R.R.GARIPOVA

MUSLIM WOMEN’S RELIGIOUS AUTHORITY AND THEIR ROLE IN THE TRANSMISSION OF ISLAMIC KNOWLEDGE IN LATE IMPERIAL RUSSIA

Rozaliya Garipova, Institute for Advanced Study, Einstein Drive, Princeton, New Jersey 08540 USA, [email protected].

The historiography of the education of Muslim women in the Volga-Urals presents Jadid schools for girls as both a rupture from traditional female education and a triumph for women’s liberation from the patriarchal backwardness which accounted for women’s inferior and miserable position in society. The article suggests two important points. First, notwithstanding the Jadid claims about the backwardness and superstitious nature of the traditional female education, it fulfilled important func- tions within the community and could reach high levels of traditional scholarly knowledge. Muslim women were educated according to the criteria of traditional education and many of them were part of the high scholarly culture of the ulama. Second, the new Jadid education was built upon traditional female education, and many women masters (abïstays) supported and made possible the transforma- tion of education methods for girls.

Key words: abïstay, religious authority, women’s education, Jadidism.

Much of what we know about Volga-Ural these scholars suggest that abïstays’ literacy was Muslim women in the late nineteenth to early low, that the so-called “women’s schools” situated twentieth centuries is based on the Jadid or Muslim at an imam’s house were hardly suitable for wom- reformist writings – both fiction and non-fiction. en’s education, that girls’ education consisted of Scholars have taken the Jadids’ depiction of wom- memorizing prayers in , which they hardly en at face value, accepted the paradigm of wom- understood, and that Tatar women were highly su- en’s backwardness, ignorance and servility and perstitious. Such education is depicted as having praised the Jadids’ efforts to improve women’s ed- had many drawbacks because girls were not ex- ucational and other rights. Traditional Islamic edu- posed to secular sciences and their native language cation and traditional women religious teachers [1: 12, 2: 11, 3]. However, a closer look at the were depicted as the main obstacles in the devel- functioning of traditional education and the role of opment of women’s education and as a reason ex- women masters (abïstays) in the nineteenth century plaining women’s ignorance and their perpetuated contradicts these suppositions. First of all, as miserable condition. Echoing Jadid descriptions, Adeeb Khalid argued in his monograph The Poli-

152 TATARICA: CULTURE, PERSONALITY AND EDUCATION tics of Muslim Cultural Reform: Jadidism in Cen- derived from hafiz, which refers to a person who tral Asia, traditional education served a well- knows the Qur’an by heart, but in Volga-Ural con- established purpose for the functioning of the Mus- text any person with some religious knowledge lim society.1 Secondly, modern transformations in was called abïz, and knowledgeable women were the education of women at the beginning of the called abiïz-tütäi/abïstay [9:232] or ostaz- twentieth century were realized with the support, bikä/ostabikä (‘woman master’), which denoted participation and protection of many traditional “teacher”.3 In Central Asian communities, as women teachers. Therefore, it is high time to move Marianne Kamp describes, historically there were away from the Jadid paradigm and assess women’s similar female teachers who were known as otins education and transmission of religious knowledge (or otinoi). Similar to abïstays, the otins were usu- and authority in and of itself, rather than viewing it ally wives and daughters of religious scholars and through the prism of Jadid thought. they provided education and religious leadership to Several ethnographers who travelled and women [10].4 worked in the Volga-Ural region in the late eight- How can we explain the presence of these eenth and the nineteenth centuries give us a powerful and knowledgeable women in the Volga- glimpse into the traditional education of Muslim Ural context? Indeed, it is important to underline women, which is remarkably different from the here the presence of the Volga-Ural Muslim com- bleak picture that the Jadids described. An ethnog- munity in a non-Muslim state, which was histori- rapher from the Imperial Academy of Sciences in cally often hostile to Muslim institutions and digni- St. Petersburg, Johann Gottlieb Georgi, who had taries. The emergence of Muslim women with deep visited the Volga region during his travel across Russia between 1770-1774, remarked that in every 3 While information about abïstays’ religious authority Tatar village there was a mosque and school and in is relatively scarce, two sources especially enrich our bigger villages and towns there were also schools insight into the role of Muslim women in the transmis- for girls [4: 82]. The 1897 census conducted all sion of religious knowledge. One of them - compiled by over Russia reveals that among the Tatar popula- a prominent and respected religious scholar of the Vol- tion of the Volga region the literacy rates of men ga-Ural Rizaeddin Fakhreddin - is Asar which is a fa- and women were almost same: at 20% [5: 154]2. mous compendium of biographies of the region’s reli- Ethnographic studies on Tatars conducted by Karl gious scholars. It often mentions the names of wives and daughters of the ulama and in, some cases, gives more Fuchs and Aristarkh Speranskii provide more sur- extended information beyond their names. The second is prising results. While emphasizing the equality of the work about pre-revolutionary Tatar maktabs and literacy rates of women and men, they noted that it , written by Kamal Salah and preserved in was hard to find an illiterate Tatar girl in the re- manuscript form in the Tatar language, which contains a gion. According to Karl Fuchs (1776-1846), not section on female education. Kamal Salah (Kamalov Sa- only wealthy women, but even peasant women in lah Kamalovich, 1884-1954) was the head of the De- the villages were literate, and reciting Qur’anic partment of Oriental Manuscripts (today the Department verses was their primary pleasure. Women among of Rare Books and Manuscripts) of Kazan State Univer- Kazan Tatars received an equal share of education. sity’s library. He wrote this work, called Borïngï Tatar Fuchs also acknowledged that he saw beautifully mäktäp vä mädräsäläre (Old Tatar maktabs and ma- drasas), in 1945-46 right after World War II when after written letters and texts of songs by female stu- the great repressions of the 1930s the government re- dents [6: 49,132, 7: 30, 8: 24]. laxed its policies towards religious institutions and ser- An outstanding trait characterizing the Volga- vants and for the first time – right in the midst of the Ural Muslim community was the presence of Mus- Great Patriotic War, in 1943 – allowed the official func- lim female teachers and religious authorities who tioning of a number of Muslim mahallas and the ulama. played an active role in the transmission of knowl- This manuscript consists of five parts and totals 256 edge among women. These female teachers were pages. One part of it is devoted to abïstays and girls’ usually the wives of Muslim religious leaders, and education. The manuscript is preserved in the archive of they were called abïstay. Abïz in the Volga-Urals is the Institute of Language, Literature and History in Ka- zan, Fond 24, Opis’ 1. 4 About otins see also Habiba Fathi “Otines: the Un- 1 Adeeb Khalid, The Politics of Muslim Cultural Re- known Women Clerics of Central Asian ”, Central form: Jadidism in Central Asia (Berkeley: University of Asian Survey, vol. 16, no. 1 (1997); for modern otines, California Press,1998). see Svetlana Peshkova “Muslim Women Leaders in the 2 Being able to read in a language (not being able to Ferghana Valley: Whose Leadership Is It Anyway?” write) was the criteria for the determination of literacy Journal of International Women’s Studies, vol. 11, no. 1 during the 1897 survey. (2009). (in English).

153 R.R.GARIPOVA religious knowledge and the importance attached abïstays provided ethical and religious education to to them by the community are linked to the Rus- girls in villages and mahallas (Muslim parishes). If sian imperial context where women would play an an abïstay was the wife of a mulla, she was called important role in the transmission of religious mulla-abïstay, if she was the wife of a muezzin, knowledge. Agnés Kefeli argued in her recent she was called muezzin abïstay, if she was a wife monograph that Tatar women were often more of a lay person/peasant, which was more rare, she knowledgeable than their husbands [11: 141]. was known by her name – Jamilä abïstay, Fatiyma More often than not peasant Muslim women as- abïstay. Whereas every mosque had a school for sumed full responsibility in the transmission of re- boys, there was also an unofficial school for girls ligious knowledge to children and other women. In in the house of mulla where the girls gathered to the case of some Kriashen (baptized Tatars) com- study with an abïstay. Therefore, instead of “going munities, abïstays headed clandestine schools to school” (mäktäpkä) they used to say, “we go to when their husbands were away. These abïstays the lesson” or “we go to abïstay” (sabaqqa yäki played a crucial role in proselytizing among Mus- abïstaygha) [13: 51]. In other words, while there lim, Kriashen and animist women and reviving the was no formal institutional building of girls’ faith of Muslims. Tatar women’s mobility and ac- school in the Volga-Ural Muslim community, there tive stance helped to expand Islamic knowledge was a well-established informal space for girls’ over a large territory, as many of them were true and women’s education which was a part of an missionaries. As the bishop of Mamadysh in his imam’s house, known as ash öe or qara öy [13: speech at a missionary congress of June 1910 ar- 51], which can be roughly thought of as women’s gued, “the Muslim success in proselytizing was to quarter – a place where food was prepared and a great extent due to the contribution of Muslim where the imam’s wife spent a lot of her time. As women” [12:43]. Allen Frank has suggested, despite the fact that A very similar situation can be observed in the women were absent from the formal Muslim insti- Chinese Muslim community. As Maria Jaschok tutions of mosque and , women did play an and Shui Jingjun have demonstrated, the rise of active role in Islamic education, and in nearly eve- women imams in China can be explained by a con- ry mahalla girls got education similar to that of text that developed under the Qing dynasty (1644- boys [14:224]. The sacredness of this space was 1912) when Uighur resistance to the Qing conquest specifically reflected in the fact that every such became a source of constant friction and tension house was known in the community as a space between Muslims and the government and often where religious and ethical education of girls and affected the relationship between Muslims and an women took place. increasingly hostile and suspicious government. In the educational process, abïstays not only Jaschok and Jingjun suggest that “in [the] face of taught lessons but also prepared future female reli- political instability women found it important to gious leaders. Usually, most of the girls in the assume responsibility to act as preservers of their neighborhood of the mahalla attended abïstay’s religion.” Muslim religious scholars (ahong) in classes.6 Beyond basic education for all the girls, China taught many women religious knowledge, abïstays provided different levels of education, and men valued contributions of women in their which depended on the talents and capacities of dissemination of religious knowledge. Women’s their students. Overall, the program for the educa- fervor to acquire religious knowledge turned some tion of girls was not very much different from that of them into great scholars5. of a maktab [15]. For the education of girls, Similar to the Chinese case, abïstays in the abïstays used the same books that were used in Volga-Ural region in the Russian empire estab- schools for boys: Iman shartï, Yasin, Häftiyäk, lished religious authority and would educate new Bädävam kitabï, Kisekbash yaki ahïrzaman kitabï, generations of religious experts. Traditionally, Yarïm alma kitabï, Fazail ash-shuhur kitabï, Yosïf kitabï, Shärhe Ghazizä kitabï, Östevani kitabï,

5 Qur’an, Kïrïk hadis, Shurut as-salat, and a few The title of nu ahong seems to appear in the mid-Qing others [13:19]. Girls never attended schools for dynasty and it applied also to other well-trained women qualified to set up women’s schools. Ahongs’ wives boys, but boys did study with abïstays, until they functioned as religious advisers for Muslim women. This context also shows the emergence of nusi or wom- en’s mosques, which were initially part of the male mosque and later acquired an independent character. 6 According to Salah Kamal, around 20 to 30 percent of See: The History of Women’s Mosques. the girls could not attend classes for different reasons.

154 TATARICA: CULTURE, PERSONALITY AND EDUCATION reached adolescence.7 Therefore, the educational posed their own treatises.8 There were also many and religious authority of abïstays also extended to abïstays who mastered Turkish, Arabic and Per- boys. Most abïstays personally organized and sian. One such example was a certain Maghdanul- managed the whole education of girls, but some jamal who was a daughter of the Sufi shaykh abïstays resorted to the help of other women. Older Fäizelhaq and the wife of the famous mudarris girls also helped abïstays. In this way they also had named Yaqub in Minzälä province. She learned an opportunity to practice teaching [13:54]. It was how to write from her father and reportedly copied a habit in the girls’ school to study with a shärik or and edited Tariqa-i Muhammadiyya and Mishkat a friend [13:56]. Kamp’s observation about otins – al-Masabih.9 She was reported to have beautiful that otins formed their own chains of knowledge handwriting. She knew Arabic and Persian and de- transmission and that women’s separation from voted all her life to educating the women folk.10 In men allowed for the creation of women’s religious his autobiography, a prominent Siberian scholar, authority – is valid for the abïstays and Tatar Ghabderräshit Ibrahim, wrote about his mother that community as well [10:77]. in his native city of Tara she taught all the girls and Despite the idea that girls’ education was prim- women, which allowed her to support the family. It itive and was confined to a few prayer books, more is thanks to his mother that all the women could talented and eager-to-learn girls could always be read and write [16: 12-13]. exposed to more scholarly knowledge. While in Girls’ education and transmission of knowl- Central Asia, “women’s religious knowledge and edge among women was not confined to abïstays’ authority could not compete with male authority” classes and to the repetition of a lesson (sabaq). and “there are no accounts of women who attained There were several opportunities and venues for an degrees as religious scholars among Central abïstay to teach and relay religious knowledge, as Asians,” there were several Muslim women who she was central to women’s lives in the mahalla. acquired profound religious knowledge in the Vol- She performed prayers at the request of women, ga-Ural region [10: 77-78]. Indeed, as we will see read the Quran at various occasions and gave ad- below, in biographical works such as Asar and vice in different matters. Giving a sermon Mäshhür Hatïnnar, several women are referred to (wäghaz) would constitute an important part of an as alimas, or religious scholars. Being daughters abïstay’s religious authority. Fakhreddin mentions and wives of famous scholars, they had opportuni- several women whose sermons were powerful and ties to study texts that were not normally covered had a strong impact on people. This is how Fak- in girls’ maktab curriculum. hreddin describes Ghïyzzenisa bint Ghabdelghafur This is especially relevant to the knowledge of bin Gadäs (d. 1881), the wife of a licensed (män- writing and languages. The record about women’s shürle) imam, mudarris and muhtasib of the village ability to write is mixed. Salah Kamal suggests: of Tüntär in Malmïj region Ghali bin Säyfulla al- “although shari‘a did not prohibit teaching girls Tüntäri (d. 1874): writing, the ability to write was thought to spoil girls, as they might write letters to men. With this idea in mind, teaching girls how to write was al- 8 most considered a sin. So, there was no possibility It is reported in the biography of Bädrelbanat, mother of Muhlisa Bubi that she copied all of her textbooks to learn writing in girls’ school, because most often herself, which she used for teaching girls. Ghalimätel- abïstays did not know how to write and how to banat is reported to have had a very literate (gramotniy) teach writing” [13: 56]. writing. Also see Kefeli where she notes that women However, several biographies in Asar and liked to copy hymn (mönäjät) books. Mäshhür Hatïnnar show that women did practise 9 Mishkat al-Masabih (English translation: A Niche for writing especially by copying books, concise fiqh Lamps) is an expanded version of Al-Baghawi’s Ma- manuals and religious poetry and they even com- sabih al-Sunnah by Muammad ibn Abd Allāh Khatib Al-Tabrizi. 10 Mäshhür Hatïnnar, pp. 377-378. Rizaeddin Fakhred- din mentions other women whose writing was beautiful and who even wrote their own treatises. Among them 7 This would be even more remarkable during the Soviet are Ghalimätelbanat bint Lotfulla, Zäynäb bint Shahi- period when many women would teach religious mardan, Makhbubjamal bint Ähmäd, son of Hösäin Ak- knowledge to boys and men. As Rashida Iskhaqiy told chura. Mahiruy bint Ishaq is recorded for her beautiful me in an interview, many men attended her home clas- writing and for studying Turkic, Persian and Arabic. ses during the Soviet period when other venues of reli- Mäwhibä bint Ramqul is recorded to have taught girls gious education hardly existed. according to Turkic, Persian and Arabic books.

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“Ghïyzzenisa is known to be diligent, coura- and demonstrated their knowledge (bashkalarnïn geous, and determinate. She was knowledgeable in küzenä chaghïldïra)” [13: 57, 58]. Islamic and sciences. She devoted her life to Women also played a crucial role in the tradi- the education of girls and giving sermons (wäghaz) tional system of transmission of religious knowl- and advice (nasïyhät) to women. Because she was edge through marriage. An analysis of the biogra- very skillful at delivering sermons, she had a great phies of ulama and Sufi leaders show that many of impact on the formation of Muslim families in the them were related through intermarriages. Many village. Due to her strict and determinate character daughters of prominent shaykhs, imams and ak- the students at Tüntär feared her more than the hunds were married to members of the ulama. Shaykh, and the Shaykh himself praised her dedi- They were also mothers and wives of prominent cation and courageousness as a great support in shaykhs and imams, khatyps and mudarrises. Asar overcoming difficulties. When the Shaykh was shows us very clearly that the networks of mullas short in money, Ghïyzzenisa sold her jewelry and and Sufi shaykhs often crisscrossed each other in a silver utensils to cover the expenses for the repair number of ways. Students and teachers and often a of the madrasa” [17: 18, 42]. licensed imam could be a well-known shaykh (is- When men went to the mosque for the Friday han), and intermarriage – as in the case of afore- prayer, women of different ages gathered at the mentioned Maghdanuljamal bint Fäizelhaq – made imam’s house. During these gatherings mulla these networks ever tighter and weakened the dis- abïstay gave a sermon and read Mohammädiyä 11. tinctions between them. The daughter of a Sufi A considerable part of girls’ education revolved shaykh Fazlulla bin Fäyzulla became the wife of a around Sufi-inspired knowledge. In the girls’ famous licensed mudarris. Three of her sons be- schools especially, the textbooks written in the po- came imams, one was akhund and one muezzin, etry form were preferred and loved. Kefeli demon- and her two daughters married mullas. Hence the strated that Sufi poetry, rhymed prophetic stories, distinction between licensed scholars and Sufi and religious hymns (mönäjät) constituted a popu- shaykhs loses its significance, especially when a li- lar part of religious learning. Reading Sufi poetry – censed imam is a Sufi authority at the same time. individually and collectively - had special religious We can often see from Asar that many of the and practical functions at such meetings. These ulama who held a license were either famous for works played a crucial role in early childhood by the Sufi shaykhly religious authority or were very forming children’s worldview, in spreading reli- often students of famous shaykhs. gious knowledge among peasant women and in Women were not simply connecting points be- women’s missionary activities [11]. In a girls’ tween scholarly and shaykhly families, they were maktab Mohammädiyä was one of the most favor- connecting points of scholarly and sufi knowledge ite books and occupied an outstanding place. Both – a knowledge which they then taught to their chil- female students and their parents studied it with dren and that was transmitted down to the follow- great love and pleasure; it was even “a sweet ing generations. Very often, in the scholarly litera- dream” (tämle hïyal) for many students to study ture, the Sufi knowledge is placed in juxtaposition this book. In the villages the ability to read to scholarly/legal knowledge. It is important to un- Mohammädiyä was considered a “big honor (zur derline here that Muslim women reflected the uni- shäräf) and great happiness (zur bähet)” [13: 57, fication and combination of these two types of 58]. Some skillful abïstays read Mohammädiyä in knowledge. On the one hand, girls’ maktab pro- choir together with their own students and asked grams did not differ from boys’ programs and the students to read it individually. As a result, on texts. On the other hand, as Kefeli has suggested, the one hand abïstays ensured that this text entered “Female schooling was the next important step in and penetrated the souls of women; on the other establishing popular Sufi knowledge” [11: 140]. hand, she ensured a sort of assessment of the girls Knowledge of Arabic grammar and sharia and oth- er scholarly texts was combined with the knowl- edge of Sufi ethics and upbringing (tärbiyä

gïylemnäre). The biography below is illustrative of 11 Mohämmädiyä (Kitab-i Mustetab-i Muhammediya) was written in 1449 by Turkish writer Muhammed all these elements: Celebi from Gelibolu. In Kazan it was first published in The wife of Shämseddin bin Rähmätulla (d. 1845, and before that it was used in manuscript form. 1876), imam and mudarris of the village of Tüntär, Salah Kamal expresses his wonder about how this book Ghafifä bint Ghali (d. 1899) was the only daughter entered the Tatar school and how it acquired such a of the famous Sufi Shaykh and imam and mudarris great prominence in the Tatar community.

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Ghali ishan. Shämseddin was her father’s murid. Fakhreddin attempts to define and redefine wom- She mastered Arabic morphology and syntax (sarf en’s role in the society and who should be consid- ve nahw) as well as Persian under the supervision ered as religious authority among Tatar women. of her father. She was well educated in the sciences Mäshhür Hatïnnar was an important manifestation of ethics (ahlaq) and upbringing (tärbiyä). She fol- of this effort, together with a large number of lowed Arabic and Persian journals and newspa- works about women that he published at the turn of pers. She read the entire Qur’an having taken one the century. The remarkable thing about Mäshhür lesson from her father. She devoted all her life to Hatïnnar is that Fakhreddin places contemporary the education of girls and teaching and delivering famous Tatar women into a larger Muslim context sermons and giving advice to women [17].12 – one which covers the larger Muslim world and Thus, it was apparent that if an imam was the includes famous Muslim women who lived in dif- center of communal life in a mahalla, the abïstay ferent geographies and in different times, starting was no less a center for women and children, in with the Prophet’s wives. Fakhreddin devotes both the transmission of religious knowledge and much attention to the Prophet’s wives and close the organization of communal life. It’s worth un- family, famous female hadith transmitters, preach- derlining here that family networks played an im- ers, calligraphers, female Sufi shaykhs, poetesses, portant role in women’s education. Daughters of theologians and jurists, rulers and healers. In this, mullahs were encouraged to acquire knowledge for example, he is different from other Tatar Jadid because they were often given in marriage to mul- intellectuals, such as the editors of Söyembikä, who lahs. The family networking was an important fea- discuss Tatar women and their status with refer- ture of the Volga-Ural Muslim community. From ence to the Western world and Western women. the biographies of famous women of the region we As a historian and a person who cared about learn that most if not all of them were born into the creating a local history of religious scholars and in- families of imams, received a profound education stitutions, another connection that Fakhreddin from their fathers and their mothers-abïstays, mar- makes is to show the continuity in the history of ried mullas and became mothers of many religious famous Muslim women of Russia. He includes into scholars. his list of famous women authoritative female fig- Rizaeddin Fakhreddin: re-defining the pa- ures in the region’s history, like the ruler of the late rameters for female religious authority Kazan Khanate Söyembikä, daughter of Noghay Rizaeddin Fakhreddin13 included many of these Khan Timur and wife of the ruler of Kazan Khan- abïstays in his Mäshhür Hatïnnar.14 Rizaeddin ate Ibrahim Nursoltan15 and the wife of the Kazan khan Ibrahim bin Mahmud Sufiya. There is a leg- 12 Rizaeddin Fakhreddin noted in Asar that if he had endary figure Tuybikä, daughter of Aydar khan, known about her earlier, he would have included her in the ruler of the city of Bulgar around 630. As a re- Mäshhür Hatïnnar. He included her in the manuscript ligious scholar, he devoted special attention to sev- version of Mäshhür Hatïnnar. eral daughters and wives of religious scholars and 13 Rizaeddin Fakhreddin is an important religious schol- famous female religious authorities, such as daugh- ar in the Volga-Ural Muslim community. Although his- ter of Shihabeddin Märjäni Ghaliya, wife of toriography places him within the Jadid camp, it is an Ghalimjan Barudi Mahiruy bint Ishaq and others. important question of where to place him. He stays at the intersection of traditional and modernist Islam; he As a reformist-minded Jadid imam, Fakhreddin was at the OA in the last decade of the nineteenth adds names of the first Muslim female doctor in century and was Mufti until his death in 1936. Russia, Raziya Hanïm (ommitted from the second 14 Mäshhür Hatïnnar is an important bibliographical edition), the wife of Ismail Gasprinskii, Zöhrä Ak- dictionary in which Rizaeddin Fakhreddin collected bi- churina, and an author of several books on ethics ographies of famous Muslim women of the larger Mus- lim world. The first edition of this work was published in Orenburg in 1904 and contains only fourteen biogra- women’s biographies from which he planned to produce phies of Russia’s famous women. Its second edition is a separate volume of famous women of “our region.” In preserved in manuscript form in the archive of Ufimskii the concluding part, he underlines the role which Mus- Nauchnii Tsentr of the Academy of Sciences. It dates lim women of Russia played in “preserving Islam in our May 3, 1934, and was never published for obvious rea- country.” sons. The second edition is remarkable as it includes a 15 With Ibrahim, she had two sons Ghabdellatïf and considerably larger number of biographies of Russian Mohammädämin; both became khans. After her hus- Muslim women – thirty-eight in total. Fakhreddin also band was deceased she married the Crimean Khan Mi- notes that while he was collecting biographies of the re- ñlegäräy. During this marriage she became mother of gion’s religious scholars, he was able to collect many Safagäräy khan.

157 R.R.GARIPOVA of education and upbringing, Ghalimätelbanat Bik- some women were granted ijazas or authorization timeriya. Fakhreddin, therefore, makes important from famous male religious authorities. Several connections between the past and the present, women in Mäshhür Hatïnnar are called ʿālima and bringing together political leaders, religious au- are noted for receiving a profound religious educa- thorities and secular modernist activists among tion from their fathers and other male relatives who Volga-Ural Muslim women. He seems to praise were religious scholars, for reading the Qur’an cor- women’s socio-political active stance and demon- rectly, for their knowledge of Arabic, Persian and strates that Muslim women of the region were ac- Turkic, for their beautiful handwriting and for tive leaders of their community and nation. He knowledge of Islamic law.17 For example, Fak- connects the fate of the nation (Russia’s Muslim hreddin writes about a daughter of a Siberian mu- community) with religion, charity for religious in- darris Ghïsmätulla al-Tümäni Hanifä hanïm who stitutions, and national and religious identities that studied the sciences of Arabic morphology (sarf), were inseparable and unthinkable one without an- syntax (nahw), logic (mantiq), and the science of other. The inclusion of these women significantly discourse (ilm-i kalam) with her father. With her shows his Jadid-minded approach toward history, own dedication and determination, she attained religious authority, importance of women in this perfection in these subjects. Fakhreddin underlines history and their presence in the fate of the Volga- the fact that that she was the first Muslim woman Ural Muslim community. [in the Russian Empire] who published her works. There are several important features that dis- Several prominent ulama such as Sayyid Moham- play Fakhreddin’s effort to re-set the parameters of mäd Ghali al-Zahir al-Vitri, Shaykh Zäynullah al- women’s religious authority, which to a large ex- Halidi, Ghalimjan Barudi recognized her erudition tent identifies him as a Jadid intellectual. One es- in religious sciences and gave her ijaza. After the sential element of these biographies is Fakhred- death of her husband, she devoted her life to learn- din’s inclusion of several women who were fa- ing and teaching.18 Another such ʿālima was mous for their charitable acts in support of Sadïqa, daughter of imam Säyfäddin bin Subhan- mosques, maktabs and madrasas. Muslim women qul from the village of Kichüchät in Bögelmä not only taught girls and women, but also invested province and wife of imam in Älmät province considerable amounts of their own money and Habibrahman. Fakhreddin tells us that she was “in property to Muslim educational institutions. contact with many prominent scholars and Sufi Zöläyha, the wife of a big Muslim merchant in the shaykhs who gave her ijazas to read several prayer city of Kizilyar (Petropavlovsk) Mohammädlatïyf books” (aurad ve ahzab shärifä ukir öchen ijazate bin Mohammädshärif, donated forty thousand ru- bar ide). Her father sought her advice in important bles to the Second mosque of Kizilyar [18: 208]. decisions [18: 272]. Therefore, we can deduce that The expenses of Kazan’s Eighth mosque were giving ijazas to women and recognizing their covered by the charitable fund of Zöbäydä, daugh- scholarly authority was a part of Muslim tradition ter of Musa bin Ismegiylbek from the famous in the Volga-Ural region. These biographies espe- Apanay family in Kazan and wife of Timurpolad cially show the importance and centrality that Fak- bin Musa [18: 201]. Ghaishäbikä bint Muhammad- hreddin attributes to traditional female education sharif, the wife of a wealthy owner of several fac- and women’s knowledge and authority in religious tories Ishaq Bay Utämïshev and mother of Bibi- sciences. mahiruy, the wife of Ghalimjan Barudi, was fa- Thirdly, he includes women whose education mous for her endless charitable contributions.16 combined religious and secular knowledge, and The second remarkable feature of these biogra- who were famous for writing their own works. We phies is the recognition of women as ʿālima or fe- learn from him that, Mahiruy Barudiya (born in male religious scholars, as well as the recognition 1862) who was born to a wealthy family, received of women’s religious authority by male scholars her early education at Ghaysha abïstay’s lessons – and shaykhs, which is reflected in the fact that granddaughter of Sufi shaykh Ghabdelhalik, broth- er of the prominent religious scholar of the region,

Ghabdennasir Qursawi. She studied Turkic, Per- 16 She spent a lot of her property on the needs of mak- tabs and madrasas and on the support of the mosque in sian and Arabic. She learned how to read the the village of Mächkärä and on the construction of in- frastructure, such as bridges. Among other women, 17 See especially biographies of Maghdanuljamal, the Fakhreddin includes Märyämbike, the daughter of the daughter of shaykh Fazlulla, Mäwhibä bint Ramqul, wealthy Muslim Timurpolad Akchurin, who opened a Bädrelbanat, the mother of Muhlisa Bubi. special orphanage for Muslim girls in the city of Ufa. 18 Mäshhür Hatïnnar, p. 149.

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Quran with tajwid (correctly) and how to write gious authority. They cared for the religious insti- from this ishan who received education in Cairo. tutions of their community and tried to invest in Later, she would read all Turkic-language books different ways – they gave of their property to that she laid her hands on. She thus received a pro- charity; they acquired contemporary knowledge in found religious and secular education. She later addition to religious texts; they wrote socially im- continued to study from her husband, a prominent portant works, and opened schools. Opening scholar of the region Ghalimjan Barudi. Another schools for girls and a gradual shift from an such woman, Ghalimätelbanat bint Lotfulla (born abïstay’s house to an institutional space of the in 1876), daughter of an imam and wife of an school became an important feature of women’s imam, would become a famous woman who com- education and transmission of knowledge after posed her own treatises. She received her early ed- 1905. Fakhreddin’s effort was a part of the Jadid ucation from her father, learned Arabic and be- program to elevate women’s status in the society came interested in and mastered oriental literature. and family, and giving them education was the She also studied Russian by herself, and expressed practical implementation of this program. Yet, it is curiosity in mathematics and geography. In 1895, important to note that traditional knowledge and after marrying, she moved to the village of Yaub- education constituted the basis of a suitable knowl- ash close to the city of Kasiym, opened a school edge for women, and Fakhreddin’s ideal of an au- for girls and began to teach there. At the same thoritative woman was deeply rooted in the tradi- time, she began to compose her own writing and tional society. This is especially seen in his attempt between 1892 and 1903 produced a number of to redefine the parameters of a suitable knowledge books and booklets – Tärgïyb al-banat, Husne al- for women. wasiyat, Mogashärät adabe (Good Manners) [19]. Rizaeddin Fakhreddin, “appropriate” Fakhreddin especially praises her writing skills in knowledge and Jadid schools for girls her biography. Her writing was impeccable, and Rizaeddin Fakhreddin’s writings reflected the she used the language very well. Her book Good concerns of many reformist-minded intellectuals – Manners is noted to be a very nice and useful book both in Russia and abroad – about the proper fea- [18: 289].19 tures of female education, as they were connected Fourth, and most important, Fakhreddin wants to larger goals of improving women’s status in the us to know that many of these women invested private and public spheres. This section seeks to their effort, knowledge and wealth in girls’ educa- problematize the Jadids’ attitude toward female tion by opening and organizing the educational education and show that it was more nuanced than process and by teaching at maktabs for girls. Most is usually acknowledged. While Jadid female edu- of them had already devoted their lives to teaching cation is often portrayed as a triumph of secular girls and women of their neighborhoods at their education that allowed for the emergence of wom- homes. Yet, as a proponent of new-method educa- en engineers, doctors and graduates of prestigious tion, Rizaeddin Fakhreddin purposefully mentions universities, many Jadids and Jadid ulama in par- several women who opened new-method schools ticular had other motives in improving education for girls – schools that provided a different type of for girls. Marianne Kamp has suggested that education, the discussion of which will be the sub- “Jadids tried to replace the otin, associated with ject of the next section. rote learning and superstition, with the muallima, The women’s biographies allow us to trace the or woman teacher who was trained in modern edu- ideal of Rizaeddin Fakhreddin and his attempt to cational theories” [10: 77]. It is true that many set the wider parameters of authoritative women in Jadids, especially the second generation, began to the community. They were not only religious au- support purely secular education of women and thorities among women; famous male religious women’s achievements in science, medicine and scholars and shaykhs also recognized their reli- other secular sciences.20 However, for many of them, especially for the Jadids of the first genera-

19 tion and Jadid ulama, women’s knowledge and ed- Also, in the above-mentioned biography of Ghafifä ucation was subordinated to the goal of making Tüntäri, she not only received a profound religious edu- cation from her father, imam-mudarris and famous shaykh Ghali ishan, but was following Arabic and Per- 20 This is especially an ideal propagated by editors and sian journals. She subscribed to the newspaper Nil pub- contributors of Söyembikä, where they often included lished in Cairo and Yoldïz published in Istanbul and read articles praising Western and Russian women’s study in every issue. She borrowed many books from her fa- Russian colleges and universities and acquiring modern ther’s library to read. professions of agronomists, engineers, doctors, etc.

159 R.R.GARIPOVA women better mothers and wives, not of producing (din), ethics (ahlaq), and manners (halïq belän women engineers and doctors for the society, and aralashu adäbe) before studying logic, Muslim abïstays played an important role in popularizing scholastic theology (kalam), philosophy, foreign the new type of knowledge. languages and their grammar and syntax. A real This goal was very similar to the goals of Mus- knowledge of religion would be the foundation for lim reformists in the larger Muslim world. As Gail a strong character, good nature and happiness in Minault showed in the Indian context, the leaders the family. The second set of necessary knowledge of “the generation of reform” – which she defines was home crafts (hönär)21, reading and writing, as “the post-1857 generation, whose education was home management and family management. Edu- a mixture of Islamic and Western, who became cating children by means of religion was the pri- skilled religious and social controversialists and mary type of upbringing [21: 22-23]. who first founded associations and schools for the After these two sets of knowledge – religion education of women and published books and and crafts – Fakhreddin speaks about the impor- magazines for the edification of women in purdah” tance of general knowledge. Reading and writing [20:11] – “the goal of the men involved in the constituted an important part of it. According to movement for women's education was to create Fakhreddin, a woman who knows how to read and women who would be better wives, better mothers write would read all sorts of useful articles, get fa- and better Muslims. These men of the newly- miliar with geography, history and literature. In the emergent professional and middle classes desired absence of her husband, she would not ask a wives who were better companions to their hus- stranger to write letters on her behalf or would not bands, better managers of households in the face of have to ask someone to read the letters she re- uncertain economic forces, better mothers who ceived. With this type of knowledge, a woman would raise their children to be healthy and disci- would be dignified to listen to the words of great plined and Muslims who knew the tenets of their scholars and would be able to say her own opinion faith as contained in the scriptures, rather than in as well. More than that, a woman would be equal customary rituals.” [20: 215]. to her husband in knowledge, and thus would be a Similar to Indian Muslim reformers, Rizaeddin good companion to her husband. Lastly, Fakhred- Fakhreddin asked in his work Ghailä “what kind of din underlined the importance of medical knowl- knowledge should a woman acquire?” Like many edge in order to care for one’s health and care for of them, and many other Volga-Ural reformist- sick people. According to him, if a woman had an minded ulama and secular intellectuals, he asked: opportunity to study this type of knowledge, it “Is it necessary that women are knowledgeable would be very useful for mothers and wives. After and educated? I think, no one, no Muslim will de- all, women were better at taking care of the sick ny this. If mothers were ignorant, who would teach people than men. If a woman knew healthcare [new generations] the love of knowledge, ethical rules, she would be of great help to her own chil- and moral lessons – the things that every believer dren and to other people and, with a kind nature should know. Even if fathers are more or less and behavior, would be able to render better ser- knowledgeable, they won't have time and energy to vice than doctors could do [21: 24-25]. raise children. As for schoolteachers, even if they As we can see from Fakhreddin’s views about teach how to read and write, they won't be able to women’s education, the primary type of knowl- teach those things related to personality (tabighat edge that any woman was supposed to have was wä holïq) that mothers would teach. Therefore, the knowledge of religion and ethics, followed by biggest task at raising and educating children lies knowledge of home and family management, and on mothers. How would an ignorant woman know basic secular knowledge. While the first and the how to educate their children in a way that shari‘a second sets of knowledge were often a part of orders us to do? Therefore, women need to be edu- cated. But what kind of knowledge should a wom- 21 an acquire? If we say that it should be knowledge, One of the most important things for women to learn which a woman needs to be a mother and a wife, was hönär – how to cook, how to sew clothes and make hand crafts – which was perfection for women. With we won’t probably be wrong” [21: 21-22]. these skills, a family would always be safe from pov- He then proceeded to give a detailed explana- erty. If a woman’s husband was deceased, she and her tion of what kind of knowledge a woman would children would not be left in the street. If a woman ideally acquire in the contemporary world. For Ri- knew multiple crafts, the wealth of the family would not zaeddin Fakhreddin, women had to study religion be spent for nothing. A man would not look for a stranger to cut, sew or patch something.

160 TATARICA: CULTURE, PERSONALITY AND EDUCATION abïstay’s lessons, the third set of knowledge was officially appointed as imam to the village of Bubi, rather new. Thus, Fakhreddin redefines female ed- and Ghobäydulla who had just returned back from ucation to create a multifaceted personality, a completing his higher education in Istanbul – es- woman who would also be a companion to her tablished a reformed Jadid school for boys. In husband, would be knowledgeable about contem- 1907, Ghabdulla and Ghobäydulla Bubis decided porary affairs, would read books on different top- to open a separate school for girls, thereby creating ics, would be able to write letters and know multi- the first jadid female school and setting an example ple crafts. This was exactly the combination of for other similar schools. According to the recol- knowledge that many reformist schools for girls lections of Ghabdulla Bubi, the school was not eas- would adopt. Yet, we should underline that for ily accepted. People were hesitant to send their Fakhreddin and for other reformist-minded ulama, daughters, especially due to the continuous criti- a woman was primarily an educator of new genera- cism of several mullas in the village and the re- tions and religious knowledge was something that gion. The help and much needed support came constituted the basis of a well-educated woman from the mother of two brothers, who was a re- (tärbiyäle hatïn) and well-brought up children spected abïstay. Bädrelbanat was the daughter of (tärbiyäle bala) – the subject of two other of Fak- imam-mudarris Imanqul bin Mähmüt from the vil- hreddin’s books. lage of Chebenle and abïstay Hubbijamal, known Many Jadid ulama and secular intellectuals ex- for her mastery of teaching and writing. In the pressed views on reforming women's state of af- words of her own son Ghabdulla Bubi, who left an fairs similar to those of Fakhreddin. Women’s edu- important memoir of the history of Ij-Bubi ma- cation for them was to an extent a panacea for the drasa, Bädrelbanat was an ʿālima – a title that was ills and backwardness of the society as well as the usually reserved for men. She was a well-educated prosperous future of the community. Women were and very knowledgeable woman and knew Arabic the educators of the new generation. Reformers and Persian very well, which she learned from her linked the future destiny and prosperity of the na- parents. She taught all the girls in the neighbor- tion to the progress in women’s status and educa- hood. She also taught Arabic and Persian to some tion. They thought that educated mothers and girls as well as her daughter, Muhlisa. As there wives would be better companions to their hus- were no printed books at that time, she copied all bands and be able to raise their children intelli- the books by herself and used them in her teaching. gently, making their children both pious and intel- Bädrelbanat was an honored individual, followed ligent, caring for their community and striving to the principles of shari‘a scrupulously, was diligent develop it in various ways. in performing prayers. She had a nice and clear The problem in this formulation was the as- voice and during women’s gatherings read the sumption that the women had not been receiving a Qur’an beautifully [22: 41]. Her religious authority useful education and therefore the new education was the main reference to defend the appropriate- that the Jadids proposed would be radically differ- ness of the new school for the girls and the new ent from the traditional education. Although this program of education. Ghabdulla Bubi notes the assumption prevails in the historiography on edu- importance of his support as such: cation reform among the Muslims of Russia, it ne- “Since our mother was an open-minded wom- glects the fact that the new education for girls was an, she did not object to our presence in the girls’ built on the traditional authority of abïstays who school and our efforts to reform it; on the contrary, had been educating girls in the Muslim society. she supported us. Her support was vital for our Many traditional abïstays often supported their re- work, because, as a well-known old and pious formist husbands and sons, and became the first abïstay she enjoyed the respect of the common educators in girls’ reformed maktabs. people and the mullas of the region, who consid- One such supporter of the new-method Jadid ered her to be a saint. We would respond to the schools for girls was Bädrelbanat Bubi, the mother criticism of people by saying that “our mother is of famous Jadid ulama Ghobäydulla and Ghabdulla supervising what we are doing (änkäy bar eshe- Bubis, and Muhlisa Bubi. Baädrelbanat Bubi sup- bezneñ östendä bit) she wouldn’t let us do anything ported the opening of the first classes for girls that is contrary to shari‘a. Thanks to her support within the Ij-Bubi educational complex in 1906-07. there were very few people who opposed when we The emergence of this reformed school dates back included the Russian language in the curriculum of to 1895, when two religious scholars – Ghabdulla, the girls’ school” [22: 32, 41, 42]. who had just received his license (ukaz) and was

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In 1906, the Bubi family opened the first three respected scholars Ghalimjan Barudi and her elec- classes and composed a curriculum for secondary tion as a qadi shows that at least a part of the Vol- school level for girls’ education (kïzlar röshdiyäse) ga-Ural Muslim community recognized her as which included Arabic, Ethics, Mathematics, Tur- alima. kic grammar and writing, Persian, Geography, His- It is important to underline that Bubi’s school tory, Hygiene, Zoology, Botanics, child rearing, for girls was not the only new-method female home management, needle work and Russian. In school. Kamal Salah suggests that before the 1917 1907, they have added three higher levels of (fur- revolution most of the boys’ maktabs turned into ther) education and added Logic (Mantïq), Fiqh, jadid schools and about fifty percent of girls began Usul al-fiqh, Religious Doctrines (Ghaqaid), Alge- to study in reformed girls’ schools [13: 220]. bra, Geometry, Science of Nature, Chemistry, While this seems to be an exaggeration, there were Language eloquence (Belaghat-e törkiyya), Geol- several other girls’ schools similar to Ij-Bubi ogy (Tabakat), and Biology (Hayat). As we can school. Several mulla and abïstay families fol- observe, this was a combination of religious sci- lowed the example set by the Bubi family and the ences, languages, lessons on home management role of Bedrelbenat abïstay in the promotion of the and modern subjects [22: 41-43]. Since there were new method school for girls. Abïstays played an no women, who could teach these subjects, broth- active role in propagating and supporting the new ers Ghabdulla and Gobäydulla taught their sister type of education. Muhlisa, who would become the head of school One of such schools was the school of Mahiruy and a qadi at the Orenburg Mukhammadan Spiri- abïstay, headed by Bibimahiruy abïstay Barudi, the tual Assmembly, and their wives in the evening, wife of a prominent religious scholar Ghalimjan and the women taught new lessons the next day Barudi. Bibimahiruy received religious education during daytime [22: 42-43]. Muhlisa Bubi’s per- from Ghayshä abïstay, granddaughter of a famous sonality reflects exactly the type of individual who Sufi shaykh Ghabdelhalik ishan. Her school ac- was deeply rooted in traditional Islamic education quired prominence in the city of Kazan. She used and who also had a modern education. She stood at to keep the most successful girls as her assistants the intersection of the two types of knowledge and and prepared them to teach as muallimas [24: 215]. education and her well-versed education in the re- Among other famous schools for girls there was ligious tradition led her throughout her life. Muh- the school of Ghalimatelbanat, daughter of the lisa’s educational formation was well rooted in the imam in the village of Kutaymaz (Tsarevokaksha- traditional scholarly family and traditional female iskii township) and wife of the imam in the village education. Muhlisa Bubi’s life evolved within and of Yaubash of Riazan province; the school of around this traditional education network of imam Sädretdin bin Säyfetdin and his wife Mäw- women and men. Muhlisa Bubi learned the basics dudä abïstay [1: 49]; the school of Fatïyma abïstay, of Islam and reading the Qur’an from her mother. the wife of the imam of the village of Aghrïz in While being the head of the girls’ school and Sarapul township of Viatka province; imam teaching there, Muhlisa also began to study theo- Mohammät Ghata häzrät Mansurov’s school, for logical and religious subjects of the madrasa pro- which he invited a muallima [25: 17];22 and the gram for boys under the guidance of her brothers. school of Zäynäb abïstay (the mother of Ahmet People called her mulla-abïstay, which signified Temir, a famous Tatar émigré scholar) in Älmät.23 her reputation as a religious scholar, theologian All of these schools provided a combination of re- and expert in Islamic law [2: 162]. When the Ij- ligious and secular subjects and abïstays ran them Bubi madrasa school was closed, she became a and taught in them. teacher of religious subjects at another girls’ Conclusion school in Troitsk and, during the 1920s, she con- Traditional female education was not supersti- tinued to write in Islam Mäjälläse about the impor- tious and irrelevant, as the Jadids described. On the tance of Islamic upbringing and religious education contrary, Muslim girls acquired an education that within a general education of the new generation. was purposeful for their roles in the Muslim soci- She pointed to the primary roles of women in the ety and some of them were even able to receive a transmission of religious knowledge and in their effort to preserve religion and morality under the 22 Yoldiz, Yanvar (1916). tsarist regime when the latter “often resorted to 23 Ahmet Temir recalls how Zäynäb abïstay was the suppressing religious institutions and russification” “queen of Älmät” and provided religious, (sihhi) and all [23:28]. She received ijaza from one of the most sorts of important (hayati konularda) knowledge to Älmät women. Everyone in Älmät respected her a lot.

162 TATARICA: CULTURE, PERSONALITY AND EDUCATION higher level of education and participate in the Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2006. (in high scholarly culture of the ulama through family English) networks and thanks to their training by male and 11. Kefeli A.N. Becoming Muslim in Imperial Russia: female religious authorities. Secondly, the tradi- Conversion, Apostasy, and Literacy. Ithaca and tional female education and traditional female reli- London: Cornell University Press, 2014. (in English) gious authority constituted the basis on which new 12. Rorlich A.-A. The Challenge of Belonging: the education was built. It is important to underline Muslims of Late Imperial Russia and the Contested that we should not see the first jadid schools for Terrain of Identity and Gender// Democracy and girls as a complete rupture from previous tradi- Pluralism in Muslim Eurasia. ed. by Y. Ro’i. Lon- tional transmission of knowledge. They offered a don: FRANK CASS, 2004. (in English) combination of traditional and modern knowledge. 13. Borïñgï Tatar mäktäp vä mädräsäläre. (in Tatar) It was abïstays who initiated, supported and taught 14. Frank A. Muslim Religious Institutions. (in in those schools, and their religious authority was English) important in popularizing girls’ maktabs. 15. Valiullin R. Uchebniki dlia tatarskikh mektebe i medrese i ikh rol’ v razvitii natsional’nogo obrazovaniia// Islam i musul’manskaia kul’tura v References Srednem Povolzh’e: istoriia i sovremennost’ ed. by 1. Biktimirova T.A. Stupeni obrazovaniia do Sor- M. Kh. Khasanov, R. S. Khakimov et. al. Kazan’: bonny. Kazan’: Tatarskoe knizhnoe izdatel’stvo, Master Lain, 2002. (in Russian) 2011. (in Russian) 16. Ibrahim G. Tarjema-i halem. Kazan’: Iman 2. Makhmutova A. Pora i nam zazhech’ zariu svobody. nashriyatı, 2001. Kazan’: Tatarskoe knizhnoe izdatel’stvo, 2000. (in 17. Asar, Vol 3-4. Russian) 18. Mäshhür Hatïnnar. 3. Nikishina S.R. Problema feminizma v tatarskoi lit- 19. Ömet yoldïzlarï: XIX yöz ahïrï häm XX yöz bashï erature nachala XX veka. Elabuga: Elabuzhskii go- tatar hatïn-kïz yazuchïlarï äsärläre//edited by M. sudarstvennyi pedagogicheskii universitet, 2004. (in Ghaynullin, Kazan: kitap näshriyatï, Russian) 1988. (in Tatar) 4. Tatary i Islam v XX veke: Islam v obshchestvennoi 20. Minault. i politicheskoi zhizni tatar i Tatarstana. Kazan: 21. Fähreddin R. Ghailä: yort wä öy echendä ghailä wä Izdatel’stvo “Fen”, 2003. (in Russian) jämäghatlär arasïnda righayä itärgä tieshle ulan, 5. Noack Ch. Nekotorye osobennosti sotsial’noi Islam ädäblärne bäyan itän kiräkle ber risaläder. struktury povolzhskikh Tatar v epokhu Kazan: Elektro-tipografiia “Milliat”, 1909. (in formirovaniia natsii (konets 19 – nachalo 20 veka) Tatar) // Otechestvennaia Istoriia. 1998. №. 5. (in Russian) 22. Bubïy G. Bubi madrasasenen qïsqa tarihï// Bertugan 6. Fuks K. Kazanskie tatary v statisticheskom i Bubilar häm Ij-Bubi madrasase: Tarihi-dokumental etnograficheskom otnosheniiakh. Kazan’, 1844. (in jïentïq. edited by M. Gosmanov. Kazan: Ruhiyat Russian) nashriyatï, 1999. (in Tatar) 7. Speranskii A. Kazanskie tatary. Istoriko- 23. Bubi M. Islam dönyasïnda hatïnnar// Islam, vol. 1. etnograficheskii ocherk. Kazan’: Tsentral’naia (in Tatar) Tipografiia, 1914. (in Russian) 24. Ämirhan R. Imangha tugrïlïq. Kazan: Tatarstan 8. Znamenskii P. Kazanskie tatary. Kazan’: Tipo- kitap näshriyatï, 1997. (in Tatar) litografiya Kazanskogo universiteta, 1910. (in 25. Temir A. Vatanım Türkiye: Rusya – Almanya – Russian). Türkiye Üçgeninde Memleket Sevgisi ve Hasretle 9. Fakhreddin R. Asar. Kazan’: Rukhiyat, 2006, v. 1. Şekillenmiş Bir Hayat Hikayesi. Ankara: Türk 10. Kamp M. The New Woman in Uzbekistan: Islam, Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 2011. Modernity and Unveiling Under Communism. ______

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РОССИЯ ИМПЕРИЯСЕНЕҢ СОҢГЫ ЧОРЫНДА МӨСЕЛМАН ХАТЫН-КЫЗЛАРЫНЫҢ ДИНИ АБРУЕ ҺƏМ ИСЛАМ ГЫЙЛЕМЕН ТАРАТУДАГЫ РОЛЕ

Розалия Равил кызы Гарипова, Югары тикшеренүлəр институты, АКШ, 08540, Нью Джерси ш., Принстон ш., Эйнштейн Драйв ур., 1 нче йорт, [email protected].

Идел-Урал буенда яшəгəн мөселман хатын-кызлары мəгарифен өйрəнүче тарих фəнендə кызлар җəдиди мəктəплəрендə белем бирү хатын-кызларны укытуның традицион формаларыннан аерылу һəм җəмгыятьтə түбəн һəм кызганыч хəленең сəбəбе булган искелек калдыкларыннан хатын-кызны азат итү казанышы буларак характерлана. Мəкалəдə ике тəгълимат алга куела. Беренчесе: җəдитчелəрнең традицион хатын-кызлар белеменең артталыгын һəм искелеген раслауларына карамастан, ул җəмгыятьтə мөһим функция башкарган һəм югары традицион фəнни белемгə ия булу мөмкинлеге биргəн. Мөселман хатын- кызлар традицион белем критерийларына туры килгəн белем алган һəм аларның күбесе голəмəлəр югары фəнни мəдəниятенең мөһим өлешен тəшкил иткəннəр. Икенчесе: яңа җəдитчелек белеме традицион хатын-кыз белеменə нигезлəнгəн, һəм күп кенə хатын-кызлар, үз эшенең осталары булган абыстайлар, кызларга белем бирү методикасын яклап, үзгəрешлəр керткəннəр.

Төп төшенчəлəр: абыстай, дини абруй, хатын-кыз белеме, җəдитчелек.

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РЕЛИГИОЗНЫЙ АВТОРИТЕТ МУСУЛЬМАНСКИХ ЖЕНЩИН И ИХ РОЛЬ В СИСТЕМЕ МУСУЛЬМАНСКОГО ОБРАЗОВАНИЯ В ПОЗДНЕИМПЕРСКОЙ РОССИИ

Розалия Равилевна Гарипова, Институт перспективных исследований, США, 08540, ш. Нью Джерси, г. Принстон, ул. Эйнштейн Драйв, д. 1, [email protected].

Историография образования женщин-мусульманок Волжско-Уральского региона характе- ризует обучение в джадидских школах для девочек как отрыв от традиционного женского об- разования и освобождение от патриархальной отсталости, которая была причиной принижен- ного и жалкого положения женщины в обществе. В статье выдвигаются два важных положе- ния. Первое: несмотря на утверждения джадидов об отсталом и полном предубеждений тра- диционном женском образовании, последнее выполняло в сообществе важную функцию и мог- ло достигать высокого уровня традиционного научного знания. Женщины-мусульманки полу- чали образование в соответствии с критериями традиционного образования, и многие из них были частью высокой научной культуры улемы. Второе: новоджадидское образование осно- вывалось на традиционном женском образовании, и многие женщины, мастера своего дела (абыстаи), поддерживали и претворяли в жизнь изменения в методике обучения девочек.

Ключевые слова: абыстай, религиозный авторитет, женское образование, джадизм.

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