on the constitutes the fact that today shift of focus from heroic actions in Belarus by installing stone old one instead of organically period of Nazi occupation and a by nation politicians mean not to the civilians’ struggles. After stelas (Lazarus, 2015). By including it to the new memorial homogeneous idea of genocide Soviet people but Belarusians. publishing new statistics, a the date of August 2018, the (Smilovitsky, 2017). Even against Soviet people but not It is worth mentioning that Soviet formula about “every organization has managed to though Belarusian memory Jews in particular. According recently installed memorials fourth” has been replaced by erect 114 Holocaust memorials culture can be called quite to the Soviet tradition, a term commemorate Jewish victims, a statement that “every third” out of approximately 500 of the Holocaust is not used there at which is a perceptible progress Belarusian died in the Great planned (each for a known site). 2009) it still experiences certain all. During my visit in August in comparison with the previous Patriotic War (Kotljarchuk, Being started by a British couple tension.homogeneous (Ластовский, 2018, in two large halls, I 2013). nowadays it is a collaboration Among other positive found only one plate which points out that the official Regarding contemporary between the original activists factors that signal about mentioned Jews by stating rhetoricperiod. However, of the president Katliarčuk still Holocaust memorialization, and two American family achievements in the Holocaust “During the Nazi occupation on Though for a long time the does not separate the Holocaust Kotljarchuk portrays its state foundations. Belarusian territory, according to Holocaust memorialization in and an extermination of mostly in positive terms though Such a mission was called mentions recently opened different sources, from 500,000 Belarus had been controlled other citizens. This, according a factual situation seems to “noble” by an Israeli researcher museums,memorialization for instance, Katliarčuk the to 800,000 Jews perished” by the Soviet state and isolated be more contradictory. His Leanid Smilavicki who, Museum of Jewish History and (fig.8). Additionally, copies of from the global context terminological mistake due to main argument in this debate though, criticized the way it Culture in Minsk (Kotljarchuk, the historical document were a process of the massive ato fact Katliarčuk, that genocide is a major has a very is a fact that the government had been implemented in a 2013). This doubtlessly exposed on a column, and commemoration of its victims precise meaning. Essentially, and the president personally Jewish cemetery of Belarusian positive fact, though, requires an installation shaped like a has started approximately at the it is classified as an act done have been actively involved town Turov. According to his some explanation. Firstly, the silhouette of grouped people same time as in other European with a special intent. By in the memorialization of the investigation, one of these same- museum was organized with the demonstrated an amount of countries. Even in Germany with contrast to Jews, Belarusians Holocaust victims. Additionally, looking memorials appeared efforts of the Belarusian Jewish the ghetto victims in different its reputation of a pioneer in the were never pursued because he argues that dozens of the in 2014 on a place of a former community and the American Belarusian settlements. While Holocaust memorialization, this of their ethnicity. Numerous Holocaust monuments have memorial installed in 1946 by Jewish Joint Distribution in the books devoted to the process reached its peak after extermination operations been installed in Minsk and the local community. Money Committee and is still Holocaust in Belarus description - against Belarusian people smaller cities since the 90s, for an original simple stone maintained by them (Akapian, of the Nazi occupation regime were caused by the temporary and 45 of them were erected with the inscriptions in Russian 2015). Secondly, despite its usually serves as just an athe new fall stage of the in Berlin the Holocaust Wall (Асс circumstances of the war but not “with the support of the state” and Yiddish were given by the significant contribution to introduction to its history, commemorationман, Хлебников, in 2013). Belarus Thus, special politics of the nation’s (Kotljarchuk, 2013). However, it relatives of the local Holocaust archiving and studying the the main state museum of was chronologically quite annihilation (Kotljarchuk, is important or sometimes even victims and collected by a Holocaust, unfortunately, this World War II factually uses the synchronized with a similar 2013). essential not who financed a small museum can be barely introduction instead of the story.

24 25 III. Socio-historical background of Belarus and Sweden within the studied subject The Centre for the Future of Places

By contrast to numerous A so-called Aliens Act adopted Sweden and European countries, Sweden in 1927 distinguished Jews as had never had a large Jewish “unwanted immigrants” as well the Second population, and by the as criminals, migrant workers beginning of the twentieth or Roma. It is important, though, century, it reached 6,112 that such rhetoric was balanced World War people, or little more than by other opinions both in 0.1%. In 1774, Isaac Aaron academic and public discourses, became the first Jew who and Nazis’ support on the received permission for a political scene was relatively permanent stay in Sweden as low (Rudberg, 2017). well as a right to practice his When the war had started religion. During this period, in 1939, Prime Minister of Swedish Jews had experienced that time Per Albin Hansson significant limitations; so, for predictably declared Swedish These are the words of the instance, they had a right to neutrality. This decision Holocaust survivor Rosie While most of the European settle exclusively in Stockholm, was expected by public and countries strongly suffered Gothenburg, and Norrkoping. international community Glacér who was deported from the Second World War However, they were also granted due to a fact that Sweden had from the Netherlands both in humanitarian and some privileges one of which not participated in military and ended up her life in economic terms, Sweden had was the Congregation’s duty conflicts for 125 years. Partly its even increased its welfare. to tax local Jews. Nevertheless, geographical isolation allowed Sweden: “The people in Staying formally neutral, it Swedish Jews had been treated not being involved in the major Sweden were kind to me. kept trade relations with Nazi as a separated group for a long European wars for a long time. Although details of the Hungary where Swedish They, not the Dutch, were Germany by transferring there time and started actively gaining Additionally, the main aim of Holocaust crimes had been diplomat Raoul Wallenberg the ones who liberated iron ore, ball bearings, and other equal rights only in the middle the Swedish policy was the known in Sweden for a while managed to save, according goods. This, though, was not of the nineteenth century preservation of the national a certain trigger caused the to some sources, more than me. The Dutch Red Cross the only controversy in the role (Rudberg, 2017). Though even independence (Levine, 1998). change in Swedish policy. In 100,000 Jews. Although this did nothing for me. The of Sweden in World War II. In after that, despite formally Nonetheless, traditional cultural 1942, 532 Norwegian Jews number can be a part of Swedish Red Cross took 1942, the country changed its equal opportunities, a negative and business ties with Germany were deported from occupied mythology about this heroic care of me. They saved my restrictive migration policy and, image of Jews still existed in the were crucially important for Oslo with a further plan to do personality and Wallenberg’s moreover, started a so-called Swedish society; additionally, both sides, and Sweden stopped so to the rest of the Jewish exact contribution is not known, life. My choice was clear” “bureaucratic resistance”, a the locals felt threatened by the delivering goods to Germany population. This provoked Swedish Legation that he (Glasser, 2015). massive campaign for rescuing economic competition with the only at the end of the war due not only an active reaction represented as well as Jewish foreign Jews. Due to this fact, newcomers (Bruchfeld, Levine, to the pressure from the US of Swedish media and public Council, international Red Cross some researches question the 2012). and other countries. In 1941, but also the government that and other neutral states saved relevance of term “neutrality” in In the 20-30s, Sweden was after Nazis’ attack on the Soviet offered help to Jews who were at least around 30,000 lives regard to Sweden, since it was strongly influenced by the Union Swedish government still in Norway. However, an (Schult, 2009). performing a number of actions ideas of racial purity that at faced another dilemma. Swedes idea to transfer Polish children In addition, so-called White that directly contradicted the that moment were popular in traditionally considered Russia did not meet such a support Busses of the Swedish Red Cross Nazis’ aims (Levine, 1998). Europe. In fact, Sweden partly as a potential threat; besides, due to the public’s concern rescued thousands of people On the other hand, preserving contributed to developing these Germany positioned “Operation regarding their integration to from the concentration camps economic ties with Germany ideas by founding the State Barbarossa” as a strike against the Swedish society. Regardless, at the end of the war. Although is often considered as an Institute for Racial biology Bolshevism, which was the Swedish Ministry of Foreign originally the expedition indirect contribution to the war in 1922. Additionally, several commonly supported in Europe. Affairs came up with a plan for aimed to transport people with and, therefore, the Holocaust laws passed during this period However Swedish government saving and bringing European Scandinavian background White (Rudberg, 2017). Thus, Swedish discriminated numerous officially did not abandon an Jews by providing them with Busses transferred to Sweden position in the war had been groups of people by allowing idea of Swedish neutrality it protective passports (Gilmour, former prisoners from France, changing through time as well sterilization of homeless, allowed the Nazi division to pass 2011; Bruchfeld, Levine, 2012). Poland, and the Soviet Union as as a perception of this position alcoholics, intellectually from Norway to Finland through This method demonstrated well as people of dozens other by the politicians, citizens, and disabled, etc. (Bruchfeld, Levine, Swedish territory (Bruchfeld, outstanding effectiveness in origins (Bruchfeld, Levine, scholars. 2012). Regarding the migration Levine, 2012). 2012). law, it was rather selective.

26 27 III. Socio-historical background of Belarus and Sweden within the studied subject The Centre for the Future of Places

Memory about the Holocaust in Sweden

Despite a controversial status - History Forum, 2011). Jewish Community in 2000 of Sweden in the Second World Therefore, in this period the concluded that the Committee’s War, numerous scholars agree throughIn the themiddle memorials 90s, the (Хлеб Holocaust had been a part of position regarding the refugees in one principal point. Swedish Holocaustников, Ассман, started 2013). to be political and public discourse was not more restrictive than politics of memory about the represented as a subject of a on a level of the Swedish the governmental one. However, Holocaust have evolved by national importance. In 1997, government and personally individual members preferred shifting their focus from a Prime Minister of that time Göran Persson. helping the Jews in Europe positive role of Sweden to its Göran Persson initiated a Simultaneously, an interest rather than providing them with partnership with Nazi Germany project The Living History that towards to subject had an asylum in Sweden (Rudberg, and, hence, partial responsibility resulted in a publication “Tell ye been increasing within the 2017). for the Holocaust (Rothe, 2015; your children”. The latest edition academics (The Living History Nowadays the Holocaust still Rudberg, 2017). of the book contained a chapter Forum, 2011). One of the first remains a significant theme in The massive critical reflection “Sweden and the Holocaust” publications that examined Swedish policy both in terms on the Holocaust and Sweden that questioned the role of Swedish relation to the of memory and education. In has started in the 90s (Rudberg, Sweden in the Nazi crimes and Holocaust became a book of an official rhetoric and media, 2017). Such an increase of their outcomes for the country American author Steven Koblik the activities related to its attention towards the subject (Rothe, 2015). In 2000, the “The Stones cry out. Sweden’s commemoration are usually may be explained by a fact Swedish government ran a response to the persecution of mentioned as a reaction on that in 1995 Sweden became a major international conference the Jews, 1933-1945” in 1988. contemporary challenges such member of the European Union. called Stockholm International While other researchers like as a rise of neo-Nazi movement According to a researcher Anne Forum on the Holocaust that Hammar and Lindberg claim and xenophobia. In 2018, the Rothe, the Holocaust at the involved about 50 countries as that anti-Semitism was one Swedish government decided moment was not only a topical participants. An outcome of this of the reasons for restrictive to provide with 15 million subject but also a fundament event became the Stockholm Swedish migration policies at kronor for increasing awareness for creating a common Declaration, a document that the beginning of the war, Koblik about the Holocaust. Partly European identity. At this articulated a commitment states that this was the major this is planned to achieve moment, taking the lead in the to preserve memory about reason. Another topic that had through organizing trips to Holocaust commemoration and the Holocaust, spread the been significant to the scholars the Holocaust memorial sites education was an opportunity to knowledge about it, and fight is a role of the Swedish Jewish for Swedish youth (thelocal. demonstrate Swedish loyalty to against anti-Semitism, racism, Community, in particular, a se, 2018). In addition Jewish European values such as human and xenophobia. For ensuring so-called Relief Committee Museum in Stockholm, the rights and dignity (Rothe, 2015). that Sweden would follow in rescuing Jews. Koblik’s Holocaust museum will be built Simultaneously, this process the statements of Stockholm contributed to this discussion in Malmo. It will include a center overlapped with a global Declaration, in 2003 Swedish by claiming that Swedish Jewry of Raoul Wallenberg, which tendency in a commemorative Parliament transformed The did not do enough for aiding reflects an ongoing tendency in culture. For the first time in the Living History project into a Jews around Europe and, the Holocaust commemoration history instead of erecting the public authority with its focus moreover, used its power for not in Sweden with its focus on monuments to heroes or victims on promoting ideas of tolerance accepting poor Jews or refugees Wallenberg’s personality and nations began to reflect on their and democracy (The Living from Eastern Europe. Later, an Swedish role in rescuing Jews own crimes and mistakes investigation initiated by the (dailyscandinavian.com, 2018).

28 29 IV

Case studies

Map V. Stockholm city center with the memorial site IV. Case studies. Case I The Centre for the Future of Places

in the career; the rest of the who supported the initiative and History victims on a Jewish cemetery secured it with the necessary of the Regardless a fact that the 2008). “Purimnearby massacre”(Ботвинник, 2000). permissionsThe entire (Герасимова,community was 2002) became one of the biggest to a certain degree involved black obelisk in Minsk ghetto, the (Смоляр, information to the project since everyone about its history is fragmented - Figure 9. Black obelisk, 1967. Photo by V. and controversial. For instance, some sources refer to the Pit as lostfamous someone Jewish in writer the Pit Hajm (Спри The memorial with an informal a place where Nazis killed all the Malcinskiшен, 2008). wrote For example,a text for aan but well-known name Yama, victims of that pogrom (Cohen, inscription first in Yiddish and which means a Pit in Russian, 2017), while, in fact, people then in Russian; additionally, he was established on the territory were killed all over the ghetto; personally obtained its official of a former Minsk ghetto on even those who were shot next approval. According to the a place of a deep sand career to the career were staying on its memoirs, as an influential figure edge but not in the bottom. The of the Jewish community, he was For explaining this location, a number of the dead also differs. repeatedly asked to represent story(Ботвинник, of the memorial Шамрук, should 2004). be So, according to the occupation the project. For getting a formal started not with a moment of documents, a number of victims permission he had to go up to its installation but with a brief reached 3,412 people whereas the sixth floor, despite a fact prehistory. On March 2, 1942, documents from the Belarusian that he lost his leg in the war. on the Jewish holiday Purim, National archive provide with a While talking to an authority during one of the major Minsk from the censorship committee pogroms, Nazis and their local 2000). Malcinski mentioned his mother, collaborators murdered several numberStarting of from6,000 the (Ботвинник, end of wife, and a little son who were thousand people. That day, the war in 1945, activists in buried in the Pit. He managed Soviet Union” that directly prevent them from creating a according to the administrative Minsk were trying to formalize to approve not only the text in pointed out at the ethnicity of a strong community inside the decision, had to the Jewish Community at two languages but an erection memorized group (Kotljarchuk, homogenous Soviet society; gather 5 thousand people under the synagogue; one of their of the monument as well. As a 2013). besides, they supported the the pretense of construction aims was an installation of a result, the black obelisk (fig.9) In another way, though, the national state of Israel, which works. For ghetto imprisoners, monument in the Pit. When was installed in 1946 with the black obelisk was a typical was not acceptable within the though, it was obvious that a after almost two years in help of numerous Minsk Jews example of the post-war large extermination operation 1946 the Jewish community who donated their money or unofficial memorialization 2008) Formal reasons for the was legalized, city authorities were involved in its design or initiated by victims’ relatives or arrests,Soviet ideology though, (Герасимова,were quite 2002). When people did not rejected an official application local communities. Fortunately, showhad been up in preparing the morning (Смоляр, Nazis for a memorial’s construction. In fact, this inscription by contrast to some other places was arrested for possessing started to reach them at homes Due to significance and even a carvedapproval on (Герасимова, a black stone 2008).in of commemoration, the obelisk 20absurd. records So, withMarduch Jewish Spryšen in the surrounded ghetto. Those sacral meaning of this mission, two languages makes the Pit in the Pit was not demolished or music, which was enough for who could not leave were shot a group of activists had started truly unique. It says “In bright replaced by its “sterile” Soviet incriminating “cosmopolitism” immediately; the rest were the process without a formal remembrance for all eternity of copy in 1948-1952 during and “bourgeois nationalism”. forced to go to the main square. approval. For manufacturing the 5,000 Jews who perished at Stalin’s anti-Semitic campaign Today it is hard to believe According to the witnesses, the obelisk they hired a Jewish the hands of the cruel enemies (Gitelman, 1994). but a stone master Marduch during this operation Nazis of humanity – fascist German This campaign, though, were killing the inhabitants of who could create it out of an old fiends”. Due to this fact, Gitelman dramatically affected those the ghetto right on its streets gravestonestone master from Marduch the cemetery Spryšen called the black obelisk the who took a part in the obelisk’s preservingSpryšen got the 10 memoryyears of workingabout and the main square, by the in the former ghetto. This, only memorial in major Soviet erection. Starting from 1949, thecamps Holocaust. (Спришен, Thus, 2008) in addition for entrance to the ghetto, and by though, was problematic since cities that mentioned Jews several members of the Jewish to its previous status, the Pit the Jewish cemetery was in as a specific group of victims community who were engaged acquired a new meaning. For a jurisdiction of several state (Gitelman, 1994). Kotljarchuk, in in its creation were arrested for decades it had become a symbol the massacrelegendary several Pit (Ботвинник, hundreds institutions. Luckily, heads of turn, also claims that it became the “Anti-Soviet activity”. In fact, of Jew’s struggle for their of2000; murdered Маломед, Jews 2008). were buriedAfter those organizations were Jews the “first urban monumant in the the Soviet state wanted to identity and memory.

Figure 10. Opening of the black obelisk, 1946

32 33 IV. Case studies. Case I The Centre for the Future of Places

History of the walking shadows A personality that played a key foreign representatives, and walking down the hill along the architectural bureau Halina, role in the Pit’s reconstruction survived imprisoners. In stone stairs that lead to a large I got a general impression was a famous Soviet architect 1992 for the first time, Levin round paved area in the Pit’s of the original design for the Leanid Levin who also had exhibited his project proposal bottom (fig.11). Pit memorial. Its physical been actively involved in the According to an interview model, which was exposed in life of the Belarusian Jewish big event in a so-called Russian with Levin’s daughter Halina, a the Russian theater in 1992, community. Probably, a theaterfor the Pit in Minsk(Левин, became 2005). not A small paved area in front of the demonstrates that initially Figure 12 combination of his professional only an honorable celebration Pit was originally covered with the surrounding of the black authority and reputation among of Belarusian Righteous among cobblestones that recently were obelisk was conceived as more the Jewish population allowed the Nations but also a stage for replaced with simple concrete picturesque and irregular. The implementing this project as the first public discussion of his tiles. On the right side of this stairs leading to the bottom of well as many others. Being in work. area, there is a granite menorah- the Pit were supposed to have his thirties, in 1970 Leanid It took almost ten years and shaped stela with a number of different widths for becoming Levin and his colleagues won much effort for implementing metal plaques (fig.12). They organic continuations of the the most prestigious Soviet new design in 2000. A new inform what individuals and slope. Additionally, the shape award, Lenin Prize, for a project dominant of the memorial institutions sponsored the of the paved area in front of the of a major memorial complex became a bronze sculpture construction of the memorial obelisk, by contrast to today’s Chatyn dedicated to the civil Walking to Death designed as a mentioning among others a symmetrical outline, was also victims of the Great Patriotic row of the schematic people’s fund of Belarusian president. On designed irregular in a respect figures walking down to the the left side from the sculpture, to the complicated landscape. Figure 11 Additionally, from 1991 till bottom of the Pit. For designing there is a narrow path with the Another part of the original hisWar death in Belarus in 2014 (Левін, he had 2011). this sculpture Levin involved old trees along it. Next to each project, the boulders chaotically led a Union of Belarusian famous Elza Polak who at that tree, a metal plate with a name lying on the slope, was not Jewish Public Associations moment lived in Israel being stays. This path serves as an realized at all. Regarding a and Communities. As a part already aged and weak. Polak alley to the Righteous among the monument’s message, as of a generation of so-called created the sculpture on a Nations memorizing Belarusians Halina Levina said, an original “children of the war”, he saw base of Levin’s sketches in her who were saving Jews during design also suggested an After the decades of the the Holocaust commemoration expressive and recognizable the war (fig.13). It was built installation of the memorial hidden Soviet anti-Semitism, as a significant mission for manner. A physical model for in the middle of the 90s, and stones symbolizing five major at the end of the 80s a public the future memorial made considering general tendencies pogroms that happened in debate around the Holocaust Therefore, since the 80s Levin by her was taken to Minsk in Belarusian politics of memory Minsk ghetto. These stones memorialization finally became hadmodern developed Belarus the (Левин, idea of 2012). the and further developed by a of this time, this part of the would have complemented the possible. An idea of the Pit’s Pit’s transformations. Belarusian sculptor Aliaksandr memorial can be interpreted character of the landscape and reconstruction appeared in The beginning of the 90s Finski. While in original as a state’s effort to integrate played an informational role; Figure 13 this period though it faced turned out to be a crucial Levin’s idea these figures were Holocaust history to Belarusian besides, a stone is a symbol both a lack of support and moment in the Holocaust conceived as more detailed, that represents the Jewish financing. So, for instance, memorialization in Belarus. the final sculpture represented 2011). In fact, the creation of the commemorative tradition. religious Jews were against any So, numerous events were them in quite a stylized way. alleynational was narrative not authorities’ (Портнов, but In addition, Levin conceived sculptural representation of happening during the Levin himself called them the Levin’s idea, and most probably memorial signs with the names people in the Pit due to a fact celebration of the 50th “shadows” claiming that these represented his actual deep of Belarusian ghettos and that it was prohibited by the anniversary of Minsk ghetto’s twisted human silhouettes were gratitude to those who risked numbers of victims for each religious canon in the interiors liquidation. Among them were supposed to represent that - of them. The last element that exhibitions, meetings, and a anyone could be on their place was not implemented in reality Nevertheless, the process of procession through the former theirThanks lives tofor a saving meeting Jews with (Ле a was a wall with autographs reflectionof synagogues and discussion(Левин, 2011). had ghetto with the participation of daughterвин, 2012). of Leonid Levin and a of the few survived ghetto started. the government members, 2014).on the wayToday to thedeath shadows (Левин, are current leader of his imprisoners. 2011, 2012; Рубинштейн,

34 35 IV. Case studies. Case I The Centre for the Future of Places

Though, political regime and loudspeakers with Soviet songs Nonetheless, Yama went thick grass; candlesticks and Informal a situation around the Pit nearby the Pit for blocking an through some transformations metal plaques with the names had been changing through opportunity for public speeches. since a newly constructed nine- of Belarusian ghettos were memorial, the time, which at a certain Nevertheless, thousands of story residential building cut off installed by the black obelisk point transformed Yama Jews were coming to meet each a part of the Pit’s site. (fig.16). The opening of the from a peripheral forgotten other, articulate their problems As it was mentioned, the 90s sculpture Walking to Death formal wasteland to a significant place and even sign petitions, which, became a crucial point in the became the most pompous of collective remembrance. though, were mostly ignored by memory politics in Belarus, event accompanied with the practices Numerous memoirs claim which, of course, affected the guard of honor and a speech that this happened in the 70s During this period the Pit social practices that were though one source points out at couldthe state have (Спришен, experienced 1997). major happening by the memorial. (fig.17). a particular event that changed changes, which, fortunately, Archival pictures from the 90s of Today,the president in addition Lukašenka to three the Pit’s status. According to did not happen. So, according and the beginning of the 2000s major dates, the Pit celebrates to the authorities’ plan, the demonstrate a rise of attention International Holocaust on May 9 a group of Jewish black obelisk was supposed to towards the Pit from the local Remembrance Day on 27 activistsMichail Nordštejn, organized inin 1975the Pit be replaced with a new Soviet and international authorities. January though representatives a major meeting dedicated to memorial with a reference to For instance, in 1992 Yama was of the Jewish community the twentieth anniversary of anonymous “peaceful citizens” Figure 16. 21 October, 1993. Photo by visited by Israeli Minister for admit that fewer people come the victory. That day one of the Foreign Affairs Shimon Peres. to these meetings nowadays.

event’s initiators, an officer the rumors were saying that the Minkovič The events were becoming This, probably, happens due and a veteran of the Great officials(Нордштейн, had a radical2000). Moreover,idea of more and more formal starting to a massive migration of Jews leveling the Pit with the ground to include public speeches, that became possible after the an inspiring speech despite the laying the flowers, and bringing collapse of the Soviet Union presencePatriotic Warof authorities, Davidovič KGBmade was an assumption, a project for white-blue Israeli flags, which (Akapian, 2015). Official visits, agents and the police. His call a(Левин, new memorial 2005). While was actually the latest was unimaginable in the earlier obviously, still happen here: to remember the Jews who designed. For protesting against during my observation of the perished in the Pit affected the this decision the same activists During this period thousands of Pit, I found by the obelisk two community strongly, and next wrote a letter addressed peopledecades were (Нордштейн, staying by 2000). the Pit’s large flower wreaths from a year several thousand people personally to Belarusian leader edge, stairs, and on its bottom Jewish charity organization and In the early after-war years, - not only on the Victory Day but the state of Israel (fig.18). Even right after the black obelisk’s than a thousand signatures. also on the anniversaries of the though this makes the memorial installation the Pit was visited cameevents, to though, the meeting were (Нордstill highly AlthoughMašeraŭ and they collected never got more an ghetto’s liquidation in October site look visited and it is well and maintained by people controlledштейн, 2000). by the Such police annual that in official response the project was and a legendary March pogrom. maintained the everyday life whose relatives were shot or the early 80s started to use The neat cobblestones replaced of the Pit can be barely called buried in the career. However, eventful. arrests of Jewish activists canceled (Нордштейн, 2000). and overall anti-Semitic atmosphere in Soviet Belarus in the 50s caused that just a few Figure 17. Opening of the reconstructed Pit on July 10, 2000. Photo E. Kazjulia people were coming there for commemorating the Holocaust victims. Being threatened by the potential consequences some of Jews preferred to avoid

Archival photos of this time reflectthis place that (Нордштейн, at that moment 2000). the Pit was surrounded by the wild grass and bushes, and the closest to the career structure was a small country-look-like house with a rickety fence (fig.14). Figure 14. 1967. Photo by V. Marcyonka Figure 15. June, 1963. Photo by T. Ananjina

36 IV. Case studies. Case I The Centre for the Future of Places

a poorly studied area. Thus, Orthodox tradition, had an even Therefore, this observation gave who of them came to the their activities slightly differed according to my calculation, number. While the main part of an impression of a very specific memorial for a purpose and who depending on time and a day, out of 342 people who were the group came down the stairs social practice. This large family, just noticed it while walking. which is shown in the table and passing by the Pit and, hence, to the obelisk two men and a factually, was pilgrimaging to By indirect signs like a photo on the schemes. So, the most of had an opportunity to see it 29 woman stayed on the paved area the places of memory about camera, a use of a navigator, a the counted people were just interacted with the memorial by the sculptural menorah and World War II. As it was clear content of conversations, body passing by. In after work hours, in some way. By interaction, waited for the rest. Meanwhile, from the behavior of adults, language, etc. I can suppose that they tended to walk rather alone I mean any kind of contact after laying of flowers a young transferring knowledge about besides a big group of Russian than in groups and some of including a detailed exploration woman had a chat with a couple its events to children was one tourists only 4 visitors came them were carrying the grocery of the whole memorial as well that arrived at the memorial of their aims in this trip. As to the Pit specially. The rest bags, supposedly, coming back as just reading an inscription before them. After finishing she an older woman mentioned, of those who interacted with from work. Additionally to a on the menorah-shaped stela, came back upstairs and stopped they did not have any Jewish the memorial seemed to be destination walk, I admitted taking a look at the Pit, and even on the stairs for discussing the roots but they thought of the passersby that noticed the Pit such activities as walking with a discussing it with a companion memorial’s history with the Holocaust as “unfair”, so decided and decided to explore it. dog or a baby, cycling, and rarely from the distance. Among children. to express their respect to its The rest of the activities jogging and riding a skateboard. those 29 only 14 went down It was obvious to me that victims. that were happening by the Pit All of them, though, had a transit the stairs and took a look at a this visit was carefully planned Generally, visitors’ behavior turned out to be quite routine. character and did not happen whole memorial. For some of and had a special meaning for by the Pit allowed assuming The number of people and exactly by the memorial. the visitors, obviously, a lack of these people, so I asked those a physical access played a role. who stayed upstairs what the For instance, a young mother purpose of their visit was. with a stroller had to stay on the During a brief conversation, I top of the Pit while her friend found out that this big family and their kids were exploring arrived from a Russian city the black obelisk in the bottom. Nizhny Novgorod for spending The same happened to two their vacation in Belarus. Figure 19 Figure 18 other groups of visitors: while Interestingly, their family trip some of their members went had a very precise focus: their down others decided to wait for aim was to visit all the so-called 342 passersby them on the paved area by the Hero Cities and local memorials 29 stairs. related to the Great Patriotic of them interacted Probably, the most War. Hero City was an honorable with the memorial remarkable practice noticed title that was established in 14 went down to the during the observations the Soviet Union and given to represents a specific kind of thirteen cities that expressed obelisk tourism or even a pilgrimage. “outstanding heroism” in the war During one of my sessions that including Belarusian Minsk and took place around midday, a Brest (Smorodinskaya, 2007). big group of visitors came to In addition, in this vacation, the Pit. It was the largest group they went to major memorial The field observations that of people I had seen there; complexes Chatyn and Red Coast were conducted this year in additionally, their behavior was in other regions of the country. the period from 16 July to 16 quite specific. Three women of The family members seemed August aimed to discover what different ages and two young very enthusiastic and expressed practices are common nearby men were walking to the deep knowledge of the subject the Pit these days. Though, memorial being followed by by operating, for instance, unfortunately, none of the four children. Some of the adults names of the memorials’ observations happened during were carrying the flowers and authors. By the moment of our the public events the collected while coming closer to the stairs conversation, they managed to results shed a light on everyday they started to divide them visit all the Hero Cities except practices by the Holocaust among the kids so each of them, for Murmansk, Kyiv and Odesa. memorials in Minsk, which is according to a Christian

38 39 IV. Case studies. Case II The Centre for the Future of Places

History of the Broken Hearth

Figure 21. A memorial stone to the Jews deported from Bremen Although the first memorial Jews” were treated as high- completely demolished designed by an architect Michail stones to the Holocaust victims qualified workers and, hence, Hauchfeld and became a appeared in a former Jewish had some privileges both in authorities made a decision starting point in remembrance cemetery in the 90s a brief terms of provision and safety, about(Козак, establishing 2012). The a Soviet city park of the foreign Jews perished in introduction into its earlier at least at the beginning of the instead of the cemetery, which Belarus. Today nine memorial history is needed. Known as the was quite a common practice stones shape a round square “third” Jewish cemetery, it was 2002). It is important to remind in relation to old graveyards forming the Pantheon of established in 1868. According thatoccupation this cemetery period was(Смоляр, used for Memory (fig.22). Its round to different sources, it was burying the victims of pogroms field and opened stage replaced shape symbolizes a circular working as a graveyard until that happened in Minsk ghetto. tombstones(Медведь, 2012). that, probably, A football were yellow sign that Jews in Minsk being closed in 1946 or 1951 All these circumstances to a high even used for a construction of ghetto were obliged to wear on under the veil of a lack of space degree determined a current - appearance of the today’s As in a case of the Pit, the addition to the victims Figure 19. An entrance to a Jewish cemetery memorial park. 90snew opened structures a new (Козак, page 2012).in the fromtheir Hamburg,clothes (Левин, the stones 2011). In in Minsk ghetto, 1946 thesefor new days burial the placesformer (Воло Jewish It is not known much about commemoration of those who commemorate Jews deported cemeteryжинский, serves 2015). as Although a city park, this place in the period between were murdered and buried here. from Dusseldorf (October, during Minsk’s occupation it 1944 and the 90s, which may It has started in 1993 with an 1998), Bremen (February, used to be a graveyard inside be partly caused by anti- installation of a memorial stone 2002), Cologne and Bonn the ghetto. More specifically, it Semitic and atheistic politics to Hamburg Jews that were (October, 2008), Berlin was situated on its southeastern of the Soviet Union. Mostly deported to Belarus. According (June, 2009), Austrian cities periphery, next to zonderghetto the cemetery is mentioned in to an inscription on this stone (September, 2009), Frankfurt – a district where Jews deported regard to a special commission stela made in Belarusian and am Main (March, 2012), from Europe lived. Since the first that investigated Nazis crimes German, more than 1350 Jews Konigsberg and East Prussia group of European prisoners after Minsk’s liberation in were transferred to Minsk (June, 2015), and Czech arrived from Hamburg, 1944. According to the reports ghetto and only 8 of them Brno (November, 2015). they were informally called developed by the Extraordinary survived. This stone was Noticeably, the erection of “Hamburg Jews” even though State Commission for these stelas was initiated later transport brought people Ascertaining and Investigating and supported by numerous from other German cities as well Crimes Perpetrated by German- actors including municipalities as from Austria, Czechoslovakia, Fascist Invaders and Their of the abovementioned Belgium, and the Netherlands Collaborators, 5,670 people cities, embassies of Germany were killed here between 1941 and Israel, international of Minsk ghetto was surrounded - organizations, Union of by(Ботвинник, a fence and 2000). even had This its part own Belarusian Jewish Public rule that barely contacted with nextand 1943 stage (Адамушко, in the history Гераси of this Associations and Communities, Judenrat. In addition, “Hamburg placeмова, hadСелеменев, started in 2010). the 70s The Minsk Municipality, etc. when the cemetery was Additionally, an architect Leonid Levin had been involved in the design of the Pantheon of Memory. Figure 22

40 41 IV. Case studies. Case II The Centre for the Future of Places

Another significant part of the area by the memorial where the memorialization military memorial park is a number of museum staff had to examine symbols or “violence”. “The old Jewish tombstones placed on them and make a decision memorial is very simple but the grass next to the Pantheon regarding their preservation. In causes an enormous emotional of Memory (fig.23). According the idea of the museum’s head impact” to the local witnesses, they keep Vadzim Akapian, founded stones An additional effect was appearing on the ground around in the future should be arranged achieved (Левин, by a careful 2011, attention 2012). the neighborhood, especially in a lapidarium, a special wall to the landscape, in particular, after the rains, continuously with installed and exposed an old picturesque tree that was tombstones. For the realization an onlooker of the sad events of this idea, though, today there memorized by the sculpture 2015).changing The the first landscape large series (Бор ofдовская, the stones 2015; appeared Воложинский, here Finally, the last part of the on a red square granite podium in 2007, after being found by memorialis no funding on a(Кохно, former 2018). Jewish in(Горевой, Belarusian, 2008). Russian, An inscription Hebrew, workers during the construction cemetery became a sculpture and English says “At this place of a new pipeline along the Broken Hearth installed in in 1941-1943 more than 5,000 southeastern edge of the 2008 (fig.24). Like the newest of Jews were exterminated by part of the Pit, it was designed fascists and their collaborators. Nowadays builders still find the by Leanid Levin, this time in Eternal memory to the innocent stonespark (Воложинский, during the construction 2015). collaboration with a sculptor victims of Nazism”. Additionally, works, as it happened in May this podium reminds of a 2018. So, during the demolition As the main metaphor Levin of an old building in the city usedMaksim an imagePiatrul of (Левин, a destroyed 2011). 2008). As it was highlighted by center, they discovered that its family house represented by Levinhouse’s and foundation his daughter (Горевой, Halina, foundation was made of Jewish a Vienna chair and a cracked this part of the memorial was tombstones with inscriptions round table with bent legs. fully funded by the Minsk Figure 23 in Hebrew. According to the As Levin mentioned in the agreement with the Jewish interviews, he aimed to create original initiator of the project, Museum in Minsk, all the a philosophical, non-literal though,Municipality was Levin (Левин, himself 2011). An findings were transferred to the illustration to the grief avoiding with a group of Minsk ghetto common for the Soviet imprisoners.

Figure 24

43 IV. Case studies. Case II The Centre for the Future of Places

Due to a lack of the sources, it 1993. Most probably, at that this might be just a planned Social is not known much about the moment old Soviet facilities reconstruction. Regardless, in past of Jewish cemetery and, in were in quite a poor state. this period the park radically practices, particular, social practices that At least, they definitely were changed its appearance and had happened there. One of the decaying several years after status. web sources claims that in after- in the 2000s, which is obvious Doubtlessly, the erected not-such-a- war years Soviet authorities from the photos made in this memorials affected social were preventing Jews from period. Additionally, some practices around; though, social place coming to the cemetery and memoirs confirm a lack of the most probably, they provoked taking care of their relatives’ park’s maintenance by claiming rather occasional activities graves. Few years after the that it had always been dark and than a change in the everyday Jewish cemetery was closed, use of the park. In addition to which caused its deterioration. 2015). In the 2000s, ancient the ceremonies of each stone’s The park that appeared here Jewishthe grass tombstones was not cut started (Петрова, to installation, other events Figure 26. Opening of the Broken Hearth, 2008 in the 70s was designed with appear on the ground surface. happen by the Pantheon of their cellphones on the benches, interacted with it. 3 of them a football field and a summer According to the memories Memory. For instance, in 2017 playing with their kids, cycling. were children who were stage; therefore, it provided of a young Belarusian writer Jewish Religious Community As the schemes show, visitors’ followed by 3 adults; only one with an infrastructure for Siarhej Kalenda, young people organized a meeting dedicated activities and a number of man read an inscription on leisure to inhabitants of used to seat on these stones for to the International Holocaust people in the park differed the stone stelas and carefully 130 passersby the nearest neighborhoods. watching the football games Remembrance Day on 27 depending on time and day, explored them. The rest 5 just 12 Repeating each other, websites on a sports ground. Besides, January. Considering that the Pit sometimes significantly. So, for quickly looked at the Pantheon of them interacted state that in 1990 the territory the teenagers used the park for has always gathered people for instance, around lunchtime, I of Memory while passing by. with the memorial of the cemetery was “leveled other activities like gathering, such occasions, the memorial on saw two groups of people who According to several 1 person read an with the ground”, which is lighting the fires, drinking, the former cemetery may have met their acquaintances, greeted official decisions of the Minsk inscription on a stone controversial since a foundation - a good potential for providing them and had a quick chat. Municipality, different private of the old opened scene can be with alternative, more intimate Most probably, these people institutions were planning found on the photos from 2007 andall the even found having tombstones sex (Петро have space for commemorative were co-workers who were to develop a detailed plan beenва, 2015). transferred Starting to from the hill, 2007, next events. Besides, this proves having a walk during their lunch for a site where the Jewish although the information about to the Pantheon of Memory. that the place can serve not breaks. It was the only moment cemetery was situated. As my the(Воложинский, former Jewish 2007). cemetery Anyway, is Today new stones continue exclusively for international when this type of activities was search showed, this happened fragmented this research was arriving and disappearing: while formal delegations but the local noticed. at least twice in 2005 and focused on social practices at the beginning of my field groups and their needs. Among practices that involved 2006 . Being concerned about related to the memorial, hence, observations I found several Regarding routine social interaction with the memorial, the future of the burials the those that have taken place from dozens of broken gravestones, in practices, seven field I can distinguish taking a Jewish community addressed the 90s. one month on their place there observations demonstrated that look at the memorial stones a letter to a responsible firm. As it was mentioned, the first were only two (fig.25-26). different parts of the memorial of the Pantheon of Memory It is not known if their protest memorial stone to Hamburg In 2003, Minsk Municipality do not affect them significantly. or reading the inscriptions or other factors played a key Jews was installed in the park in stated that among other green Among the most common on them. Surprisingly, all the role but nothing was built in areas in the city this park should activities in the triangular contacts with the sculpture the area yet. Despite this fact, be reconstructed in the period area around the memorial, I Broken Hearth were initiated today a large part of the park between 2004 and 2008 . It is distinguished transit walking by children. During the is surrounded by a fence and impossible to conclude without and various recreational observations I saw twice how looks like it is currently under a further research whether practices that did not involve they made their parents to the construction. The search on this decision was caused by the interaction with the memorial. come closer to the sculpture the satellite maps confirmed continuous installation of the In the recreational practices I for walking on its base, playing this. Certainly, these may be memorial stones or not. Was it included walking around a park, around or touching it. This was works related to underground an aspiration to create a more sitting on park benches alone or also confirmed by Halina Levina engineering or landscaping, appropriate environment for in a small group, walking a dog, who mentioned children’s active and public land will not be a place of commemoration or walking with a stroller or with attention towards the memorial appropriated by the private to make a good impressionon older children. Additionally, during the interview. Therefore, actors. Even in this case, though, foreign officials that were less frequently people were among the 130 people who were Jewish graves still may be in a opening the stones? For sure, smoking, reading or checking passing by the memorial 12 risk of destruction.

Figure 25 Figure 26

44 45 IV. Case studies The Centre for the Future of Places

A Zaslaŭskaja Street Suchaja Street

Kalektarnaja Street Path along the Alley

B

C

Melnikajte Street

Scheme I. Tracing of the passersby routes nearby the Pit memorial Scheme III. Tracing of the passersby routes in the memorial park July 21, 2018. Saturday, 14.35-14.50 July 21, 2018. Saturday, 14.00-14.20

A Zaslaŭskaja Street Suchaja Street

Kalektarnaja Street

Path along the Alley

B

C Residential buildings Hospital

Hotel Public buildings

Public buildings Industrial buildings

Melnikajte Street

Scheme II. Tracing of the passersby routes nearby the Pit memorial Scheme IV. Tracing of the passersby routes in the memorial park July 23, 2018. Monday, 12.40-13.00 August 8, 2018. Wednesday, 11.20-11.40

09.30-09.50, Thursday 14.35-14.50, Saturday 08.50-09.10, Thursday* 14.00-14.20, Saturday**** women men children total women men children total women men children total women men children total Street A A 10 11 - 21 9 11 1 21 1 2 1 4 2 1 - 3 ZaslaŭskajaMelnikajte Street ZaslaŭskajaMelnikajte StreetStreet B B 7 7 - 14 10 5 3 18 1 - - 1 1 1 - 2 Path along the Alley Path along the Alley C C 7 2 - 9 3 1 - 4 6 3 - 9 2 3 - 5 11.50-12.10, Wednesday* 16.30-16.50, Sunday*** 11.20-11.40, Wednesday** 17.05-17.25, Sunday women men children total women men children total women men children total women men children total A A 4 7 - 11 15 12 - 27 4 10 1 15 3 2 - 5 ZaslaŭskajaMelnikajte StreetStreet ZaslaŭskajaMelnikajte StreetStreet B B - 5 - 5 8 9 - 17 5 2 - 7 - - - - Path along the Alley Path along the Alley C C - 1 - 1 3 7 3 13 7 10 1 18 2 2 - 4 12.40-13.00, Monday** 17.45-18.00, Friday**** 12.05-12.25, Monday*** 18.05-18.20, Friday***** women men children total women man children total women men children total women man children total A A 28 16 3 47 34 6 8 48 8 3 4 15 1 5 3 9 ZaslaŭskajaMelnikajte StreetStreet ZaslaŭskajaMelnikajte StreetStreet B B 10 10 2 22 5 10 - 15 4 1 2 7 - - - - Table III. Counting of the passersby Path along the Alley Path along the Alley Table IV. Counting of the passersby C C by the Pit memorial 3 8 2 13 3 4 - 7 in the memorial park 7 11 1 19 1 - - 1

46 47 IV. Case studies. Case III The Centre for the Future of Places

Figure 28

Even though in the case massive collection of the Outcome of Sweden Holocaust names of those who were memorialization had been killed during the Holocaust of national a part of the national policy, but remembered by survivors certain personalities played living in Sweden. The campaign policy or a crucial role in the creation had begun within the family of the Holocaust memorial and personal acquaintances. by the Great Synagogue. An Nonetheless, even on this stage, individual independent activist Roman Wroblewski managed to gain Wroblewski came up with an more than 2300 names, which effort? idea of the name memorial clearly demonstrated a scale and drew the first sketch of the future project. Later the for it. Additionally, he was information about the names collecting the names of the collection was spread among the memorized victims, applying visitors of the Great Synagogue for funding and, which is even and parents of children who more important, pushing studied at the Jewish school. an implementation forward Some people were delivering despite numerous issues dozens or even hundreds of appearing in the process. names that resulted in a number The latest he performed of almost 8,500 (Wroblewski, in a close collaboration 2013). with a KTH professor and a These events formed a Holocaust survivor Halina concept of the name memorial survived, remembered, and the idea, the first sketch city was its “Jewish” history Neujahr (Wroblewski, 2013). that could commemorate named them (Martinez, 2017). painted by an architect Tadeusz and present. In addition Regardless a fact that the Jewish those who perished far from In order to collect more Klimczak (fig.27), and almost to the synagogue and the community in Sweden had been their homes and, probably, did names from the members of full funding granted from the Community House (Judiska institutionalized for a long time not even have proper graves. the community and further public money. Församlingen), a Jewish school and the government openly In addition to the names, the develop the project, Wroblewski Among potential project sites Hillel still occupies a building supported activities related memorial was supposed to involved Halina Neujahr. As a two, according to Wroblewski, on Riddargatan 5 in the same to the Holocaust memory, contain dates and places of board member of the Stockholm had the best potential for area. Moreover, a building where this project turned out to be birth and death. According to Association, becoming a meaningful place of Raoul Wallenberg used to be challenging and depending on a the authors’ idea, this could she presented the project memory. His first choice was a a frequent quest as a child is private initiative. have shown that the victims during one of the meetings. current location of the memorial located in Arsenalgatan and The idea of the name of the Holocaust were people Although the board reacted to in the Great Synagogue’s his former office is based on Figure 27. The first sketch memorial appeared within of different ages and origins this idea mostly negatively she courtyard. The second one Strandvägen 7a (Schult, 2009). made by Tadeusz Klimczak Wroblewski’s family. In 1993 who died, though, in only a managed to organize the next was today’s Raoul Wallenberg The crucial point in choosing his mother-in-law visited a few places. These links were meeting with a participation square nearby. One of his major between two places became cemetery in Poland and could conceived for demonstrating of Wroblewski. The second intentions was to find a centrally a fact that the synagogue not find the graves of her terrifying “logistics” of the presentation went with more located site with a constant had been regularly visited by relatives who died or were Holocaust (Wroblewski, 2013). approval, and the Association presence of people. By contrast the high-school students in murdered during the Second Additionally, the memorial was agreed to be mentioned in the to the abovementioned places, accordance with the Swedish World War. As it turned out, the designed for translating an idea official applications for funding. the rest of the considered sites study program. Installation graves were simply removed of a connection between present Regardless, the first application were situated outside of the of the memorial there was an and instead plaques with the generations and murdered Jews. to the City Hall Wroblewski city with a lack of access like, opportunity to transfer the names were put on the cemetery These people would not have and Neujahr signed earlier as for instance, a hill on the Jewish knowledge about the Holocaust wall. This incident caused a been commemorated if their two individuals. By the end of cemetery. Another reason for to new generations including relatives or friends had not summer 1994 the activists had focusing on this part of the non-Jewish youth.

48 49 IV. Case studies. Case III The Centre for the Future of Places

Tension was rather expensive, especially considering that the Holocaust Surprisingly, this plan faced survivors were mostly retired names. Roman Wroblewski even and open spaces (fig.29). discontent of the Jewish people who lived on their claimed that his initial idea was Decorative lanterns and a Congregation of Stockholm pensions. Moreover, the letters stolen (Wroblewski, 2013). menorah made in the same that owned and still owns the with this request were delivered In addition, the name memorial manner are installed in front Great Synagogue’s territory. only to the “paying members” was complemented by of the wall and seen from Unfortunately, this happened of the Jewish Congregation sculptural elements created Wahrendorffsgatan. The visitor after their previous approval (Wroblewski, 2013). Therefore, by Sivert Lindblom. Originally, can leave through a gate right in and getting a permit from whereas Wroblewski and granite slabs were creating a front of the wall or go back the Swedish officials. One of the Neujahr in their project were symbolic menorah by differing same way. reasons for an unexpected trying to commemorate in heights. In the final design, Remarkably, another place protest was a fact that the everyone, the local Congregation though, a metal menorah is of memory related to the Jewish Congregation saw its chose quite an exclusive tactic. placed in front of the memorial Holocaust, specifically a Swedish mission in serving the needs While the concept of the wall nearby the main entrance diplomat Raoul Wallenberg of “Swedish Jews” whereas name memorial was formed to the Synagogue. Additionally, was erected nearby in 2011 none “Swedish Jew” suffered from the beginning its shape a metal vase made in the same and nowadays is physically from the Holocaust (Feldman, had been changing multiple manner serves for the stones and symbolically linked to the 1994). In addition, three times. Original designs that visitors are supposed to put name memorial. A number other points complemented proposed by an architect by the names of their relatives. of bronze ground sculptures this argumentation against Tadeusz Klimczak occupied designed by an artist Kirsten the memorial’s installation. the segment of the wall visible Present Ortwed had completed Firstly, the institution argued from Wahrendorffsgatan. After the restorationproject of a that employees of the Jewish applying for an official approval Today, if one stays at Raoul former Nybroplan, or today’s Community parked their cars and funding from the City Wallenberg square or Berzelii RaoulWallenberg torg. The Figure 31. View from Raoul Wallenberg torg in the suggested site. Secondly, Hall, it was necessary to run a Park, the Holocaust memorial restoration process that to the name memorial it was claimed that the hooks competition in accordance with Figure 29 in Stockholm seems to be just took place from 1996 to in a blind wall in the project a formal procedure. Therefore, a narrow space between the 2001 was led by an architect site were used for installing new projects appeared. One of Synagogue and a high wall. A Aleksander Wolodarski who Sukkah – a temporary hut- them (fig.28) was developed visitor can enter through one of also came up with an idea of looking construction for Sukkot by a sculptor Sivert Lindblom two gates that are open during a linkage between two places celebrations. Finally, as a formal and represented another the working hours of the Jewish of memory. However, he and problem was pointed out a interpretation of the same Community. On the right side Gabriel Herdevall managed fact that Wroblewski was not idea of the name memorial. of this 42 meters path, one will to turn this connection into a member of the Congregation By contrast to the previous find light-gray stones with the reality only in 2004. The link is (Wroblewski, 2013). suggestions, this design was carved names of the Holocaust represented by a narrow path Additionally, Wroblewski conceived as a volumetric victims and the information made of cobblestones (fig.30). stated that there was another composition placed in the about their birth and death Interestingly, the cobblestones significant reason for blocking middle of the inner courtyard Figure 30 (Schult, 2009). Though, were specially delivered the memorial’s erection in the (Wroblewski, 1995). Due to a sometimes this information from , which chosen place. As a matter of fact, fact that none of the projects was not remembered or even highlights a connection with the Jewish Congregation at the was selected in the first tour, known; in these cases there Wallenberg’s personality. The moment was involved to the the second round had to be are blanks. The path along the metal elements that frame the creation of another memorial organized (Rothe, 2015). wall first goes down and then stones imitate a railway. This to the Holocaust victims in Finally, a project designed by rises again with several steps linking path was named Vägen, a Jewish cemetery. Their an architect Gabriel Herdevall to an open space in front of the or the Way. In turn, an alley approach, though, was quite was implemented in 1998. main entrance to the Synagogue. where the name memorial was different. Each family, regardless Similarly to an original concept, During the day a narrow part erected was called Aron Isaac’s an actual number of murdered it occupied a firewall between of the memorial is shadowed, gränd in a memory of “the first relatives, had to pick up to the synagogue and a Catholic which creates a contrast Jewish immigrant who was three names and pay for metal church and was composed of between the buildings and the allowed to practice his religion in plaques with them. One plaque stone slabs with the victims’ sky as well as between closed Sweden” (Schult, 2009).

50 51 IV. Case studies. Case III The Centre for the Future of Places

As in the case of Minsk, direct Among this amount, 21 from Australia as tourists and Another opportunity to have still not clear. As Roman Social observations were conducted people were involved in some was looking for the names of the a tour around the memorial Wroblewski admitted in his in Stockholm. Since none kind of interaction with the relatives who were murdered site is booking an appointment interview, people come to the practices in of them happened during memorial. The most common in Auschwitz. At first, the with one of the members of Synagogue though they do not commemoration days or other type of such interaction was Australian couple was staying the Jewish Congregation. In know what exactly to do as far events (official visits, guided taking a look at the memorial by a fence and entered only after accordance with a schedule as a ritual has not been formed (non)public tours, etc.), observations mostly site and less frequently some woman opened the gate on their website, in summer yet. Regarding the international gave an understanding of reading the inscriptions on from inside and confirmed that these excursions are available attention towards the memorial, space everyday practices around the the informational plaques or they could explore the memorial from Monday to Thursday at Barack Obama visited it in 2013 Holocaust memorial. In addition discussing it with a companion. freely. When I asked the woman 11 and 12 and by Fridays at on the eve of Rosh Hashanah, to seven 15-minutes sessions, While the majority of the about visiting hours she replied 11 only. While I contacted the or the Jewish New Year. The I visited the memorial two people who interacted with that the memorial was available Congregation on October 26, I former Swedish Prime Minister more times, for meeting Roman the memorial seemed to be during the working time. So was offered time on November Fredrik Reinfeldt, a rabbi as well Wroblewski in the Community passersby, a few of them came to states the official website of the 5 and turned out to be the as Raoul Wallenberg’s family House and having a guided the memorial site for a purpose. Jewish Congregation though it only participant of the tour. members joined him in this visit tour with Folke Holtz in the One group of four people acted does not specify exact hours It lasted around an hour and during which the ex-president memorial site as well as inside like they came for visiting the as well. Additionally, on the included the information about placed stones by the name of the Synagogue. According to memorial though, due to a fact same day, I checked two other Judaism and Jewish culture memorial (Nosanchuk, 2013). the results of my observations, that it was a weekend, were entrances to the courtyard and rather than the memorial. The 277 people were passing by not able to come inside the found out that they were locked. cost of the tour, which is also along Wahrendorffsgatan in courtyard. Additionally, two As this incident demonstrated, announced on the website, both directions and, hence, couples during two different the memorial by the Great is 150 kronor, 20 dollars or had an opportunity to see sessions were fully exploring the Synagogue has not only public 15 euro. Therefore, public the memorial and enter the memorial. As it turned out, one but international meaning technically has opportunities Figure 32. Visitor by the memorial, Synagogue’s courtyard. of these couples arrived though an access to it seems to to visit the memorial as well as summer 2018 be confusing to the visitors. gain the information about its As it was mentioned, visitors history; albeit, both a regime also come to the memorial of work and a price policy do 277 passersby site with guided tours though not encourage visiting by being 21 of them interacted I did not discover how often rather exclusive. with the memorial this happens. The first group Finally, formal events with 6 of visitors is represented by a participation of Swedish people came for a the schoolchildren. According and international authorities purpose to a newly developed in represent another segment of 2011 national curricula, the the social practices that take education about the Holocaust place around the memorial. So, is mandatory for students a ceremony of the memorial’s of the secondary and upper- opening in September 1998 secondary school levels. Though involved the King of Sweden the document does not specify Carl XVI Gustav (Rothe, 2015). the number of hours dedicated In 2000, a governmental to the subject, so it directly institution The Living History depends on a teacher (The Forum established a national Living History Forum, 2011). Holocaust Memorial Day that Nonetheless, as the interviews is annually celebrated by the confirmed, this has encouraged Jewish Community. Although school students coming to the The Living History Forum Holocaust memorial site by claims that in recent years this the Great Synagogue, which day has gained the status of an partly became a rationale for official commemorative date the memorial’s erection in this (The Living History Form), its particular place. meaning for the community is

52 53 V

Kungsträdgården Discussion and Raoul Wallenbergs torg Catholic church implications Synagogue

Wahrendorffsgatan

Scheme V. Tracing of the passersby routes nearby the name memorial in Stockholm October 28, 2018. Saturday, 13.30-13.45

Kungsträdgården

Raoul Wallenbergs torg Catholic church Synagogue

Wahrendorffsgatan

Scheme VI. Tracing of the passersby routes nearby the name memorial in Stockholm November 2, 2018. Friday, 08.55-09.10

08.55-09.10, Friday 13.35-13.50, Saturday*** women men children total women men children total from Kungsträdgården from Kungsträdgården 5 5 - 10 4 11 2 17 to Kungsträdgården to Kungsträdgården 18 30 - 48 12 15 - 27 12.10-12.25, Tuesday* 14.05-14.20, Thursday**** women men children total women men children total from Kungsträdgården from Kungsträdgården 6 8 - 14 9 10 - 19 to Kungsträdgården to Kungsträdgården 5 10 - 15 5 6 - 11 13.30-13.45, Sunday** 16.55-17.10, Monday***** women men children total women man children total from Kungsträdgården from Kungsträdgården 2 6 - 8 15 20 - 35 Table V. Counting of the passersby to Kungsträdgården to Kungsträdgården by the name memorial 4 9 1 14 6 9 - 15

54

Figure 33. July 3, 1993. Photo by M. Minkovič V. Discussion and implications The Centre for the Future of Places

Coming back to the original participants of the approval of the Roma minority during the the Great Synagogue had been Discussion research questions, all of process it was rarely put in Holocaust. Knowledge about almost all the existing Holocaust started as an independent them were answered to a the international perspective. this aspect of the Holocaust memorials(Касперович, in Minsk 2018). are Since linked initiative but not as a part of and certain degree by this report. The latest can be applied to the in Belarus is fragmented and to Levin’s personality, it is hard the Holocaust commemoration Due to the time limitations of memorials in Minsk that were commemoration of the Roma to assume how the Holocaust mainstream. Though, a fact that implications this project, I was not able to barely analyzed as a part of the victims is represented by memorialization will be the process of the memorial’s perform a full review of the European culture of memory. only three memorials that developing after his death. approval overlapped with the archival documents in Belarus. mention this ethnic group Regarding the changes in the governmental interest in the Their detailed analysis could Discourse (Kotljarchuk, 2013). Therefore, design of the studied memorials, subject might result in the fast have discovered additional existing Holocaust memorials the report demonstrates and generous financial support details about the decision- Although generally public’s narrate only about a part of that they have always been from the City Hall. making process regarding the perception of the Great Patriotic its history. This narrative can connected to the changes in the In addition, Stockholm’s memorials’ installation and the War in Belarus is considered be complemented by new politics of memory. For instance, case clearly demonstrates the process of their design. Such a memorials that commemorate an erection of the black obelisk significance of inclusive bottom- work, though, would require 2009), the memory about the other groups of victims or was a typical example of up design practices. Collection weeks or even months. Also, an Holocaustas homogeneous is less solid(Ластовский, than provide with a new perspective bottom-up memorialization of the victims’ names and, amount of direct observations one could expect. So, both of on the familiar events. in after-war years that took hence, returning them their was not enough for making the studied memorials have place in Belarus, Lithuania, dignity became a fundamental informed conclusions about the experienced the attacks of neo- Power and Latvia (Young, 1994). In idea for the memorial. This patterns of the social practices Nazi organizations. During their turn, a demolition of the Jewish idea was reflected both in the around the memorials. This actions, vandals covered the A question of power, in other cemetery and establishing the design and in the process that research, though, can serve memorials with paint and left a words, who has conceived the park on its place was also not aimed to be transparent and as a base for making starting note with threats by the Pit. A commemorative spaces, was one engaging. As it was mentioned, hypothesis for the further researcher Leanid Smilavitsky of the crucial in this research. 2012). Therefore, new objects the Jewish Congregation was studies in this area. Nonetheless, also claims that Jewish As this report demonstrates, ina unique the studied practice memorial (Медведь, sites working on another project this report summarized the cemeteries and synagogues the Belarusian government have not been random but for the Holocaust victims’ information regarding the around the country had been was involved in both the represented a certain tendencies commemoration. Their memorials’ history, design and regularly attacked by vandals reconstruction of the Pit and an in the politics of memory. approach, though, provoked a social role comprehensively, during the 90s (Smilovitsky, installation of the memorial in Recognizing the uniqueness of significant tension and even which was not done before. 2007). Thus, alternative the Jewish cemetery. However, each case, though, can allow phone calls with complaints due Such a summary can contribute attitudes towards the Holocaust not the government but the capturing what makes a certain to a reason that only “paying significantly to the further exist in Belarus though they are Jewish community initiated memorial an influential place of members” of the Segregation studies on the Holocaust rather marginal. their erection; additionally, a commemoration and another were suggested to choose up memorials in Belarus and Additionally, a visible solidity personal role of Leanid Levin one a silent stone. to three dead relatives and pay Sweden. of the war discourse in the case is noticeable. So, other places In the Swedish context, the for a name plaque for each of In the case of Sweden, the of Belarus may signal rather of commemoration to the government has played an them (Wroblewski, 2013). Thus, main limitation for the report about its selective character Holocaust victims installed in active role in the Holocaust while a participatory approach became a lack of knowledge in than a social agreement the latest years in Minsk were commemoration by being an can encourage people to identify Swedish. However, the report regarding it. As it was also designed by Levin’s studio. initiator and a major sponsor themselves with a memorial composes a coherent narrative mentioned, official discourse The first of them is a monument of the related activities. In the and a process of its creation, about the name memorial in does not support an inclusion of to the ghetto victims in the city case of the name memorial in exclusive principles may cause Stockholm with a focus on certain aspects of the war like, center that appeared in 2009 Stockholm, its creation was protests, claims, and rejection. social practices and its impact, for example, a collaboration of almost fully funded by the City which was not done before. Belarusians with Nazis. In turn, is a large memorial complex Hall. However, as this case Additionally, although the within the Holocaust subject, in(Вайніцкі, the suburbs 2017). that Another was one demonstrates, even with the memorial in Stockholm was there are other lacunas. One designed on a place of a former support of the state private quite well described by the of them, according to Andrej initiative remains important and academics, journalists, and and opened in June 2018 even crucial. The memorial by concentration camp Trasčianeč Katliarčuk, is an extermination

56 57 V. Discussion and implications The Centre for the Future of Places

Design and message

It is needed to admit that It is worth mentioning that both So, the sculpture Walking to Regardless, for answering these appeared in the movies, on the drawing any principal memorials in Minsk specify Death is interpreted by some questions further investigation books’ covers, in the memoirs of conclusions regarding the the Jews as a commemorated sources as a representation of is needed. As Tanja Schult the ghetto imprisoners. While tendencies in the memorials’ group, which sharply contrasts historical events during which points out, as far as the public almost every publication about design in Belarus or Sweden the Soviet era when this was Jews were descending into the is usually not familiar with a the Holocaust in Minsk referred is quite problematic, at least impossible. Additionally, the Pit for being shot and buried complicated context in which a to the Pit, a search of information due to a small number of Broken Hearth mentions Nazi there (Cohen, 2017). As an memorial exists its form itself regarding the other memorial was the contemporary Holocaust collaborators shedding light introduction to the Pit’s history should communicate to the much more challenging. The direct memorials. Besides, considering on an issue that is usually not demonstrated, it is not exactly visitors precisely (Schult, 2009). observations also confirmed this that numerous memorials articulated by media, scholars true; the victims were murdered Continuing discussion on hypothesis. So, a number of people to the Holocaust victims in or politicians. The Pantheon all over the ghetto and only the physical qualities of the around the Pit was approximately Belarus were designed by of Memory is quite unique in several hundreds of them were memorials, the Pit illustrates 2.5 times larger than around one author, Leanid Levin, it is this regard, due to a fact that buried in the Pit. Was this well another thesis articulated the studied area in the former rather possible to follow the it commemorates European inaccurate interpretation caused by Yilmaz. Her hypothesis of cemetery. Besides, several evolution of his personal style Jews including Belarus into by a shape and a position of the detachment is represented individual visitors and groups than a contemporary national the European memory context sculpture? Are these walking precisely in this place of came to the Pit for a purpose, tradition of memorialization. after the decades of the Soviet figures perceived by the public memory (Yilmaz, 2010). The whereas no one came specially to Nevertheless, a sculptor isolation. Though, a fact that too literally? shape of the deep carrier itself the Pantheon of Memory or the Vajnicki attempts to do this by Jews are not mentioned in Secondly, the direct serves here as a powerful Broken Hearth. claiming that figurativeness regard to the Second World War observations allowed architectural tool by contrasting This difference can be caused is commonly used in the in Belarus is still topical. So, an discovering a few unexpected with the surroundings, drawing by numerous reasons including Belarusian Holocaust memorials organizer of the guided tours practices that were taking place people’s attention, and creating the memorials’ location within of the recent years. According to around Jewish places of Belarus around the Broken Hearth a spatial experience different the city fabric. It is obvious to me, him, such a tool can be suitable Sviatlana Berger reacted on the memorial. As it was pointed from routine activities. The though, the main distinction of and expressive for small-scale opening of the memorial in the out, two groups of children latest is especially true for the Pit is its symbolical meaning monuments but does not allow former concentration camp on were playing on the memorial’s Minsk with its monotonous for the Jewish community. The a full use of the larger spaces’ her Facebook page. Her post foundation. Additionally, a topography. This may be an history of the memorial formed said “I very carefully reread the young mother was helping additional reason why so much the myths that, in turn, have a basis of this research, though, news about the opening of the her little son to urinate under more people were attracted to constructed a famous place of itpotential is impossible (Вайніцкі, to distinguish 2017). On memorial in Trasčianeč on the the tree right in front of the this memorial. The objects in memorialization. The place where such a tendency since it includes available websites. Not a word sculpture. Besides, an adult the memorial park, by contrast, thousands of Jews died. The place the analysis of only two places about Jews. Why?” who looked like homeless are placed there in a way that where the community installed of memorialization in Belarus. Additionally, the report was urinating almost in the they have become a part of the first obelisk to them. The place Nonetheless, Vajnicki may mentions what messages same place the other day. Of people’s everyday routes and, where the first massive meeting be right since contemporary Leanid Levin attempted to course, these practices are not therefore, do not suggest any happened. The Pit, for sure, memorials, regardless figurative express through the design equal though both are quite new experiences as well as do can serve as an example to the or abstract, rather tend to of his memorials. This study noticeable. Did these people not identify a significance of this Lefebvrian triad; here physical and provide with the unique spatial can serve as a base for further think that their behavior was place. discursive spaces in connection experiences and engage visitors. research with a focus on the appropriate for a memorials site This research also discovers with social practices constructed While the memorial in Yama has public’s perception of these or simply were not aware of the that the roles of the studied this significant space known to these qualities, the objects in the messages. So far, though, some sculpture’s role? If the latest is memorials have been quite everyone as Yama. former Jewish cemetery more preliminary assumptions are right, was an author’s metaphor different. Although a meaning likely reflect the earlier type of a possible. Firstly, media review too indirect? These questions of the memorial for a certain memorial that tends to form as demonstrated that there is bring back an assumption made a single volume connected with certain confusion regarding a by Yilmaz in The Art of Memory: group is subjective, even on a the park environment (Stevens, function of a sand career on a an unclear message seems to stage of literature and media Franck, 2016). place of the Pit memorial. be able to provoke confusion review the importance of the within a public (Yilmaz, 2010). Pit became obvious. Yama

58 59 V. Discussion and implications The Centre for the Future of Places

Location and identity Implications

In regard to the name memorial large-scale events like, for This research did not seek to the Pit serves as an example of The report also reveals that in Stockholm, its design reflects instance, the uprising in Warsaw make practical implications what Yilmaz calls “detachment” public participation in the the original idea clearly. ghetto. Nonetheless, this does regarding memorials design on (Yilmaz, 2010). At the same memorial’s funding, approval, Though, it is questionable how not mean that Sweden cannot a basis of three analyzed cases. time, though, “detachment” design, maintenance, etc. its location and the regime of have its own perspective on Nonetheless, its findings allow prevents visitors from going significantly amplifies its use correspond to one of the the Holocaust connected with drawing several conclusions down the Pit and exploring further impact. In a case of the initial purposes such as being specifically Swedish experience. that can be applied specifically it. Additionally, review of the Pit, such an involvement was a “shield against racism, Neo- The places that connect Sweden to Belarusian and Swedish visual materials confirmed caused by a lack of resources, Nazism and anti-Semitism”. and the Holocaust are mostly contexts or to other cases. that the Pit have been often anti-Semitic politics, and Additionally, an author of coast areas where refugees These conclusions problematize visited by the elderly, thus, safe other mostly negative factors. the idea Roman Wroblewski were arriving from Norway and a lack of information about and comfortable conditions It seems possible, though, to argued that the memorial was Denmark or numerous countries the memorials and an access for different groups are increase public engagement supposed to constitute the at the end of the war (The Living to them as well as a deficit absolutely necessary. Regarding today for creating more diverse “Swedish contribution to the History Forum, 2011). of participatory practices in the memorial on the former and meaningful places of documentation of the Holocaust” The survey also demonstrates the design of the memorials. cemetery, problems of the memorialization. For sure, (Wroblewski, 2013). Therefore, that today this memorial is Additionally, the findings made physical access are not that this requires new policies that the memorial was conceived situated in the intersection of in this report shed light on an obvious there. Though, an would regulate the procedure as both an intimate place multiple identities. By contrast issue of the memorials’ identity entrance to the memorial of the memorial design with an of commemoration for the to the memorial in the Pit, and location. park is not equipped with a involvement of the state, spatial descendants of the Holocaust though, some of these identities One of the biggest challenges ramp making this place of experts and civil society. victims and a public statement were not organically formed in this research was a lack of memorialization not fully Finally, even though a addressed to the citizens. through time but invented. The information or a limited access inclusive as well. comparison of Belarusian and However, whereas the first name memorial is located in to it, especially in the case of In the case of Stockholm, Swedish contexts was not one objective is achieved the public the alley of Isaac Aaron and Belarus. For example, a heritage a problem of the access was of the report’s objectives one impact of the memorial is not connected to Raoul Wallenberg of Leanid Levin has still not visible from the very beginning, particular aspect allows doing obvious. Raoul Wallenberg’s torg by a so-called Vägen. All being transferred to the city and the report confirms that so. This aspect is an access memorial nearby is built in these names are new and, archives. Therefore, a personal specific memorial’s location to the victims’ names, which the transit public area and, moreover, not relevant to visit to his studio is the only and working hours affect the was challenging but possible therefore, engages more people each other in historical terms way to see the original projects visitors. Additionally, such a in the case of Stockholm and and more likely represents the (Wroblewski, 2013). Tanja of the memorials he designed. location prevents achieving one totally unachievable in Minsk. Swedish role in the Holocaust Schult states in her book that Unfortunately, such significant the initial goals of this memorial. In fact, not only names but resistance. numerous stockholmers still materials are not available for Originally, it aimed to spread even numbers of Belarusian As it was originally planned, call Raoul Wallenberg torg its the public and, moreover, even awareness about the Holocaust victims are still not known the memorial was supposed former name Nybroplan, which for photographing. Making and represent Swedish and, most probably, never to be open on the 50-years confirms that there is certain these projects available would contribution in fighting it will be. This makes a name anniversary of the Auschwitz confusion regarding this area’s contribute significantly to though, in fact, these objectives extremely valuable since it liberation in 1995 (Wroblewski, identity (Schult, 2009). While the work of researchers and were achieved only partly. allows commemorating a person 2013). In fact, the process of in the case of the Pit its various architects and, hence, the Therefore, if a new Holocaust instead of an abstract victim. its design and approval took roles have formed a solid image, memory of the Holocaust. memorial is built, for enhancing While the entire Holocaust longer though another thing is abundance of symbols in the Additionally, as the direct its social impact in the national ideology and “industry” aimed demonstrative in this regard. studied area in Stockholm rater observations demonstrated, and international scales this to blur victim’s individuality, By contrast to the Belarusian represents different visions and the Pit memorial site does not place of commemoration should dignity and significance, calling context, choosing a memorial interests of actors that have provide with a physical access to be created in public space. the victims by their names site that would be meaningful created it. the groups with special needs. Erection of such a memorial in restores all of these. Thus, in for the citizens is problematic Its natural landscape sharply one the sites related to the local the contexts where the names in Sweden. This is also true contrasts with the surrounding Holocaust history would have are known they should not for the commemoration dates urban environment, which increased its meaning and allow be ignored as well as human that among the Swedish Jewish makes the memorial citizens to identify themselves dignity should never be taken Community are mostly related recognizable and expressive. As with it. away. to the internationally known it was mentioned, this feature of

60 61 The Centre for the Future of Places

In English

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Appendix

Interviews questions

-

Вопросы,Questions relatedсвязанные to the с personalityличностью of интервьюируемого/интер the interviewed person: 6. ЧемHow отличаетсяis today’s appearance сегодняшний of the внешнийmemorial видdifferent мемориала from the от вьюируемой: originallyизначально conceived? задуманного? Why did Почему these changes произошли happen? эти изменения? - -

1. IntroduceПредставьтесь, yourself кратко and briefly объяснив, explain какова your role Ваша in the роль preservation в сохра 7. КомуWhom посвящен does the memorial мемориал? commemorate? Почему выбрана Why was именно this group эта груп of ofнении memory памяти about о theжертвах Holocaust Холокоста in Belarus. в Беларуси. victimsпа жертв? chosen?

- Questions related to the history and design of the memorials: Вопросы, относящиеся к истории и дизайну мемориалов: QuestionsВопросы, relatedотносящиеся to the use к использованию of the memorials мемориаловand public reaction и обще to them:ственной реакции на них: 1. Whose idea was an installation of the memorial? 1. Кому принадлежит идея установки мемориала?

2. WhoКто участвовалparticipated в in разработке developing andи финансировании funding the memorial? мемориала? How 1. КакоеWhat is значение the meaning имеют of the эти memorial мемориалы for you для and Вас the и Jewishеврейского wasКак theпроисходило collaboration взаимодействие between different между actors акторами going? процесса? community?сообщества Минска? Почему? - -

3. WhatКакова was роль the частныхrole of private инициатив, initiatives, государства, the state, the еврейской Jewish об 2. КакHow используются is the memorial мемориалы used today? Whoв настоящее does initiate время? the events Кем ини that community,щины, иностранных foreign organizations, организаций etc. и in т.п. creating в создании the memorial? мемориала? takeциированы place by мероприятия, the memorial? проходящие у мемориалов?

Questions related to the design and idea of the memorial: 3. Есть ли общественная реакция на мемориалы (их дизайн, Вопросы, относящиеся к дизайну и идее мемориалов: 3.сам Is фактthere присутствияany public reaction в городском on the memorial пространстве)? (its design, Если the есть,fact of - itsто existence)?какая? If so, what is the reaction?

1. ПочемуWhat was был the выбран rationale именно for choosing этот участокthis site for для the установки memorial’s ме installation?мориала? 4. ЕстьAre there ли планы any plans по установкеregarding the новых installation мемориалов of the newжертвам - memorialsХолокоста to в Минскеthe Holocaust и Беларуси? victims? Кем Who они does инициированы? initiate them?

2. КакиеWhat aspects аспекты of theХолокоста Holocaust планировалось were planned to отразить reflect in вthe мемо memorial?риале?

3. How do you see the mission of the memorial? 3. В чем вы видите миссию мемориала? -

4. КакиеWhat metaphors образы были were выбраны chosen for для the мемориала?memorial? Why Почему them? имен но они? -

5. Какими выразительными средствами автор пытался скон 5.струировать What were theвыбранные tools used образы?by the author Считаете for expressing ли Вы выбранные the chosen images?средства Do успешными? you think he succeeded?

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