Article 28: the Government
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Name Organisation Job Title Micheál Martin, TD Department of The
Name Organisation Job Title Micheál Martin, Department of the Taoiseach TD Taoiseach Leo Varadkar, Department of the Tánaiste TD Taoiseach Jack Department of the Government Chief Whip Chambers, TD Taoiseach Thomas Byrne, Department of the Minister of State for European Affairs TD Taoiseach Department of the Deirdre Gillane Chief of Staff - Taoiseach Taoiseach Department of the Pat McParland Deputy Chief of Staff - Taoiseach Taoiseach Department of the Gráinne Weld Special Adviser to the Taoiseach Taoiseach Diarmuid Department of the Special Adviser to the Taoiseach Lynch Taoiseach Lisa-Dee Department of the Special Adviser to the Taoiseach Collery Taoiseach Department of the Alan Ahearne Special Adviser to the Taoiseach Taoiseach Name Organisation Job Title Department of the Brian Murphy Chief of Staff - Tánaiste Taoiseach Angela Department of the Special Adviser to the Tánaiste Flanagan Taoiseach Philip Department of the Special Adviser to the Tánaiste O’Callaghan Taoiseach Clare Department of the Special Adviser to the Tánaiste Mungovan Taoiseach Department of the Anna Conlan Joint Chief of Staff - Leader of the Green Party Taoiseach Dónall Department of the Joint Chief of Staff - Leader of the Green Party Geoghegan Taoiseach Department of the Éamonn Fahey Special Adviser to the Leader of the Green Party Taoiseach Department of the David Healy Special Adviser to the Leader of the Green Party Taoiseach Department of the Niamh Allen Special Adviser to the Leader of the Green Party Taoiseach Department of the Sam Griffin Special Adviser -
Interministerial Coordination Report U I L
Interministerial Coordination Report u i L GO Expertise, GO Gatekeeping, Line Ministries, Cabinet Committees, C Z / o Ministerial Bureaucracy, Informal Coordination t o h p k c o t S i / s Sustainable Governance e g a m I y t Indicators 2017 t e G Sustainable Governance SGI Indicators SGI 2017 | 2 Interministerial Coordination Indicator GO Expertise Question Does the government office / prime minister’s office (GO / PMO) have the expertise to evaluate ministerial draft bills substantively? 41 OECD and EU countries are sorted according to their performance on a scale from 10 (best) to 1 (lowest). This scale is tied to four qualitative evaluation levels. 10-9 = The GO / PMO has comprehensive sectoral policy expertise and provides regular, independent evaluations of draft bills for the cabinet / prime minister. These assessments are guided exclusively by the government’s strategic and budgetary priorities. 8-6 = The GO / PMO has sectoral policy expertise and evaluates important draft bills. 5-3 = The GO / PMO can rely on some sectoral policy expertise, but does not evaluate draft bills. 2-1 = The GO / PMO does not have any sectoral policy expertise. Its role is limited to collecting, registering and circulating documents submitted for cabinet meetings. United States Score 10 The closest comparison to a government office or prime minister’s office in the U.S. system is the White House staff, along with other units of the Executive Office of the President (e.g., the Council of Economic Advisers, the Office of Management and Budget, and the National Security Council). Because of the separation of powers, Congress or particular congressional committees sometimes compete with the president to shape policymaking in executive agencies. -
The Long Shadow of Ordoliberalism: Germany's Approach to the Euro Crisis
brief policy The long shadow of ordoliberalism: germany’s approach To The euro crisis sebastian dullien and ulrike guérot At the end of January, European leaders agreed the wording SUMMARY The new treaty agreed by European leaders of the new treaty aimed primarily at tightening fiscal policy in in January reflects Germany’s distinctive the euro area that was agreed in principle by 26 EU heads of approach to the euro crisis rather than collective government at last December’s European summit. The treaty compromise. Much to the frustration of many reflects German positions rather than collective compromise. other eurozone countries, Germany has imposed In particular, the treaty centres on a “fiscal compact” that its own approach – centred on austerity and price stability at the expense of economic growth compels all eurozone countries to incorporate into their – on others without considering whether the constitutions a deficit limit modelled on the German institutional flaws of monetary union beyond a Schuldenbremse, or “debt brake”. In addition, European lack of fiscal control may be the cause of some leaders once again ruled out the possibility of using European of the distortions and problems that the current Central Bank (ECB) funds to “leverage” the European euro crisis has exposed or whether its approach Financial Stability Facility (EFSF) or European Stability could have a negative impact on other eurozone Mechanism (ESM), and there was no mention of ECB bond countries. German economic orthodoxy has been widely criticised elsewhere in Europe. purchases to help stabilise bond markets. This brief explores the historical and ideological However, although the new treaty reflects views that are foundations of German economic thinking supported by a broad consensus in Germany (strict opposition and discusses how it differs from mainstream to ECB intervention and a one-sided focus on fiscal austerity), international economic discourse. -
Confidence Motions
BRIEFING PAPER Number 02873, 14 March 2019 By Richard Kelly Confidence Motions Contents: 1. The confidence relationship between Parliament and the Government 2. Confidence votes under the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 3. Confidence votes before / outside the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 4. Forms of Confidence Motions 5. Constitutional Practice Relating to Confidence Motion 6. A question of confidence in the Government, not the Prime Minister 7. The result of Government defeat on a Confidence Motion: previous cases www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 Confidence Motions Contents Summary 3 1. The confidence relationship between Parliament and the Government 4 2. Confidence votes under the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 5 3. Confidence votes before / outside the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 7 4. Forms of Confidence Motions 11 Examples 12 Parliamentary proceedings 13 5. Constitutional Practice Relating to Confidence Motion 16 6. A question of confidence in the Government, not the Prime Minister 19 7. The result of Government defeat on a Confidence Motion: previous cases 21 Consequences of previous government defeats in confidence motions 21 Appendix - List of Confidence Motions 23 1. Government defeats on confidence motions since 1895 23 2. Confidence motions since 1945 24 Additional Author: Professor Gavin Phillipson, Professor of Law, University of Bristol, and a Parliamentary Academic Fellow working in the House of Commons Library Cover page image copyright CRI-7801 by UK Parliament/Mark Crick image. Licensed under CC BY 2.0 / image cropped. 3 Commons Library Briefing, 14 March 2019 Summary It is a core convention of the UK constitution that the Government must be able to command the confidence of the House of Commons. -
Annual Report 2019
Department of the Taoiseach Annual Report 2019 Department of the Taoiseach Annual Report 2019 Message from the Taoiseach I welcome the publication of this report which sets out the activities of the Taoiseach’s Department throughout 2019 in delivering on the Strategic Priorities in the Department’s Statement of Strategy. 2019 was a challenging year for Ireland and I would like to thank the staff in the Department for their continued expertise and commitment. This report only reflects a fraction of the work that transpires on a day-to-day basis but which plays a crucial role in supporting both the Taoiseach and the Government. I am honoured by my recent appointment as Taoiseach and I look forward to working with the staff of the Department as we go forward to tackle issues like Covid19, Brexit, and the recovery of our economy and society. Micheál Martin Taoiseach 2 Department of the Taoiseach Annual Report 2019 Introduction by the Secretary General This is the third and final Annual Report to be published under the Department of the Taoiseach’s Statement of Strategy 2017-2020 and reflects the work that was carried out the Department under each of its Strategic Priorities. Throughout 2019 the Department continued to support the Taoiseach and Government including through supporting Cabinet meetings, providing policy advice, implementing Government policy, organising State events and inward official visits, Parliamentary Questions, EU engagements, and facilitating the productive relationship between the Government and the Oireachtas. Brexit was a strong feature in the work of the Department and staff worked closely with colleagues in the Department of Foreign Affairs to co-ordinate the whole-of-Government effort on planning, programme management and communications on Brexit preparedness. -
Letter from 55 Civil Society Organisations to EU Heads Of
To: Federal Chancellor of Austria, Sebastian Kurz; Prime Minister of Belgium, Charles Michel; Prime Minister of Bulgaria, Boyko Borissov; Prime Minister of Croatia, Andrej Plenkovic; President of the Republic of Cyprus, Nicos Anastasiades; Prime Minister of Czech Republic, Andrej Babis; Prime Minister of Denmark, Lars Lokke Rasmussen; Prime Minister of Estonia, Juri Ratas; Prime Minister of Finland, Juha Sipila; President of the Republic of France, Emmanuel Macron; Federal Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel; Prime Minister of Greece, Alexis Tsipras; Prime Minister of Hungary, Viktor Orban; Taoiseach of Ireland, Leo Varadkar; Prime Minister of Italy, Giuseppe Conte; Prime Minister of Latvia, Krisjanis Karins; President of Lithuania, Dalia Grybauskaite; Prime Minister of Luxembourg, Xavier Bettel; Prime Minister of Malta, Joseph Muscat; Prime Minister of the Netherlands, Mark Rutte; Prime Minister of Poland, Mateusz Morawiecki; Prime Minister of Portugal, Antonio Costa; President of Romania, Klaus Werner Iohannis; Prime Minister of Slovakia, Peter Pellegrini; Prime Minister of Slovenia, Marjan Sarec; President of the Government of Spain, Pedro Sanchez; Prime Minister of Sweden, Stefan Lofven. 7th May 2019 Dear Federal Chancellor/President/Prime Minister/Taoiseach, On behalf of 55 civil society organisations from across Europe, we are writing to you to urge you to nominate European commissioners who will support and serve present and future generations, and prioritise environment, quality of life and decent work. Every day, people across Europe struggle with growing poverty and inequality, deteriorating access to healthcare and worrying levels of youth unemployment. Meanwhile, many large companies pollute the environment, refuse to pay their fair share of taxes and wield disproportionate political influence. -
Political Constitution of Peru
(*) Political Constitution of Peru Enacted on the 29th of December, 1993 Published by the CONGRESS OF THE REPUBLIC September – 2009 (*) N.T.: Translated from Spanish into English by Juan Gotelli, Esther Velarde and Pilar Zuazo, members of the staff of the Translation Bureau of the Congress of the Republic of Peru. Revised by Mr. Jonathan Potts and Mr. Joe Northover. 1 1993 POLITICAL CONSTITUTION OF PERU The President of the Democratic Constituent Congress Whereas: As this constitutional draft has been approved by the Democratic Constituent Congress and ratified by a referendum on the 31st of October, 1993, The Democratic Constituent Congress Does establish the following Political Constitution of Peru: 2 PREAMBLE The Democratic Constituent Congress invoking Almighty God, obeying the mandate of the Peruvian people, and remembering the sacrifice of all the preceding generations of our land, has resolved to enact the following Constitution: 3 POLITICAL CONSTITUTION OF PERU TITLE I THE PERSON AND THE SOCIETY CHAPTER I FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS OF THE PERSON Article 1 The defense of the human person and respect for his dignity are the supreme purpose of the society and the State. Article 2 Every person has the right: 1. To life, his identity, his moral, psychical, and physical integrity, and his free development and well-being. The unborn child is a rights-bearing subject in all cases that benefit him. 2. To equality before the law. No person shall be discriminated against on the basis of origin, race, sex, language, religion, opinion, economic status, or any other distinguishing feature. 3. To freedom of conscience and religion, in an individual or collective manner. -
Chapter-6 Alternative Models of Formation of Ministry In
ALTERNATIVE MODELS OF FORMATION OF MINISTRY IN FRACTURED VERDICTS CHAPTER-6 ALTERNATIVE MODELS OF FORMATION OF MINISTRY IN FRACTURED ELECTORAL VERDICTS The defining feature of the parliamentary form of government is that the ministry emerges from Parliament. Ministry is politically responsible to Parliament and must enjoy the confidence of Parliament and it may terminate any time before the expiration of the tem1 of Parliament if it loses the confidence of Parliament Parliamentary democracies, however, are quite diverse with respect to the specific rules in their Constitutions with regard to formation, continuance, and termination of the ministry. The institutional features in Constitutions are widely diverse. These institutional features can be broadly categorised into the following four categories: First, whether the ministry needs an actual vote by parliament, in the nature of 'Investiture Vote', to legally assume office; secondly, whether the ministry must maintain the active support of a parliamentary majority in order to remain in office, referred to as 'positive parliamentarism'; thirdly, whether the rules for tabling a vote of no-confidence require an alternative to be pre-specified in the motion itself. referred to as 'Constructive No-confidence Vote'; and fourthly, whether elections have to be held at predetennined intervals, referred to as 'fixed interelection period' or 'fixed-term Parliaments'.1 Daniel Diermeier, Hulya Eraslan and Antonio Merlo, "A Structural Model of Govemment Formation", Econometrica, Vol. 71, No. 1 (January, 2003), 27-70 233 ALTERNATIVE MODELS OF FORMATION OF MINISTRY IN FRACTURED VERDICTS A. ALTERNATIVE MODELS OF FORMATION OF MINISTRY The first institutional feature is with regard to the process of formation of ministry. -
THE DOUBLE-HEADED EAGLE SEMI-PRESIDENTIALISM and DEMOCRACY in FRANCE and RUSSIA by Cole Joseph Harvey Submitted to the Dean of T
THE DOUBLE-HEADED EAGLE SEMI-PRESIDENTIALISM AND DEMOCRACY IN FRANCE AND RUSSIA By Cole Joseph Harvey Submitted to the Dean of the University Honors College In partial fulfillment Of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh i 2008 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH UNIVERSITY HONORS COLLEGE This thesis was presented by Cole J. Harvey It was defended on July 14, 2008 and approved by Dr. Ronald Linden, PhD., Department of Political Science Dr. Alberta Sbragia, PhD., Department of Political Science Dr. Thomas Remington, PhD., Department of Political Science, Emory University Thesis Advisor: Dr. Jonathan Harris, PhD., Department of Political Science ii Copyright © by Cole J. Harvey 2008 iii The Double-Headed Eagle: Semi-Presidentialism and Democracy in France and Russia Cole J. Harvey University of Pittsburgh, 2008 It has become a commonplace observation in recent years that Russian democracy is in remission. Indeed there is a significant difference between the struggling democratic performance of Russia and that of a consolidated democracy such as France. The modern French and Russian states are both semi-presidential states, meaning that in each country executive power is shared between an elected president and an appointed prime minister who can (at least in theory) be voted out of office by the legislature. Despite this broad similarity, semi- presidential institutions are organized in significantly different ways in each country. This paper examines those differences in order to understand how they can help account for poor democratic performance in Russia and strong democratic performance in France. Four political institutions will be examined in each country: presidents, prime ministers, parliaments, and political parties. -
Political Developments, 2017
01 O’Donnell - Political Developments.qxp_Admin 66-1 19/02/2018 17:37 Page 1 Administration, vol. 66, no. 1 (2018), pp. 1–8 doi: 10.2478/admin-2018-0001 Political developments, 2017 Hugh O’Donnell Institute of Public Administration, Ireland Northern Ireland Assembly election In early January 2017 Martin McGuinness resigned as Deputy First Minister, as Arlene Foster refused Sinn Féin’s ultimatum to step aside in the ‘cash for ash’ row, a dispute over the Renewable Heat Incentive scheme, which resulted in a budgetary overspend (see Moriarty, 2017). McGuinness’s resignation plunged Northern Ireland into its second election in less than a year. After his resignation, McGuinness announced that he would not be seeking re-election. He was being treated for a heart condition at the time and his health had been deteriorating. He was replaced as leader of Sinn Féin in the Northern Ireland Assembly by Michelle O’Neill, who led Sinn Féin into the Northern Ireland Assembly election held on 2 March. The election was the first to implement a reduction in the size of the Assembly from 108 Members of the Legislative Assembly to 90. In a strong showing Sinn Féin came within 1,200 votes (0.2 per cent) of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) (see ‘NI election 2017: Results’, 2017). Despite the new election, at the end of 2017 there was still no breakthrough on an agreement to restore power-sharing in Northern Ireland. By December the DUP and Sinn Féin had missed four different deadlines to form an executive. The gulf between the two parties is particularly acute over the issue of the Irish language and the possibility of an Irish Language Act. -
ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION FINAL REPORT General
ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION FINAL REPORT GENERAL ELECTIONS THE FEDERATION OF SAINT KITTS AND NEVIS FEBRUARY 16, 2015 Secretariat for Political Affairs (SPA) Department of Electoral Cooperation and Observation (DECO) Electoral Observation Missions (EOMs) Organization of American States (OAS) ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION FINAL REPORT ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION FINAL REPORT General Elections in Saint Kitts and Nevis February 16, 2015 General Secretariat Organization of American States (SG/OAS) Luis Almagro1 Secretary General Nestor Méndez Assistant Secretary General Francisco Guerrero Secretary for Political Affaires Gerardo de Icaza Director Department for Electoral Cooperation and Observation 1 Secretary General, Luis Almagro and Assistant Secretary General, Nestor Méndez assumed office in May and July 2015, respectively. OAS Cataloging-in-Publication Data TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY . 7 CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 8 A. ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSIONS OF THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES (OAS/EOMS) 8 B. ORGANIZATION AND DEPLOYMEN OF THE MISSION 8 CHAPTER II. POLITICAL SYSTEM AND ELECTORAL ORGANIZATION 10 A. POLITICAL BACKGROUND 10 B. ELECTORAL LEGISLATION 12 C. ELECTORAL AUTHORITIES 15 CHAPTER III. MISSION ACTIVITIES AND OBSERVATIONS 17 A. PRE-ELECTORAL PERIOD 17 B. ELECTION DAY 25 C. POST-ELECTORAL PERIOD 26 CHAPTER IV. CONCLUSIONS 28 CHAPTER V. RECOMMENDATIONS 29 APPENDICES 32 ACRONYMS Organization of American States (OAS) Electoral Observation Missions (EOMs) OAS Electoral Observation Mission (OAS/EOM) Department for Electoral -
Full Submission
The Clerk of the Constitution Committee House of Lords London SW1A 0PW Email: [email protected] 24 September 2010 Dear Sir or Madam Call for Evidence: Fixed-Term Parliaments Thank you for the opportunity to make a submission in relation to your Inquiry into Fixed Term Parliaments. We make this submission in our capacity as members of the Centre for Comparative Constitutional Studies and staff of the Melbourne Law School, University of Melbourne. We are solely responsible for its content. If you have any questions relating to this submission, or if we can be of any further assistance, please do not hesitate to contact us. Yours sincerely Professor Adrienne Stone Director, Centre for Comparative Constitutional Studies On behalf of: Professor Simon Evans Professor Cheryl Saunders Mr John Waugh I. AUSTRALIAN APPROACHES TO FIXED-TERM PARLIAMENTS 1. General Information Since 1984 houses of five Australian legislatures have adopted fixed terms: the lower houses of three State parliaments (New South Wales, South Australia and Victoria) and the unicameral legislatures of two self-governing federal territories (the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory).1 In the other three States and in the federal parliament, the Premier or Prime Minister retains a discretion to advise the Governor or Governor-General to dissolve the lower (or, in Queensland, single) house before the expiry of its maximum term. The relevant legislation is set out in the Appendix to this submission. 2. Early Elections Each jurisdiction allows for an early general election if the lower house (or the unicameral legislature) passes a motion of no confidence in the government.