Writing about the "Russian ": Concerning Peoples, Places and Identities in Imperial Russia and the by JAMES URRY Mennonite History

THE NEWSLETTER OF THE MENNONITE HISTORICAL drawing by V O. Lenchenko) . SOCIETY OF ONTARIO The Zaporo hian Sich in the middle of the 18th century (a restored With the break-up of the Soviet Union, had maintained a high degree of local the establishment of new states and the independence. These included the assertion of new identities in the old descendants of peoples speaking mostly USSR, the time is perhaps ripe for a Eastern Slav languages and dialects which reconsideration of the semantics of places, later developed into Russian and VOLUME XIV peoples and identities in areas once settled Ukrainian languages, who had escaped 1 by Mennonites. There is a difference beyond the control of their masters and NUMBER between what might appear correct or state officials to settle in frontier, buffer expedient in the present volatile zones. Some of these groups underwent a atmosphere, and what is appropriate in process of ethnogenesis establishing new MARCH 1996 terms of the historical record . In writing cultural identities and social forms. By the about human subjects in history we are not eighteenth century these included the dealing with natural, but with cultural Zaporozhian Cossacks with their ISSN 1192-5515 phenomena, with things open to human headquarters in what was to become the manipulation, shifting, plastic and Mennonite settlement of Khortitsa, and unstable . Names change, identities alter, Tatar tribes inhabiting the open steppe territories shift, states rise and fall . The later settled by the Molochnaia coherence we give to things in history is Mennonites.' Tatars also inhabited the one imposed by our own system of and small, multi-ethnic trading meanings and is as fragile as any other communities existed in coastal areas. aspect of our culture. Pastoralism, small-scale cultivation, trading, raiding and slaving, sometimes as Russia, New Russia or ? mercenaries for the various bordering Mennonites initially settled in the states, were the main economic activities from the end of the of the inhabitants of this region before eighteenth century on lands which recently Russian conquest and control at the end of had been incorporated into the expanding the eighteenth century. These activities Imperial Russian state.' These were over time encouraged considerable inhabited by very mixed ethnic mobility, the creation of new and the populations who for centuries had been dissolution of old ethnic identities . associated in one way or another with a Before the end of the eighteenth number of weakly organised agrarian century the political situation in this area states . Because of the weakness of these was complex and fluid. To the south, states, and the open nature of the steppe along the littoral, were lands lands they inhabited, many of these people subject to Tatar Khans, mainly based in the Crimea, who were vassals of the Page 2 Turkish Ottoman rulers of Russia or Russians, but the Empire of All- avoid the use of the term Little Russia(n) Constantinople .' To the west, the Polish- the-Russias, and its rulers were not in references to territory, people and Lithuanian Republic in the latter quarter of Russian Tsars (or Tsarinas), but Tsars or language and view the term as derogatory. the eighteenth century had been divided Emperors of All-the-Russias. In the This is part of a nationalist agenda and between Hohenzollern , Hapsburg eighteenth century Imperial Russia was runs contrary to the historical use of the Austria and Imperial Russia.' To the north conceived of as including far more than term. Not only were people, language and and east the lands were part of the Russian the lands and peoples of Great Russia and, territory referred to as Little Russian, but state originally based on Muscovy, but in official ideology, included all the lands by the nineteenth and into the twentieth from the time of Peter the Great its capital and descendants of the ancient states of century peasants used the term to refer to was St Petersburg on the Baltic although Rus', including Little Russia and White themselves, unaware of the negative by this time they also had secured in the Russia. Imperialist expansion, mainly connotations ascribed to it by educated, south a military foothold on the Sea of during the eighteenth century, predominantly urban Ukrainian Azov and naval access to the Black Sea. It incorporated Baltic lands with their very nationalists .' Use of the term Little was Russia, as an expanding, imperial mixed, non-Slavic speaking peoples and Russia(n) is thus appropriate in reference state which during the eighteenth century other non-Slavs living to the south and the to populations in the nineteenth century was the major political power in this east of Great Russia." and to certain classifications of territory. region . The southern steppe lands were to be a The question of dialect/language is more Since the end of the seventeenth "new" Russia and hence South or complex but Ukrainian is the more correct century Russia had begun a southward and Southern Russia, as it was occasionally term to use to refer to language as long as westward expansion, incorporating areas referred to. was more officially known as it is also recognised that the language and states directly or indirectly into its New Russia, indicating its late contained considerable regional dialect Empire . Orthodox, Ukrainian-speaking incorporation into the Empire as part of variation and in the eastern provinces was nobles had broken away from the Catholic All-the-Russias. This term, New Russia, mixed with Russian speech patterns and Polish-Lithuanian Republic in the 1650s was used throughout the later Tsarist loan words from Russian and other and formed a semi-autonomous period to refer to the provinces of languages." Hetmanate which recognized the Kherson, Ekaterinoslav, Taurida and In terms of identity, Little Russian suzerainty of the Russian Tsar.' The eventually parts of Bessarabia. Situated peasants were highly localised and leaders of the Hetmanate controlled mainly on the eastern bank of the culturally diverse. Some peasants on the mainly the northern parts of the right (or New Russia was viewed, administratively right bank, closer to Polish influence were western) bank of the Dnieper River and and politically, quite differently from the Catholic-Orthodox or Uniates (ie. formed alliances not only with Russia, but provinces situated on the right bank. The followers of Catholicism but practising the also with the more independent Cossack latter provinces, once part of the Orthodox rather than the Latin rite). But hordes to the west and south. These hordes Hetmanate, were referred to collectively as nearly all peasants in New Russia were at various times were also aligned with Little Russia and were viewed as part of Orthodox . It is the existence of these Russia but were not averse to serving Tatar the ancient lands of Rus' . Little Russia Orthodox, Little Russian, Ukrainian- Khans if it were to their advantage. was gradually absorbed into the Russian speaking peasants in the area Mennonites This area was known as okraina, Empire from the middle of the eighteenth settled, more perhaps than any claim to meaning border-region, from which is century, divided in provinces, and any ancient state territories, that has given rise derived the term Ukraine. As a political- reference to its separate autonomy to assertions that the lands were Ukrainian territorial term associated with a nation- dissolved in the I 830s .- at the time of Mennonite settlement . state, however, the name Ukraine, and the Both the right and left banks of the Many Ukrainian historians insist on term for its inhabitants, Ukrainian, was Dnieper, however, contained large referring to the area of New Russia as widely adopted only during the populations of agrarian peasants . Those South or . Historically, development of modern nationalist who possessed an identity beyond a sense however, it should be realised that this is ideologies, predominantly among of being Orthodox or belonging to a incorrect. The area was sparsely populated educated, urban elites, centered on Kiev, localised community, considered for much of the eighteenth century and, during the nineteenth century. Mennonites themselves Little Russians, different from following Russian conquest, many of its were settled mainly on the left (or eastern) Great Russians in language and other inhabitants were removed and relocated bank of the Dnieper, on open steppe land aspects of culture. They spoke dialects sometimes outside the area for security in an area largely outside state control which today are identified with a separate reasons. Massive immigration occurred until the region was incorporated into the language. Ukrainian . Ukrainian is an once Russian control was established; Russian Empire towards the end of the Eastern Slav language closely related to landowners brought in their serfs, peasants eighteenth century. Russian. Some modern historians, who had escaped from central Russia It is important to realise that the following a trend begun by Ukrainian flocked to the region and state-sponsored Russian Empire was not the Empire of nationalists in the nineteenth century, immigration established settlements of

Ontario Mennonite History is published semi-annually by the Mennonite Historical Society of Ontario, College, Waterloo, Ontario N2L 3G6, and distributed to all members of the Society. It is distributed free of charge to public libraries and school libraries in Ontario, upon request. Editor: Reg Good Editorial Committee: Linda Huebert Hecht, Lorraine Roth, Herbert Enns Financial assistance from the Ontario Ministry of Citizenship and Culture is gratefully acknowledged . Inquiries, articles, book notices or news items should be directed to the Editor, Mennonite Historical Society of Ontario c/o Conrad Grebel College, Waterloo, Ontario N2L 3G6 TEL. (519) 885-0220, FAX (519) 885-0014 Pagc 3 state peasants, foreign colonists, such as After 1917 the situation is quite Russian culture and emphasising their Mennonites and even non-Orthodox different. One can accept that the land was loyalty to the Russian Tsar and state. Russian sectarians . Although by the end of briefly, though more in name than in fact, The term "" is thus the nineteenth century the population of part of a Ukrainian Republic . More appropriate for describing the distinctive New Russia was predominantly Little importantly, it later became part of the Mennonite sense of being and belonging Russian, it was more diverse ethnically Soviet Ukrainian Republic within the which emerged in Imperial Russia. More than the right bank. The population of federation of the Union of Soviet Socialist importantly it was, and for many still is, a Taurida Province was especially diverse Republics. Thus references to the area term of self-reference used by Mennonites and except for a large scale emigration to after 1917 should use the term Ukraine or to express their identity and "origin" . This Turkey in the mid-nineteenth century, Soviet Ukraine, at least up to the is an indication of the strong links would have contained a majority of Tatars. declaration of independence of the new Mennonites established in Russia with the It should be recognised moreover, that Ukraine in 1991 ." state, the country, with Russia's past and many Little Russians were also certain cultural traits they acquired Russian Mennonites? descendants of immigrants to the area. through their long association its peoples New Russia was potentially an ethnic Up to 1917 Mennonites were subjects, and cultures. melting pot had not government policies and to the degree that citizenship existed The post 1917 situation is more and economic backwardness tended to in Imperial Russia, citizens of Imperial complicated as Imperial Russia was reinforce, rather than to dissolve, ethnic Russia. Hence they were Russian replaced by the Soviet Union dominated differences for much of the nineteenth Mennonites. by a very different state system centred on century. "' Due to the administratively integrative the dictatorship of a political party but Basically, therefore, it is incorrect to nature of the All-Russian state, official claiming to recognise the right of its refer to the steppe lands settled by policies, at least until the middle of the diverse population to assert autonomous Mennonites from the end of the eighteenth nineteenth century, encouraged identities ." In spite of the rapid century onwards, and in which a majority Mennonites to maintain and even to development of Ukrainian national of Mennonites lived until 1917, as Ukraine develop a distinctive identity as loyal consciousness after 1917, especially in or southern Ukraine either in terms of subjects of Tsar and state." Later, official urban areas, Mennonites in Ukraine were history, politics or as a reflection of its support for more culturally assimilative separated from much of its influence . 15 indigenous population. It is perverse to Russification challenged, but did not halt, This was due to the Soviet recognition of believe in sleeping nations or even the continued development of a distinctive ethnic minorities as "national" groups with suppressed nations as ifthey are natural Mennonite identity . Before 1917 a right to their own language, culture and a phenomena and it is racist to claim that Mennonites could appeal to a number of degree of local self-administration within ethnic identities are fixed or that somehow identities beyond the basic religious the communist system. 16 In Ukraine, but genetically they constitute the basis for identification with a particular surprisingly not in Russia, Mennonites unrealised national consciousness. congregational-community. They were could no longer be identified officially as Therefore it is acceptable to refer to the initially identified by officialdom as Mennonite as this involved a religious area settled by Mennonites from the late "colonists" or "Mennonite colonists" but definition of personhood, unacceptable to eighteenth century onwards as Russia or not as ." Indeed, during the first an atheistic regime. While initially as Russian, as part of the Russian Empire half of the nineteenth century Mennonites accepting the Mennonite claim to "Dutch" or Imperial Russia, as south or southern were carefully distinguished in official identity, a claim promoted by sections of Russia. However, probably the most discourse from other foreign colonists, the Mennonite elite during World War One appropriate term to use is New Russia. including other colonists who originated as a defence against anti-German The issue of the transliteration of place from a variety of German states . Although sentiment and government policy, within names should also be mentioned. Where the official colonist status of Mennonites the Soviet system Mennonites came to be Mennonites adopted local place names it ceased in the 1870s, they were still classified as "German". As such they were is probably best to adopt their Slavic referred to as colonists, as Mennonites and permitted to teach in German and were forms transliterated according to a increasingly as Russian-Mennonites and, assigned German or Austrian communists consistent system and not their due to their past administrative association to assist them integrate into the new Germanised forms. Thus it should be with "German" colonists, as Russian- social-political system . During the 1920s, /Molochnaia not Germans, a category which also included a Mennonite identity was obviously in flux and Khortitsa rather than Chortitza. There number of other subjects of the Tsar who as the Russia of the Imperial era no longer is an increasing tendency in Ukrainian spoke German, such as the Baltic existed and most Mennonites experienced works, especially those published in the Germans. With the rise of Great Russian difficulties in identifying with the new West, to replace the Russian spelling of nationalism in the latter half of the nationalist and official communist nineteenth and early twentieth century nineteenth century, Mennonites were identities . In many ways Mennonites placenames with Ukrainian spellings . subjected to chauvinistic attacks in the remained centralists, looking to the Thus Ekaterinoslav (named after a Russian press and from certain areas of Russian heartland for leadership and Tsarina, ) becomes officialdom, as were most non-Great recognition of their own distinctive rights Katerynoslav . I do not think this is Russians and especially non-Slavs. But, and identity ." appropriate, especially when the names mainly due to the adoption of more During the 1930s, as the autonomy of were only assigned after the area was modern educational practices, Mennonites national groups, especially in the Soviet incorporated into the Empire . It is quite developed an appreciation of German Ukraine, were suppressed and subjected to appropriate, of course, to point out culture, especially language and literature, central party discipline from . A possible alternative spellings when and defended what they now considered general Sovietisation of life began. This introducing terms, including Germanised their German inheritance. This they did Sovietisation was achieved through and Ukrainianised forms. while also developing an appreciation of propaganda, collectivization in rural areas, Page 4 urban industrialization, social engineering, 1 . On the settlement and development of ed ., Sociolinguistic Perspectives on education, deportation and terror. Mennonites in Imperial Russia see Soviet National Languages . (Berlin : Mennonites became Soviet citizens, but David G. Rempel, "The Mennonite Mouton, 1985), 57-105 . not as Mennonite-Soviets but as German- Commonwealth : a Sketch of its 10. On the development of New Russia Soviets." The important thing here is less Founding and Endurance 1789-1914," and its peoples, especially in the latter the German and more the Soviet. MQR, XLVII (1973), 259-308 ; half of the nineteenth century, see However, referring to Mennonites from XLVIII, (1974), 5-54 and James Urry, Leonard G . Friesen, "New Russia and the 1930s onwards as Soviet Mennonites, None but Saints: the Transformation the Fissuring of Rural society 1855- rather than as Russian Mennonites, ofMennonite Life in Russia, 1789- 1907" (Unpublished PhD. thesis, certainly makes sense. Before, during and 1889 ( : Hyperion Press, University of Toronto, 1988). especially after World War II, a new 1989). 11 . Recent political events in Ukraine Russification began, a process assisted by 2. Interestingly, these Cossacks have have revealed marked regional the massive movements of populations become a focus of recent assertions of differences which, although during the War and the need to reconstruct Ukrainian nationalism in eastern accentuated by socio-economic after the War. This was most marked in the Ukraine, see Frank Sysyn, "The changes in the Soviet period, have growth of Russian as the primary language Reemergence of the Ukrainian Nation their foundations in much earlier of not just Mennonites, but of many ethnic and Cossack Mythology." Social periods. While the western parts of groups in the Soviet Union." Research, 58 (1991), 845-65 . Ukraine continue to support Ukrainian 3 . Alan W. Fisher, The nationalism, the eastern regions, with Other places, other identities (Stanford : Stanford University Press, their larger Russian and Russian- speaking populations often associated So far I have assumed we are only 1978). with extensive industrial development, talking about the southern areas of the old 4. Norman Davies, 's Playground: a have increasingly asserted claims to Imperial Empire, New Russia, later History of Poland, Volume 1 : the separate identities and closer links Ukraine and part of the Soviet Union. As Origins to 1795 .(Oxford : Oxford with Russia. One group based in the nineteenth century progressed University Press, 1981). Odessa has even claimed that a "New Mennonites lived elsewhere in Russia and 5. For a general overview of Ukrainian Russia" consisting largely of the areas in the twentieth century many were history see Orest Subtelny, Ukraine : a once so-named in pre-revolutionary banned to other areas of the Soviet Union. history (Toronto : University of 1988); on the question times. should form a separate entity In Imperial Russia Mennonites settled on Toronto Press, based upon its distinctive historical the Polish borderlands which had been of identity see the survey by David cultural identity . See Roman incorporated into the Empire ; on the Saunders, "What makes a Nation a and Solchanyk, "The Politics of State , in Russia proper (later for a time Nation? since 1600 ." (1993), 101-24 and Building : Centre-Periphery Relations part of the Soviet Volga German Ethnic Studies, 10 Post-Soviet Ukraine ." Europe-Asia Republic) ; in other provinces of Great on Russian opposition to the changing in 46 (1994), 47-68 . Russia ; in the Kuban and in , nationalist situation in Ukraine in the Studies, nineteenth, David 12 . On this and related matters see James and of course . During the Soviet latter half of the Ukrainian Policy Urry, "The Russian Mennonites, period more were moved to Siberia and Saunders, "Russia's Nationalism and the State 1789-1917". the Central Asian republics . Sometimes it (1847-1905) : a Demographic History In Abe J. Dueck ed . Canadian is useful to identify the emergent new Approach" . European 181-208 . Mennonites and the Challenge of regional identities of Mennonites Quarterly, 25, (1995), political structures Nationalism . (Winnipeg : developed in these locations . The term 6. On the semantics of Ladis K.D . Mennonite Historical Society, 1994), Siberian Mennonites may be used in spite in Imperial Russia see Image of 21-670 . of their late migration beyond the Urals as Kristof, "The Russian 13. Modern German accounts tend to be an appropriate reflection of the strong Russia: an Applied Study in Charles rather uncritical in their identification sense of regional identity which developed Geopolitical Methodology" In of "Germans" in Russia; see for in Siberia and in which Mennonites A. Fisher ed., Essays in Political Macmillan, example the otherwise excellent shared, even before 1917 . In the Soviet Geography (London : account by Ingeborg Fleischhauer, Die period, identities shifted again, including 1968), 345-87 . Centralism Deutschen im Zarenreieh: zwei the "Mennonite" sense of a religious 7 . Zenon E. Kohut, Russian Jahrhunterdte deutsch-russische peoplehood, often enhanced by closer and Ukrainian Autonomy : Imperial Kulturgemeinschaft . (Stuttgart: association with Russians and others as Absorption of the Hetmanate 1760s- Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1986). well as religious links with ." 1830s (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard 14. Hélene Carrere D'Encausse, The Great There were also marked shifts in social University Press, 1988). Challenge : Nationalities and the identities as many Mennonites lost their 8. Bohdan Krawchenko, Social Change Bolshevik State, 1917-1930 (New earlier social standing in the larger society and National Consciousness in York : Holmes & Meier, 1991). and became peasants or proletariats ; others Twentieth-Century Ukraine (London : 15. George O. Liber, Soviet Nationality however managed to maintain good Macmillan, 1985). Policy, Urban Growth, and Identity positions in society often through 9. On languages see Bernard Comrie, Change in the Ukraianian SSR 1923- education, securing goodjobs and denying The Languages of the Soviet Union . 1934 (Cambridge : Cambridge their earlier social origins . (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981),145-46 ; the language University Press), 1992. Yuri Slezkine, "The USSR as a James Urry is Reader in Anthropology at issue, like those of ethnicity and 16. Communal Apartment, or how a the Victoria University of Wellington, New territory, is heavily politicized, see Socialist State Promoted Ethnic Zealand. Roman Solchanyk, "Language Politics in Ukraine" . In Isabelle T. Kreindler Particulralism ." Slavic Review, 52(2), (1994), 414-52 . Page 5 17. James Urry, "After the Rooster Sawatsky, "From Russian to Soviet "Demographic Consequences of Crowed: Some Issues Concerning the Mennonites, 1941-1988." In John World War II on the Non-Russian Interpretation of Mennonite/Bolshevik Friesen ed., Mennonites in Russia: Nationalities of the USSR." In Susan Relations During the Early Soviet Essays in Honour ofGerhard J. Linz ed., The Impact of World War period." Journal ofMennonite Lohrenz (Winnipeg: CMBC II on the Soviet Union (Totawa: Studies, 13, (1995), 26-50. Publications, 1989), 299-337 ; Rowan & Allanhead, 1985), 207-42. 18 . Walter Sawatsky, "What makes 19. Walter Sawatsky, "From Russian to 20. Walter Sawatsky, Soviet Evangelicals Russian Mennonites Mennonite?" Soviet Mennonites" and Barbara A. since World War II (Scottdale: Herald MQR, LIII (1973), 5-20; Walter Anderson and Brian D. Silver, Press, 1981).

People and Projects

Gratuitous unbound copies of Hannes fellowship meal and evening program at of Canada members on the planning Schneider and wife Catharine Hans the farm of Old Order committee are Roy Loewen and Reg Good Schneider : Their Descendants and member Samuel Conley near Salunga, (co-chair) . Times, 1534-1939, compiled by Joseph . For more information write Meyer Snyder, are offered to public to the Brethren in Christ Historical The Mennonite Historical Society of libraries and school libraries through the Society, Messiah College, Grantham, PA Canada has created a Central Registry of generosity of Miriam (Snyder) Sokvitne. 17027. microfilmed or copied Mennonite archival The book, printed in 1937, is an records in Eastern Europe and states of the indispensible source of primary The Mennonite Historical Society of former Soviet Union in order to facilitate information on Mennonites in the Canada board and executive met on communication between scholars and Waterloo Region. All the original photos Saturday, December 3, 1995, at the researchers so that the interests of the and documents reproduced in the book are Mennonite Heritage Centre, Winnipeg for scholarly community as a whole can best part of the Joseph Meyer Snyder Fonds at its annual meeting. The society discussed be served. All individuals doing archival the Mennonite Archives of Ontario, marketing and distribution of the third and research on Russia Mennonites in Eastern Conrad Grebel College. For further final volume in the Mennonites in Canada Europe and states of the former Soviet information contact the editor, Reg Good, history series, which deals with the period Union are strongly encouraged to submit at Conrad Grebel College, Waterloo, ON 1945-1970. It is to be released by the reports with as much detail as possible to N2L 3G6. University of Toronto Press in Spring Abe Dueck and Bert Friesen, Archives 1996. Pre-publication sales of volume 3, at Committee, Mennonite Historical Society On 6 May 1996, the Center for a discounted rate of $24.95, will be of Canada, 169 Riverton Ave., Winnipeg, Brethren in Christ Studies is sponsoring handled by the Mennonite Historical MB R2L 2E5, who will send out an annual two presentations on by Dale Society of Canada. After April 30, 1996, or semi-annual Newsletter which Brown, Mennonite Books will distribute volume 3 summarizes the information received. theologian-historian. The event will be in Canada at the regular retail rate of held at Messiah College. The first $29.95. Discussions are underway with a Mennonite Central Committee Ontario presentation at 3 PM. is entitled "Piety, potential United States distributor. Plans has contracted Lucille Marr, assistant Pietism and Pedagogy." The second are underway for Dr. T.D. Regehr, the professor of history at Augustana presentation at 7 P.M . is on "The author of volume 3 in the Mennonites in University College in Camrose, , to ofLove in Pietism, , and the Canada history series, to tour Canada in research and write its history. Marr is a Brethren in Christ." Brown's revised Fall 1996, promoting the book . The native of Ontario, of Brethren in Christ edition of Understanding Pietism author's tour will begin with a book- background, and received her Ph.D. from (reprinted by Evangel Press) will be launching in Saskatoon, . the . Her research released at this conference. For further to date is in women's history and gender information write to E. Morris Sider, The A major North American Mennonite issues. Center for Brethren in Christ Studies, history conference, "One People, Many Messiah College, Grantham, PA 17027. Stories," is planned to celebrate the Linda Huebert Hecht and Lucille completion of the Mennonites in Canada Marr co-compiled Women's Concerns On Saturday, June 15, the descendants history series and the United States Report No. 124 (January-February 1996) of the River Brethren - the Brethren in Mennonite Experience in America history on the "Quiet in the Land?" conference Christ, the United Zion Church, and the series. It will be held at Columbia held at Millersville University on 8-11 - will meet for College, Abbotsford, , in June 1995 . Contributors to that issue fellowship, in similar fashion to an earlier October 1997. The conference will focus included Melanie Cameron, youth worker meeting in 1993 . The meeting is on what is common as well as distinct at Stirling Ave. Mennonite church in sponsored by the Brethren in Christ between Mennonite experiences in Canada Kitchener, Ontario and Katie Funk Wiebe, Historical Society. The program includes and the United States and examine professor emeritus of , a tour in the afternoon of the historic sites possible integrative or collaborative ideas Hillsboro, . of the three groups, followed by a and agenda. Mennonite Historical Society faee 6 Reinterpreting The Old Mennonite/Rufander Encounter in 1924 by Krista Taves

even minimal acceptance by the Russländer of Swiss congregational life?"= suggesting some sort of lost opportunity in the encounter. Epp projects a very particular form of Mennonite identity in his history. He presents the Mennonites in Canada as a totality, as a single group, and discusses the differences between the two in a way that pronounces judgement, no matter how minimal . He fails to account for the strong influence of environment on issues of identity . He overemphasizes the influence of culture on identity . I find this approach unsatisfactory. To pronounce judgement on the inability of the Russländer to pursue active relations with their Ontario coreligionists is to lose sight of the significance of the encounter in the context of an ongoing debate about Mennonite identity. I I propose to reinterprete the Old Sixtieth anniversary re-enactment of the arrival ofRuB"'nder in Waterloo, July 20, 1924 . Garv Snider, centre, Mennonite/Ruf3lander encounter to gain dressed in garb worn by his grandfather on this occasion . clarity about the extent to which Mennonite identity is rooted historical and considerably in Ontario. Introduction situation differed the environmental contexts . By 1924, Kanadier had exhausted their the What issues were the Old Mennonites In 1923, the first of approximately financial ability to aid the new immigrants 20,000 Mennonites left the newly formed facing in the 1920s? What did they know and invited the Old Mennonites of Ontario Soviet Union for Canada. The initial of the Russländer before their arrival? to begin assuming some of the arrivals made their way to What was the state of the Russian responsibility for the continuing arrival of where they encountered, for the first time Mennonite immigrants upon their arrival? Russländer immigrants . So, in 1924, Old in 40 years, those Mennonites who had Mennonites in the Waterloo region opened The Old Mennonite World left Russia in the 1870s. Many of the new up their homes to the Russländer. Many 1924 arrivals lived in the homes of, and worked in Russländer remained with their hosts for for, 1870s Mennonites. This arrangement months, possibly years, before acquiring At the turn of the century, Old fulfilled the terms of the agreement made their own homes and livelihoods. Unlike Mennonites in North America found with the Government of Canada, that the the Kanadier, though, the Old Mennonites themselves influenced by a trend that was immigrants would be agricultural had no prior relationship with the affecting all North American Protestant labourers and that they would not require Russländer. The two groups knew virtually churches. Modernism, a term used to any public funds for their resettlement. nothing about the other before this time. denote the liberalization of theology, had The relations between between 1870s Mennonite historian Frank H . Epp has arisen in response the mammoth changes Mennonites, or Kanadier, and 1920s written one of the most comprehensive brought to North American society Mennonites, or Russländer, proceeded accounts of the relationship between the through rapid industrialization and within a stressed environment, mainly for Russländer and the Old Mennonites. He urbanization . Generally speaking, historical reasons. The Kanadier had left maintains that the relationship was cordial, modernism prompted a move away from a Russia both in reaction to threats from the not strained. Misunderstandings emerged theology based on Biblical literalism, Czarist government to end their immunity for several reasons. Differences in dialect personal and rewards in the from and because of made communication difficult. The afterlife, to an interpretation of the Bible growing land shortages within the Russländer had become very cosmopolitan, as the Spirit, not necessarily the Word, of Mennonite colonies . They also perceived a urban-oriented and modernized in the God, and a focus on betterment in this life weakening of traditional values amongst previous decades whereas the Old through social reform. While the Old coreligionists, rooted in continued their Mennonites continued to maintain a Mennonite churches never fully accepted stratification and in the adoption economic stricter separation from the world. These modernism, they, like most Protestant Forestry Service of the in replacement of were fundamental differences and denominations around the turn of the service. For complete immunity from state undoubtedly accounted for the fact that century, witnessed a steady exodus from relationship that and other reasons, the these two groups did not form any kind of their memberships and were looking for Russländer on between the Kanadier and formal congregational union. However, ways of countering the flow. It is was and has the Canadian prairies strained Epp is not satisfied to let such facts simply important to emphasize the continental been documented as such .' stand for themselves . He writes, "The scope of this movement . Old Mennonites The strains between these two groups question arises, why did the longevity of in Ontario maintained strong connections had historical circumstances ; there was a association in the not lead to an with their American coreligionists, and the previous relationship to contend with. The Page 7

Canadian story cannot be One such church leader probably more important for most MC fully appreciated without was John Horsch, an Mennonites in this context than were understanding the American Mennonite theological questions."" American dimension. originally from Bavaria, A closer look at the Gospel Herald and Frank H. Epp has who heavily involved the Christian Monitor, another Mennonite deemed the years 1786 to himself in Mennonite newspaper, seem to bear this out. The 1920 an era of educational institutions most significant articles are those that use awakening, as North and spear-headed the a fundamentalist argument to explore American Mennonites return to more practical applications, a reflection, again, began implementing traditional values. In of the preoccupation with the socio- limited liberal structural 1924, the very year cultural manifestation of religious changes . The Russian Mennonites so common in Old Mennonite issues of "awakening" depended came to Waterloo, identity . Interestingly enough, the on the adoption of select Horsch published "The preferred topic of choice was women, or evangelical Protestant Mennonite Church and more specifically, women's attire. One is models such as the Modernism," in which reminded of Francis Swyripa's book Sunday School, he ruthlessly Wedded to the Cause where she explores promotion of missions, characterized the importance of women in reflecting more organized works of modernism as anti- Ukrainian Canadian group identity.' Much John Horsch . charity, the establishment Christian and the same happened in the Mennonite of church publications unapologetically community ." The image of their women is and Bible colleges, and identified institutions one that the Mennonite community revivalist meetings .' At a local level, the and individuals deemed perpetrators of its perceived as having great significance for Sunday School issue proved the most tenets . In the Foreword he wrote: group unity. Consider, for instance, this explosive and precipitated a series of article in the Gospel Herald in which as more conservative facets The Mennonite Church of today W.O. Hobbs of Fort Wayne, , resisted change . Despite the tension, finds itself face to face with the admonished women to wear the though, there was considerable optimism most insidious foe of the old Bible devotional covering as their duty as about the future of the Mennonite church . . Modernism is a perversion and Christians and as a symbol of their rightful Optimism was to see a severe decline denial of the fundamentals of the place in the church . By not doing so, they after . In the spirit of post- faith yet, but an obvious distortion brought shame upon the entire World War I cynicism, theologians faced a of church history, it claims to be true community : split along Fundamentalist/Modernist Mennonitism, the faith of the lines . In broad terms, was Fathers. It is safe to say that never This may seem only for the sisters, a reactionary movement responding to a before in her history has the Church but it becomes a duty of the church sense that Modernism had gone too far: faced such a crisis .` at large to see that these things are there needed to be a return to more observed and followed as closely as conservative values, often manifested in Horsch found the modernist threat he was possible. Fathers and husbands, it is rampant reactionism and anti- looking for in , which your personal duty to encourage and intellectualism. What resulted was a closed in 1923 as a result of charges of strengthen the sisters, and to be in vicious debate between Modern and modernism, only to reopen one year later line with the Word .' Fundamentalist camps. For the most part, upon selection of a board deemed the North American Mennonite church theologically suitable. Not only men joined the crusade for placed itself in the Fundmentalist camp Church newspapers reverberated with female . Women added their and the debate as it surfaced internally can the spirit of the times. It becomes evident voices as well. be represented by one situation : the even from cursory scans of the Gospel To carry this issue into a Canadian closing of Goshen College in Northern Herald, an American Mennonite weekly context, the head covering debate proved Indiana . By the 1920s, a growing number and the chief proponent of traditionalism, explosive in the Waterloo area. The First of Mennonites began to fear that the that the Mode mist/Fundamentalist scare Mennonite Church in Kitchener church was endangering its unique had penetrated through the entire experienced tension between Bishop Jones Anabaptist heritage by becoming too membership. The paper was punctuated Snider and U.K . Weber. Snider was closely aligned with the outside world. not only with diatribes against modernism attempting to reinforce the traditional Several prominent church leaders began written by leaders, but also with concerned bishop-centred authority over its actively searching through Mennonite letters received from the lay membership. membership, a move that would increase institutions for instances of "modernism." The issue and responses to it fall into two the ability of church leadership to What ensued was more than a decade of categories : the theological and the socio- discipline wayward members (i .e. refusing institutional house cleaning and a strong cultural . However, it would be a mistake them communion). The more progressive reassertion of traditionalism . Historian to study one to the exclusion of the other Weber refused to comply and allowed James C. Juhnke characterizes this period because socio-cultural conformity became women not wearing the head covering to as a time when Old Mennonites a strong indicator of fidelity to Anabaptist participate in communion . Snider revoked theological principles . In fact, Juhnke Weber's ministerial authority . On August set limits to acceptable theological suggests that it was because Mennonites 19, 1924, a scant two months after the discourses as well as social were beginning to leave things, like the Russländer arrived in Waterloo, 133 First behaviour in a process of defining , behind that it seemed to Mennonite members established Stirling and enforcing group boundaries.' represent a lapse in faith. "The social and Mennonite Church a few blocks away."' cultural implications of "liberalism" was Page 8

How ironic that the the Commonwealth study abroad, and returned with ideas new arrival of Rufnder is was and who the people to the community. These ideas found a rarely discussed in light leaving it were has been good reception within the sectors most of the changes happening the subject of involved with the Russian business in their host community. considerable community. Loewen perceived in the new Those changes are aptly revisionism beginning elite a growing political consciousness, a documented in in the 1980s. new openness to art and literature, and a Mennonite historical Revisionist works have softening of conservatism . He credits the annals . However, the Old served to temper the intelligentsia with: Mennonite character is utopian aspects usually interpreted as being associated with the helping to transform Russian strangely static and Commonwealth, largely Mennonitism from a predominately monolithic in a product of the agricultural-ethnico-religious group comparison the immigrants themselves to a society more urban, industrial Russländer character, seeking to comprehend and secular in orientation . whereas it becomes clear and make sense of their from the above account traumatic experiences.'= An interesting parallel can be drawn that the Old Mennonites James Urry, a non- between the pre-war Russian and North were dealing with issues Mennonite historian, American Mennonite communities. At the of modernization as places the issue of class same time that Old Mennonites opened up much as the Russländer at the forefront of his their community to select modernist ideas, were. Therefore, ready studies. He reveals in the Russian Mennonites became more characterizations of depth the growing open to outside influences . As Old simple versus stratification of the Mennonites split on issues of separation, cosmopolitan, while not Russian Mennonite Russian Mennonites split into economic untrue, leave a shallow James Urrv. community as it classes. After World War 1, Old finish on a story that involved itself at Mennonites began reasserting traditional could prove to be quite increasing levels in the values on a mass scale. Both Urry and complex . capitalist market. The classes consisted of Loewen perceive in 1917 the ability of the large land owners, colony farmers, Russian Mennonite community to grapple The Ru131ander Mennonite World in industrialists, merchants and labourers . By with its disunity. However, this parallel 1924 1914, 2 .8% of the Mennonite population can only be taken so far. Old Mennonites were, by far, more rural, conservative, "Complex" is certainly a word that owned 34% of Mennonite capital. Colony isolationist, and communally-minded than rests easily beside the history of the farmers, representing 71 .2% of the their counterparts . Russian Mennonites, largely because population, owned most of the remaining Studies such as Urry's and Loewen's dramatic events within it are much more capital, leaving 25% of the Mennonite served to considerably alter how recent in memory, and it is easier to see in population with little or no capital ." have historians characterize the Russian their history an important aspect of Stratification lead to a diminished sense of Mennonites who arrived in Ontario in the Mennonite self-identity: the act of community as people identified with their 1920s . Henry Paetkau carries the suffering for one's faith. The Russian class more than with their people" and implications of revisionist history into the Mennonite Commonwealth was brutally kinship ties diminished as wealth, status Ontario context. Gone is the assumption of destroyed during the Red Civil War, and occupation became the dominant agrarian-based people, or the largely because Communist and Anarchist factor in choosing suitable marriage an of social solidarity. Paetkau revolutionaries associated it with the partners." Urry does not presume to assumption group that is not so much bourgeois stronghold and demanded its explore the implications of wealth on portrays a with separation from Canadian liquidation . Avictim mentality has since Mennonite religious life, but questions the concerned "aggressive" involvement with society, as with actively proving their become a strong element of the Russländer effect of outside business world on the loyalty to Canada." He challenges the story, and even remains in some way, the emphasis of separation . He presumption of a rural and agrarian shape, or form, within modern historical traditional events of 1917, in which "Weltanschauung" (world view) among accounts. Take, for example, a suggests that the were forced to serve in the Russian Mennonites. They came to characterization offered by Henry Paetkau young Mennonites voluntary agencies, may Canada knowing they were supposed to be in his 1984 article, "Russian Mennonite various wartime impetus needed to deal with farmers, but many were determined to Immigrants in the 1920s: A Reappraisal" : have been the issues of wealth, but the Red Civil War settle in urban centres .'" Paetkau questions assumptions of group solidarity by They were, by all indicators, a prevented the opportunity." pointing out that they soon dispersed into broken people, broken in body and Harry Loewen explores the in the approximately 16 groups throughout the spirit. Apart of them reached back development of an intelligentsia from province ."' Paetkau leaves his reader with into the past .. . Another part strained Russian Mennonite Community the intelligentsia the impression that the new arrivals are forward ... A part, perhaps, was 1880-1917 . He presents that Russian predominantly urban-minded, more broken and shattered beyond as a significant indicator increasingly assimilationist than separatist, and in repair." Mennonites were becoming progressive and more in tune with the non- possession of a strong sense of of individualism. That the Russian Mennonite Mennonite world. A growing number the This brings to the forefront the obvious Commonwealth was destroyed during the young Mennonites, mostly from home to question : How did the Old Mennonites, Civil War is an indisputable fact. Just what wealthier classes, were leaving Page 9

discussion of "Mennonite Land Barons ." To his credit, Slagel did, in his April article, reassure his readership that the Russian Mennonites celebrated Easter as their American counterparts did, "with the emphasis on the spiritual significance of the Easter season."" But, that he would feel the need to relate such a minute detail is significant for an appreciation ofjust how little North American Mennonites knew of these people. In his article on schools, he included a telling statement that provides a fitting context for the remainder of the essay:

The clouds are slowly lifting from Russia ... in the meantime, our people over there need every encouragement we can give them, and above all, need our sympathy, and fairmindedness in looking at their problems and criticizing their actions of the past!"

Slagel's statement reflects an ambivalence ve Kelu ees, 1924 towards the Russian Mennonites, On the one hand, they were viewed as "our who, although dealing with the same Gospel Herald in the early 1920s reveal people". On the other hand, something forces of modernization, maintained a few opinion pieces about the Russian about them that did not fit well with the simpler, more agrarian lifestyle, respond to Mennonites . Information about them Old Mennonite perception of Mennonite their Russian Mennonite guests? surfaces only in relief reports. However, identity. The Christian Monitor, from January The Ontario Context Responses to 1924 to July of that same year, presented a RuIlRinder series of articles by Arthur Slagel entitled The primary sources are varied . Immigration "Russia Today." Perhaps a cursory Sources reflecting the Old Mennonite examination of these articles can help us In the July 1922 session of the experience are limited to a series of Conference of Mennonites in Central gain a sense of Old Mennonite attitudes interviews conducted by Richard Neff in concerning their Russian coreligionists . Canada, David Toews, an 1870s the late 1970s and early 1980s in the Mennonite, outlined the details of a Slagel's series did not concern itself Waterloo area. Russian Mennonite sources solely with the Russian Mennonites but contract arranged with the Canadian are even more limited. Two are published rather with Russia as a whole, and the government and the Soviet Union to bring personal experiences, and one is a Russian Mennonites as they fit into it. Russian Mennonites to Canada. Frank H . handwritten account. Thus, while Slagel devoted two articles to Epp's account describes the delegates' It becomes very clear upon listening to Russian Mennonite institutions, he response: Neff's interviews that the interviewees devoted a comparable amount of space often had difficulty saying very much at discussing Russia's land problems, the His (Toews') question was greeted all about their Russian guests . Responses state of the Ukrainian peasant, and by nervous silence. Three times he are often punctuated with long silences, examining relationship of the Russian repeated his request and three times the very carefully worded sentences, and .21 with their neighbours . He the delegates did not respond Mennonites vague generalities . One man, for instance, bemoaned them the loss of control over spoke briefly about the language issue and but responded that they must The delegates Epp speaks of were the colonies, abruptly finished his answer with, "I think their new life and make the best of Russian Mennonites who had immigrated accept that's all. (long pause) I think that's all I their situation. Slagel wrote with none of to Canada in the 1870s. He explains their have to say."" Some of their woodenness so characteristic reluctance in a historical context. These the dramatic flair of may have had to do with Neff's interview clearly Mennonites had left Russia partly in Russian Mennonite accounts. He style. Questions concerning the Russian rejection of what they saw as the loss of believed the Russian Mennonites to be Mennonites were the first on his list, so he fundamental Mennonite values in the superior to the Russian peasants ." But, there had been little opportunity to the Russian Colonies, and they still looked back at explained matter-of-factly that develop a good rapore between expected Russia with bitterness. As well, they Mennonites should have interviewer and interviewee. Nonetheless, Russian peasants questioned the religious purity of their repercussions from the considering the length of time some of counterparts .2' following the Bolshevik takeover because these people sheltered their guests, one has Epp says little about the attitudes of they had always been wealthier than their to wonder that they would have so little to Ontario Mennonites except to say that Russian neighbours ." Given North say. For instance, Neff asks one man if they also had their doubts. He does not American Mennonite attitudes to wealth, there were problems, and received the elaborate any further."' Issues of the there would no doubt have been some following answer : negative reaction to Slagel's "non-critical" There would have been some, I from the "aristocratic" group and the suppose. There were some things husband did not. He worked well and quite different. Our way and their fit in with the . His wile was way of life were very different. He more difficult. She kept to herself, was ready to adjust and she was too. refused to learn Pennsylvania German So they got along quite well.=' or English, and clung to her culture. "She really felt herself more than we Some respondents said that they had were." Later on, the interviewee and struck up and still maintained her husband sponsored the wife's meaningful friendships with their brother and his spouse. "He was really guests,'° but these responses were few not very nice. He didn't go out of his and far between. way to try at all to get on with us." Women were quick to note the This woman leaves the impression that differences in dress. Several commented there was a marked difference between on the black bows worn by Russian the attitudes of the wealthy and not-so- Mennonite married women, and wealthy Russian Mennonites . However, mentioned the stylish clothes preferred in the case of her guests, she presents by both sexes." Given the general the horrors they experienced in Russia emphasis on dress, and the specific as a partial explanation for their tension over the head covering, that behaviour in Canada . Another women in particular would mention interviewee, Abner Good, provides no dress comes as no surprise. such qualification. Of Neff's Language differences were not given respondents, he directs the harshest much priority . Some volunteered criticism towards the once-wealthy humorous anecdotes of Russian Mennonites, mainly in misunderstandings arising through connection with their inability to work: language difficulties ." Although respondents affirmed some differences in Those that came were in two classes dialect. most emphasized that because especially . Those were the common the Russian Mennonites could speak Abner and Maryann (Randall) Good. class. and there was of course the High German, communication was not higher class and some of them were much of a problem." in charge of the politics . They made Very little was said about religious involving the young man who stayed with their own laws and had things their differences. Several mentioned how well her family: own way and to their own the Russian Mennonites sang. Some advantage. But these were the upper commented on their piety. Others related We had one man at our place. He classes, you see, and they were how they would drive their guests to had never worked. He was one of worth up to $10 million and these church on Sunday afternoons . (Several those who drove around a horse and were not very helpful because, as far Old Mennonite congregations provided told people what to do. It was very as I saw, they were not able to work. their facilities for Sunday afternoon hard for him to work but he did They just didn't know how to work . Russian Mennonite services.) But, all pretty good, though .. . They couldn't even pick up wood. agreed that these Mennonites were They were rather severe in dealing Christians . "They were good Christian with their employers. They would people. Very Christian people," said one (Neff: Was his lifestyle much disrupt some of those people who man.' different'! His standard of living?) were in the ordinary category ... But Several respondents commented on the most of them that came were well Russian Mennonite work ethic . able to take care of themselves Considering that most Old Mennonites 1 don't know . . . He was one of the because they got along in life and farmed, and many hired the new arrivals rich men. He had a tall hat and a they got along well here . And many as farm labourers, their concern over job long black coat. He brought those of them helped along in the farms performance reflected both the concerns of along. And there was a couple that I where they were and soon were an employer and the high value placed in think .. . they had worked for him. worth more than their employers . the community on a good work ethic. We had church one Sunday They just knew how to make money Questions concerning the adjustment of afternoon for all these people that and get along and how to handle Russian Mennonites to their new hadjust come in and he sat beside men and most of them were a good environment often met with comments on them in church and when they stood calibre and a good influence ... up ... (long pause)' the ability of their guests to work." The rich people werejust as poor as The issues of class and wealth everyone else when they came. She never finished her story, but one is left definitely make their appearance . One They just had nothing. Everything deeply curious . Why did the couple stand respondent simply said, "They were quite was taken away from them. well-to-do at one time.'"' However, three up`? How did they greet the young man`? of Neff's interviewees discussed in Why does she begin but never complete the story'? considerable detail differences in (Neff: Everyone knew which class Another woman described the couple behaviour and work ethic based on class. they belonged to.) One interviewee related an incident who stayed with them. The wife came Page I I Ob yeah. I don't know any rich into the actual opinions held levels. This in itself is people that got along well. They just by the authors about their significant. These accounts had to be kicked along because they hosts. Of the three accounts present the Old couldn't handle it themselves . They that I found, two describe Mennonites almost as had no experience." only what they saw and quaint peoples and what they did, with little indicate a lack of interpretation as to the understanding about the Perhaps the relative importance of the significance of their stay. very different forms of Russian Mennonite arrival can be These accounts, written by identity maintenance measured against what Neff's interviewees people who arrived as practiced by the two did talk about. Issues such as Mennonite children, were published by groups. identity and separation from the world, in the Ontario Mennonite The third Russian which plain dress and relationships with Historical society. Mennonite source is a non-Mennonites figured prominently, Annie Dick Konrad's hand-written formed crucial components of their account is overwhelmingly autobiographical account discussion . Several respondents related in positive. She, along with written in German . Its vast detail the various schisms which they her family, lived for six author, Nicholas J. had witnessed and perhaps taken part in. months with a progressive Nicholas Fehderau, passport photo, Fehderau, twenty years 1924. Women discussed their reasons for Mennonite family (denoted old upon arrival, spent his choosing whether or not to wear the head by the mention of their car) . first summer working for covering. Many spoke warmly of Konrad provides scant detail about their an Old Mennonite farmer. His account is revivalist meetings. There was a general stay, but emphatically writes that "never considerably different from the other two feeling that the bishop-centred system once did we feel that we had overstayed in the criticism it directs at his hosts . more effectively maintained unity within our welcome. We were loved, fed, Fehderau's unpublished autobiography the community through strict moral sheltered and clothed."" Henry B. provides the most in-depth and critical regulation . Discussion concerning the Tiessen's story contains more detail . His account of an encounter with an Old Russian Mennonite arrival in 1924 formed family stayed with a slightly more Mennonite family. His emotions run loud a small part of these interviews, leaving conservative family (they used horses for and clear through his story as he recounts the impression that their arrival does not transportation but had up-to-date farm in detail the fears, hopes, disappointments, bear the significance of a major event in implements). He describes their welcome andjoys experienced in his first months in Old Mennonite life. Rather, it marked a into the hosts' home, outlines his family's Canada. Because of his sex and age, temporary break in day-to-day life that did participation in farmwork, and provides Fehderau, a young man of twenty, was not affect the major issues faced in the information about Old Mennonite church highly valued as a labourer. Fehderau tells church, issues that were dividing Old life and social life. Thiessen relates how of being questioned about his work Mennonites as Russian Mennonites moved Mr. Burkhart, his host, explains to experience upon his arrival in Waterloo. into their homes. Discussion of Russian Tiessen's father the minute differences Did he have experience with horses? Mennonites reflects : firstly, how little they among Old Mennonites in Waterloo Fehderau replies: knew of their guests ; concerning and secondly, their separation, Oh yes. I have dealt in horses preoccupation with a differences such as before. In Russia we had over 100 strong work ethic and dress, attitudes to horses .. . and every year we would separation from the government, modes sell a dozen or so to the Russian world through simple of transportation, and cavalry. When I was ten my father living. Very few the use offarm bought me a pony and I rode it actually criticized the technology . Thiessen every day. (translation)' Russian Mennonites, presents his hosts in but their statements positive, yet One has to wonder about the reaction of belie the strong cultural unemotional terms."' the farmer to Fehderau's past wealth and differences between The neutral tone of business dealings with the army, given the Old Mennonites and these accounts Old Mennonite ambivalence to wealth and Russian Mennonites. speaks, I think, of the strong assertions of . A farmer Russian Mennonite fact that they were asks if he has ever milked a cow. Fehderau accounts are notably published in a replies in the negative, but quickly states more dramatic. After periodical serving Old that he learned about it in school. What all, these immigrants and Russian impression would this leave in an anti- had left a destroyed Mennonite readers. intellectual environment? world and were These articles were Fehderau's opinion of his employer entering a new one not intended to be varies. While admitting that he was a hard about which they knew interesting and worker and fairly just employer, Fehderau very little . informative, not makes several comments about his Unfortunately, political. They give character. Upon his arrival, Fehderau was however, two of the issues of cultural greeted "distrustfully" and asked nothing sources, the articles, difference surface about his trip or his first impressions of used in this article coverage without Canada. He was shown his room without Henry B. Tiessen (left) with a buddy, late 1920s. provide little insight exposing the deeper comment and left there.12 Fehderau clearly feel treated below his status:

I was now a Proletariat and dared not demand anything . My landlords did not treat me as an equal, as a fellow Mennonite, as a brother of the faith. They treated me like a worker from the street . In the time I worked there, they treated me only as a worker and made no attempts to strike up an acquaintance with me. (translation)'

Given that the Red Civil War was waged in part against the Mennonite "bourgeoisie" by the revolutionary "proletariat", and that Fehderau, as a eating watermelon and rollkuchen with theirAmish Mennonite hosts. member of the upper class, would Russian Mennonites probably have personally suffered repercussions, it is easy to see why he Unlike the Old Mennonite interviews, in the new world alone, with a strange resents his new "proletariat" status in this account often mentions language family in a strange culture. He was also Canada. difficulties . Fehderau tells of an error only twenty and had, at a young age, Fehderau is surprised to learn that his made because he had misunderstood watched as his world was destroyed by employer is a preacher : instructions. "Don't you understand war. Much of his tension is a normal part German?" asked the farmer. Fehderau of the immigration experience. However, I would never have taken him for a replies, "I would understand fine if you he reveals a highly-tuned sense of class minister . .. His brother across the spoke German ."-" indicative of his past stature in Russia, street was much friendlier and often Fehderau feels unappreciated, both as the son of a wealthy man and as a talked with me, but this man has undervalued and misunderstood. When the Mennonite. He definitely felt that he never made the effort to speak with farmer says he can not afford to pay him deserved to be treated better than he was me . .. for the winter but offers him lodging, in light of that past. My landlord himself worked hard, Fehderau, concerned about his travel Neither Fehderau, Thiessen or Konrad and then to prepare a sermon yet! I debts, finds a job in the local Sanatorium, join Old Mennonite congregations. often saw him Sunday afternoons charging the farmer with assuming he had Another Russian Mennonite, Herbert P. with his Bible and books in the a free worker for the winter . "At that Enns, commits to paper the story of the dining room, and often he had fallen time," he writes, "I did not hold it against Russian Mennonite's arrival in 1924. His asleep by the time I went upstairs to him, but upon writing this (46 years later), account is part of the booklet prepared in my room. I cannot understand how it amazes me how heartless people can celebration of the Waterloo-Kitchener he would be able to bring his be." (translation)" United Mennonite Church's 50th congregation a moving and Putting Fehderau's account into anniversary. He reiterates Fehderau's meaningful message. (translation)' perspective, he did spend his first months mention of language difficulties;' and relates it to the desire among the Russian Mennonites to be with their own:

At first they worshipped in the churches of their hosts. However the new language, even the Pennsylvania-Dutch dialect, presented great difficulties to them. A longing to listen again to a German sermon and to have an opportunity to share one's experiences became more and more evident, whenever several members of the new group were gathered ."

Enns states the choice of some families to move to Manitoba was primarily fuelled by their overarching desire to " God with one's own people""' He does not consider economic reasons for doing so . Enns assumes that Russian Mennonites Russian Mennonite :: i. ..to at East Zorra Mennonite expressed solidarity through their faith, an Church. 1924. assumption severely questioned by Page 13 historian Henry Paetkau. Although it some sort of union should have taken Covering," Gospel Herald, (March 26, would be wrong to dismiss language and place between the Old and Russian 1925), p. 10 11 . , one must take into account the Mennonites. That assumption colours the 10 Frank H. Epp, Mennonites in Canada Russian Mennonites' strong sense of way historians have approached the topic. 1920-1940: A People's Struggle for individualism. Their desire to Frank H . Epp is the prime example. He Survival, (Toronto: Macmillan of economically re-establish themselves has turned the encounter between the Canada, 1982), pp. 78-79 . formed part of the decision to leave the Russlaender and the Old Mennonites into 11 Henry Paetkau, "Russian Mennonite Old and their churches behind. a tragedy of lost opportunity. The story is Immigrants of the 1920'x : A The Russian Mennonite impatience to only tragic if told from a teleological Reappraisal," Journal ofMennonite move on is readily found in Mennonite perspective. Epp's approach in itself is Studies v.2 (1984). p.82. history textbooks such as Frank H . Epp's. significant in demonstrating how 12 see. for example. AI Reimer, "The Epp, like Enns, connects their impatience profoundly our personal opinions and Russian Mennonite Experience in to religious factors. Paetkau reflects religious views affect our interpretation of Fiction," Mennonite Images: instead on the fragmentation that started in history and provides an excellent example Historical, Cultural and Literary Russia. Russian Mennonites did seek out of a specific interpretation of Mennonite Essays, ed. H. Loewen (Winnipeg: other out and preferred to work and identity. This paper has attempted to Hyperion Press, 1980), in which he worship together. However, to separate distance itself from a teleological discusses the implications of their religion and economics is to falsely interpretation but showing that the history on Canadian Russian compartalize these domains. The Russian encounter between the Russländer and the Mennonite 20th-century writing. Mennonite identity reflected a strong Old Mennonites in the early 1920s reveals 13 James Urry, "Through the Eye of a individualism. Thus, religion reflected the strong causation inherent in Needle : Wealth and the Mennonite socio-economic rationalizations : environment. Experience in Russia," Journal of The Old Mennonites and RuBländer Mennonite Studies, v. 3 (1985), p . 13. . .. religion became .. . more deeply lived under one roof for a short time 14Ibid., p. 21 . individualistic and personal and commencing in 1924. This experience was 15 James Urry. "Prolegomena to the Study much less social or communal, a viewed as necessary for the admission of of Mennonite Society in Russia 1880- process hastened if not begun by the Russian Mennonites into Canada. 1914," Journal ofMennonite Studies, persecution and destruction under However, both groups realized that, given v. 8 (1990), p. 69. Bolshevik rule. While a few leaders their cultural differences, their time 16 Urry, "Through the Eye of a Needle", strove valiantly and eloquently to together would soon end. The Old p. 29. rebuild a people, therefore, Mennonites continued reformulating 17 Harry Loewen, "Intellectual individuals sought primarily to Mennonite identity based on separation . Developments Among the Mennonites rebuild their lives and their Russian Mennonites began rebuilding of Russia," Journal ofMennonite families."' their lives. Studies, v. 8 (1990), p. 103. 18 Paetkau, p. 74 . For the RuBländer to have joined Old Krista Taves is a Ph.D. student in historY 19 Ibid., pp. 78-79. Mennonite congregations would have at York University. 20Ibid., p . 80. meant moving into a system that did not 21 Epp. p . 161 . correspond to their historical experiences Endnotes 22Ibid.. p . 167. or contemporary social circumstances. 23 Ibid., p. 174. Those circumstances centered on personal 1 Frank H . Epp, Mennonites in Canada 24 Arthur Slagel, "Russia Today: and familial survival. For the Old 1920-19411: A People's Struggle for Mennonite Schools in the Ukraine," Mennonites survival was not an issue . Survival, (Macmillan of Canada, Christian Monitor. (March 1924), p. They had established themselves 1982 ),pp. 243-44. 468. economically years earlier. 2 Ibid., p . 246. 25 Arthur Slagel, "Russia Today: 11 . The 3 Ibid., pp. 23.5-236. Land Problem in Russia and its Effect," Conclusion 4 James C. Juhnke, "Mennonite Church Christian Monitor, (February 1924), p. Theological and Social Boundaries, This essay has been structured to 435. 1920-1930- Loyalists, Liberals and demonstrate the differences between the 26 Arthur Slagel, "Russia Today: Easter Laxitarians," 38 n. 2 RuBländer and the Old Mennonites in a Mennonite Life, v. Time in Russia," Christian Monitor, (June 1983), p. 18 . way that emphasizes the changes (April 1924), p. 498. 5 John Horsch. happening within both communities. The Mennonite Church 27 Arthur Slagel, "Russia Today: (Scottdale, PA: Conventional histories have often failed to and Modernism, Mennonite Schools in the Ukraine," Mennonite Publishing House, 1924) convey the extent to which the Old Christian Monitor, (March 1924), p. 3. Mennonite community, even though more P . 469. 6 Juhnke, p. 18. agrarian minded and conservative, was 28 John Cressman interviewed by R. Neff, 7 Frances Swyripa, responding to changes in its midst. This Wedded to the Cause: July 12, 1979. essay has emphasized that each group Ukrainian-Canadian Women and 29 Oscar Baer interviewed by R. Neff, (University lived within an ever-changing community Ethnic Identity 1891-1991, June 8. 1980. of Toronto, 1993). and had to grapple with the challenges 30 Mary Hunsberger interviewed by R. 8 See, for example, James M. Gray, "if a handed it by that community. Those Neff, June 18, 1980. woman have long hair it is a glory to challenges did not overlap to any great 31 Leah Hallman interviewed by R. Neff, her." (April degree. Christian Monitor, 1926), August 28, 1979. There seems to be, in Canadian pp. 119-120. Annie Gimbel interviewed by R. Neff, 9 W.O. Hobbs, "The Devotional Mennonite history, an assumption that June 4. 1980. Gladys Ramseyer interviewed by R. Mennogespriich, 10(September 42 Ibid., p. 25-26. Neff, July 3, 1980 . 1992)2, p. 12 . 43 Ibid., p. 27 . 32 For example, John Cressman interview. 40 Henry B. Tiessen, "Henry B . Tiessen's 44Ibid., p. 29 . 33 For example, Leah Hallman interview. Experiences as a Russian Mennonite 45 Ibid., p. 29a. 34 Joseph Cressman interviewed by R. Immigrant," trans. Herbert P. Enns, 46 Ibid., pp . 31 a-32a. Neff, July 5, 1979 . (reprinted from the 1973 German 47 Herbert P. Enns, "The History of the 35 For example, Gladys Ramseyer original), Ontario Mennonite History, Waterloo-Kitchener United Mennonite interview. 12(September 1994)2, pp. 13-15 . Church," Jubilee Issue ofthe 36 Ida Cressman interviewed by R. Neff, 41 Nicholas J. Fehderau, Waterloo-Kitchener United Mennonite July 5, 1979 . "Aufzeichnungen ueber meine Church, (Waterloo : 1974), pp. 7-8. 37 Miss B. Cressman interviewed by R. Auswanderung aus Russland im Jahre 48 Ibid., p. 8. Neff, May 22, 1980 . 1924 une meine erste Eindruecke and 49 Ibid., p. 8. 38 Abner Good interviewed by R. Neff, Erlebnisse in meiner neuen Heimat - 50 Paetkau, p. 83 . July 25, 1979 . Canada" (Conrad Grebel Archives 39 Annie Dick Konrad, "Finding Refuge XIII-2 .15 .2 .1), p. 23 . Among Mennonites in Waterloo",

My First Days In America by Gerhard Wiens

We had never seen anything so green as boy, I shouted to him shyly, "I speak Dutch Mennonite farmer. My boss and his the lawns which flashed by our train English!" And now I had my first wife, a handsome, well-dressed youg windows as we were travelling up the conversation with a native! I was proud couple, brought me home in their shining, Saint Lawrence Valley on that brilliant enough to burst, I was thrilled beyond black Model-T coupe. I could hardly morning of July 18, 1924. We were a English words that the man understood me believe it. How could a farmer afford a trainload of Mennonites from Soviet and that I was able to piece his meaning distinguished vehicle like that? My boss Russia, a happy, exhilarated trainload . For together. The train was starting when he must be richer than the average farmer. At we had, quite miraculously, been allowed fired a last question at me, "When did you twenty-five miles per hour we flew to leave the Red Paradise and were, at leave Russia?" - "We leaved on June through the beautiful countryside, on long last, actually entering our Promised twenty-third," I shot back . But as he was magnificent gravel roads . I had ridden in a Land, the land of "decadent capitalism." waving me a receding goodbye, something car only once in Russia, on a dirt road. It No capitalists we - the liquidators had horrible dawned on me . I waved and seemed mighty decent of my boss to let made sure of that. I arrived in America called to him to come back . He dashed up me, his laborer, ride in his car right beside with seven dollars and a British twopence alongside and I cried, "We left Russia on him and his wife . In Russia he might have in my pocket, and twenty-eight dollars for June twenty-third!" He stopped in his arranged to have another laborer fetch me my passage. But we would have been glad tracks . He looked puzzled . Perhaps he was in the farm wagon. This was but the first to repay them tenfold for helping us out of angry. It grieved me to think that I might of countless situations in which I have Russia, for giving us a new life in which have offended the first native I talked to, seen American democracy in all its there was hope and liberty once more . No yet surely he would understand that I decency and vitality. And though I have wonder the grass looked greener to us than could not let a mistake go uncorrected also seen it abused and twisted into we had seen it for many a year. We had which I knew was a mistake . I smiled my caricature, to me it is still the rock forgotten how beautiful the world can be broadest and shouted, "Bad English . We foundation of life in America . when there is joy in the heart instead of left Russia ." Whether he heard me or not, After we arrived at the farm and I had grief and never-ending fear. he smiled back . But when I sank back in unpacked my few belongings I went I was nineteen, but we were all young, my seat I had a lot of explaining to do to outside to explore the yard . I saw no exuberantly young. During those first days my fellow-immigrants - why all that laborers, no maids, and wondered where and months we drank American life in shouting? And I blushed when I had to they might be this evening . I strolled into tremendous drafts and opened our eyes admit that I had made a mistake in the bard and there, beside a long row of wide to encompass all that we possibly English . Holsteins, I saw a man milking. I was could of the broad, astounding American I went on making mistakes, and not startled . 1 had never seen a man milk . At panorama . Impressions crowded in upon only in English . You natives do not realize home, milking was a woman's job and a us in overwhelming profusion . There is how hard most of us immigrants try to disgrace to a man . Perhaps there was a nothing like coming to America as a please you and how embarrassed we are shortage of maids here this evening and nineteen-year-old newborn babe . when we become aware of our this kindhearted laborer had swallowed his monumental awkwardness . You may think pride and jumped in to help. I was about to My First Mistake that anybody can learn your simple, ask him where the boss might be, when At one of the stations where we had natural ways in a few months, but you do this man addressed me by my name and I stopped, a reporter was running alongside not know how intricate they are and how recognized my boss. That smartly dressed the train, calling, "Anybody speak slow and arduous the task of adaptation is . gentleman of the Model-T sat there on a English?" I was glad that his only dirty stool in soiled overalls and a battered A Man Milks A response from windows was a shaking of Cow! straw hat, milking! Something must be heads, and as soon as I could, without I arrived at Waterloo, Ontario, the next seriously wrong with him. Or with appearing too forward for an immigrant day and went to work for a Pennsylvania- America`? No, no, that could not be! He Page 15 asked me if I knew how to milk, and I pace of work in America. We had worked them. We had seen merchants in Russia laughed. The next evening he was hard in Russia too, but we had always had going after trade in a reserved sort of way, laughing - at a desperate greenhorn and a time for a nap in the middle of the day and but we had never been sufficiently aware puzzled bossy. frequent short rests between work. We had of advertising even to give it a name. Coming in from the barn that first heard that in America time was money and Advertising hit us as a perplexing oddity evening 1 asked my farmer how in the we soon concluded that time was too of American behavior. I was quite proud world he kept all that beautiful grass much money here. I still think it is. When when I reasoned out that the calendars in around the house so nice and even. He a man sees silver dollars slipping through every room were not just gifts of showed me the lawn mower beside the his fingers every time he folds his hands in friendship from the merchants, but a sly garage and demonstrated it on the walk. I his lap he has voluntarily surrendered part way to keep their names and products was fascinated and asked him to let me of his sacred liberty. Because in America constantly before our eyes. My farmer had push it. Then I completely lost my senses . time is worth so much money, many a hard time making me comprehend what I pushed the whirling marvel onto the rarely take time to live. It a "sale" was, and why there might be grass and before he could stop me I had puzzles me that Thoreau is so popular sense even in a " sale ." cut a wondrously even, velvety path half- when nobody gives any serious thought to Time being money and advertisers way across his lawn. I thought he was following his teaching . Is Walden Pond a telling me in thinly veiled terms that I was going to have a fit, and you can't imagine dream to which we escape from inwardly a fool not to buy, 1 also began to how a young immigrant feels when he admitted slavery`? There is slavery understand why Americans did not spend faces his first fit in the new country. But everywhere in the world, to be sure, but in much time patching worn overalls, but when he saw my apologetic bewilderment America so much of it seems self- rather threw them away. I was aghast at he gave a hearty laugh and told me that imposed . American wastefulness . "It doesn't pay" - now I'd have to mow the whole lawn But work is joy, too. In America any I had never heard such words at home. In tomorrow. Nothing could have pleased me work can be joy because all work is America, I soon learned, those words are better . I loved that lawn mower. respected. In the old country work with his often undeniably true. But out of habit you These ingenious Americans! One of the hands put a man in a lower class, and if it all too often waste a thing which would be few things we had all known about the got his hands dirty it degraded him . In well worth saving even at your price on Americans was that they were tops in America a white-collar worker can don time. Having suffered great want in the old practical ingenuity! How the evidence was overalls and not lose caste. A professor country I still go through agonies of borne in upon us those first days! 1 was gains respect if he knows how to do things indecision whenever the time comes to amazed to learn that my boss had been around house and yard. In Europe he is not throw something away that could still be working his 160-acre farm mostly by supposed to know which end of the spade used or might come in handy some year. himself. In Russia we would have needed is pushed into the ground; at least it makes You may guess that whenever 1 meet a three good men to do it. I was fascinated him more professional if he doesn't. native pack rat I salute him warmly. I by all the machines and laborsaving Overalls, an American invention and began hoarding usable things even before devices. The first day we used a institution! With overalls enveloping your I landed. I saved the orange wrappers on contrivance which hoisted half a load of body smoothly yet roomily, with no coat- board ship and wrote my first letters home hay away up under the roof of the barn. tails to flap about, you slip into work, lithe on them. If you had been starved for paper The windmill (for me to this day a very as a lizard . Overalls always made me feel I for years the way 1 was you would also dear symbol of America) pumped water could tackle any man's job. And the understand why to this day my heart leaps into a tank and gave him running water in sturdiness of them, and of all work up when I behold a clean sheet of your house and barn. He handled team and clothes! Work shoes and boots may not be magnificent, rag-content bond paper; and binder alone from a seat on the binder quite as brutally tough as they look in the also why I never use a new sheet of it hereas we had always needed two men for mail order catalogs, ut they are nearly so. unless circumstances beyond my control this job. His hayrack was constructed so When they are on your feet they are a require it. I write all my first drafts on that the pitcher could build the load positive challenge to seek out the rockiest, scrap paper. himself, while we had always had thorniest, muddiest parts in the country. The abundance of goods may explain somebody on top to build it. He even had in part why there is so little stealing in this Mail Order Catalogs a kind of elevated gondola to cart the country, but general integrity, 1 believe, is manure out of the stable. Those mail-order catalogs - we gaped the main reason. My boss had to keep at at them in disbelief. You get all that, me to break me of my habit of putting Beautiful Ontario can for money:' And that is when the American every hoe and fork in the shed for the The farm was beautiful. Those fields! mania for work first took hold of us. We night. I thought him irresponsible for not All this Ontario country had formerly been had never seen so many things we wanted . locking the barn overnight. When we all primeval forest and some of the mightiest Now we must make money! Let's see went away one day we even left the house trees had been left standing in the fields . now, I'm getting twenty dollars a month, unlocked! Once when I ran out of postage Coming from the Steppes of Russia where room and board free. Of course, first stamps he told me to put a quarter in the every tree was planted, and at a spot where there's that debt to pay off. Maybe I could mailbox and the mailman would stamp my it would not be in the way, I thought this go somewhere else, find a job and twenty- letters and leave the change in stamps . 1 one of the oddest yet most beautiful things five dollars a month. Oh boy! told him 1 might be green, but I wasn't a about the American landscape: a broad, With all these marvelous goods to fool. majestic maple in the middle of a field. tempt the customer from catalog page and The cows looked so contented resting store window, we could not understand Reprintedfrom Mennonite Life, April in the cool shade of those trees . We never why manufacturers and merchants kept 1960, pp. 68-70 rested there . I was overwhelmed by the urging, begging, imploring people to buy Book Notes

The Publications Committee of the Canada during the American Civil War. reproduce papers presented to Mennonite Pennsylvania German Folklore Society of The story is inspired by Lorna Shantz Central Committee on the occasion of its Ontario, in Those Enterprising Bergey who owns the Bear Paw quilt upon 75th anniversary at a symposium in Pennsylvania Germans: Vol. XIII which the story is based. Fresno, on 9-12 March 1995 . Canadian German Folklore (Waterloo, Ontario : The Pennsylvania German Lorraine Roth, editor of Joseph Jutzi Gloria Neufeld Redekop, author of The Folklore Society of Ontario, 1995), 253 and Marie Bender Family History and Work of Their Hands: Mennonite pp. narrates the stories of Pennsylvania- Genealogy (Waterloo, Ontario : the Joseph Women's Societies in Canada (Waterloo : German entrepreneurs in Ontario, many of Jutzi Family Book Committee, 1995), 184 Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1996), whom were Mennonite . pp. with addenda taped inside back cover, 144 pp . explores the church societies traces the descendants of Joseph and within which women could speak, pray Hildi Froese Tiessen and Paul Gerard Maria (Bender) Jutzi. Besides stories, and creatively give expression to their own Tiessen, editors of Ephraim Weber's photographs and genealogy, it also understanding of the biblical message . She Letters Home 1902-1955 (Waterloo, includes some Jutzi and Bender family also shows how changes in those societies, Ontario : mir editions Canada in background with maps and photographs of including declining membership and a collaboration with Friends of the Joseph European sites. There is an index of shift in their primary focus from sewing Schneider Haus, 1996), 234 pp. have descendants and spouses . and baking to one of spiritual fellowship, transcribed and annotated letters written reflect the changing roles of women from Ephraim Weber to Leslie Staebler . Lorraine Roth et al., compilers of within the church, the home and the wider Most of the introductory chapter, although Joseph and Catherine (Kennel) Leis society . corrected, somewhat altered, and enlarged Genealogy (Unpublished manuscript, is taken from the article written by the 1994), 149 pp . traces the descendants of Donald B . Kraybill and Marc. A . editors, "Lucy Maud Montgomery's Joseph and Catherine (Kennel) Leis . The Olshan, editors of The Amish Struggle Ephraim Weber (1870-1956) : `a slight material was gathered by Katie (Leis) with Modernity (Hanover and London: degree of literary recognition," published Moser (1894-1983) of Castorland, New University Press of New England, 1994), in Journal ofMennonite Studies, 11 York . and typed and added to by Lorraine 304 pp . explore how the Amish negotiate (1993), 43-54. Roth in 1994 . change and continuity with the dominant society . Contributors include Donald Barbara Smucker, author of Selina and Robert Kreider and Ronald J.R. Kraybill, Gertrude Huntington, Diane the Bear Paw Quilt (Toronto: Lester Mathies, compilers of Unity Amidst Zimmerman Umble, David Luthy, Marc Publishing Ltd., 1995), n.p. tells the Diversity : Mennonite Central Committee Olshan, Steven Nolt, Thomas Meyers and fictional story of a Mennonite family who at 75 (Akron . Pennsylvania : Mennonite Kimberly Schmidt . emigrated from the United States to Central Committee, 1996), 181 pp .

Book Review by Lorraine Roth

Hermann Guth, compiler ofAmish Germany, except Bavaria, although it may not include later findings . He did not Mennonites in Germany; Their includes references to families going to always have access to research done on Congregations, The Estates Where They Bavaria. Where congregations straddled the American Continent in order to make Lived, Their Families (Morgantown, PA: the boundary, references to and helpful connections, or his resources were Masthof Press, 1995) documents the Lorraine are also found . In addition to old and out-dated. Besides Guth's own church and family history of Amish genealogical information, Guth also shares cautions concerning errors, one also needs Mennonites in Germany. This English his wealth of knowledge about the to take into account his concise style of translation from the 1993 German edition, cultural, historical, and religious ethos of writing . For example, he may say that Amische Mennoniten in Deutschland, the times . Michael Schwartzentruber was married at was sponsored by the Mennonite The editor and translators have done an Lehrbach in 1820 . That can mean that Historical and Genealogical Society, excellent job of translating and adding Schwartzenruber entered the state of Metamora, Illinois and published by notes, glossary of names and terms, matrimony at Lehrbach on a certain date Masthof Press, Morgantown, bibliography, maps and photographs in 1820 . It can also mean that in 1820, Pennsylvania, 1995. which help the reader to interpret the Michael Schwartzentruber was living at Genealogists of European scene. Lehrbach in a married state. If one families are indebted to Hermann Guth for The reader, however, should be aware interprets it to mean the former, and looks making available his research of Amish that there are also many gaps . Most of for Schwartzentruber's marriage record at Mennonite families in all parts of Guth's research was done before 1985 and Lehrbach, he will be disappointed -Guth means the latter.