Estonian Journal of Archaeology, 2007, 11, 2
CONTENTS – SISUKORD
Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites ...... 83 Uued AMS-dateeringud Eesti kiviaja matmispaikadest. Resümee ...... 115
Heidi Luik and Mirja Ots Bronze Age double buttons in Estonia ...... 122 Kaksiknööbid Eesti pronksiaegses leiuaineses. Resümee ...... 137
Andres Tvauri and Taavi-Mats Utt Medieval recorder from Tartu, Estonia ...... 141 Keskaegne plokkflööt Tartust. Resümee ...... 152
REVIEWS – ÜLEVAATED Aspects on the Fennoman Paradigm in Finnish Archaeology. Eva Ahl ...... 155 Põhjalik uurimus Lääne-Eesti linnade importkeraamikast. Jaan Tamm...... 158
Home page/kodulehekülg: http://www.kirj.ee Full text electronically available in/täistekstid on kättesaadavad andmebaasis: Central and Eastern European Online Library (C.E.E.O.L.)
Abstracted/indexed in: European Reference Index for the Humanities (ERIH, category B), Central and Eastern European Online Library (C.E.E.O.L.)
ISSN 1406-2933 Sõrgadest sarvedeni ja hiirest elevandini. Luu-uurijate rahvusvaheline konverents Tallinnas. Heidi Luik ...... 175
Uus samm Balti koostöö edendamiseks. Valter Lang ...... 179
Eesti ja Soome arheoloogide jätkukoolitusseminar Tartus. Aivar Kriiska ja Mari Lõhmus ...... 182
Kodulehekülg: http://www.kirj.ee/r-arch.htm
ISSN 1406-2933
© 2007 Estonian Academy Publishers
Estonian Academy Publishers, Kohtu 6, 10130 Tallinn, Estonia Tel (0) 6 454 504, fax (0) 6 466 026, e-mail [email protected]
Teaduste Akadeemia Kirjastus: Kohtu 6, 10130 Tallinn Tel (0) 6 454 504, faks (0) 6 466 026, e-post [email protected]
Cover designer/kaane kujundaja: Sirje Tooma
Printed by Tallinn Book Printers Ltd, Laki 26, 12915 Tallinn, Estonia Trükitud Tallinna Raamatutrükikojas, Laki 26, 12915 Tallinn Estonian Journal of Archaeology, 2007, 11, 2, 83–121
Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
NEW AMS DATES FROM ESTONIAN STONE AGE BURIAL SITES
The article discusses radiocarbon dates of 17 skeletons excavated from ten Stone Age burial sites in Estonia. The skeletons, dated by the AMS method in the frames of different research projects in recent years, are presented by burial sites together with detailed descriptions of the graves. The graves are compared with one another and main temporal differences and similarities are introduced. If the obtained results are different from the interpretations valid so far, the credibility of the dates is contemplated on. On the basis of the obtained radiocarbon dates the Estonian Stone Age inhumation graves can be divided into four groups: the Early Neolithic (Veibri II, Tamula VII and Kivi- saare IV), the end of the Early Neolithic–the beginning of the Middle Neolithic (Tamula VIII and X), the Middle Neolithic (Tamula I, III, XIX and Kudruküla) and the Late Neolithic (Ardu II, Sope II, Tika, Kunila II, Karlova and Naakamäe). The dates enable following changes in the burial customs during the Neolithic more exactly than before. In addition to the burials within settlement sites also separate burial sites have been established all through the Neolithic. Single burials dominate at that time and the deceased have been buried both in straight supine and flexed positions; however, the composition and number of grave goods vary.
On käsitletud kümnest Eesti kiviaja matmispaigast väljakaevatud 17 luustiku radiosüsiniku- dateeringuid. Viimastel aastatel erinevate uurimisprojektide raames kiirendi-mass-spektro- meetriga (AMS) dateeritud luustikud on esitatud muististe kaupa koos haudade detailse kirjeldusega. Haudu on omavahel võrreldud ja välja toodud olulisemad ajalised erinevused ja sarnasused. Juhul kui saadud tulemused erinevad senistest tõlgendustest, on vaetud vanuse- määrangute usaldusväärsuse üle. Saadud radiosüsinikudateeringute põhjal võib Eesti kiviaegsed maahaudkalmed jagada ajaliselt neljaks rühmaks: varaneoliitikum (Veibri II, Tamula VII ja Kivisaare IV), varaneolii- tikumi lõpp/keskneoliitikumi algus (Tamula VIII ja X), keskneoliitikum (Tamula I, III, XIX ja Kudruküla) ning hilisneoliitikum (Ardu II, Sope II, Tika, Kunila II, Karlova ja Naakamäe). Saadud dateeringud võimaldavad neoliitikumi jooksul matmiskombestikus toimunud muutusi senisest palju täpsemalt jälgida. Läbi neoliitikumi on lisaks elupaikadesse tehtud matustele rajatud ka eraldi paiknevaid kalmistuid. Valdavad on üksikmatused ja kogu perioodi jooksul on surnuid maetud nii selili-siruli- kui ka kägarasendis, varieerub aga hauapanuste kooslus ning hulk. 84 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
Aivar Kriiska, Chair of Archaeology, Institute of History and Archaeology, University of Tartu, 3 Lossi St., 51003 Tartu, Estonia; [email protected] Lembi Lõugas, Department of Archaeobiology and Prehistoric Technology, Institute of History, Tallinn University, 10 Rüütli St., 10130 Tallinn, Estonia; [email protected] Mari Lõhmus, Chair of Archaeology, Institute of History and Archaeology, University of Tartu, 3 Lossi St., 51003 Tartu, Estonia; [email protected] Kristiina Mannermaa, Department of Archaeology, Institute for Cultural Research, University of Helsinki, Unioninkatu 38 F, Helsinki, Finland; [email protected] Kristiina Johanson, Chair of Archaeology, Institute of History and Archaeology, University of Tartu, 3 Lossi St., 51003 Tartu, Estonia; [email protected]
Introduction
Investigation of Stone Age burial sites in Estonia was started in the final decades of the 19th century when burials of that time were found from several places during digging of gravel. The first Stone Age burial was discovered in 1876 in the village of Külasema on Muhu Island, west Estonia (Tiitsmaa 1922; Indreko 1935, 206). Information on Stone Age burial sites derives mainly from the first half of the 20th century.1 The last Stone Age burial site until now was detected from the village of Veibri near Tartu, south-eastern Estonia, in 2003. Despite the fact that the research traditions of Stone Age burials are a century and a half long, interpretation of results has been hindered by lack of exact dates and their resting on the relative chronology based on findings and burial position, which in addition to other problems leaves the graves without grave goods almost totally beyond analysis. The first radiocarbon date from a Stone Age grave in Estonia was obtained from the Tamula I settlement and burial site in south-eastern Estonia (Jaanits et al. 1982, 82; Jaanits 1984, 192). In addition to three samples from the cultural layer of the settlement site2, the twigs found under a skeleton in one grave (Jaanits et al. 1982, 82)3 were dated (Table 1). The first AMS dates in Estonia were taken from human bones collected from the settlement site of Kudruküla, north-eastern Estonia (Table 1; Lõugas et al. 1996, 408, 405, table II). In the case of Kudruküla, no complete skeletons have been found, the bones derive from either destroyed inhumation burials or partial burials. A skeleton found from the settlement site of Naakamäe, Saaremaa Island, and another from Tamula burial X
1 In 1935 Richard Indreko published data on 19 graves and altogether 59 burials (Indreko 1935, 202). 2 3600 ± 180 BP, (Ta-10), 4050 ± 180 BP (Ta-28), 4300 ± 70 BP (Ta-?) (Jaanits 1984, 192; Ots 2006, 42, fig. 7). These are the first dates in the Baltic countries by the radiocarbon laboratory whose activity began in 1957 at the Institute of Zoology and Botany, Academy of Sciences of the Estonian SSR (Ильвес et al. 1974, 177; Liiva et al. 1975, 7). 3 Unfortunately it is not clear which burial we are exactly dealing with. Altogether eight burials – VIII, IX, X, XI, XV, XIX, XX, XXII – in the Tamula I settlement and burial site had a ‘bed’ of branches.
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 85
Table 1. Radiocarbon dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites Tabel 1. Eesti kiviaja matmispaikade radiosüsinikudateeringud
Site and Area 14C-year Calibrated Calibrated δ 13Cc Lab. no. Sample number of (BP) date 1 sigma date 2 sigma material the gravea (cal BC)b (cal BC) Veibri, SE 6090 ± 45 5200–4930 5210–4850 –24.0 Hela-1331 Human, radius burial II Estonia dext. corpus Kivisaare, Central 5450 ± 40 4345–4260 4360–4230 – Poz-10840 Human, burial IV Estonia cranium Tamula I, SE 4680 ± 40 3520–3370 3630–3360 – Poz-15645 Human, femur burial I Estonia Tamula I, SE 4940 ± 40 3770–3650 3800–3640 – Poz-10826 Human, costa burial IIId Estonia Tamula I, SE 5760 ± 45 4620–4540 4720–4490 –27.1 Hela-1335 Human, burial VII Estonia mandibula Tamula I, SE 5370 ± 45 4330–4070 4340–4050 –25.8 Hela-1336 Human, femur burial VIII Estonia sinister Tamula I, SE 5310 ± 85 4250–4000 4330–3970 –23.9 Ua-4828 Human, concha burial X Estonia nasalis Tamula I, SE 4925 ± 40 3760–3650 3790–3640 –25.0 Hela-1337 Human, femur burial XIX Estonia Tamula I, SE 4080 ± 100 2860–2490 2900–2300 – Ta-219 Wood from definite burial Estonia bottom unknown of grave Sope, NE 4090 ± 35 2850–2570 2870–2490 – Poz-10827 Human, female, burial II Estonia metatarsus I dext. Ardu, Northern 4110 ± 40 2860–2580 2880–2500 – Poz-10824 Human, male, burial II Estonia ulna sin. corpus Tika Saaremaa 4035 ± 35 2620–2480 2840–2470 – Poz-10803 Human, Island mandibula Kunila, Central 3960 ± 40 2570–2350 2580–2340 – Poz-10825 Human, burial II Estonia mandibula Karlova SE 3805 ± 35 2300–2150 2460–2130 – Poz-15499 Human, Estonia mandibula Kudruküla I NE 4770 ± 60 3640–3380 3660–3370 –21.7 CAMS- Human, Estonia 6265 mandibula Kudruküla II NE 4860 ± 60 3710–3530 3780–3510 –20.4 CAMS- Human, Estonia 6266 mandibula Naakamäe Saaremaa 4125 ± 85 2780–2580 2890–2480 –16.0 Ua-4822 Human, femur Island ______a The numeration proposed by Lembit Jaanits in 1965 is used. b All the calibrations by: Atmospheric data from Reimer et al. (2004); OxCal v3.10 Bronk Ramsey (2005); cub r:5 sd:12 prob usp[chron]. c Presented only if submitted by the laboratory that completed the dating. d Too little collagen in the sample, which may have affected the date.
86 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
were dated in the frames of the same project (Table 1; Lõugas et al. 1996, 412, table 3). Samples were taken from a male skeleton (I) from Kõljala, Saaremaa Island, and Tamula burial XI4, but unfortunately the samples did not contain enough collagen for dating (Lõugas et al. 1996, 408). The need for absolute dates from Stone Age graves has been obvious for a long time now (e.g. Lang & Kriiska 2001; Kriiska et al. 2005) and within several research projects5 samples of human bones from several burial sites have lately been dated with the AMS method. By now altogether 17 graves from ten burial sites have been dated (Table 1; Fig. 1).
Fig. 1. Estonian Stone Age burial sites dated by the radiocarbon method in the 2000s. Joon 1. 2000. aastatel radiosüsinikumeetodil dateeritud Eesti kiviaegsed matmispaigad.
4 It is not clear in Lõugas et al. (1996) whether Tamula X or XI was dated earlier and skeleton XI has been erroneously considered to have been dated instead of skeleton X (Ots 2006, 42, joon 7). In order to clarify the situation, boxes of both skeletons in the Institute of History, Tallinn University, were inspected. Since the dated bone was concha nasalis, and the box of the skeleton no. X contained bones of the skull’s inner part (such bones were absent in XI), then probably no. X was actually dated in 1996. 5 AMS dating has been financed by the Estonian National Heritage Board and different research projects led by Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas and Kristiina Mannermaa.
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 87
Burial sites dated in the 2000s Veibri burial site
Location The burial site is situated in south-eastern Estonia (Fig. 1) on a flood plain on the northern shore of the Suur-Emajõgi River (absolute elevation up to 32 m a.s.l.) in the village of Veibri on the border of Tartu town approximately 130 m west of a Corded Ware Culture settlement site (reg. no. 27195). It is a relatively plane area, which is nevertheless distinguished from the surroundings by a low hill of sand and gravel.
Research history In spring 1997 Andres Tvauri and Andres Vindi, archaeologists from the University of Tartu, discovered a Corded Ware Culture and medieval settlement site in Veibri village. In the autumn of the same year, preliminary research was conducted on the spot under the leadership of Aivar Kriiska. It was ascertained that the cultural layer had been extensively mixed in the course of later agricultural activity (Kriiska 1997)6. In autumn 2003 the settlement site of Veibri attracted the interest of archaeologists again because of the intensified construction activity in the area. The same autumn the then inspector of the National Heritage Board in Tartumaa, Kalle Lange, found human bones in the neighbourhood of this settlement site. The bones were exposed on the ground as the turf layer and part of the soil under it had been removed with a bulldozer. As the site is not a typical burial site of historical times by its location, a probability existed that the destroyed grave is older; it was even supposed that the bones were connected with the Corded Ware Culture. In summer 2006 rescue excavations were carried out on the endangered grave site under the leadership of Kristiina Johanson, Tõnno Jonuks and Mari Lõhmus. In the course of the excavations a quadruple burial (Fig. 2) with three children and an adult7 was opened. Two children, respectively skeleton I belonging to an 11-year-old child and skeleton IV of a 4-year-old child, were orientated towards south-east and the adult (skeleton II) and the child next to her (skeleton III; 5 years old) had been placed in the grave in the opposite direction with the first two, i.e. orientated to north-west. All the inhumed individuals lay in an extended supine position. The deceased, who had apparently been placed into the grave together, lacked grave goods. A probably Narva-type pottery sherd was found close to skeleton III (TÜ 1424: 98); however, its connection with the discussed grave is problematic as the sherd was not found in the immediate vicinity of the buried. No grave depression could be distinguished from the surrounding soil: the dead
6 Finds in the Kabinet of Archaeology, Institute of History and Archaeology of the University of Tartu (TÜ 568). 7 Preliminary anthropological identifications were made by Raili Allmäe.
88 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
Fig. 2. Veibri quadruple burial. Joon 2. Veibri nelikmatus.
had been inhumed into yellowish-grey gravelly moraine. The middle part of the grave was somewhat deeper than its edges. The fact that we are not dealing with a solitary grave is referred to by a tubular bone exposed in the north-western end of the excavation and human metacarpi gathered from a test-pit 20 m north-west of the opened burials.
Dated burial An AMS sample from the quadruple burial was taken from the bone of the adult individual (skeleton II) as her bones were bigger and thus the possibility that the sample might not contain enough collagen was smaller than in the case of the children’s bones. The dated bone belongs to an adult, who lay in the grave depression in a north-west–south-east directed position. The deceased had been placed into the grave in an extended supine posture and her arms were pressed
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 89
tightly against her body with hands put under her pelvis (Fig. 2). The upper part of the skeleton was well preserved until the pelvis, only the higher part of the skull, destroyed by the bulldozer, was missing. The legs of the dead had been removed by a later dig; only the proximal end of the femur was preserved. As mentioned above, no grave goods were accompanying the deceased. The sample for AMS analysis was taken from the corpus (diaphyse) of the right radius. Date: 6090 ± 45 BP (Hela-1331) (Table 1).
Kivisaare settlement and burial site
Location The Mesolithic and Neolithic settlement and burial site (reg. no. 13221) of Kivisaare is situated in Meleski village, central Estonia (Fig. 1), in the central and south-eastern part of a small south-east–north-west directed drumlin. The small drumlin surrounded by a fen (absolute elevation up to 38 m a.s.l.) is located approximately 6 km from Lake Võrtsjärv and 1.5 km from the Põltsamaa River.
Research history The first graves in Kivisaare were discovered in 1882 during digging for gravel on a small hill in the central part of the drumlin. According to the local farmer Jaan Pekk, five skeletons were discovered and destroyed then (Bolz 1914, 27). In the course of road building in 1903 another human skeleton was found and with farming in 1908–1910 seven more skeletons were unearthed there and registred by J. Pekk and Martin Bolz (Bolz 1914, 27). Thereafter archaeological excavations have repeatedly been conducted at Kivisaare: in 1910 six graves were opened by Richard Hausmann (Ottow 1911, 154 f.), in 1913 Max Ebert and in 1921 Aarne Michaël Tallgren both unearthed one burial (Tallgren 1921, 1). Extensive excavations were made in 1931 by R. Indreko and in 1962 and 1964–1965 by Lembit Jaanits. Indreko (1931a) unearthed two and Jaanits (1965) four skeletons. In 2002–2004 archaeological excavations took place under the direction of Aivar Kriiska. In the course of these bones of approximately ten individuals were collected, including two re-burials from probably the 20th century, but no in situ grave could be detected (Kriiska et al. 2003, 34; 2004, 35 ff; Kriiska & Lõhmus 2005, 33 ff.). Altogether more than 20 relatively fully preserved skeletons and loose bones from more than 10 individuals have been found from the drumlin.8 Age and sex have been determined for the human bones found in the excavations of 2002. According to the determinations, men, women and children have been buried on the cemetery, the oldest of the deceased being over 35 and the youngest 2–3 years old. Unfortunately, it has not been possible to date the inhumations more exactly; therefore, different prehistoric periods have been suggested for the time of the
8 Anthropological identifications were made by R. Allmäe.
90 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
burials. Bolz (1914, 15), who started the research, dated the cemetery to the Neo- lithic9, Tallgren (1922, 49) to a time period that corresponds to the Late Mesolithic by the currently valid periodization, Indreko (1935, 10) to the Neolithic and the Bronze Age, and before the beginning of the new excavations one of the authors of the present article dated it more widely – to the Mesolithic and Neolithic (Kriiska & Tvauri 2002, 35). On the territory and in the surroundings of the cemetery there has been a settlement site in the Mesolithic and the Neolithic (Narva, Comb Ware and Corded Ware cultures) (Kriiska et al. 2003; 2004; Kriiska & Lõhmus 2005).
Dated burial During the excavations of 1965 a child’s grave was found in the south-eastern part of the drumlin: skeleton 4 according to the numeration of Jaanits (1965, 9). The child had been placed into a relatively shallow oval grave (Figs 3 and 4; Jaanits 1965, 9), the central part of which was deeper than the head (the skull was unearthed 12–15 cm from ground level). The outlines of the grave depression of a maximum size of 1.6 × 0.6 m (Fig. 3) were exposed 16–17 cm from ground level.
Fig. 3. Kivisaare burial IV. Joon 3. Kivisaare IV matus.
9 It should be considered that the periodization used then was: (1) Palaeolithic and (2) Neolithic. No absolute dates were offered by Bolz.
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 91
The child had been placed into the grave in a south-south-west–north-north- east directed position with its head orientated towards south-south-west. The skeleton was poorly preserved (Fig. 4): bones were shattered; never- theless, it has been a whole burial (Jaanits 1965, 9). Similarly to several other graves from the Kivisaare drumlin, the discussed child’s burial also lacked grave goods. The sample for AMS analysis was taken from a skull fragment. Date: 5450 ± 40 BP (Poz-10840) (Table 1).
Tamula I settlement and burial site
Location The Neolithic settlement and burial site (reg. no. 13804) is situated in south- eastern Estonia (Fig. 1), near the town of Võru, on Cape Roosisaar (absolute elevation up to 71 m a.s.l.) on the shore of Lake Tamula. The Võhandu River and a stream connecting lakes Tamula and Vagula flow out from the northern corner of Lake Võhandu near this cape (Indreko 1945, 26; Jaanits et al. 1982, 78; Jaanits 1984, 183). In some stages of Fig. 4. Kivisaare burial IV. the Stone Age the cape may have been Joon 4. Kivisaare IV matus. an island (Mäemets 1977, 210). The site was inhabited already in the Mesolithic (Tamula II settlement site) (Ots 2002, 1). Due to the rise of the water level the Neolithic cultural layer has become covered with peat, which has abundantly preserved bone, antler and even wood.
Research history The site was accidentally discovered in 1938 by Ida Kepnik, who had lost her ring in the lake and found bone fragments while looking for it (Indreko 1938). In different times altogether 25 burials have been excavated from the cultural layer of the Tamula I settlement site. Due to its location in peat (Jaanits 1988, 218) bone material has preserved relatively well there enabling characterization of a total of 11 whole burials. The first archaeological excavations on the site took place in 1942–1943 under the leadership of Indreko. In the first excavation year
92 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
the remains of three individuals (I–III) were found; these were located in the lower part of the cultural layer 48–56 cm from ground level (Indreko 1942, 2). During the excavations of 1946, which were conducted by Harri Moora, the graves of four individuals (IV–VII) were opened (Moora 1946). Next excavations on the Tamula I settlement and burial site took place in 1955–1956, 1961 and 1968 under the direction of Lembit Jaanits. In the first two excavation years the remains of 14 more humans (VIII–XXI) were discovered in the lower and middle parts of the cultural layer (Jaanits 1957, 80). The last excavations in Tamula until now were carried out by Jaanits in 1988–1989; however, the last four burials (XXII–XXV), of these a whole burial and three skulls, were unearthed already during the excavations of 1961. Until now the majority of the researchers have considered the graves from Tamula I contemporary with the Comb Ware and Corded Ware Culture settlement sites. This interpretation is supported by finds and the position of graves in the cultural layer. For example, in the excavation plot of 1942 the burials as well as find material concentrated into its western part. According to this, it was supposed that skeletons I–III had been placed inside dwelling houses (Indreko 1942, 2). Later the same interpretation was presented by Jaanits (1957, 94, 96). On the basis of burial position, lack of amber, and stratigraphy the flexed burials (I, II, III, XIII, XIX, XXI, XXII) from the Tamula I settlement and burial site have been considered to belong to the final stage of the existence of the settlement and be connected with the Corded Ware Culture or at least its influence on the people of the Late Comb Ware Culture (Jaanits 1957, 97; Jaanits et al. 1982, 82; Kriiska & Tvauri 2002, 80). The burials in an extended supine position have been associated with the Comb Ware Culture (Jaanits 1957, 97). In the light of new dates these standpoints have been revised (Lõugas et al. 2007, 23).
Dated burials Skeleton I Skeleton I (Fig. 5) was found in 1942 from the south-eastern part of the settlement site, near skeletons II and III. It belonged to a 25–35-year-old female lying on her right side in a flexed position (Ots 2006, table 11). Because of decay and sinking of soft layers the position of her hands could not be documented. Only her left humerus on the side of the skeleton can be seen on the excavation plan (Fig. 5); the left ulna had probably lain on the body of the deceased. The woman had been orientated from north-west to south-east, her head was directed to north-west. The borders of the grave depression remained vague, the arched north-western end of the grave depression can probably be noticed only on one glass negative (Fig. 6). The skeleton had lain relatively deep (48–58 cm from ground level); the depth of the frontal bone was 58 cm and that of the occiput 73 cm from ground level. Although no clear border of the grave depression could be determined and the skeleton was located in the middle of the settlement finds, Indreko associated several finds – grave goods – with this burial. Among others pottery sherds were
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 93
Fig. 5. Tamula burial I. Joon 5. Tamula I matus.
collected above the kneecap of the skeleton, from the left side of the skull and next to her left humerus (Indreko 1942, 3). In addition to the ceramic vessel(?) bone arrowheads (arrows?) were found by both the left and the right hand; a bone point and a fragment of a bone artefact (Fig. 5) were also located by the deceased; it is possible that fragments of animal bones as well as nutshells and pieces of
94 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
Fig. 6. Tamula burial I. Joon 6. Tamula I matus.
acorns can be associated with the discussed burial. The sample for AMS analysis was taken from the femur. Date: 4680 ± 40 BC (Poz-15645) (Table 1).
Skeleton III Skeleton III (Fig. 7), also found in 1942, was located approximately 1 m south- east of another skeleton and had been placed parallel to it. The deceased, placed in the grave in the north-eastern–south-western position, was a 25–35 years old
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 95
Fig. 7. Tamula burial III. Joon 7. Tamula III matus.
male (Loze 2006, 316; Ots 2006, table 11). Similarly to the other skeleton the dead had been placed into the grave in a flexed position: his legs were flexed to right whereas his vertebral column lay straight (supine) and his hands were placed crosswise over his stomach. The skeleton lay at a depth of 48–56 cm from ground level. Similarly to several other burials, his head lay somewhat higher than the rest of the body. With a slight uncertainty Indreko considered the finds gathered in the vicinity of the skeleton to be grave goods: tooth pendants, a fragment of a spear and pottery sherds were found at a depth of 50–60 cm from ground level (Indreko 1942, 4). The sample for the AMS analysis was taken from a rib. Date: 4940 ± 40 BP (Poz-10826) (Table 1).
Skeleton VII Skeleton VII in the middle of the burial site, which belonged to a 8 ± 2-year- old child (determined by Allmäe; see Ots 2006, table 11) and was accompanied by rich grave goods, was relatively well preserved (Fig. 8). The north–south directed skeleton lay in a 50-cm deep grave in an extended supine position, both hands on its side. The skull was prone to left and shattered, probably under the weight of
96 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
Fig. 8. Tamula burial VII. Joon 8. Tamula VII matus.
a boulder placed on it. A row of small notches was discovered on the child’s forearm (Moora 1946), which must have been made before the inhumation of the deceased. This is indicated by the intact cultural layer on top of the grave as well as by the undisturbed skeleton itself (Jaanits 1947, 10). Differently from several other burials, this deceased was accompanied by rich grave goods (Fig. 8). Two amber pendants were found beside the left temple bone and during later cleaning a fragment of a bone knife was found next to these; two amber pieces were exposed above the left collarbone. Two pebbles were found
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 97
on the chest and a fragment of a whistle-like tubular bird bone between the knees. Between the legs of the deceased there was an adze with the so-called fingernail-shaped blade10 with a piece of a stone wedge placed on top of it. Tooth pendants with drilled holes belonging to several different animal species were discovered on different parts of the skeleton, for example, bear fangs11 were found at the lower part of the rib cage. A bone pendant and worked bone fragments were found by the left elbow, etc. Fragments of common crane (Grus grus) wings had been placed into both hands of the child. Two bone bird figurines were unearthed by the skeleton. The sample for AMS analysis was taken from the lower mandibula. Date: 5760 ± 45 BP (Hela-1335) (Table 1).
Skeleton VIII Skeleton VIII, which was discovered during the excavations in 1955, belonged to a 18–25-year-old female (Fig. 9; Ots 2006, table 11). The deceased was located two metres north of skeleton I (Indreko 1942) at a depth of 60–65 cm from the present ground level. She had been laid on a ‘bed’ of branches and a wooden pole12 had been put under her head ‘like a pillow’ (Jaanits 1961, 60). The south-east–north-west directed deceased was placed in the grave in a supine position, legs extended and hands straight on the side (Jaanits 1957, 80). The deceased was also accompanied by abundant grave goods (Fig. 9). The vicinity of the skull was an especially rich area with three bone arrowheads, a slate adze with the fingernail-shaped blade, a flint scraper, a bone awl and a polished bone stick found. Also the lower mandible of a pine marten (Martes martes), tongue bone of an European elk (Alces alces) and animal teeth were discovered in the vicinity. As the bones lacked traces of working they probably did not belong to the clothing of the deceased but were grave goods (Jaanits 1961, 60). In addition to these, pendants of dog (Canis familiaris), marten and elk teeth as well as cylindrical beads of bird bones were found near different parts of the skeleton. These had probably been attached to the clothes of the buried (Jaanits 1957, 81 f.; 1961, 60). Three anthropomorphic bone plate figurines and a fragment of a two- headed snake figure13 were discovered between her tibiae. The sample for AMS analysis was taken from the corpus of the left femur. Date: 5370 ± 45 BP (Hela-1336) (Table 1).
10 For adzes with fingernail-shaped blade see more in Jaanits et al. 1982, 79 and Edgren 1984, 43. 11 In the earlier literature (Moora 1946; Jaanits 1947; Янитс 1952) these were considered wolf fangs, but according to the identification by L. Lõugas we are dealing with bear fangs. 12 Length 70 cm and thickness 6–7 cm (Jaanits 1957, 80). 13 The snake figure was considered the leg part of a human figure by Jaanits (1961, 62), at the same time the skilfully crafted ‘head parts’ are very similar to the head of a snake found from Tamula burial XIV.
98 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
Fig. 9. Tamula burial VIII. Joon 9. Tamula VIII matus.
Skeleton XIX The south-west–north-east directed skeleton, which was unearthed in 1956, belonged to a 20–30-year-old male (Ots 2006, table 11). The poorly preserved skeleton was located in the south-western part of the burial site. The deceased had been placed into the grave so that his upper body was in a supine position but the lower part of his vertebral column had been slightly turned to right (Fig. 10). His face was directed to left and the left forearm had been bent towards his body from the elbow. The skeleton was situated in the lower part
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 99
Fig. 10. Tamula burial XIX. Joon 10. Tamula XIX matus.
of the cultural layer at a depth of 40–47 cm from the present ground level (Jaanits 1957, 88). Two bird figurines of bone plate, tooth pendants and cylindrical beads, which probably formed part of a necklace (Jaanits 1957, 88) were found in the grave. The sample for AMS analysis was taken from the corpus of the femur. Date: 4925 ± 40 BP (Hela-1337) (Table 1).
Sope burial site
Location The Stone Age cemetery is situated in north-eastern Estonia (Fig. 1), 4 km east of Purtse and 2 km south of Jabara (former Sope and Jäbara) village, on the lands of Metsavälja farmstead, on a small sandy knoll on the bank of the Sope Stream (Jaanits et al. 1982, 102).
100 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
Research history The first finds from the Sope burial site were collected in 1884 or 1889 when a skeleton together with a boat-shaped axe was unearthed at a place of a cellar or during farming; the axe was said to have gone missing in 1922 (Indreko 1933; 1935, 213). In 1904 or 1908 six more skeletons were found while making head- land; all these were later reburied in the vicinity (Liiv 1924; Indreko 1933). Archaeological excavations on the cemetery of Sope were carried out in 1926 by Moora. A female burial in a strongly flexed position and with grave goods was exposed on the area of a 9 × 24 m excavation plot (Moora 1926). In 1933–1934 excavations were conducted by Indreko, who found a complete female skeleton in the first year of his fieldwork (Indreko 1933) and documented single finds in the second year (Indreko 1934). As estimated, altogether 10 individuals were buried in Sope. This makes it the largest known Corded Ware Culture burial site in Estonia.
Dated grave The dated female skeleton (II) lay in the grave depression on her right side, knees flexed, right hand under her head, left hand on her body (Fig. 11). The deceased was orientated from north-west to south-east, her head was turned to north-west. At the foot of the grave there were an almost whole ceramic vessel,
Fig. 11. Sope burial II. Joon 11. Sope II matus.
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 101
a bone awl and a shell of a freshwater pearl mussel (Margaritifera margaritifera)14 (Indreko 1933). A handful of small round stones under her right shoulder had apparently been placed there deliberately. Similarly to grave I it was relatively shallow: the deceased was lying at a depth of 20–27 cm and the bottom of the depression was only 35 cm from the present ground level. The grave depression itself could not be distinguished from the surrounding soil, it was only observed that the burial was surrounded by clean sandy soil without pebbles (Indreko 1933). The sample for AMS analysis was taken from the first metatarsal bone. Date: 4090 ± 35 BP (Poz-10827) (Table 1).
Ardu burial site
Location The Ardu cemetery (reg. no. 18540) is situated in northern Estonia, in the village of Ardu, on the lands of Hansumardi15 farmstead, in the area of the upper reaches of the Pirita River, 100 meters from the river, on a gravel hill rising above the surrounding river plain (Jaanits et al. 1982, 104).
Research history In 1931 Peeter Metsis found human bones from a gravel hole by his field track; among other things there was a skull on the right side of which a stone adze was discovered (Indreko 1931b). It was a male burial lying at a depth of 80– 90 cm on his left side with his head turned towards north. The excavation of the burial was completed in one day (Indreko 1931b). In 1936 another skeleton was discovered there when digging for sand for construction work: ‘Das skelett wurde wie das die vorige vom Gehilfen des Gehöftbesitzers beim Graben von Bausand entdeckt, wobei die Schaufel auf den Schädel steiss’ (Indreko 1937, 186). The workmen who had discovered the skeleton immediately gave notice of the find whereafter rescue excavations were carried out there by E. Saadre (Indreko 1937, 186). The skeleton was situated 1–1.5 m south-east of the burial unearthed in 1931, and was also a male. In spring 2006, in connection with digging a central heating trench, preliminary investigations were completed at the site of the cemetery. No new burials were detected in the course of these investigations (Kriiska 2006).
Dated burial The deceased (skeleton II) lay in the grave depression in the natural sand layer on his left side with flexed legs (Fig. 12). His head was orientated to north, legs
14 According to locals, mussel shells have been found with other skeletons as well (Indreko 1933). 15 In 1936 the farmstead was called by this name.
102 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
to south. The skeleton was predominantly anatomically correct, only the left humerus was in a ‘wrong’ position. Most of the upper part of the vertebral column (cervical vertebrae and single thoracic vertebrae) was not preserved and the lower mandibula was missing (Saadre 1936). The skeleton lay at a depth of 100–125 cm from ground level. At the same height a 50-cm long darker line, which partly continued over the bones of the left leg of the skeleton, was detected in the sand. Indreko supposed that it was a deposition of the decomposition of some organic material: for example a wooden pole may have been placed in the grave (Indreko 1937, 186 f.). According to the determination of the anthropologist Juhan Aul the deceased was a 40–45-year-
old 175–178-cm tall strongly built male Fig. 12. Ardu burial II. (Indreko 137, 198). Joon 12. Ardu II matus. The deceased was accompanied by abundant grave goods (Fig. 12). A Karlova-type battle-axe of diabase or porphyry was found left of the skull and a whole clay vessel (altogether 10 sherds were found during the excavation) was unearthed at the head. The vessel had shattered due to the weight of the soil and some sherds had been removed during the digging for sand. A bone adze had been placed by the right shoulder, a flint adze near the right wrist and a bone awl and a piece of antler lay by the bones of the right hand. A blade scraper or a knife of white flint was found between the phalanxes of the left hand by the left hip bone and a bone button between thigh bones (Indreko 1937, 186). The sample for AMS analysis was taken from the left ulna. Date: 4110 ± 40 BP (Poz-10824) (Table 1).
Tika burial site
Location The burial site is situated on the Island of Saaremaa (Fig. 1), in the village of Tika, on a gravel hill slightly higher than the surrounding landscape (Indreko 1939).
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 103
Research history In 1934 a skeleton with a bone spearhead and Corded Ware sherds was found in the forest of Tika when digging for gravel for road building (Põld 1938). At Tutku, 4–5 km south of the mentioned place, three more skeletons with pottery sherds by one of these were unearthed during the same road construction works. In 1938 Indreko carried out excavations there but inspection of the sites gave no results and no new skeletons were discovered. Only a single human bone was collected from Tika, which proved the existence of the burial site at the location (Indreko 1939).
Dated burial The human bones found from Tika in 1934 were dated. According to the information from eyewitnesses, the skeleton had lain in gravel approximately at a depth of 30 cm from the present ground level (Indreko 1939) with its head directed to north (Põld 1938; Indreko 1939). A ceramic vessel and a spearhead had been placed in the grave to accompany the dead. The sample for AMS analysis was taken from the lower mandibula (AI 3663: 2). Date: 4035 ± 35 BP (Poz-10803) (Table 1).
Kunila burial site
Location The cemetery is situated in central Estonia (Fig. 1), 4 km south-west of Puur- mani on the western side of a small drumlin – on Jaaniantsu hill. The Pedja River flows south from the north-east–south-west directed drumlin (Jaanits 1949).
Research history During digging for gravel in 1938 a stone axe (AI 3723) and human bones were discovered in the Jaaniantsu drumlin at Kunila. In 1948 Jaanits conducted archaeological excavations on the site in the course of which three excavation plots were opened (Jaanits 1949; Янитс 1985). The remains of two individuals were found in one of these. Skeleton I was situated at a depth of 50–60 cm in the ground. According to Jaanits (1949, 3): ‘I got the impression as if the bones of skeleton I had been grouped in three sets the biggest of which mostly included big tubular bones, south-east of this was the skull and in south a smaller set contained some fragments of tubular bones.’ There were grave goods in the grave: a stone adze was obtained north-west of the skull and a battle-axe by the right ulna in the biggest bone set. In addition to these the grave contained wild boar and beaver teeth (Lõugas et al. 2007) as well as a point of the fang of a wild boar, a flint blade and wood remains. On the basis of the items Jaanits considered the burial to be a
104 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
male one (Jaanits 1949, 5). Besides the described skeleton also human bones in single smaller sets were discovered on the area of the excavation plot; these were documented as skeleton II (Jaanits 1949, 4). It is possible that we are dealing with a somewhat larger cemetery. In the course of the preliminary work Jaanits gathered information from local people according to whom big bones and even an intact skeleton had been found from the gravel pit before 1938 (Jaanits 1949, 2). However, it is difficult to ascertain whether the bones were human or belonged to animals.
Dated burial Dated bones derived from burial II found west of burial I. The first bone fragments were exposed already at a depth of 30–40 cm, but the majority of the bones were unearthed at a depth of 50–65 cm from the present ground level. Similarly to the first burial the dated skeleton was only partially preserved with the bones being fragmentary: the vertebral column was found with the cervical vertebrae lying east of the rest, a mandibula with teeth and two loose teeth were found at the same place. Single bones, among which the ends of the right and left radii were distinguished, were collected south-east of the mentioned bones. These lay 70–80 cm deep in the ground. An adze of white flint and a grinding stone were obtained by the first described bone set. The bones had been massive, which indicates that we are dealing with a male skeleton (Jaanits 1949, 5). Jaanits (1949, 5) considered the reason for the disturbance to be the burying of the 1st deceased. In his opinion the two inhumations had been buried at different times, with skeleton II buried first. Later destruction during digging for gravel or even a partial burial cannot be excluded either. The sample for AMS analysis was taken from the lower mandibula. Date: 3960 ± 40 BP (Poz-10825) (Table 1).
Karlova burial site
Location The burial site (reg. no. 12977) is situated in south-eastern Estonia (Fig. 1) in the centre of the town of Tartu, in the park of former Karlova manor (Lõugas & Selirand 1977, 273).
Research history In 1910 a potter Napp and bricklayer Hans Kurrik discovered a human skeleton during building a new cellar in the park of Karlova manor. The find was inspected by R. Hausmann and others (Hausmann 1911, 60). The burial site has not been excavated archaeologically.
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 105
Dated burial The burial was located between the old cellar walls 30 cm deeper than their footing. The grave had been dug into clayey, sandy and gravelly soil where the deceased had been rested in a north–south directed supine position, head turned to north. The arms of the 18–20-year-old male (Hausmann 1911, 66) were tightly against his sides, his legs were extended and a 12 × 60 × 45 cm limestone slab had been placed on his chest. Two grave goods were discovered: a blackish-green Karlova-type battle-axe of diorite, which lay by his right hand, and a phyllite arrowhead (arrow as a grave good?) on his left hip (Hausmann 1911, 60–61). The majority of the bones were to some extent defective, thus for example only three ribs had preserved from the body of the buried and his skull had been shattered to pieces. Both arms had humeri as well as ulnae and radii. Out of the lower extremities the right femur was intactly preserved, which enabled calculating 170 cm or a little more for the whole height of the deceased. The left side of the skeleton had been damaged more and compared to the right limbs the left ones were in poorer condition (Hausmann 1911, 65). On the basis of the stone axe the discussed skeleton is connected with the Corded Ware Culture. The sample for AMS analysis was taken from the lower mandibula. Date: 3805 ± 35 BP (Poz-15499) (Table 1).
Discussion
On the basis of the obtained radiocarbon dates the Estonian Stone Age in- humantion burials can be divided into four temporal groups. The whole Neolithic16 is represented, which allows following changes in burial customs in considerably narrower temporal limits than it has been done by the frame dates of archaeological cultures so far. The earliest are the skeletons of Veibri burial II (5210–4850 cal BC17), Tamula burial VII (4720–4490 cal BC) and Kivisaare burial IV (4360–4230 cal BC), which according to the presently valid Estonian Stone Age periodization (Lang & Kriiska 2001) belong to the Early Neolithic. In the case of all these skeletons we are dealing with extended supine burials. Veibri (if we leave aside the sherd of Narva-type pottery the context of which is somewhat unclear) is a quadruple burial without grave goods, Kivisaare IV a solitary burial without grave goods and Tamula VII a solitary burial with a rich grave inventory. The last burial is clearly different from the others and its date contradicts with the current inter- pretations.
16 The border between the Mesolithic and the Neolithic in Estonia is the introduction of pottery (Lang & Kriiska 2001). 17 Calibrated date 2 sigma.
106 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
Tamula burials VIII (4340–4050 cal BC) and X (4330–3970 cal BC) are discerned as a separate group, being dated to the border of the Early and Middle Neolithic. Comparison of Tamula burials X and VIII reveals several similar elements. Both are single burials in an extended supine position that have been placed on a ‘bed’ of branches. Also their orientation coincides largely (south-south- east–north-north-west and south-east–north-west respectively). Both deceased were accompanied by a rich variety of grave goods, six amber artefacts (three pendants, a disc and two cylindrical beads) being found with skeleton X. Three skeletons from the Tamula I settlement and burial site, Tamula burial I (3630–3360 cal BC), III (3800–3640 cal BC) and XIX (3790–3640 cal BC), are clearly Middle Neolithic. Previously also human bones from the Kudruküla settlement site (Table 1) in north-eastern Estonia have been dated to this time- span. The Tamula III and XIX male burials are relatively similar. We are actually dealing with burials in opposite directions but the deceased have been placed in the graves in a similar way: both upper bodies have been laid straightly, only their legs have been flexed from knees towards right. The body position of the Tamula I female burial is quite similar as here the deceased woman has been placed in the grave partly flexed as well. Also the grave goods are alike: bone artefacts and supposedly also pottery sherds in graves I and III, animal tooth pendants in graves III and XIX; the inventory of grave XIX is slightly different from the others containing cylindrical beads of bird bone and two bone bird figurines. According to the new AMS dates, five burials belong to the Late Neolithic. Of these Ardu II (2880–2500 cal BC), Sope II (2870–2490 cal BC) and Tika (2840– 2470 cal BC) skeletons are somewhat older than Kunila II (2580–2340 cal BC) and Karlova (2460–2130 cal BC). Largely contemporary with the first three is the Naakamäe burial dated earlier (2890–2480 cal BC) and an unlocalized burial in Tamula where the date has been made from a wood sample (2900–2300 cal BC) (Table 1). The body positions of the deceased in the discussed sub-group differ: Ardu II and Sope II are flexed burials, in Karlova and Naakamäe the skeletons were laid in an extended supine position, the body positions of Tika and Tamula are not known. Also the grave inventory of the observed burials varies. Only a bone awl was obtained in the Naakamäe burial, in Karlova a Karlova-type stone axe and a stone arrowhead had been placed in the grave. As it is not known which of the burials from the Tamula I settlement and burial site we are dealing with, its grave goods can unfortunately not be analysed at this point. A Corded Ware vessel, a bone awl and a freshwater pearl mussel were obtained with the Sope II skeleton. Similarly to the burial from Karlova, a Karlova-type stone axe was found by the Ardu II skeleton. In addition, a ceramic vessel, a flint adze, a bone awl and a bone button were collected with this burial (more specifically on bone artefacts see Lõugas et al. 2007). Beyond doubt the question concerning the credibility of the dates emerges. The dates are predominantly problematic in the case of the Tamula I settlement and burial site. In the light of new dates the site was used for burying between 4340 and 3360 cal BC, on average between 4200 and 3495 cal BC, according to
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 107
the periodization of archaeological cultures during the Typical Comb Ware Culture and at the beginning of the Late Comb Ware Culture. Tamula grave VII (the average date 4600 cal BC) is an exception not fitting in the above frames and it should belong to the Early Neolithic period, after the periodization of archaeo- logical cultures to the era of the Narva Culture. These dates contradict with the until now dominating age determinations of both the settlement and the burial site. As mentioned above, the burial site has earlier been considered contemporary with the settlement site, the Late Neolithic, as it was judged on the basis of the stratigraphy that the deceased had been buried on the territory of the settlement site. At the same time the stratigraphy of the site is far from being unambiguously clear. In his first writings on the Tamula I settlement and burial site Jaanits (1947, 8; 1957, 94) is convinced that the burials are not earlier than the settle- ment site as single finds reach deeper than the skeletons and none of the grave depressions has been separated from the cultural layer by a sterile layer. How- ever, later Jaanits describes the burials as having been situated ‘in the lower part of the cultural layer or directly under it’ (Jaanits et al. 1982, 81). In view of the AMS date from the 1990s the simultaneity of the burial and settlement site of Tamula I has started to raise doubts (Lõugas et al. 1996, 414; Lang & Kriiska 2001, 92; Ots 2003). Dating with the radiocarbon method may yield results that do not correlate with other dates from the same site. The dissonances may be caused either by radiocarbon dating (which in turn may be due to errors in taking the sample, inaccuracy of the dating lab while cleaning the sample, etc.) or incorrect inter- pretation of the gathered archaeological material. In dating a bone one of the major reasons for errors is that contamination cannot be removed from the material. An important contamination source of bone material is humic acids, which, if left unremoved, could cause the obtained dates to seem older or younger than they actually are. This, however, depends on the environment of the specific find place (Bowman 1995, 27). In the case of Tamula we should be careful when interpretating the date from skeleton III because the insufficient content of collagen – only 0.04% – may have influenced the result. In fact already samples with collagen content of 0.5–1% are considered problematic (van Klinken 1999, 689). One mechanism for checking the credibility of dates is the value of a stabile carbon isotope (δ13C) from the same sample. In the samples of the Tamula I settlement and burial site the value of δ13C remains between –23.9‰ and –27.2‰. Generally the standard value is considered to be –21‰ to –22‰ and deviations are regarded as a failure of radiocarbon dating (van Klinken 1999, 689; Eriksson & Zagorska 2003, 164). Considering this we could have doubts about all AMS dates of the human bones from the Tamula I settlement and burial site (see δ13C values in Table 1). Although it is theoretically possible that a too low δ13C value shows contamination of the sample, practically it is rare that a single parameter that deviates from the standard indicates at a contaminated sample (van Klinken 1999, 692). In the Estonian context the Tamula I settlement and
108 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
burial site is hardly an exception in this matter: similar low values of the stabile isotope have been gained when dating other Stone18 and Bronze Age19 sites (see also Lõugas et al. 1996). Since every site is unique nothing final can be said about the δ13C values of the Tamula I settlement and burial site as indicators of possible contamination of the sample before comparable studies of the cultural layer and the faunal remains of the settlement site have been completed or special 13C analyses made with the discussed value not obtained as a by-product of 14C analyses. Considering the complex development of the Baltic Sea a specific ecology of isotopes must be elaborated in this region (Eriksson 2003, 19) that would enable adjusting for the situation where the δ13C values of several sites exceed the standard values valid in western Europe. In the case of problematic burials repetitive analyses are undoubtedly necessary. Also settlement material should be dated at the Tamula I site to enable explaining the interrelationship of the settlement and the burial site. To sum up, it should be said that while a single sample with a low δ13C value from the Tamula I settlement and burial site might refer to the date being irrelevant, then the falling of recurrent samples into the same timespan suggests that the earlier interpretations are false rather than the radiocarbon ones. Considering the currently available material – stratigraphy (see Table 2), find material as well as
Table 2. Location of the dated burials in the cultural layer in Tamula Tabel 2. Tamula dateeritud haudade asukoht kultuurikihis
Burial Year of excavation, Date Location in the cultural layer researcher (BP)a (Jaanits 1957, table I), depth from ground level Tamula I 1942, Indreko 4680 ± 40 In lower partb (48–58 cm) Tamula III 1942, Indreko 4940 ± 40 In lower part (48–55/56 cm) Tamula VII 1946, Moora 5760 ± 45 The lowermost borderc (50 cm) Tamula VIII 1955, Jaanits 5370 ± 45 The lowermost border (60–65 cm) Tamula X 1955, Jaanits 5310 ± 85 In lower part (49–55 cm) Tamula XIX 1956, Jaanits 4925 ± 40 In lower part (40–47 cm) ______a Detailed information in Table 1. b Im unteren Teil (Jaanits 1957, table I). c An der untersten Grenze (Jaanits 1957, table I).
18 The value of δ13C on the charred layer on an Early Neolithic pottery sherd from the Kõpu I settlement site was –26.3‰ (Hela-843) (date published: Kriiska et al. 2005). 19 The radiocarbon date from the Kihnu Mõisaküla settlement site gave –25.8 for the value of δ13C, the indexes on the charred layer on ceramic vessels from Assaku and Altküla were respectively –27.2‰ (Hela-837) and –25.0‰ (Hela-838) and on the charred layers on pottery sherds from Joaorg at Narva –28.5‰ (Hela-1021) and –28.0‰ (Hela-1020) (dates published in Kriiska & Lõhmus 2004; Kriiska et al. 2005; Kriiska & Lavento 2006).
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 109
AMS dates from burials – it is possible that in the case of the Tamula I settlement and burial site we are dealing with (1) a site dated to different periods where the cemetery precedes the settlement site or (2) a site dated to different periods where part of the burials precede the settlement site, whereas the other part are contemporary with it. Another important aspect regarding the inspection of the relevance of the dates is artefactual material: whether and to what extent the absolute chronology correlates with the relative chronology based on the analysis of the artefactual material. As a rule Early Neolithic burials have few grave goods (Kõnnu and Joaorg at Narva – e.g. Kriiska & Tvauri 2002, 49) or they are completely lacking. No sure grave goods have been found with the collective burial of Veibri or with Kivisaare skeleton IV. In the case of these burials there is no contradiction with dates. However, the date of Veibri is supported by a Narva-type pottery sherd in the vicinity of the skeletons. Regardless of whether the sherd is a grave good or not, it shows Early Neolithic activity at the site. Narva-type pottery has been found in the immediate vicinity of Kivisaare burial IV as well (Kriiska et al. 2003, 37) with some sherds in the excavations of 2002 gathered from the destroyed grave depressions. Tamula grave VII, which was also dated to the Early Neolithic, is extremely rich in grave goods (Fig. 8): amber pendants, pieces of amber, tooth pendants, bone bird figurines, bear fangs, pebbles, fragments of tubular bone, an adze with the fingernail-shaped blade, a fragment of a bone knife, a bone pendant, a fragment of a cylindrical bead, bone plates and their fragments (Lõhmus 2005, table 2). If the age determination is really true a contradiction must be stated with the dates obtained on the basis of the find material. The unearthed amber pendants (AI 3960: 265, 266) are highly crafted arte- facts and similar artefacts have been produced in most of the Middle Neolithic amber working centres (Ots 2006, 29). No information about specific artefacts or the use of amber before the Comb Ware Cultures can be found in Estonia. Until now amber has been considered a typical grave good for the Middle and Late Neolithic burial sites (Ots 2003, 96, 104). Adzes with the fingernail-shaped blade are of the same age and archaeological cultural background as well. In Finland where hundreds of such artefacts are known, they are characteristic of the Typical Comb Ware Culture period, especially of its younger part, and they have been used even during the Late Neolithic (e.g. Edgren 1984, 43). In Estonia they have been associated with the Late Comb Ware Culture period until now but this is based on numerous examples from the Tamula I settlement and burial site (for example Jaanits et al. 1982, 79). Current knowledge and dates suggest that both amber and the adze with the fingernail-shaped blade should be at least 400 years younger than the AMS date. It should be born in mind that the chronology and periodization, which were supplemented and corrected for the last time at the beginning of the 2000s (Kriiska 2001; Lang & Kriiska 2001) were created mostly on the basis of the
110 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
chronologies of the neighbouring countries and only a few local dates. Therefore this chronology is as questionable as the date of Tamula grave VII. The possibility the artefacts characteristic of the Typical Comb Ware Culture (which is the basis for the distinguishing of the Middle Neolithic), including amber, were used already before 4200 BC is referred to by a date obtained from collective burial no. 274 in Zvejnieki – 4460–4330 cal BC (5545 ± 65 PB; Ua-19810 – Eriksson et al. 2003, table 1; Zagorska 2006, 101 f., table IV). Other Zvejnieki graves with amber also have comparatively early dates; nevertheless, they remain within the limits of the Middle Neolithic. With the present information it is not possible to convincingly prove either erroneousness of the date of Tamula skeleton VII or the beginning of the Typical Comb Ware Culture; however, we cannot ignore the dissonance while seeking new interpretations. Burials dated to the end of the Early Neolithic–beginning of the Middle Neo- lithic and to the Middle Neolithic have rich grave goods: there are adornments attached to clothing, consumer goods as well as food remains. Amber artefacts (Tamula grave X) and zoo- and anthropomorphic figurines of bone (Tamula graves VII and XIX) are the most exceptional finds in graves of that time. Pre- dominantly we are dealing with pendants from animal teeth or bird tubular bones (Tamula graves III and XIX), also bone awls (Tamula grave I) and arrowheads (Tamula graves I and III) occur. This material correlates with the existing Stone Age chronology, the archaeological cultural background as well as new dates. The same can generally be said about the Late Neolithic burials. Ceramic vessels (Sope II, Ardu II, Tika), stone axes (Ardu II, Karlova, Kunila), awls (Sope II, Ardu II), adzes (Ardu II, Kunila), freshwater pearl mussels (Sope II), etc. have been put in graves. The only question is raised in the case of the Karlova burial. The Karlova-type stone axes – artefact type that got its name after this burial – is a typical material in the Estonian Corded Ware Culture. This axe type is considered to have developed in western Estonia with strong influences from the Finnish Corded Ware Culture (Jaanits et al. 1982, 111). On the other hand, the phyllite arrowhead found in the same grave belongs rather to the arte- fact complexes of the Comb Ware Cultures. The arrowhead of Karlova belongs to the so-called Pyheensilta or Nylev type, which is mostly distributed in Finland, Norway, the Kola Peninsula and as single items also in the Baltic countries. They are dated mainly to the Late Neolithic (Kriiska & Saluäär 2000 and references therein); however, to some extent they have been found already from the settle- ment sites of the Typical Comb Ware Culture (oral commentary by Petro Pesonen, 5 November 2007). AMS dating has brought about a real breakthrough in archaeology. Small quantities necessary for the analysis enable the dating of rare materials, including Stone Age human bones. New dates from a burial site very often have not only offered additional information and answers to existing questions, but have raised new problems and led to fresh interpretations. Of the Baltic Sea area examples can be given from Lithuania where together with new dates the perceptions of the anthropological material inherent to specific archaeological cultures have changed
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 111
as well. For example, after dating the Turlojiškė burial it was ascertained that it was not a grave from the Nemunas Culture period as it had been interpreted before (Antanaitis-Jacobs & Girininkas 2002, 17). The Donkalnis 4 burial, which had been considered to belong to the Late Neolithic, turned out to be considerably older – Late Mesolithic – thus referring to the unclear stratigraphy of the settlement site (Antanaitis-Jacobs & Girininkas 2002, 16 f.). These graves have earlier been considered the determinants of archaeological cultures and thus the basis for the development history of anthropological types in Lithuania. In Finland the ochre burials in cists connected to the Early Neolithic so-called Jäkärlä group proved to belong to the Iron Age (Edgren 1999, 323). AMS dates from the northern Latvian Zvejnieki cemetery have been significantly supplemented and specified and have therewith brought the earlier chronological borders into question. With its 55 dates Zvejnieki is one of the best dated Stone Age burial sites in eastern Europe (Zagorska 2006, 92; Mannermaa et al. 2007). On the one hand AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites demonstrate quite a great similarity during the whole Neolithic. Differently from the so far dominating opinion according to which the deceased were buried into settlement sites during the Neolithic period until the Corded Ware Culture, we can now state that among the known material cemeteries located separately from settlements prevail. Single burials (excluding the Veibri quadruple burial) dominate. More variations seem to be in body positions during the Late Neolithic, but both an extended supine and a flexed position were used already since the Early Neolithic (Kõnnu burial site in Saaremaa – Kriiska 2007, 18 and references therein). In the Tamula I burial site where wood has preserved burials dated to the border of the Early and Middle Neolithic (graves VIII and X) are discerned where the bottoms of the graves have been lined with branches. The composition and the amount of grave goods strongly vary during the Neolithic. In Early Neolithic graves there are as a rule few grave goods or these are lacking altogether, at the same time graves dated to the period from the Early to the Middle Neolithic and to the Middle Neolithic are rich in grave goods; Late Neolithic Corded Ware Culture burials have been equipped with different inventory.
Summary
Until now 17 burials from 10 Estonian Stone Age burial sites have been radiocarbon dated. These make up about one fifth of all the known Stone Age burials here. The obtained radiocarbon dates enable much more precise following of the changes in the burial customs in the area that is now Estonia. At the same time the new information raises numerous questions, among which the most important are: (1) Into which temporal context do the observed burials belong on the basis of the dates? (2) Can the dates be considered trustworthy and if so, how trustworthy? (3) How do the dates of the burials relate to the grave inventory and earlier interpretations?
112 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
The dates of the skeletons of the Tamula I settlement and burial site are the most problematic. On one hand these contradict with the opinion prevailing until now according to which the cemetery and the settlement site are simultaneous and belong to the Late Neolithic, on the other the skeletons have a disturbingly low value of the stabile isotope (δ13C) and the amount of collagen was very small in one sample. As the timespans where the human bones are dated are often recurrent, then in our opinion there is reason to give up the earlier interpretations and suggest that in the case of the Tamula I settlement and burial site we are dealing with either sites from different periods where the cemetery precedes the settlement site or sites from different periods where part of the burials precede the settlement site, the other part being simultaneous with it. Beyond doubt the material of Tamula needs additional research and at least some repetitive dating of the same skeletons. On the basis of the obtained radiocarbon dates Estonian Stone Age inhumation graves can be divided into four groups: Early Neolithic (Veibri II, Tamula VII and Kivisaare IV skeletons), the end of the Early Neolithic and the beginning of the Middle Neolithic (Tamula skeletons VIII and X), Middle Neolithic (Tamula skeletons I, III, XIX and human bones from Kudruküla) and Late Neolithic (Ardu II, Sope II, Tika, Kunila II, Karlova and Naakamäe skeletons). Although single burials were connected with the Early Neolithic already before (Kõnnu, Joaorg at Narva), now the tradition of inhumations can, on the basis of absolute dates, be traced back into the Early Neolithic. All through the Neolithic there were separate cemeteries in addition to burials in settlement sites in Estonia. Single burials are dominating and deceased were buried in an extended supine as well as a flexed position during the period. At the same time the association and amount of grave goods vary in temporal as well as in archaeological cultural sense.
Acknowledgements
The study was carried out with support of the Estonian Science Foundation under grants nos 5098 and 6899, and base-funded project of the University of Tartu ‘Interdisciplinary archaeology: interactions of culture and the natural environment in the past’. The authors are grateful to the Estonian National Heritage Board, and to Raili Allmäe (MA) and Kristel Külljastinen (MA) for completing the drawings in the article.
References
Antanaitis-Jacobs, I. & Girininkas, A. 2002. Periodization and chronology of the Neolithic in Lithuania. – Archaeologia Baltica, 5, 9–39. Bolz, M. 1914. Das neolitische Gräberfeld von Kiwisaare in Livland. – Baltische Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte. Arbeiten des Baltischen Vorbereitenden Komitees für den XVI.
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 113
Archäologischen Kongress in Pleskau 1914 herausgegeben von der Gesellschaft für Geschichte und Altertumskunde der Ostseeprovinzen Russlands. Riga, 15–32. Bowman, S. 1995. Radiocarbon Dating. Interpreting the Past. British Museum Press. Bronk Ramsey, C. 2005. OxCal (computer program). Version 3.10. The Manual (available at http://www.rlaha.ox.ac.uk/oxcal/oxcal.htm). Edgren, T. 1984. Kivikausi. (Suomen historia, 1.) Weilin & Göös, Espoo, 18–95. Edgren, T. 1999. Alkavan rautakauden kulttuurikuva Länsi-Suomessa. – Fogelberg, P. (ed.). Pohjan poluilla. Suomalaisten juuret nykytutkimuksen mukaan. (Bidrag kännedom av Finlands natur och folk, 153.) Suomen Tiedeseura, Helsinki, 311–333. Eriksson, G. 2003. Norm and Difference, Stone Age Dietary Practice in the Baltic Region. Jannes Snabbtryck Kuvertproffset HB, Stockholm. Eriksson, G. & Zagorska, I. 2003. Do dogs eat like humans? Marine stable isotope signals in dog teeth from inland Zvejnieki. – Eriksson, G. Norm and Difference, Stone Age Dietary Practice in the Baltic Region. Jannes Snabbtryck Kuvertproffset HB, Stockholm, 160–168. Eriksson, G., Lõugas, L. & Zagorska, I. 2003. Stone Age hunter-fisher-gatherers at Zvejnieki, northern Latvia: Radiocarbon, stable isotope and archaeozoology data. – Before Farming (http://www.waspjournals.com), 1: 2, 1–25. Hausmann, R. 1911. Das Steinzeitgrab von Karlowa bei Dorpat. – Sitzungsberichte der Gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft 1910. Jurjew-Dorpat, 60–66. Indreko, R. 1931a. Aruanne Kivisaare kaevamistest Kolga-Jaani khk. Võisiku vld. Kivisaare tl. 8.–10. VI 31. (Manuscript in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.) Indreko, R. 1931b. Aruanne kaevamistest Harjumaal Kose kihelkonnas 7. mail 1931. (Manuscript in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.) Indreko, R. 1933. Aruanne kaevamistest Lüganuse khk. Püssi vld. Sope kl. Metsvälja tl. maal 9.–13. VIII. 1933. (Manuscript in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.) Indreko, R. 1934. Aruanne kaevamistest Lüganuse khk. Püssi vld. Sope kl. Metsvälja tl. maal 23.–25. V. 1934. (Manuscript in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.) Indreko, R. 1935. Sépultures néolihiques en Estonie. – Õpetatud Eesti Seltsi aastaraamat, 1933. Tartu, 202–223. Indreko, R. 1937. Ein Hockergrab in Ardu, Ksp. Kose. – Õpetatud Eesti Seltsi toimetised, XXX. Tartu, 185–200. Indreko, R. 1938. Aruanne inspektsiooni kohta Võru Tamula järve kiviaja leiukohale 13. augustil 1938. a. (Manuscript in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.) Indreko, R. 1939. Aruanne järelkaevamiste kohta venekirveskultuuri haudade leiukohtadel Tika metsas ja Tutku kl kruusaaugus 24.–27. VIII 1938. (Manuscript in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.) Indreko, R. 1942. Aruanne kaevamiste kohta kiviaja asulal Rõuge khk. Kasaritsa vl. Võru-Tamula järve kaldal Eduard Tärna heinamaal 18. VIII–1. IX 1942. a. (Manuscript in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.) Indreko, R. 1945. Märkmeid Tamula leiu kohta. – SMYA, XLV, 26–43. Jaanits, L. 1947. Tamula-äärse neoliitilise asula leiuainese käsitlus. Auhinnatöö. (Manuscript in the Library of the University of Tartu.) Jaanits, L. 1949. Aruanne kaevamistest Kursi khk-s ja vallas Kunila külas Mäe-Jaaniantsu e. Keldri talu piirides asuval Jaaniantsu mäel 5.–10. juunini 1948. (Manuscript in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.) Jaanits, L. 1957. Neue Gräberfunde auf dem spätneolithischen Wohnplatz Tamula in Estland. – Studia Neolithica in honorem Aarne Äyräpää. (SMYA, 58.) Helsinki, 81–100. Jaanits, L. 1961. Jooni kiviaja uskumustest. – Jansen, E. (ed.). Religiooni ja ateismi ajaloost. Artiklite kogumik, II. Eesti Riiklik Kirjastus, Tallinn. Jaanits, L. 1965. Aruanne arheoloogilistest kaevamistest Kivisaare kalmistul Viljandi rajoonis end. Kolga-Jaani kihelkonnas 29. VI 1962. a. ja 6.–19. VII 1965. a. (Manuscript in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.)
114 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
Jaanits, L. 1984. Die kennzeichende Züge der Siedlung Tamula. – ISKOS, 4, 183–193. Jaanits, L. 1988. Eesti sooarheoloogiast. – Valk, U. (ed.). Eesti sood. Valgus, Tallinn, 217–221. Jaanits, L., Laul, S., Lõugas, V. & Tõnisson, E. 1982. Eesti esiajalugu. Eesti Raamat, Tallinn. Kriiska, A. 1997. Aruanne arheoloogilisest inspektsioonist Ihastes (Tartu-Maarja khk.) 22.–27. sept. 1997. (Manuscript in the Institute of History and Arhaeology of the University of Tartu.) Kriiska, A. 2001. Stone Age Settlement and Economic Processes in the Estonian Coastal Area and Islands. Academic Dissertation. Helsinki. http://ethesis.helsinki.fi/julkaisut/kultt/vk/kriiska/ Kriiska, A. 2006. Aruanne arheoloogilistest eeluuringutest Ardu külas hilisneoliitilise kalmistu kaitsevööndis. (Manuscript in the Institute of History and Arhaeology of the University of Tartu.) Kriiska, A. 2007. Saaremaa kiviaeg. – Jänes-Kapp, K., Randma, E. & Soosaar, M. (eds). Ajalugu, majandus, kultuur. (Saaremaa, 2.) Tallinn, 9–36. Kriiska, A. & Lavento, M. 2006. Narva Joaoru asulakohalt leitud keraamika kõrbekihi AMS- dateeringud. – Kriiska, A. & Ivask, M. (eds). Linnas ja linnuses. Uurimusi Narva ajaloost. (Narva Muuseumi Toimetised, 6.) Narva, 126–135. Kriiska, A. & Lõhmus, M. 2004. Archaeological excavations on Mõisaküla settlement site in Kihnu. – AVE, 2003, 132–136. Kriiska, A. & Lõhmus, M. 2005. Archaeological fieldwork on Kivisaare Stone Age burial ground and settlement site. – AVE, 2004, 31–43. Kriiska, A. & Saluäär, U. 2000. Lemmetsa ja Malda neoliitilised asulakohad Audru jõe alam- jooksul. – Vunk, A. (ed.). Artiklite kogumik, 2. (Pärnumaa ajalugu, 3. vihik.) Pärnu, 8–38. Kriiska, A. & Tvauri, A. 2002. Eesti muinasaeg. Avita, Tallinn. Kriiska, A., Johanson, K., Saluäär, U. & Lõugas, L. 2003. The results of research of Estonian Stone Age. – AVE, 2002, 25–41. Kriiska, A., Allmäe, R., Lõhmus, M. & Johanson, K. 2004. Archaelogical investigation at the settlement and burial site of Kivisaare. – AVE, 2003, 29–44. Kriiska, A., Lavento, M. & Peets, J. 2005. New AMS dates of the Neolithic and Bronze Age ceramics. – EJA, 9: 1, 3–31. Lang, V. & Kriiska, A. 2001. Eesti esiaja periodiseering ja kronoloogia. – EAA, 5: 2, 83–109. Liiv, O. 1924. Lüganuse (kihelkonna kirjeldus). (Manuscript in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.) Liiva, A., Ilves, E. & Punning, J.-M. 1975. Radiosüsiniku alased uurimised geobiokeemia labora- tooriumis. Tartu. Lõhmus, M. 2005. Kammkeraamika kultuuride matused Eestis ning nende tõlgendusprobleemid. BA dissertation. (Manuscript in the Institute of History and Arhaeology of the University of Tartu.) Lõugas, V. & Selirand, J. 1977. Arheoloogiga Eestimaa teedel. Valgus, Tallinn. Lõugas, L., Lidén, K. & Nelson, D. E. 1996. Resource utilization along the Estonian coast during the Stone Age. – Hackens, T., Hicks, S., Lang, V., Miller, U. & Saarse, L. (eds). Coastal Estonia. Recent Advances in Enviromental and Cultural History. (PACT, 51.) Rixensart, 399–420. Lõugas, L., Kriiska, A. & Maldre, L. 2007. New dates for the Late Neolithic Corded Ware Culture burials and early animal husbandry in the East Baltic region. – Arheofauna, 16, 21–31. Loze, I. 2006. Crouched burials of the Corded Ware Culture in east Baltic. – Back to the Origin. New Research on the Mesolithic–Neolithic Zvejnieki Cemetery and Environment, Northern Latvia. (Acta Archaeologica Lundensia, Series in 8°, No. 52.) Almqvist & Wiksell International, Stockholm, 311–326. Mäemets, A. 1977. Eesti NSV järved ja nende kaitse. Tallinn. Mannermaa, K., Zagorska, I., Jungner, H. & Zarina, G. 2007. New radiocarbon dates of human and bird bones from Zvejnieki Stone Age burial ground in northern Latvia. – Before Farming, 1, 1–12. Moora, H. 1926. Aruanne kaevamistest Lüganuse khk. Sope kl. Metsvälja tl. maal 23. aug. 1926. a. (Manuscript in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.) Moora, H. 1946. Kaevamisaruanne Rõuge khk. Kasaritsa vallas Tamula järve kaldal paikneval neoliitilisel asulal 10.–19. augustil 1946. (Manuscript in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.)
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 115
Ots, M. 2002. Aruanne inspektsioonist Võrumaale Rõuge ja Põlva kihelkondadesse 11. aprillil 2002. aastal. (Manuscript in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.) Ots, M. 2003. Stone Age amber finds in Estonia. – Amber in Archaeology. Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on Amber in Talsi, 2001. Riga, 96–107. Ots, M. 2006. Merevaiguleiud Baltimaade kivi- ja pronksiaja muististes. MA dissertation. (Manuscript in the Library of the University of Tartu.) Ottow, B. 1911. Das neolitische Grabfeld von Kiwisaar an der Pahle (Nordlivland). – Sitzungs- berichte der Gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft, 1910. Jurjew-Dorpat, 148–160. Põld, J. 1938. Tartu ülikooli arheoloogia kabinetile. (Letter in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.) Reimer, P. J., Baillie, M. G. L., Bard, E., Bayliss, A., Beck, J. W. et al. 2004. IntCal04 terrestrial radiocarbon age calibration, 0-26 cal kyr BP. – Radiocarbon, 46: 3, 1029–1058. Saadre, E. 1936. Aruanne Kose khk., Triigi vld., Ardu kl., Hansu-Mardi tl. maal leitud kiviaja luustiku kohta suvel 19. augustil 1936. (Manuscript in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.) Tallgren, A. M. 1921. Aruanne uurimisist Kolga-Jaanis kevadel 1921. a. ette võet üliõpilaste eks- kursioonil. (Manuscript in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.) Tallgren, A. M. 1922. Zur Archäologie Eestis, 1. Vom anfang der Besiedlung bis etva 500. n. Chr. (Acta et Commentationes Universitatis Tartuensis (Dorpatensis), III: 6.) Dorpat. Tiitsmaa, A. 1922. Muhu. (Manuscript in the Institute of History of Tallinn University.) Van Klinken, G. J. 1999. Bone collagen quality indicators for palaeodietary and radiocarbon measurements. – Journal of Archaeological Science, 26, 687–695. Zagorska, I. 2006. Radiocarbon chronology of the Zvejnieki burials. – Back to the Origin. New Research on the Mesolithic–Neolithic Zvejnieki Cemetery and Environment, Northen Latvia. (Acta Archaeologica Lundensia, Series in 8°, No. 52.) Almqvist & Wiksell International, Stockholm, 91–113.
Ильвес Э., Лийва А. & Пуннинг Я.-М. 1974. Радиоуглеродный метод и его применение в четвертичной геологии и археологии Эстонии. Таллин. Янитс Л. 1952. Позднеолитические могильники в Эстонской ССР. – Академия наук СССР. О докладах и полевых исследованиях Института истории материальной културы. Таллин, 53–65. Янитс Л. Ю. 1985. Могильник культуры ладьевидных топоров в Кунила. – Изыскания по мезолиту СССР. Ленинград, 84–90.
Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa ja Kristiina Johanson
UUED AMS-DATEERINGUD EESTI KIVIAJA MATMISPAIKADEST
Resümee
Kiviaegsete matmispaikade uurimine sai Eestis alguse 19. sajandi lõpu- kümnenditel, suurem osa teavet on kogutud aga 20. sajandi esimesel poolel. Seni viimane kiviaegne matmispaik leiti 2003. aastal Tartu linna lähedalt Veibrist. Vaatamata sellele et kiviaegse matmiskombestiku uurimistraditsioon ulatub poole- teise sajandi taha, on seni pärssinud tõlgendamist muuhulgas täpsete dateeringute puudumine.
116 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
Kuigi esimene radiosüsinikudateering Eesti kiviaegsest matusest tehti juba 1950. aastate lõpul, mil analüüsiti ühest Tamula I asula- ja matmispaigal (joon 1, tabel 1) avatud hauast leitud puitu, avanes kiviaegsete inimluude kui väga harul- dase materjali ajaliseks määramiseks võimalus alles kiirendi-massispektromeetria (AMS) rakendamisega radiosüsiniku dateerimises. Esimesed AMS-dateeringud tehti Eestis 1990. aastatel Kudruküla asulakohalt leitud inimluudest ja Naakamäe asulakohalt ning Tamula I asula- ja matmispaigalt leitud luustikust (haud X). Tänu erinevatele uurimisprojektidele on 2000. aastatel tehtud AMS-dateeringuid veel kaheteistkümnest luustikust. Kagu-Eestis Suur-Emajõe põhjakaldal Veibris paikneval matmispaigal on välja kaevatud (2003) üks nelikhaud (joon 2), kuhu oli maetud selili-siruliasendis kolm last ja täiskasvanu. Kaks last olid orienteeritud peaga kagusse ja täiskasvanu ning tema kõrval lamanud laps asetsesid esimestega diametraalselt vastassuuna- liselt. Samaaegselt hauda pandud surnutel puudusid panused, kuid välistada ei saa ühe arvatava Narva-tüüpi savinõu killu kuulumist kompleksi. Luuproov AMS- dateerimiseks võeti täiskasvanud indiviidi (luustik II) parema kodarluu korpuse osast. Dateeringuks saadi 6090 ± 45 14C-aastat (Hela-1331). Kesk-Eestis Meleski külas kagu–loode-suunalisel voorel paiknevast Kivisaare kiviaja matmispaigast leiti haudu juba 19. sajandi teisel poolel ja seejärel (1903, 1908–1910, 1913, 1921, 1931, 1962, 1964–1965, 2002–2004) on sealt erinevate uurijate poolt välja kaevatud enam kui paarkümmend suhteliselt tervikuna säilinud luustikku ning üksikuid luid rohkem kui kümnelt indiviidilt. Luuproov AMS-datee- rimiseks võeti 1965. aasta kaevamistel leitud lõunaedela–põhjakirde-suunalises madalas ovaalses hauas paiknenud selili-siruliasendis panusteta lapseluustiku (joon 3, 4) kolju fragmendist (1960. aastatel uuritud haudade numeratsiooni koha- selt luustik 4). Dateeringuks saadi 5450 ± 40 14C-aastat (Poz-10840). Kagu-Eestis Võru linna lähedal Tamula järve kaldal paiknevalt Tamula I neo- liitiliselt asula- ja matmispaigalt on aja jooksul (1942–1943, 1946, 1955–1956, 1961, 1968, 1988–1989) välja kaevatud 25 rohkem või vähem terviklikku luus- tikku. AMS-dateeringud on tehtud neist viiest (matused I, III, VII, VIII, XIX). I luustik kuulus naisele, kes oli maetud peaga loode suunas paremale küljele kõverdatud asendis (joon 5, 6) koos mitmete panustega (nooleotsad, luuteravik, luueseme katke jms). Reieluust võetud proovist saadi vanusemäärang 4680 ± 40 14C-aastat (Poz-15645). III luustik (joon 7) kuulus mehele, kes oli kirde–edela- suunalisse hauda asetatud kägardatult, jalad paremale poole konksus (samas paiknes lülisammas otse), koos panustega (hammasripatsid, ahinguotsa katke ja savinõu- killud). Roidest võetud proovist saadi vanusemäärang 4940 ± 40 14C-aastat (Poz- 10826). VII luustik kuulus lapsele (joon 8), kes oli maetud põhja–lõuna-suuna- liselt selili-siruliasendis koos rikkalike panustega (küüstalb, luust noa katke, hammasripatsid, luuripats, merevaikripatsid, luust loomakujukesed jms), mõlemas käes sookure tiibade fragmendid. Alalõualuust võetud proovist saadi vanuse- määrang 5760 ± 45 14C-aastat (Hela-1335). VIII luustik (joon 9) kuulus naisele, kes oli kagu–loode-suunalisse puuokstega vooderdatud hauda asetatud selili-siruli
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 117
koos panustega (luust nooleotsad, kiltkivist küüstalb, tulekivist kõõvits, luunaaskel, linnuluust toruhelmed, luuplaadist antropo- ja zoomorfsed figuurid). Vasaku reie- luu korpuse osast võetud proovist saadi vanusemäärang 5370 ± 45 14C-aastat (Hela-1336). XIX luustik (joon 10) kuulus mehele, kes oli edela–kirde-suunalisse hauda asetatud nii, et ülakeha jäi selili, kuid lülisamba alumine osa oli mõnevõrra paremale keeratud. Kaasa oli pandud panuseid (luuplaadist linnufiguur, hammas- ripatsid, linnuluust toruhelmed). Reieluu korpuse osast võetud proovist saadi vanusemäärang 4925 ± 40 14C-aastat (Hela-1337). Kirde-Eestis Purtse lähedal paiknevalt Sope matmispaigalt on alates 19. sajandi lõpust erinevatel aegadel leitud enam kui kümne inimese luid, neist kaks on välja kaevatud (1926, 1933) arheoloogide poolt. Proov AMS-dateerimiseks võeti 1933. aasta kaevamistel leitud naise luustikust (matus II). Naine oli maetud loode– kagu-suunalisse hauda paremale küljele, põlved kõverdatud, parem käsi pea all, vasak kehal (joon 11), koos panustega (terve savinõu, luunaaskel, jõekarbi koda, peotäis väikesi ümaraid kivikesi). Paremast esimesest pöialuust võetud proovist saadi vanusemäärang 4090 ± 35 14C-aastat (Poz-10827). Loode-Eestis Ardu külas paiknevalt matmispaigalt on leitud (1931 ja 1936) kaks luustikku. Proov AMS-dateerimiseks võeti 1936. aasta kaevamistel leitud mehe luustikust (matus II). Mees oli maetud põhja–lõuna-suunalisse hauda kõver- datud jalgadega (joon 12) koos rohkete panustega (venekujuline kivikirves, tervik- lik savinõu, luust talb, tulekivist talb, tulekivist laastkõõvits või nuga, luupöör, luust naaskel ja sarveots). Vasakust küünarluust võetud proovist saadi vanuse- määrang 4110 ± 40 14C-aastat (Poz-10824). Saaremaalt Tika külast on juhuslikult kruusa kaevandamisel leitud (1934) üks luustik koos väheste panustega (luust ahinguots ja nöörkeraamika killud). Alalõua- luust võetud proovist saadi vanusemäärang 4035 ± 35 14C-aastat (Poz-10803). Kesk-Eestis Puurmani lähedal Kunilast on väikeselt voorelt leitud kiviaegseid matuseid juhuslikult ja kaks avatud arheoloogiliste väljakaevamiste (1948) käi- gus. Proov AMS-dateerimiseks võeti hauast (matus II), kus paiknes vaid osaline või osaliselt säilinud luustik koos mõningate panustega (tulekivist talb ja ihumis- kivi). Alalõualuust võetud proovist saadi vanusemäärang 3960 ± 40 14C-aastat (Poz-10825). Kagu-Eestist Tartu Karlova linnaosast on leitud kiviaegne põhja–lõuna-suuna- line haud, kuhu oli maetud selili-siruliasendis mees koos mõningate panustega (venekujuline kivikirves ja nooleots). Alalõualuust võetud proovist saadi vanuse- määrang 3805 ± 35 14C-aastat (Poz-15499). Saadud radiosüsinikudateeringute põhjal võib Eesti kiviaegsed maahaudkalmed jagada ajaliselt neljaks rühmaks. Kõige varasemad on Veibri II (5210–4850 eKr20), Tamula VII (4720–4490 eKr) ja Kivisaare IV luustik (4360–4230 eKr), kuuludes Eesti kiviaja praeguse periodiseeringu kohaselt varaneoliitikumi. Kõigi nimetatud haudade puhul on tegemist selili-siruli matustega. Veibri I on (kui jätta kõrvale
20 Kalibreeritud vanus, 2 sigma.
118 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
mõneti ebaselge kontekstiga oletatav Narva-tüüpi keraamika kild) panusteta nelik- matus, Kivisaare IV on panusteta üksikmatus ja Tamula VII on rikkaliku haua- inventariga üksikmatus. Viimane eristub teistest selgelt ja selle dateering on vastu- olus seniste tõlgendustega. Omaette rühmana eristuvad Tamula VIII (4340–4050 eKr) ja X luustik (4330–3970 eKr), paiknedes varaneoliitikumi ja keskneoliitikumi piiril. Tamula X ja VIII matust kõrvutades torkab silma mitmeid sarnaseid elemente. Tegemist on okstest alusele asetatud selili-siruli üksikmatustega, mille orientatsioon suures osas korreleerub (vastavalt lõunakagu–põhjakirre ja kagu–kirre). Mõlemale surnule on hauda kaasa pandud rohkelt esemeid, kusjuures X luustiku juurest on saadud ka kuus merevaikehet. Kindlalt keskneoliitilised on kolm luustikku Tamula I asula- ja matmispaigast: Tamula I (3630–3360 eKr), III (3800–3640 eKr) ning XIX (3790–3640 eKr). Varem on sama vahemikuga dateeritud inimluud Kirde-Eestist Kudruküla asulast. Tamula III ja XIX mehe matused on küllalt sarnased. Tegemist on küll vastas- orientatsiooniliste haudadega, ent see-eest on surnud hauda asetatud ühetaoliselt: mõlema ülakeha on lebanud sirgelt, vaid nende jalad on olnud põlvest paremale poole kõverdatud. Kehaasendi poolest küllalt sarnane on ka Tamula I naisele kuu- lunud matus, kus surnu on samuti hauda asetatud osaliselt kägardatuna. Ka panused on suhteliselt sarnased: I ja III hauas luuesemed ning oletatavasti ka savinõu- killud, III ja XIX hauas loomahammastest ripatsid; teistest pisut erinev on XIX haua inventar, mis sisaldab ka linnuluust toruhelmeid ning kaht luust linnufiguuri. Hilisneoliitikumi kuulub uute AMS-dateeringute põhjal viis matust: Ardu II (2880–2500 eKr), Sope II (2870–2490 eKr), Tika (2840–2470 eKr), Kunila II (2580–2340 eKr) ja Karlova (2460–2130 eKr). Esimese kolmega laias laastus samaaegne on ka varem dateeritud Naakamäe matus (2890–2480 eKr) ja üks Tamula lokaliseerimata haud puidust tehtud dateeringu järgi (2900–2300 eKr). Vaadeldavas alarühmas on surnute kehaasend varieerunud: Ardu II ja Sope II on kägarmatused, Karlovas ning Naakamäel asetsesid luustikud selili-siruliasendis, Tika ja Tamula maetute kehaasend ei ole teada. Samuti erineb vaadeldavatel matustel panuseline materjal. Naakamäe matuse juurest on saadud vaid luust naas- kel, Karlovas oli hauda asetatud Karlova-tüüpi kivikirves ja kivist nooleots. Kuna pole teada, millise Tamula I asula- ja kalmistumatusega täpselt tegemist on, siis ei ole selle panuselist materjali siinkohal võimalik analüüsida. Sope II luustiku juu- rest saadi aga nöörkeraamiline savinõu, luust naaskel ja jõe pärlkarp. Sarnaselt Karlova matusele oli ka Ardu II luustiku juures Karlova-tüüpi kivikirves, lisaks sellele saadi sealt savinõu, luutalb, tulekivist talb, luust naaskel ja pöör. Kahtlemata kerkib üles küsimus saadud dateeringute usaldusväärsusest. Prob- leemsed on need eelkõige Tamula I asula- ja matmispaiga puhul. Uute dateeringute valgusel on sinna maetud peamiselt ajavahemikus 4340 kuni 3360 eKr, keskmis- tatud näitudena 4200 kuni 3495 eKr, arheoloogilis-kultuurilise periodiseeringu kohaselt tüüpilise kammkeraamika perioodil ja hilise kammkeraamika ajajärgu algul. Erandiks on Tamula VII haud (keskmistatult 4600 eKr), mis nendesse raa-
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 119
midesse ei mahu ja peaks kuuluma varaneoliitikumi, Narva kultuuri aega. Need dateeringud on aga vastuolus nii asula kui ka kalmistu senise vanusemääranguga. Matmispaik on dateeritud varem asulaga samaaegseks, hilisneoliitikumi, oletades peamiselt stratigraafia järgi, et matmine on toimunud elupaiga territooriumile. Dateerimisel radiosüsinikumeetodil esineb juhte, kus saadud vanusemäärangud ei korreleeru teiste samast muistisest saadud dateeringutega. Ebakõlad võivad olla tingitud kas radiosüsinikudateeringust (mis omakorda on võinud tekkida proovi võtmisel tehtud vigadest, dateerimislabori tegematajätmistest proovi puhas- tamisel vms) või kogutud arheoloogilise materjali ebatäpsest tõlgendamisest. Luude dateerimisel peetakse üheks peamiseks vea tekkepõhjuseks seda, et materjalilt ei suudeta reostust eemaldada. Luumaterjali puhul on üheks oluliseks saasteallikaks huumuses olevad happed, mille eemaldamata jätmine proovist võib tekitada olu- korra, kus saadud vanusemäärangud on tegelikkusest vanemad või nooremad. Viimane sõltub aga eelkõige konkreetse leiukoha keskkonnast. Tamula puhul on kindlasti põhjust olla ettevaatlik III luustikust tehtud datee- ringu puhul, kuna proovi tulemust on võinud mõjutada vähene – vaid 0,04% – kollageeni sisaldus. Üheks dateeringute usaldusväärsust kontrollivaks mehhanismiks on stabiilse isotoobi (δ13C) väärtus samas proovis. Tamula I asula- ja matmispaiga proovi- des on see vahemikus –23,9‰ kuni –27,2‰. Üldjuhul peetakse normväärtuseks –21/22‰ ja kõrvalekalded tähendaksid radiosüsinikudateeringu ebaõnnestumist. Selle kohaselt võiks kahelda kõigis Tamula I asula- ja matmispaigalt saadud inimluude dateeringutes. Kuigi teoreetiliselt on tõesti võimalik, et liialt madal δ13C väärtus näitab proovi saastatust, juhtub praktiliselt siiski harva, et proovi rikub üksainus normist kõrvale kalduv parameeter. Eesti kontekstis ei ole Tamula I asula- ja matmispaik mingi erand: sarnaseid madalaid stabiilse isotoobi väärtusi on saadud ka teiste kivi- ning pronksiaja muististe dateerimisel. Probleemsete matuste puhul on kahtlemata vajalikud korduvanalüüsid. Tuleb tõdeda, et kui ühe juhusliku madala δ13C väärtusega proovi puhul Tamula I asula- ja matmispaigast võib veel kahelda selle dateeringu relevantsuses, siis paljude proovide langemine ühte ja samasse ajavahemikku annab kindluse, pidamaks vääraks pigem varasemat tõlgendust kui saadud radiosüsinikudateerin- guid. Arvestades hetkel olemasoleva materjaliga – nii stratigraafia, leiuaines kui ka AMS-dateeringud matustest –, on tõenäoline, et Tamula I asula- ja matmispaiga puhul on tegemist kas: 1) eriaegsete muististega, kus kalmistu eelneb asulakohale, või 2) eriaegsete muististega, kus osa matuseid eelneb asulakohale, teised on aga sellega samaaegsed. Teiseks oluliseks aspektiks saadud dateeringute relevantsuse kontrollimisel on esemeline materjal: kas ja mil määral korreleeruvad omavahel absoluutne ja ese- melise materjali analüüsil baseeruv suhteline kronoloogia? Varaneoliitilised matused on reeglina väheste panustega (Kõnnu ja Narva Joaoru) või puuduvad need sootuks. Nii Veibri kollektiivmatusest kui ka Kivi- saare IV hauast pole kindlaid panuseid saadud. Nende haudade puhul ei ole või-
120 Aivar Kriiska, Lembi Lõugas, Mari Lõhmus, Kristiina Mannermaa and Kristiina Johanson
malik täheldada dateeringutega mingit vastuolu. Siiski toetab Veibri dateeringut oletatav Narva-tüüpi keraamika kild luustike juurest. Sõltumata sellest, kas see on hauapanus või ei, näitab see seal toimunud varaneoliitilist tegevust. Ka Kivi- saare IV haua lähialalt on leitud Narva-tüüpi keraamikat, kusjuures mõned killud paiknesid isegi oletatavates lõhutud haualohkudes. Äärmiselt rikkalike panustega Tamula VII haud on samuti andnud vara- neoliitilise dateeringu. Juhul kui vanusemäärang on tõene, tekib vastuolu hauast leitud esemete põhjal saadavate dateeringutega. Leitud merevaikripatsite puhul on tegemist hästi töödeldud esemetega, mille sarnaseid on valmistatud enamikus keskneoliitilistes töötluskeskustes. Nii konkreetset tüüpi esemete kui ka üldse merevaigu kasutamisest enne kammkeraamika kultuuri ei ole Eestist mingeid and- meid. Seni on merevaiku peetud Eesti matmispaikadele omaseks hauapanuseks kesk- ja hilisneoliitikumis. Sarnase vanuse ja arheoloogilis-kultuurilise taustaga on ka küüstalvad. Soomes, kus selliseid esemeid tuntakse sadu, on need omased tüüpilise kammkeraamika ajajärgule, eriti selle nooremale osale, neid kasutati veel ka hilisneoliitikumis. Eestis on neid seni seotud eriti hilise kammkeraamika perioodiga, kuid aluseks sellele on just Tamula I asulakohalt ja matmispaigalt saadud rohked eksemplarid. Seniste teadmiste ja dateeringute alusel peaksid nii merevaik kui ka küüstalb olema saadud AMS-dateeringust minimaalselt 400 aas- tat nooremad. Tuleb aga arvestada, et viimati 2000. aastate algul täiendatud ja korrigeeritud Eesti kiviaja kronoloogia ning periodiseering on loodud keskneoliitikumi osas väga väheste siinsete dateeringute ja naabermaade kronoloogiate alusel ning on see- tõttu samamoodi kahtluse alla seatav kui Tamula VII haua dateering. Võimalu- sele, et tüüpilise kammkeraamika kultuurile (mis on aluseks keskneoliitilise ala- perioodi eristamisele) iseloomulikud esemed, sh merevaik, on tulnud kasutusele juba enne aastat 4200 eKr, osutab Zvejnieki kalmistu kollektiivhauast nr 274–278 saadud dateering. Ka teised Zvejnieki merevaiguga varustatud hauad on võrd- lemisi varaste dateeringutega, jäädes siiski keskneoliitikumi piiridesse. Praegu ei ole võimalik veenvalt tõestada ei Tamula VII luustiku dateeringute ekslikkust ega tüüpilise kammkeraamika kultuuri varasemat algust. Vara- ja keskneoliitikumi piirile jäävad matused ja keskneoliitikumiga datee- ritavad kalmed on rikkalike panustega: esineb nii rõivaste külge kinnitatud kau- nistusi, tarbeesemeid kui ka toidujäänuseid. Sel perioodil on markantseimateks esemeteks haudades merevaikesemed (Tamula X) ja luust zoo- ning antropo- morfsed figuurid (Tamula VIII ja XIX). Valdavalt on tegemist siiski looma- hammastest või linnu toruluudest ripatsitega (Tamula III, XIX), esineb ka luust naaskleid (Tamula I) ja nooleotsi (Tamula I, III). See materjal korreleerub nii olemasoleva kiviaja kronoloogiaga, arheoloogilis-kultuurilise tausta kui ka uute dateeringutega. Sama võib üldjoontes tõdeda ka hilisneoliitiliste matuste puhul. Kaasa on pandud savinõusid (Sope II, Ardu II, Tika), kivikirveid (Ardu II, Karlova, Kunila), naaskleid (Sope II, Ardu II), talbu (Ardu II, Kunila), jõekarpe (Sope II) jms.
New AMS dates from Estonian Stone Age burial sites 121
Ainus küsitavus tekib Karlova matuse puhul. Karlova-tüüpi kivikirved – eseme- tüüp, mis on oma nimetuse saanud just vaadeldava kalme järgi – on Eesti ala nöörkeraamika kultuurile omane materjal. Nimetatud kirvetüüpi on peetud välja- kujunenuks Lääne-Eestis ja oletatud tugevaid Soome nöörkeraamika kultuuri mõjusid. Teisalt kuulub aga samast hauast leitud fülliidist nooleots kokku pigem kammkeraamika kultuuride esemekompleksidega. Karlova nooleots kuulub nn Pyheensilta- või Nylevi-tüüpi, mis on levinud põhiliselt Soomes, Norras ja Koola poolsaarel, üksikeksemplaridena ka Baltimaades, ja on dateeritud hilisneoliitiku- miga, kuigi mõnevõrra on neid leitud ka juba tüüpilise kammkeraamika kultuuri asulakohtadest. Eesti kiviaegsete matmispaikade AMS-dateeringud näitavad ühelt poolt matmis- kombestiku küllalt suurt sarnasust kogu neoliitikumi vältel. Erinevalt senisest domineerivast arvamusest, mille kohaselt maeti neoliitikumis kuni nöörkeraamika kultuurini surnuid põhiliselt elupaikadesse, võib tõdeda, et teadaoleva materjali hulgas on peamiselt siiski elupaikadest eraldi rajatud kalmistud. Valdavalt on tegemist üksikmatustega (v.a Veibri nelikmatus). Kehaasendites tundub olevat enam variatsioone hilisneoliitikumis, kuid nii selili-siruli- kui ka kägarasend on olnud kasutusel juba alates varaneoliitikumist (Kõnnu matmispaik Saaremaal). Tamula I matmispaigas, kus ainsana on säilinud puitu, eristuvad vara- ja kesk- neoliitikumi piiriga dateeritud matused (VIII ja X), kus haua põhi on vooderdatud okstega. Tugevalt varieerub neoliitikumi jooksul aga panuseline materjal nii koos- tiselt kui ka hulgalt. Varaneoliitilistes kalmetes on hauapanuseid reeglina vähe või puuduvad need üldse, samas kui vara- ja keskneoliitikumi piiriga ning kesk- neoliitikumiga dateeritavad hauad on rikkalike panustega. Eriilmelise inventariga on olnud varustatud hilisneoliitilised nöörkeraamika kultuuri kalmed.
Estonian Journal of Archaeology, 2007, 11, 2, 122–140
Heidi Luik and Mirja Ots
BRONZE AGE DOUBLE BUTTONS IN ESTONIA
The article deals with Bronze Age double buttons found in Estonia. About ten of these are known, made of bronze, amber and antler. A survey is given of the known finds, their possible use and meaning is discussed. Without precluding the possibility that double buttons could have also had the function of button, i.e. means of fastening, their symbolic meaning, which was probably connected with the Bronze Age sun cult, was apparently more important.
On käsitletud Eestist leitud pronksiaegseid kaksiknööpe. Selliseid nööpe on teada kümme- kond, valmistatud on neid pronksist, merevaigust ja sarvest. On antud ülevaade teada- olevatest leidudest ja arutletud nende võimaliku kasutusvaldkonna ning tähenduse üle. Välistamata, et kaksiknööpidel võis olla ka nööbi ehk kinnitusvahendi funktsioon, oli ilmselt olulisem nende sümboolne tähendus, mis arvatavasti oli seotud pronksiaegse päikese- kultusega.
Heidi Luik, Institute of History, Tallinn University, 6 Rüütli St., 10130 Tallinn, Estonia; [email protected] Mirja Ots, Institute of History, Tallinn University, 6 Rüütli St., 10130 Tallinn, Estonia; [email protected]
Introduction
Among Estonian Bronze Age finds objects of different materials – bronze, amber and antler – occur, which are usually named double buttons. The number of such finds is small, only about ten specimens (Fig. 1, Table 1). Bronze double buttons spread mainly in the Scandinavian centre of bronze culture; the two bronze buttons found from the Jõelähtme stone graves in Estonia were probably brought from there. It is interesting that such artefacts have been also made on the eastern shore of the Baltic using local materials – antler and amber. Although they have been named buttons it is not quite clear how they were used. Was their practical function as buttons primary, or was something else more important? Were they ornaments or cult objects, could they possess any symbolic meaning? Deciding by the conspicuous appearance of the buttons they may have been used also for decorative purpose, or as certain symbols in social communication.
Bronze Age double buttons in Estonia 123
Fig. 1. Finds of double buttons in Estonia. Joon 1. Kaksiknööpide leiukohad Eestis.
Do the replicas made from local material indicate that meanings, notions or tenets symbolised by these artefacts were also adopted together with artefact types? Perhaps the material double buttons were made from also possessed some meaning? The aim of the article is to give a survey of the finds known at the moment, and discuss their possible use and meaning.
Table 1. Double buttons in Estonia Tabel 1. Kaksiknööbid Eestis
Location Site Find number Material Size*, cm
1. Jõelähtme sg AI 5306: 26 Bronze 1.7 × 1.2 2. Jõelähtme sg AI 5306: 28 Bronze 1.9 × 1.0 3. Loona sg AI 4210: 1421 Amber 1.7 × 3.2 4. (?) Karuste sg AI 3882: 10 Amber 1.9 × 1.7** 5. Kaali fs AI 4915: 157 Elk antler 1.8 × 1.7** 6. Asva fs AI 3658: 500 Elk antler 2.2 × 4.2 7. Asva fs AI 4366: 132 Elk antler 2.5 × 3.8 8. Asva fs AI 4366: 614 Elk antler 1.7 × 3.3 9. Asva fs AI 4366: 663 Elk antler 1.6 × 2.9 10. Asva fs AI 4366: 1591 Elk antler 2.0 × 2.0 11. (?) Asva fs AI 4366: 1111 Bone 1.0 × 1.8** ______sg – stone-cist grave; fs – fortified settlement. * Size gives the largest diameter and height of the artefact. ** Height of the preserved fragment.
124 Heidi Luik and Mirja Ots
Bronze double buttons
Double buttons were usually made from bronze (e.g. Baudou 1960, 87–89; Larsson 1986, 36– 38, 58–59) but only a couple of bronze specimens are hitherto known from Estonia. These were found from the stone-cist graves of Jõelähtme, northern Estonia. Both double buttons from Jõe- lähtme have a small lower plate Fig. 2. Bronze buttons from the stone-cist graves and a larger flat upper plate, which of Jõelähtme (AI 5306: 26, 28). Photos by Peeter is decorated with relief concentric Kraas (Kriiska et al. 1999). circles (Fig. 2). The buttons were Joon 2. Pronksnööbid Jõelähtme kivikirstkalmetest. found in graves IX and XI and Fotod Peeter Kraas (Kriiska jt 1999). dated to the 9th–8th centuries BC; most likely they were brought to Estonia from southern Scandinavia (Kraut 1985, 349, pl. V: 10, 15; Lang 1992, 22, pl. III: 4; see also Baudou 1960, 88–90, pl. XVIII).1 The double button in grave IX was found in the cist, together with two spiral temple ornaments and a spade-headed bone pin. According to Valter Lang, the double button belongs to period IV of the Scandinavian Bronze Age; the spiral temple ornaments belong to periods IV–V (1100–900 and 900–600 BC, respectively: Lang 2007a, 22) and on the basis of this he dated this type of spade- headed bone pins also to the same period (Lang 1992, 11, 22, pl. III: 1–4; 1996, 283–284).
Amber double buttons
From the stone-cist grave of Loona, Saaremaa, a double button made from amber was found. Its lower plate is flat, the other half is conical, with three grooves decorating the tip (Fig. 3: 1). The button was recovered from between the two stone circles, where it was located near the skull of skeleton XVI. Several more artefacts have been recovered from the Loona stone-cist grave, which are supposed to date from the Late Bronze Age, for example a couple of bone discs and bone pendants, a spade-headed bone pin, some amber artefacts and a bronze awl (Jaanits et al. 1982, fig. 120; Lang 1992, 13; Ots 2006, 74; in print, fig. 3: 17; Luik in print, fig. 10). On the basis of the radiocarbon analysis of
1 Three toggle-shaped bronze buttons, dated to the same period as the double buttons, were also found from the Jõelähtme cemetery (Kraut 1985, 349, pl. V: 1, 2, 4; compare Baudou 1960, 89–90, pl. XVIII). Two more bronze buttons were found from the hillfort of Iru, but these have not survived. Deciding by the description they were not double buttons but convex, with a loop on the rear side (Lõugas 1970, 128; Lang 1996, 48).
Bronze Age double buttons in Estonia 125
one human bone from the grave2 the burial site can be dated to the period 900–590 BC (Lang 2007a, 99). According to Lang, the amber double button, as well as other datable finds from this grave resemble the artefact types of period IV of the Scandinavian Bronze Age (Lang 1992, 24; 2007b, 117). From the Karuste grave at the southern tip of the Sõrve spit, Saare- maa,3 another presumable fragment of a double button (Fig. 3: 2) was found, which, according to Artur Vassar, was “a round button of Fig. 3. Amber double buttons from the stone-cist amber, with a thick stem” (Vassar graves of Loona (1 AI 4210: 1421) and Karuste 1940/41, 12). In a later writing (2 AI 3882: 10). Photo by Mirja Ots. Vassar (1956, 168) added that it Joon 3. Merevaigust kaksiknööbid Loona ja Karuste kivikirstkalmest. Foto Mirja Ots. was a button or a knob, which evidently had been a double button. He also alludes to the basic difference between the Karuste knob and double buttons: the transition to the knob is right-angled, not curved as is common with double buttons. It is also possible that it was a knob belonging to a perished artefact made from some other material (e.g. from wood). The find was located in the soil immediately beneath the sod layer, where it fell in the course of the destruction of the grave (Vassar 1940/41, 12). Vassar (1956, 169) dated the grave of Karuste to the 1st–2nd centuries; besides amber, pottery was also found, as well as some bronze bracelets (Lõugas 1970, 389–390). Valter Lang (1996, 297) has expressed an opinion that the grave of Karuste was established already in the Late Bronze Age, which is suggested by the amber button, but it was still used in the Pre-Roman Iron Age and perhaps even later.
Antler and bone buttons
Five or six double buttons have been found from the fortified settlement of Asva (Indreko 1939, 43–44, fig. 19: 1; Lõugas 1970, 127, pl. 35: 9–12; Jaanits et al. 1982, fig. 99: 7–10). Five buttons were carved from elk antler, mostly from tine tips, but they vary greatly by the care and level of working (Fig. 4). Their general tutulus shape is the same: one half of the button consists of a plain disc,
2 2620 ± 75 (Ua-4823) BP (Lõugas et al. 1996, table II). 3 The excavations were carried out on archaeological sites of the Karuste village; the grave under discussion was excavated by Vassar under the name of Kahusaadu, or Kahuste.
126 Heidi Luik and Mirja Ots
Fig. 4. Antler and bone buttons from the fortified settlements of Asva (1–2, 4–7) and Kaali (3) (1 AI 4366: 663, 2 AI 4366: 1111, 3 AI 4915: 157, 4 AI 4366: 132, 5 AI 4366: 1591, 6 AI 4366: 614, 7 AI 3658: 500). Photo by Heidi Luik. Joon 4. Sarvest ja luust nööbid Asva (1–2, 4–7) ja Kaali (3) kindlustatud asulast. Foto Heidi Luik.
the other half is conical, mostly with a slightly widening tip. The finest button is very regular, with a groove engraved at the lower edge of the conical part (Fig. 4: 7). Another button, similar by shape but smaller (Fig. 4: 6) is evidently unfinished, since its sides are sporadically faceted, bearing cutting traces, the surface has not been polished. The third button (Fig. 4: 5), smaller than others, is not very regular, its lower half is oval rather than disc-shaped; the surface is polished – probably by use. The fourth button (Fig. 4: 4) is made from antler palmate, not tine tip, and therefore a zone of porous tissue runs through the artefact, being visible also on the surface. At this porous tissue the object is partly crumbled. The fifth button has a relatively long intermediate “stem”, the conical upper part is short and ends with a round knob, and porous antler tissue is visible on the greater part of the surface (Fig. 4: 1). The sixth artefact (Fig. 4: 2) is different from the others. It is very small, with one end broken. In the find list (Lõugas 1966) it has been marked as double button but probably it is a broken tip of a bone pin’s head (Fig. 5; compare e.g. Граудонис 1967, pl. VIII: 7, 11, 14, 15; Grigalavičienė 1995, fig. 96). It is also conspicuous that, unlike other buttons, the artefact is made of bone – like most pins from Asva. Nevertheless, it should be mentioned that for example in Ķivutkalns, Latvia, amber and bone artefacts of similar shape have been found, which have been interpreted as double buttons (Graudonis 1989, pls X: 5–7, XXV: 17, 18). A rather small, worn and broken button of elk antler was found from Kaali (Fig. 4: 3; Lõugas 1978, 328). It resembles the smallest antler button from Asva (Fig. 4: 5).
Bronze Age double buttons in Estonia 127
Richard Indreko (1939, 44) and Vello Lõugas (1970, 127–128) have dated the antler buttons from Asva to period IV of the Scandinavian Bronze Age. According to Valter Lang the double buttons from Asva belong to periods III–IV of the Bronze Age (1300–1100 BC and 1100–900 BC, respectively; Lang 2007a, 22; Lang & Kriiska 2001, 98–99). And yet Lang (1996, 306) suggests also the possibility that double buttons of antler may be later than those of bronze. Uwe Sperling also supports this suggestion: according to him double buttons were found in excavation F (1965–66) of Asva from the earlier (9th–8th centuries) as well as the later (7th–6th centuries) settlement layers. Sperling has expressed an opinion that, notwithstanding certain similarity, Fig. 5. Small “double button” direct examples to the antler buttons of Asva cannot (AI 4366: 1111) from Asva be found among the Scandinavian bronze buttons, and, could more likely be a broken according to him, none of the find groups supports the head of a bone pin. Photo by dating of the beginning of the settlement of Asva to Kersti Siitan. the III and IV periods of the Bronze Age (Sperling Joon 5. Asva väike “kaksik- nööp” võib pigem olla luust 2006, 106–107, 129 ff.). The fortified settlement of ehtenõela pea. Foto Kersti Kaali was used in the Late Bronze Age and the early Siitan. Pre-Roman Iron Age (Lang 2007a, 47).
Analogous finds from the Baltic countries, Scandinavia, etc.
Double buttons of antler are also known from Latvia (Граудонис 1967, pls VII: 12, VIII: 9; Graudonis 1989, pl. XXV: 20, 21; Vasks 1994, 115, pl. IX: 18, 19) and Lithuania (Volkaitė-Kulikauskienė 1986, fig. 39: 1; Grigalavičienė 1995, fig. 100: 1–4). One antler button from Narkūnai has the upper end decorated with three cut lines placed as spokes of a wheel (Bliujienė 2007, fig. 140: 16). In Latvia amber double buttons have been found, some of them with a plain convex upper part but some have the upper part shaped like tutulus (Граудонис 1967, pl. XIX: 6–8, 10; Graudonis 1989, pl. X: 2–5; Bliujienė 2007, fig. 132). From Lithuania amber buttons have been found, which, with certain concessions, could be called double buttons. These are different by shape, with a short middle part and flat convex ends (Klebs 1882, pl. I: 17–19, 21–27; Rimantienė 1999, fig. 47; Butrimas 2001, figs 6: 5; 7: 4–6; Bliujienė 2007, fig. 141). In Latvia blanks of antler and amber buttons or unfinished specimens are also known (Graudonis 1989, pls X: 1, 7, XXV: 19). A tine tip with working traces, probably an unfinished double button, was found from the fortified settlement of Kereliai, Lithuania (Grigalavičienė 1992, fig. 5: 2). Amber double buttons are
128 Heidi Luik and Mirja Ots
known also from Denmark, but bone double buttons have not been found in Nordic countries. The latter were, however, used for example in Germany (Baudou 1960, 87). In Scandinavia, as has been mentioned already, mainly bronze double buttons were spread, different types of which were represented by dozens and even hundreds of specimens (e.g. Baudou 1960, 87–89, pl. XVIII; Lundborg 1972, figs 42, 85, 111b; Strömberg 1982, 142, figs 78: c, g, 80: h, 84: e, 86: c, 92: c; Damell 1985, figs 8¸ 10, 12; Larsson 1986, 36–38, 58–59, fig. 32; Randsborg 1996, fig. 1). A few bronze double buttons have been found also from Finland (Meinander 1954, 49, fig. 36, pl. 12: c, d; Salo 1984, 144, 146).
Find context of double buttons
From Estonia 9–11 double buttons (Table 1) are known at present.4 All these finds except the two bronze buttons from the Jõelähtme graves come from Saaremaa (Fig. 1). All antler buttons have been found from fortified settlements, most of them from Asva; the few bronze and amber buttons have been found from graves. According to Richard Indreko (1939, 44), double buttons in Denmark and Germany occurred mainly in male burials and only seldom in female graves. According to Evert Baudou (1960, 87), they are found both in male and female burials and also in hoards. For example in the Ingelstorp cemetery, southern Sweden, they are also found in male as well as female graves (Strömberg 1982, 116 ff.). About the few buttons found in Estonian graves it is mostly impossible to establish to whom they belonged. In the grave of Loona the remains of at least 17 skeletons were established (Lang 2007a, 99); the gender and age of skeleton XVI, near which the double button was discovered, were not determined and the skeleton is not preserved. The bronze double buttons of Jõelähtme were, according to Valter Lang, evidently deposited with children’s burials. In the cist of grave IX, where one of the double buttons was found, a woman over 50 years of age, a juvenile of 12–13 and a child of 4–6 had been buried; in the cist of the grave XI only children’s bones were found (Lang 2007b, 116–117).
Used materials and their possible meaning
Thus double buttons are rare among Estonian Bronze Age finds. Their occurrence in the context of fortified settlements (which were centres of that time) and stone-cist graves (which were burial places of elite) seems to define them as possible prestige items or status symbols, belonging to the elite. Their material also suggests their being highly valued objects. Bronze artefacts of
4 The fragmentary bone artefact from Asva is, more likely, not a button, and the interpretation as a double button of an artefact found from Karuste is also disputable.
Bronze Age double buttons in Estonia 129
the period are not numerous in Estonia. They are mostly weapons and tools, but some ornaments have also been found, for example decorative pins, fragments of neck-rings, temple ornaments (Jaanits et al. 1982, 151 ff., fig. 105; Lang 1996, 46–48, 283, pl. VII; 2007b, 86 ff.; Sidrys & Luchtanas 1999, 175, fig. 7). It has been supposed that bronze artefacts played an important role in the Bronze Age society, the bronzes constituted one of the ways through which society communicated and reproduced itself (Selling 2005, 41; Earle 2002, 294 ff.). Bronze artefacts as objects imported and/or made by specialised craftsmen were thus prestige items (Selling 2005, 45 ff.; Merkevičius 2005, 48; 2006, 36). Bronze as metal with golden hue is supposed to have been a symbol of the god of sun (Larsson 1999, 14). Amber was also regarded as very valuable material, often possessing symbolic meaning and expressing prestige (e.g. Bliujienė 2007, 532). Compared with the Stone Age it can be observed that amber as material for ornaments gradually lost its importance here in the Baltic countries, but its importance as substance for barter increased and it played a significant role in the Bronze Age trade with central and southern Europe (Kristiansen 1998, 233 ff.; Harding 2000, 187, 189 ff.; Merkevičius 2006, 36, fig. 6; Ots 2006, 105 ff.; in print; Palavestra & Krstić 2006). Bone and antler artefacts are not rare, elk antler as raw material was easily attainable; from Asva nearly 800 bone and antler artefacts and pieces of production refuse have been found. But in bone and antler artefacts the level of their working was important – whether the artefact was a plain utilitarian object for which a bone of most suitable shape was chosen, or it was a carefully crafted product (Choyke 2005, 131, fig. 2; Luik in print). Antler double buttons undoubtedly belong among the latter. Algimantas Merkevičius has presented a classification of Bronze Age artefacts, in which material occupies an important part. Bone (as well as stone and flint) “copies” of metal artefacts belong to the third group of this classification. He supposes that these artefacts were owned by persons whose social status was higher than the average but lower than the elite; presumably they were not wealthy enough to own metal artefacts, or perhaps they could not use them on account of their status (Merkevičius 2005, 48–49). Antler double buttons imitating Scandinavian bronze ones also belong to this group. Carefully elaborated bone and antler artefacts could have been valued because of their dazzling white colour, which made a showy contrast against dark fabric or any other material the artefact was attached to (Fig. 6; Becker 2005, 169–170; Luik in print, fig. 6). Possibly rules also existed about who may or may not make or use certain objects and materials (Dobres 1995, 27, 40; 2000, 104; Caple 2006, 10); the making and exploiting of certain artefact types carved from bone or antler could be also limited to a certain group of population. For example Alice Choyke has presumed on the basis of the composition of finds (completed artefacts vs. production refuse) and the location of production refuse (mostly recovered from the central mound) of a Hungarian Bronze Age tell settlement of Jászdózsa– Kápolnahalom, that in the socially differentiated society of the place people of
130 Heidi Luik and Mirja Ots
different social strata could have had different access to antler as valuable raw material, and rules existed about who had the right to gather and store antler, manufacture objects and trade in them; gradually this tendency increased (Choyke 2005, 144). But Timothy Earle (2002, 221, 363) has accentuated that the use of local materials is always more difficult to control than the use of imported ones, and therefore making artefacts from them cannot be monopolised. According to Colin Renfrew “value” is always, to some extent, “agreed value”, it has been determined by people and thus is a social concept. Nothing can be “of value” without being “valued”. Although different societies have valued different materials, the latter have been always outstanding for some feature – Fig. 6. A replica of an antler sufficiently to be noticed and admired (Renfrew button (AI 3658: 500) from Asva. 1986, 158; 2002, 133–134). The quality “to be Made by Jaana Ratas. Photo by Heidi Luik. noticed” is certainly characteristic to all three substances used for making double buttons: Joon 6. Asva sarvnööbi koopia. Valmistanud Jaana Ratas. Foto Heidi shiny metal, yellow-orange-red-gleaming amber Luik. and dazzling white antler. In the Bronze Age artefacts made from substances brought from afar (bronze, amber) or imitating foreign artefacts became important markers of status (Earle 2002, 51). All double buttons here can be classified to the same category.
Function and meaning of double buttons
Although the function of an artefact itself is also a form of meaning, there could be also meaning as the structured content of ideas and symbols (Hodder & Hutson 2003, 162 ff.; Caple 2006, 6 ff.). What was dominant in double buttons – their practical use or something else? What were such double buttons used for? One of the suggested possibilities is that they were used to fasten sword belts (Lundborg 1972, 84–85; Harding 2000, 400; Earle 2002, 315), and sometimes, indeed, they occur in the same set with a bronze sword or dagger (e.g. Lundborg 1972, 127–129, figs 23, 82 ff., 95; Strömberg 1982, 116–117, 126, 136, figs 78: a, c, 86: a, c). If this is true, they would also indicate persons of high status. Thomas Larsson, however, suggests that if the function of double buttons was to fasten sword belts, high correlation between double buttons and sword finds should be observable in burials, but in Late Bronze Age Scandinavia burials containing both double button and sword
Bronze Age double buttons in Estonia 131
are quite rare (Larsson 1986, 59). In Estonia the few found double buttons are not connected with sword finds.5 This field of use would be certainly unsuitable for amber buttons, which are too fragile and would break. Naturally, double buttons could have the function of fastening, i.e. be used just as buttons. But the tutulus shape6 of the buttons seems to indicate a certain symbolic as well as decorative function. For instance in Lithuania buttons which have one conical half are called tutulas (see Grigalavičienė 1995, fig. 100: 1–4, compare also fig. 101: 9). An artefact could have been also shaped as a double button just to attach it to a costume as an ornament and/or symbol. Especially some Scandinavian bronze double buttons seem very impractical because of their length (e.g. Lundborg 1972, figs 18: 2, 111: b; Larsson 1986, fig. 32, on the right; Kristiansen 1998, fig. 85, on the right).7 The conical shape of tutulus was used on several artefacts in the Bronze Age (e.g. Randsborg 1996, fig. 1; Kristiansen 1998, fig. 86) and evidently it had some symbolic meaning. In the Bronze Age religion in Scandinavia, the cult of sun occupied an important place. According to Kristian Kristiansen and Thomas Larsson, the bronze discs found in Scandinavian Bronze Age burials could symbolise the sun; women who have bronze discs (which may be also in a shape of tutulus or wheel- cross) placed upon their stomach in the grave are regarded as sun priestesses (Kristiansen & Larsson 2005, 294 ff., figs 135–137). The earlier Scandinavian flat bronze double buttons are often decorated with patterns of relief concentric circles, spiral and star motifs (e.g. Baudou 1960, 87, pl. XVIII; Lundborg 1972, figs 42, 61, 85, 95; Larsson 1986, 37; 1999, 9–10), which probably can be also related to the sun (e.g. Kristiansen 1998, fig. 89; Harding 2000, 324; Larsson 1999; Kristiansen & Larsson 2005, 303). Here it should be recalled that the pattern of a wheel or spokes is engraved on an antler double button found from Narkūnai, Lithuania – the wheel or wheel-cross motif is also related to the sun, it has been presumed that it might symbolise the chariot of the sun god travelling across the sky (e.g. Larsson 1999, 10 ff.; Randsborg 1999, 29; Bąbel 2000, 181, fig. 4: a–g; Bouzek 2000, 346, fig. 1; Hänsel 2000, 334 ff., fig. 1 ff.; Kristiansen & Larsson 2005, 294 ff.). Tutulus-shaped buttons could also express sun symbolism, as well as decorative pins of bronze, with disc-shaped heads decorated with concentric circles, and spiral-headed pins (e.g. Baudou 1960, pls XVI, XVII; Damell 1985, figs 29, 35; Grigalavičienė 1995, fig. 101: 3, 11; Sidrys & Luchtanas 1999, fig. 1: 4; Dabrowski 2004, fig. 10); sometimes decorative pins with tutulus-
5 In Estonia only two bronze sword fragments are known from the Tehumardi hoard (Jaanits et al. 1982, fig. 106: 1, 2), which was an assemblage of scrap metal meant to be recast, and one whole sword, the circumstances of discovery of which are not known (Lang & Jonuks 2001). 6 Tutuli occur in quite large numbers e.g. in southern Sweden (Larsson 1986, 38 ff., fig. 16). In Estonia a bronze tutulus was found from Tuula near Keila (Jaanits et al. 1982, fig. 106: 8). 7 Kristiansen and Larsson have accentuated that the costume and decorations of the Bronze Age Scandinavian elite were rather uncomfortable, whereby even the most grotesque ornaments were used daily, which is suggested by wear traces observable on them (Kristiansen & Larsson 2005, 351).
132 Heidi Luik and Mirja Ots
shaped heads are also found (e.g. Grigalavičienė 1995, fig. 101: 2; Dabrowski 2004, fig. 10). On Estonian Bronze Age ornaments concentric circles and spirals can be observed as well. From Asva and Kaali some decorative pins of the Härnev type, with large disc-shaped head decorated with concentric circles, have been found (Jaanits et al. 1982, 151 ff., fig. 105: 7; Sperling 2006, 118, pl. V: 1); in stone-cist graves, generally poor in finds, bronze spiral temple ornaments are one of the few represented find types (e.g. Lang 1992, 22, pl. III: 2, 3; 2007b, 173). As mentioned already, bronze, being metal of golden hue, could have symbolised the sun god. Amber can be also related with sun symbolism, owing to its particular colour and gleam. In this connection an amber disc attached to a handle and found from Denmark should be mentioned. When looking at the sun through this disc, the wheel-cross – symbol of the sun – on it, otherwise hardly detectable, becomes clearly visible. It has been suggested that this disc symbolises the sun (Kristiansen & Larsson 2005, 302–303). Eduard Šturms (1956, 15) has suggested the relating of amber to the sun already earlier; his supposition is based on amber discs spread in the area of the Globular Amphora Culture, which are ornamented with wheel- cross motifs. He regarded the wheel-cross as well as the dotted zigzags and lines, etc., as symbols of the sun and confirmation of the existence of the sun cult. Later this idea has been expanded to all amber discs and sometimes also to amber in general (Ots 2006, 127 and references there, 137–138; Bliujienė 2007, 532). In the Late Bronze Age, Scandinavia prevailed among the foreign contacts of Estonian coastal inhabitants, the influence of which appears mainly in the bronze artefacts found here; the unequal mutual dependence between centre and periphery could have induced changes in the society, ideology and economy of the latter (see Lang 2007a, 81; 2007b, 191, 198). The double buttons found here are apparently either brought from Scandinavia (bronze buttons) or manufactured in the Baltic countries following Scandinavian patterns (antler and amber buttons). Double buttons are not the only artefacts coming from Scandinavia as a Bronze Age centre, which were imitated on the eastern shore of the Baltic. There are, for instance, bone pins the shape of which resembles Scandinavian bronze pins of the same period (Lõugas 1970, 129 ff., table 5, pl. 34; Lang 2007b, 191). Some Scandinavian artefact types have been replicated in the Baltic countries also in bronze, e.g. decorative pins of the Härnev type (mould fragments for which have been found in Asva) and axes of the Mälar type (moulds for which occur in eastern Lithuania, for example in the fortified settlement of Narkūnai) (Volkaitė- Kulikauskienė 1986, 33, fig. 49; Lang 2007b, 89–90). Undoubtedly the occurrence of such finds indicates frequent contacts between these districts and one may presume that together with shape and style of material objects notions, meanings or tenets connected with such objects may have been adopted as well.8 As Ian Hodder and Scott Hutson put it (2003, 140), objects and styles taken over from other groups are given meaning in their new context; these meanings may be relied on meanings from the old context and also may bring these meanings with them.
8 About adoption or rejection of foreign cultural elements see e.g. Lang 2007b, 196–197.
Bronze Age double buttons in Estonia 133
Double buttons may probably reflect the sun cult, which was widely spread in Scandinavia – presumably it played an important role also in Estonian Bronze Age religion (Jonuks 2005, 90). The formation of the sun cult has been related to the spread of cultivation (Lõugas 1996, 101; see e.g. Данилов 1982) and in Estonia the connection of stone-cist graves with sun symbolism has been supposed. Vello Lõugas has suggested that the orientation of the central cist in the stone-cist graves, where the deceased were buried with their heads towards North – facing the sun – was connected with the worshipping of the sun (Lõugas 1996, 102 ff.). Valter Lang (2007b, 181; compare also Lõugas 1996, 143) has also presumed that the shape of stone-cist grave – a circle with a cist in the centre – could have been regarded as a symbol of the sun.9 Lang suggests that this presumable sun cult had regressed or transformed already by the end of the Bronze Age. This possibility is indicated for example by the changes in the construction of stone- cist graves (Lang 2007b, 180–181). Kristiansen and Larsson have expressed an opinion that the sun cult, which occupied an important part in the Bronze Age religion and cosmology, particularly in northern Europe, remained basically unchanged until about 600 BC, or perhaps a little longer, when social and economic changes in central and northern Europe led to the decay of the Bronze Age cosmology and institutions (Kristiansen & Larsson 2005, 319). As was already mentioned, the bronze sun discs were attributes related to sun priestesses. Maybe double buttons in Scandinavia, where they are found in large numbers, were also connected with sun symbolism – although not as markers of very special persons like the large bronze discs were, but nevertheless demonstrating the relation or connection of the wearer with religion. But what was the meaning of Estonian double buttons? Owing to their rarity they could have had a more particular role and meaning here. Maybe the few specimens here marked persons whose status was high in some religious context. However, the opposite is also possible – that an artefact type adopted from abroad acquired a completely different meaning here. Double buttons as imported artefacts or their imitations could have externalised primarily the status and influence of the owner, through his ability to acquire such an artefact. But in regard of the religiousness of people of that time (Lang 2007b, 179) status and position connected with power and religion could have been entwined. As mentioned before, the find context of double buttons – stone-cist graves and fortified settlements – also indicates their possible belonging to the elite. In Jõelähtme both buttons were found in a central cist of a grave. Their belonging to children has been presumed10 but in the cist of one of the graves a woman over 50 had been buried alongside with a child and a juvenile. The possibility must
9 About sun symbolism in Scandinavian Bronze Age graves see e.g. Kristiansen & Larsson 2005, 242, 246, fig. 111. 10 According to Lang (2007b, 119) children’s burials occur, which, relying upon the deposited grave goods (e.g. imported artefacts, including also double buttons) seem to indicate a some- what higher social status of some children, or particular attention paid to them for some reason during the funeral.
134 Heidi Luik and Mirja Ots
also be considered that grave goods were not the possessions of the buried persons but gifts given by the mourners (Brück 2006, 77). In the Loona grave the skeleton near which the amber button was found evidently belonged to an adult; two star-shaped amber artefacts were also found near the same skeleton (Ots 2006, 74), which suggests his/her special position, or a special attitude towards him/her, although the person was not buried in the central cist. The Loona grave is outstanding for its rich find material, in contrast with the general scarceness of finds in the graves of that period; the same can be said about the graves of Jõelähtme (Lang 2007a, 59, 99). The fortified settlement of Asva was evidently one of the most important centres in Estonia in the Late Bronze Age, which is primarily indicated by the numerous fragments of bronze-casting moulds found there; the Kaali settlement with its relatively few finds and unusual location has been regarded as a cult site rather than a common settlement (Lang 2007a, 44–45, 47–48, 89; 2007b, 44–45, 55–56).
Summary
Double buttons made from different materials are rare finds in Estonia. The find context as well as the appearance of these objects suggest their having belonged to the elite and possessed a certain symbolic value. Probably their material also had a certain meaning. Both bronze and amber were imported goods in Estonia; antler was local raw material but since it was considered valuable, its use has been sometimes regulated. Without precluding the possibility that double buttons could have had the function of a button, i.e. means of fastening, their symbolic meaning was apparently more important. Regarding the shape, material and motifs used for their decoration we presume that it could have been connected with the sun cult of the Bronze Age.
Acknowledgements
The research was financed by the Estonian Science Foundation (grant No 6898). We are grateful to Valter Lang for his comments and advice on the preliminary version of the manuscript. The authors wish to thank Jaana Ratas, who made the replica, Liis Soon, who translated the text, and Kersti Siitan, who prepared and elaborated the illustrations.
References
Bąbel, J. 2000. Rytualne znaczienie niektórych północnoeuropejskich brzytew z epoki brązu. Próba interpretacji. – Kultura symboliczna kręgu pól popielnicowych epoki brązu i wczesnej epoki żelaza w Europie środkowej. (Prace Komisji Archeologicznej, 13. Biskupińskie Prace Archeologiczne, 1.) Eds B. Gediga & D. Piotrowska. Warszawa, 157–182.
Bronze Age double buttons in Estonia 135
Baudou, E. 1960. Die regionale und chronologische Einteilung der jüngeren Bronzezeit im Nordischen Kreis. (Acta Universitatis Stokholmiensis. Studies in North-European Archaeology, 1.) Almqvist & Wiksell, Stockholm. Becker, C. 2005. Spindle whorls or buttons? Ambiguous bone artefacts from Bronze Age castelliere on Istria. – From Hooves to Horns, from Mollusc to Mammoth. Manufacture and Use of Bone Artefacts from Prehistoric Times to the Present. Proceedings of the 4th Meeting of the ICAZ Worked Bone Research Group at Tallinn, 26th–31st of August 2003. (MT, 15.) Eds H. Luik et al. Tallinn, 157–174. Bliujienė, A. 2007. Lietuvos priešistorės gintaras. Versus aureus, Vilnius. Bouzek, J. 2000. Versuch einer Rekonstruktion des Pantheons der Urnenfelderzeit. – Kultura symboliczna kręgu pól popielnicowych epoki brązu i wczesnej epoki żelaza w Europie środkowej. (Prace Komisji Archeologicznej, 13. Biskupińskie Prace Archeologiczne, 1.) Eds B. Gediga & D. Piotrowska. Warszawa, 345–354. Brück, J. 2006. Death, exchange and reproduction in the British Bronze Age. – European Journal of Archaeology, 9: 1, 73–101. Butrimas, A. 2001. The amber ornament collection from Daktariškė 5 Neolithic settlement. – Baltic Amber. Proceedings of the International Interdisciplinary Conference Baltic Amber in Natural Sciences, Archaeology and Applied Arts, 13–18 September 2001, Vilnius, Palanga, Nida. (Acta Academiae Artium Vilnensis, 22.) Ed. A. Butrimas. Vilnius, 7–19. Caple, C. 2006. Objects. Reluctant Witnesses to the Past. Routledge, London. Choyke, A. M. 2005. Bronze Age bone and antler working at the Jászdózsa–Kápolnahalom Tell. – From Hooves to Horns, from Mollusc to Mammoth. Manufacture and Use of Bone Artefacts from Prehistoric Times to the Present. Proceedings of the 4th Meeting of the ICAZ Worked Bone Research Group at Tallinn, 26th–31st of August 2003. (MT, 15.) Eds H. Luik et al. Tallinn, 129–156. Dabrowski, J. 2004. Ältere Bronzezeit in Polen. Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii Polskiej Akademii Nauk, Warszawa. Damell, D. 1985. Bronsålder i Södermanland. Undersökta gravar och gravfält från Södermanlands bronsålder och tidigaste järnålder. En kortfattad översikt. (Södermanlands museum. Rapport, 7.) Nyköping. Dobres, M.-A. 1995. Gender and prehistoric technology: on the social agency of technical strategies. – Symbolic Aspects of Early Technologies. (World Archaeology, 27: 1.) Ed. S. Shennan. Routledge, London, 25–49. Dobres, M.-A. 2000. Technology and Social Agency. Outlining a Practice Framework for Archaeology. Blackwell Publishers, Oxford. Earle, T. 2002. Bronze Age Economics. The Beginning of Political Economies. Westview Press, Oxford. Graudonis, J. 1989. Nocietinātās apmetnes Daugavas lejtecē. Zinātne, Rīga. Grigalavičienė, E. 1992. Kerelių piliakalnis. – Straipsnių rinkinys. (Lietuvos archeologija, 8.) Mokslas, Vilnius, 85–105. Grigalavičienė, E. 1995. Žalvario ir ankstyvasis geležies amžius Lietuvoje. Mokslo ir Enciklopedijų Leidykla, Vilnius. Hänsel, B. 2000. Die Götter Griechenlands und die südost- bis mitteleuropäische Spätbronzezeit. – Kultura symboliczna kręgu pól popielnicowych epoki brązu i wczesnej epoki żelaza w Europie środkowej. (Prace Komisji Archeologicznej, 13. Biskupińskie Prace Archeologiczne, 1.) Eds B. Gediga & D. Piotrowska. Warszawa, 331–344. Harding, A. F. 2000. European Societies in the Bronze Age. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Hodder, I. & Hutson, S. 2003. Reading the Past: Current Approaches to Interpretation in Archaeology. 3rd edition. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Indreko, R. 1939. Asva linnus-asula. – Muistse Eesti linnused. 1936.–1938. a. uurimiste tulemused. Ed. H. Moora. Õpetatud Eesti Selts, Tartu, 17–52. Jaanits, L. et al. 1982. Eesti esiajalugu. Eesti Raamat, Tallinn. Jonuks, T. 2005. Principles of Estonian prehistoric religion: with special emphasis to soul beliefs. – Culture and Material Culture. Papers from the first theoretical seminar of the Baltic archaeologists
136 Heidi Luik and Mirja Ots
(BASE) held at the University of Tartu, Estonia, October 17th–19th, 2003. (Interarchaeologia, 1.) Ed. V. Lang. Tartu, 87–95. Klebs, R. 1882. Der Bernsteinschmuck der Steinzeit von der Baggerei bei Schwarzort und anderen Lokalitäten Preussens aus den Sammlungen der Firma Stantien & Becker und der physikalisch- ökonomischen Gesellschaft. Universitäts-Buch- und Steindruckerei von A. J. Dalkowski, Königsberg. Kraut, A. 1985. Die Steinkistengräber von Jõelähtme. – TATÜ, 4, 348–350. Kriiska, A., Jonuks, T. & Kraas, P. 1999. Eesti muinasesemed. Tartu. http://ornament.dragon.ee/muinasesemed Kristiansen, K. 1998. Europe before History. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Kristiansen, K. & Larsson, T. B. 2005. The Rise of Bronze Age Society: Travels, Transmissions and Transformations. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Lang, V. 1992. Eesti labidaspeaga luunõelte dateerimisest. – Stilus, 1, 8–32. Lang, V. 1996. Muistne Rävala. Muistised, kronoloogia ja maaviljelusliku asustuse kujunemine Loode-Eestis, eriti Pirita jõe alamjooksu piirkonnas. (MT, 4.) Tallinn. Lang, V. 2007a. Baltimaade pronksi- ja rauaaeg. Tartu Ülikooli Kirjastus, Tartu. Lang, V. 2007b. Pronksiaeg ja vanem rauaaeg Eestis. Tartu. http://www.arheo.ut.ee/EA3.htm Lang, V. & Jonuks, T. 2001. Vajangu pronksmõõk. – EAA, 5: 2, 148–153. Lang, V. & Kriiska, A. 2001. Eesti esiaja periodiseering ja kronoloogia. – EAA, 5: 2, 83–109. Larsson, T. B. 1986. The Bronze Age Metalwork in Southern Sweden. Aspects of Social and Spatial Organization 1800–500 B.C. (Archaeology and Environment, 6.) University of Umeå, Umeå. Larsson, T. B. 1999. Symbols in a European Bronze Age cosmology. – Communication in Bronze Age Europe. Transactions of the Bronze Age Symposium in Tanumstrand, Bohuslän, Sweden, September 7–10, 1995. (The Museum of National Antiquities, Stockholm. Studies, 9.) Ed. C. Orrling. Statens Historiska Museum, Stockholm, 9–16. Lõugas, L., Lidén, K. & Nelson, E. 1996. Resource utilization along the Estonian coast during the Stone Age. – Coastal Estonia. Recent Advances in Environmental and Cultural History. (PACT, 51.) Eds T. Hackens et al. Council of Europe, Rixensart, 399–420. Lõugas, V. 1966. Asva Linnamäe 1966. a. kaevamiste aruanne. Manuscript in the Institute of History, Tallinn University. Lõugas, V. 1970. Eesti varane metalliaeg (II a.-tuh. keskpaigast e.m.a. – 1. sajandini m.a.j.). Diss. kand. Manuscript in the Institute of History, Tallinn University. Lõugas, V. 1978. Von der vorläufigen Datierung der Burg Kaali. – TATÜ, 4, 327–329. Lõugas, V. 1996. Kaali kraatriväljal Phaethonit otsimas. Eesti Entsüklopeediakirjastus, Tallinn. Luik, H. In print. Dazzling white. Bone artefacts in Bronze Age society – some preliminary thoughts from Estonia. – Colours of Archaeology. Material Culture and Society. Papers from the second theoretical seminar of the Baltic archaeologists (BASE) held in Padvaria, October 20–22, 2005. (Interarchaeologia, 2.) Ed. A. Merkevičius. Vilnius. Lundborg, L. 1972. Undersökningar av bronsåldershögar och bronzåldersgravar i södra Halland. Höks, Tönnersjö och Halmstads härader under åren 1854–1970. (Hallands museum, 2.) Halmstad. Meinander, C. F. 1954. Die Bronzezeit in Finnland. (SMYA, 54.) Merkevičius, A. 2005. Material culture and the East Baltic Bronze Age society. – Culture and Material Culture, 39–52. Merkevičius, A. 2006. The Vaškai hoard. – Archaeologia Baltica, 6, 32–38. Ots, M. 2006. Merevaiguleiud Baltimaade kivi- ja pronksiaja muististes. M.A. thesis. Manuscript in the Institute of History, Tallinn University and in the University of Tartu. http://dspace.utlib.ee/dspace/bitstream/10062/190/1/otsmirja.pdf Ots, M. In print. Changes in the use of amber in Estonia and the neighbouring countries in the Bronze Age. – Amber in Archaeology. Proceedings of the fourth International Conference on Amber in Archaeology in Belgrade, 2006. Eds I. B. Beck et al. Belgrade. Palavestra, A. & Krstić, V. 2006. The Magic of Amber. (Archaeological Monographies, 18.) National Museum, Belgrade. Randsborg, K. 1996. The Nordic Bronze Age: chronological dimensions. – Acta Archaeologica, 67. Acta Archaeologica Supplementa, 1, 61–72.
Bronze Age double buttons in Estonia 137
Randsborg, K. 1999. Kivik powers of communication. – Communication in Bronze Age Europe, 23–32. Renfrew, C. 1986. Varna and the emergence of wealth in prehistoric Europe. – The Social Life of Things. Commodities in Cultural Perspective. Ed. A. Appadurai. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 141–168. Renfrew, C. 2002. Symbol before concept. Material engagement and the early development of society. – Archaeological Theory Today. Ed. I. Hodder. Polity, Cambridge, 122–140. Rimantienė, R. 1999. Die Kurische Nehrung aus dem Blickwinkel des Archäologen. Übersetzt von R. Kibelka. Vilniaus Dailes Akademijos Leidykla, Vilnius. Salo, U. 1984. Pronssikausi ja rautakauden alku. (Suomen historia, 1.) Kivikausi. Pronssikausi ja rautakauden alku. Keski- ja myöhäisrautakausi. Eds E. Laaksonen et al. Weilin+Göös, Espoo. Selling, S. 2005. At opposite ends? Cairns and bronzes as disparate displais of power in Bronze Age western Sweden. – Lund Archaeological Review, 2003–2004, 8–9, 41–56. Sidrys, R. V. & Luchtanas, A. 1999. Shining axes, spiral pins. Early metal consumption in the East Baltic. – Acta Archaeologica, 70, 165–184. Sperling, U. 2006. Die Spätbronze- und früheisenzeitliche Siedlung von Asva in Estland. M.A. thesis. Manuscript in the Freie Universität Berlin and in the Institute of History, Tallinn University. Strömberg, M. 1982. Ingelstorp. Zur Siedlungsentwicklung eines südswedischen Dorfes. (Acta Archaeologica Lundensia, series in 4°: 14.) Rudolf Habelt Verlag, CWK Gleerup, Bonn. Šturms, E. 1956. Der Bernsteinschmuck der östlichen Amphorenkultur. – Rheinische Forschungen zur Vorgeschichte. Band 5. Documenta archeologica: Wolfgang La Baume dedicata. Eds H. Kühn & O. Kleemann. Röhrscheid, Bonn, 13–20. Vasks, A. 1994. Brikuļu nocietinātā apmetne. Lubāna zemiene vēlajā bronzas un dzelzs laikmetā (1000. g. pr. Kr.–1000. g. pēc Kr.). Preses Nams, Rīga. Vassar, A. 1940/41. Kaevamisaruanne Jämaja khk. Torgu vl. Karuste külas 1940. a. Manuscript the Institute of History, Tallinn University. Vassar, A. 1956. Lisandeid eesti hõimude uurimisele Lääne- ja Edela-Eestis I–IV sajandil. – Eesti rahva etnilisest ajaloost. Ed. H. Moora. Eesti Riiklik Kirjastus, Tallinn, 160–190. Volkaitė-Kulikauskienė, R. 1986. Narkunų didžiojo piliakalnio tyrinėjimų rezultatai (Apatinis kultūrinis šluoksnis). – Ankstyvieji šiaurės rytų Lietuvos piliakalniai. (Lietuvos archeologija, 5.) Mokslas, Vilnius, 5–49.
Граудонис Я. 1967. Латвия в эпоху поздней бронзы и раннего железа. Начало разложения первобытно-общинного строя. Зинатне, Рига. Данилов О. В. 1982. Культ солнца у ананьинцев. – Вопросы этнической истории в перво- бытную эпоху. Межвузовский сборник. Ed. В. С. Патрушев. Марийский Государственный Университет, Йошкар-Ола, 57–64.
Heidi Luik ja Mirja Ots
KAKSIKNÖÖBID EESTI PRONKSIAEGSES LEIUAINESES
Resümee
Eesti pronksiaegses leiuaineses tuleb ette erinevast materjalist – pronksist, merevaigust ja sarvest – esemeid, mida tavaliselt nimetatakse kaksiknööpideks. Selliste leidude arv on väike, vaid kümmekond eset (joon 1, tabel 1). Pronksist kaksiknööbid olid levinud peamiselt Skandinaavia pronksikultuuri keskuses, kust ilmselt ongi toodud Eesti alale Jõelähtme kivikirstkalmetest leitud kaks pronks- nööpi. Huvitav on asjaolu, et selliseid esemeid hakati Läänemere idakaldal koha-
138 Heidi Luik and Mirja Ots
peal valmistama, kasutades selleks kohalikke materjale – sarve ja merevaiku. Kuigi neid on nööpideks nimetatud, pole päris selge, milleks neid ikkagi kasutati. Kas oli peamine praktiline kasutamisvõimalus kinnitusvahendina või oli olulisem miski muu? Olid need ehted või kultusesemed, kas neil võis olla mingi sümboolne tähendus? Nööpide silmatorkava välimuse põhjal otsustades võib oletada, et neid kasutati ka dekoratiivsel eesmärgil või teatud sümbolitena sotsiaalses kommuni- katsioonis. Kas kohalikest materjalidest koopiad viitavad sellele, et koos eseme- tüübiga võeti omaks ka mingeid tähendusi, arusaamu või uskumusi, mida need esemed sümboliseerisid? Võib-olla oli mingi tähendus ka materjalidel, millest kaksiknööpe valmistati? Kaksiknööpe tehti tavaliselt pronksist, kuid Eestist on praeguseks teada ainult kaks pronksist eksemplari, need on leitud Põhja-Eestist Jõelähtme kivikirst- kalmetest. Mõlemad nööbid on väikese alumise ja suurema lameda ülemise plaadiga, mis on kaunistatud kontsentriliste reljeefsete ringjoontega (joon 2). Nööbid on saadud IX ja XI kalmest ning dateeritud 9.–8. sajandiga eKr, tõenäo- liselt on need Eestisse toodud Lõuna-Skandinaaviast. Saaremaalt Loona kivikirstkalmest on leitud merevaigust kaksiknööp, mille kooniline tipuosa on kaunistatud kolme soonega (joon 3: 1). Nööp saadi kalme kahe kiviringi vaheliselt alalt XVI luustiku kolju juurest. Samast kalmest leiti teisigi arvatavasti nooremasse pronksiaega kuuluvaid esemeid. Kalme ühest inim- luust võetud proovi radiosüsinikuanalüüsi põhjal on matmispaik dateeritud aja- vahemikuga 900–590 aastat eKr. Sõrve sääre lõunatipus asuvast Karuste kalmest on leitud veel üks oletatav kaksiknööbi katke (joon 3: 2). Artur Vassar dateeris kalme 1.–2. sajandiga, lisaks merevaigule leiti keraamikat ja pronksist käevõrude katkeid. Valter Langi arvates rajati Karuste kalme juba nooremal pronksiajal, kuid sinna maeti ka eelrooma rauaaja teisel poolel ja võib-olla hiljemgi. Asva pronksiaegsest kindlustatud asulast on teada viis või kuus kaksiknööpi. Viis nööpi on nikerdatud põdrasarvest, kuid töötlemise hoolikuselt ja tasemelt on need küllaltki erinevad (joon 4: 1, 4–7). Üldkuju on kõigil sarnane, nn tutuluse- kujuline: nööbi ühe poole moodustab lihtne kettakujuline osa, teine pool on koo- niline. Teistest erinev on kuues, luust ese (joon 4: 2), mida leiunimekirjas on küll nimetatud kaksiknööbiks, kuid pigem võib see olla luust nõelapea murdunud ots (joon 5). Üks väike, kulunud ja katkine põdrasarvest nööp on teada Kaalist (joon 4: 3). Asvas on kaksiknööpe leitud nii varasemast (9.–8. sajand) kui ka hilise- mast (7.–6. sajand) asustuskihist, Kaali kasutusajaks oli hilispronksiaeg ja eel- rooma rauaaja algus. Sarvest ja merevaigust kaksiknööpe on teada samuti Lätist ja Leedust, kust on leitud ka sarvest ning merevaigust nööpide toorikuid ja lõpetamata eksemplare. Merevaigust kaksiknööpe on ka Taanist, kuid luust kaksiknööpe pole Põhjamaadest leitud, viimased olid siiski kasutusel näiteks Saksamaal. Skandinaavias olid levinud peamiselt pronksist kaksiknööbid, üksikuid pronksnööpe on leitud ka Soomest. Eestis teadaolevast kümmekonnast kaksiknööbist on enamik leitud Saare- maalt (tabel 1, joon 1). Kõik sarvest nööbid on saadud kindlustatud asulatest, üksikud pronks- ja merevaiknööbid aga kalmetest. Naabermaades leidub kaksiknööpe nii
Bronze Age double buttons in Estonia 139
mehe- kui ka naisematustes. Eesti kalmetest leitud väheste nööpide puhul pole enamasti võimalik kindlaks teha, kellele need kuulusid. Langi hinnangul on Jõe- lähtme pronksist kaksiknööbid ilmselt lastele kaasa pandud. Eesti väheste kaksiknööpide esinemine kindlustatud asulate kui tolleaegsete keskuste ja kivikirstkalmete – eliidi matusepaikade – kontekstis viitab neile kui võimalikele eliidile kuulunud prestiižesemetele või staatuse sümbolitele. Ka nende valmistamiseks kasutatud materjali põhjal võib oletada, et tegu oli väärtuslikuks peetud esemetega. Arvatakse, et pronksesemetel oli pronksiaegses ühiskonnas oluline roll: imporditud ja/või spetsialiseerunud käsitööliste tehtud objektidena olid need prestiižesemed. Pronksi kui kuldse värvusega metalli võidi pidada päikesejumala sümboliks, merevaiku peeti samuti väärtuslikuks, sümboolseks ja prestiižseks materjaliks. Luu- ja sarvesemed ei ole küll haruldased, kuid nende puhul on oluline, kuidas ese on valmistatud: kas tegu on lihtsa, minimaalselt töö- deldud tarbeesemega või hoolikalt meisterdatud esemega. Sarvest kaksiknööbid kuuluvad kahtlemata viimasesse kategooriasse. Selliseid luu- ja sarvesemeid võidi väärtuslikuks pidada säravvalge värvuse tõttu, mis tekitas kontrasti tumeda kanga või muu materjaliga, millele ese kinnitati (joon 6). Tõenäoliselt kehtisid reeglid selle kohta, kes mida ja millest tohtis või ei tohtinud valmistada ning kasutada; ka luust või sarvest nikerdatud teatud esemetüüpide valmistamine ja kasutamine võis olla piiratud kindla elanikkonna rühmaga. Colin Renfrew’ väitel on väärtus alati teatud määral kokkuleppeline, see on määratud inimeste poolt ja on seega sotsiaalne mõiste. Kuigi eri ühiskondades on väärtuslikuks peetud eri materjale, on need alati millegi poolest silmapaistvad – nõnda, et neid märgatakse. Omadus “olla märgatud” on iseloomulik kõigile kolmele materjalile, millest kaksiknööpe valmistati: läikiv metall, kollaselt-oranžilt-punaselt kumav merevaik ja säravvalge sarv. Pronksiajal said Euroopas olulisteks staatuse märkijateks esemed, mis olid tehtud kaugelt toodud materjalist (pronks, merevaik), või ka need, mis kopeerisid välismaiseid esemeid. Kõik siinsed kaksiknööbid võib arvata kuuluvaiks nendesse kategooriatesse. Milleks kaksiknööpe kasutati? On oletatud, et neid võidi tarvitada mõõgavöö kinnitamiseks, sest mõnikord esinevad kaksiknööbid tõesti ühes leiukompleksis pronksmõõga või -pistodaga. Siiski on Skandinaavias teada suhteliselt vähe matu- seid, kus leidub nii kaksiknööp kui ka mõõk. Kindlasti ei sobiks selline kasutus- valdkond merevaigust nööpidele, mis on liiga õrnad. Muidugi võisid kaksiknööbid olla kinnitusvahendid, kuid nende välimus võib viidata ka sümboolsele ja/või dekoratiivsele funktsioonile. Esemele antud kaksiknööbi kuju võis olla mõeldud lihtsalt selleks, et seda saaks ehte või sümbolina rõivaste külge kinnitada. Skandinaavia pronksiaegses usundis oli olulisel kohal päikesekultus. Kristian Kristianseni ja Thomas Larssoni hinnangul võisid pronkskettad Skandinaavia pronksiaegsetes matustes sümboliseerida päikeseketast. Skandinaavia varasematel lamedatel pronksist kaksiknööpidel leidub kontsentrilistest ringidest ja tähekujulist ornamenti ning spiraalimotiivi, mida võib arvatavasti samuti päikesega seostada. Sama sümboolika väljendajateks võib ehk pidada ka tutulusekujulisi nööpe. Päikesesümboolikaga seostatakse ka merevaiku, millele on omane eriline värvus ja läbikumavus. Eduards Šturms pidas päikesesümboliteks ratasristi motiiviga kau-
140 Heidi Luik and Mirja Ots
nistatud merevaigust kettaid, mis olid levinud keraamforate kultuuri alal, hiljem on seda ideed laiendatud kõigile merevaigust ketastele ja merevaigule üldisemalt. Nooremal pronksiajal oli Eesti rannikualade elanike domineerivaks välis- ühenduste suunaks Skandinaavia, mille mõju avaldub eelkõige siit leitud pronks- esemetes; nn asümmeetriline sõltuvus keskuse ja perifeeria vahel võis viimases esile kutsuda muutusi ühiskonnas, ideoloogias ning majanduses. Siinsete kaksik- nööpide puhul on tegu Skandinaaviast toodud või sealsete eeskujude põhjal kohapeal valmistatud esemetega. Kaksiknööbid ei ole ainsad Skandinaaviast kui pronksiaegsest keskusest pärit esemed, mida Läänemere idakaldal jäljen- dama hakati. Leidub näiteks luunõelu, mis kopeerivad samaaegseid pronksnõelu. Skandinaaviast pärit esemetüüpe on Baltimaades järele tehtud ka pronksist (näiteks Härnevi tüüpi ehtenõelu ja Mälari tüüpi kirveid). Selliste leidude olemasolu viitab tihedale suhtlemisele nende piirkondade vahel ja võib oletada, et koos materiaal- sete objektide kuju ning stiiliga võidi üle võtta ka nendega seotud arusaamu, tähendusi või uskumusi. Kaksiknööpides võib ehk kajastuda Skandinaavias laial- daselt levinud päikesekultus – arvatavasti oli see olulisel kohal ka Eesti pronksi- aegses usundis. Päikesekultuse tekkimist seostatakse viljelusmajanduse levikuga ja Eestis on päikesega seotud sümboolikat oletatud seoses kivikirstkalmetega. Vello Lõugase arvates on kivikirstkalmete keskse kirstu orientatsioon, kus surnu on maetud peaga põhja suunas – seega näoga päikese poole –, seotud päikese austamisega. Seda, et kivikirstkalme kuju – ringi koos selle keskpunktis oleva kirstuga – võidi pidada päikese sümboliks, oletab ka Lang. Missugune oli Eesti kaksiknööpide tähendus? Võib-olla olid need vähesed eksemplarid siin religiooni valdkonnas olulist kohta omanud isiku tähistajaks? Importeseme või selle koopiana võisid kaksiknööbid väljendada eelkõige eset omava isiku staatust ja mõjukust – tema võimelisuse kaudu sellist eset omandada. Arvestades tolleaegse inimese religioossust, võisid võimu ja usundiga seotud staa- tus ning positsioon olla omavahel läbi põimunud. Kaksiknööpidele kui võimalikele eliidile kuulunud esemetele viitab ka nende leiukontekst – kivikirstkalmed ja kind- lustatud asulad. Selleaegsete kalmete üldise leiuvaesuse taustal on nii Jõelähtme kui ka Loona kalme leiurohkuse poolest silmapaistvad. Asva oli pronksiajal ilmselt üks olulisemaid keskusi Eesti alal, millele viitavad eelkõige sealt saadud rohke- arvulised valamisvormide katked. Suhteliselt vähese leiumaterjaliga ja ebatavalises kohas paiknenud Kaalit on aga peetud pigem kultusekohaks kui tavaasulaks. Eri materjalidest kaksiknööpide puhul on Eestis tegu haruldaste leidudega. Nii nende leiukontekst kui ka välimus viitab, et need võisid olla eliidile kuu- lunud ja teatud sümboolset väärtust omanud esemed. Arvatavasti oli tähendus ka materjalidel, millest selliseid esemeid valmistati. Pronksi ja merevaigu puhul on Eestis tegu importmaterjaliga. Sarve kohapeal küll leidus, kuid on teada, et selle kui väärtusliku materjali kasutamist on mõnikord peetud vajalikuks regu- leerida. Välistamata, et kaksiknööpidel võis olla ka nööbi ehk kinnitusvahendi funktsioon, oli ilmselt olulisem nende sümboolne tähendus. Kaksiknööpide kuju, materjali ja nende kaunistamiseks kasutatud motiive arvestades oletame, et see võis olla seotud pronksiaegse päikesekultusega.
Estonian Journal of Archaeology, 2007, 11, 2, 141–154
Andres Tvauri and Taavi-Mats Utt
MEDIEVAL RECORDER FROM TARTU, ESTONIA
In summer 2005 a complete and well preserved recorder was unearthed during archaeo- logical excavations in the centre of Tartu in a latrine dated to the 14th century. The instrument is nearly cylindrical and is made of maple. Tartu recorder belongs to three oldest surviving medieval recorders. We are thus dealing with an extremely rare find and as yet the Tartu recorder is the best survived medieval recorder ever found.
2005. aasta suvel leiti Tartu kesklinnast arheoloogilistel väljakaevamistel 14. sajandiga dateeritud käimla lampkastist terviklikult säilinud plokkflööt. Pill on peaaegu silindrilise kujuga ja treitud ühes tükis harilikust vahtrast. Tartu plokkflööt kuulub kolme kõige vanema säilinud keskaegse plokkflöödi hulka. Tegemist on seega üliharuldase leiuga ja teadaolevalt on Tartu plokkflööt ka kõige paremini säilinud keskaegseks plokkflöödiks.
Andres Tvauri, University of Tartu, 18 Ülikooli St., 50090 Tartu, Estonia; [email protected] Taavi-Mats Utt, Estonia; [email protected]
Introduction
In the centre of Tartu in the courtyard of 15 Ülikooli Street archaeological excavations were carried out in summer 2005 and spring 2007 by the University of Tartu directed by Andres Tvauri. The aim of those excavations was to investigate the whole courtyard area (115 sq. m in total) archaeologically in order to enable the construction of underground rooms. Six wooden cesspits from 14th–16th centuries were found from the area (Tvauri & Bernotas 2005; 2006; Tvauri 2007). Among other finds a completely preserved wooden recorder was found in 2005 from one of the latrines (Fig. 1). Because a medieval recorder, as well as medieval musical instruments in general, is an extremely rare find, it deserves a publication of its own.
Context of the find
The recorder was found from the centre of medieval Tartu (Fig. 2) in medieval and also current back yard area, from latrine no. 1b. The latrine was made from 142 Andres Tvauri and Taavi-Mats Utt
Fig. 1. Tartu recorder before conservation (TM A 141: 170). Photo by Andres Tvauri. Joon 1. Tartu pokkflööt enne konserveerimist. Foto Andres Tvauri.
Fig. 2. Location of findplace on the map of medieval Tartu. Photo by Andres Tvauri. Joon 2. Leiukoha asend keskaegse Tartu plaanil. Foto Andres Tvauri. Medieval recorder from Tartu, Estonia 143
pine logs (Fig. 3) and its measurements were 1.8 × 1.8 m, the height being 1.9 m (15 layers of logs). On the upper side of the cesspit, at the height of the 1st–2nd log layers from the top, there was a thin layer of decayed wood, seemingly originating from boards covering the cesspit. Underneath, the pit was filled with thick and sticky layer of excrements, containing abundant branches, wood chips, fire-sticks, textile remains, animal and fish bones, cherry and plum stones, shells of Persian walnuts, fragments of wooden vessels, potsherds, fragments of window glass and other finds. Archaeological objects of this kind are common in Tartu – at least 35 wooden cesspits dated to the 13th–16th centuries have been found and investigated in town. As the medieval cultural layer of Tartu is in most cases situated in wet and oxygen-free environment of the low and flat river valley, the organic material found there (wood, textile, leather, bone, etc.) is often very well preserved. Conditions for the preservation of organic material are particularly favourable in the latrines filled with excrements. The contents of the cesspit at 15 Ülikooli Street can be interpreted as one stratigraphic unit. It means that the entire filling of the pit has deposited in quite
Fig. 3. Tartu recorder’s finding place – latrine made of logs. Photo by Andres Tvauri. Joon 3. Tartu flöödi leiukohaks olnud palkidest lampkast. Foto Andres Tvauri.
144 Andres Tvauri and Taavi-Mats Utt
similar conditions in a relatively short time. Only on the very bottom of the pit there was a 50-cm thick layer different in content and with no finds. The recorder was situated near the centre of the latrine, 1 m below the survived upper log.
Dating of the Tartu recorder
Other finds from the same layer can be used for dating the recorder. For example, there was a stoneware jug 14 cm in height (TM A 141: 70), which originates from southern Lower Saxony where vessels with similar characteristics were produced in the second half of the 14th century (Stephan 1981, pl. 43: 1–3; Russow 2006, 74–75). In addition fragments of several jugs from Siegburg, Rhineland were found. A completely preserved jug (Fig. 4) can be dated to the period 1290–1400 (Russow 2006, fig. 12: 1; personal comment by Erki Russow). An upper part of a bulhy jug is almost completely preserved (TM A 141: 505); it obviously belongs to the turn of the 14th–15th centuries (personal comment by Erki Russow). Pieces of Jacoba jug (TM A 141: 72) originating from western part of Saxony, Waldenburg, were also found. Those jugs are considered to date to the period 1375/1400–1525/1550 (Scheidemantel 2005, 110– 111). Besides stoneware, frag- ments of two earthenware vessels (TM A 141: 550, 552) came to light from the latrine. We are dealing with pottery of NW-Russian-style, which can be dated to the 14th–15th centuries based on the rim shapes of the vessels and ornaments of sparse or wavy lines made with stick (Tvauri 2000, 105–107, fig. 9; Кильдюшевский 2002, 12, fig. 4: 1–5). Beaker or beakers of thin clear glass with blue glass- string decorations (TM A 141:
Fig. 4. Stoneware jug from Siegburg, found from the 44–55) were also found from latrine (TM A 141: 506). Photo by Andres Tvauri. the cesspit. Fragments of such Joon 4. Lampkastist leitud Siegburgi päritolu kivikeraami- beakers have been found only line kann. Foto Andres Tvauri. in towns of the Baltic Sea Medieval recorder from Tartu, Estonia 145
region from deposits of the 14th–early 15th century. In Finland this kind of glass findings from the layers of the town of Turku have been dated to the period 1360–1410 (Haggrén 2003, fig. 4; 2005, fig. 3: 2). An upper part of a small glass bottle, the so-called Ribbenflasche (TM A 141: 543) is a unique find in Estonia – it is the first and so far the only one found here. Such glass bottles have been uncovered elsewhere in Europe in the 13th–14th-century context (Baumgartner & Krueger 1988, 270–280). A push key spring lock made of iron (TM A 141: 154) can be dated to the 14th century or to the first half of the 15th century (Колчин 1982, fig. 3, type Д). Summing up the dates of the finds from the cesspit in question one can see that in most cases they belong to the 14th–15th centuries. In the case of those objects dated to the 15th century it is also possible that they come from the turn of the 14th–15th centuries. Based on the finds, the content of the cesspit most likely comes from the second half of 14th century. The rest of the archaeological finds from the latrine also fit into the proposed period. Fortunately it was possible to date the logs of the latrine using dendrochrono- logical method. The logs were cut down in 1335 (Bernotas 2008, in print). Summing up the information presented above we can date the contents of the latrine to the period between 1335 and the end of the 14th century. However, this does not show the time when the instrument was made but the time when it was deposited in the ground. To date the recorder itself, a radiocarbon dating (AMS) was conducted in the Dating Laboratory of the University of Helsinki in winter 2007. For that purpose a sample of wood was taken from the recorder, which was dated to 690±30 BP (Hela-1338). When calibrated with computer program OxCal v.3.10, two possible time intervals were achieved with 95.4% certainty (Fig. 5), first fitting to 1260– 1315, and second 1355–1390. It must be considered that the radiocarbon dating represents the age of the material that the instrument is made of. More precisely even, the time when the tree-rings of the wood sample were formed. If the recorder was made of the inner part of a tree, the result of radiocarbon dating can be tens of years older than the actual time of cutting down the tree. Additionally, it can be presumed that the instrument was made of carefully dried wood and it could have been in use for many years. Considering the above-mentioned aspects, it is quite plausible that the recorder was produced at the beginning of the 14th century. Thus the active use of the instrument falls into the first half of the 14th century. In the 14th century, Tartu was an important and wealthy Hanseatic city, the main income of which came from transit-commerce between western and northern European Hanseatic towns and Novgorod and Pskov in Russia. At that time the Old Livonian towns belonged explicitly to Northern German, i.e. Hanseatic cultural sphere. The latrine where the Tartu recorder was found was probably situated on the land of a wealthy German merchant. Both the central position of the plot of land in town (near the market square and next to the largest church in town)
146 Andres Tvauri and Taavi-Mats Utt
Hela-1338 : 690 ± 30 BP
Fig. 5. Date and calibration interval from the Tartu recorder (Athmospheric data from Reimer et al. 2004; OxCal v3.10 Bronk Ramsey 2005; cup r: 5 sd: 12 prob usp [chron]). Joon 5. Tartu plokkflöödi AMS-dateeringu kalibreering (aluseks Reimer jt 2004; OxCal v3.10 Bronk Ramsey 2005; cup r: 5 sd: 12 prob usp [chron]).
as well as fragments of imported glass-beakers and exotic archaeobotanic finds (grape seeds, shells of Persian walnuts, plum stones, peppercorns), which in this case can be described as luxury items, give evidence of the lavatory owner’s wealth.
Tartu recorder
The recorder is made of maple (Acer platanoides).1 There are ornamental rings at the mouthpiece end (Fig. 6). External outline of the recorder is nearly cylindrical, resembling a bone in shape. Directly after uncovering (being soaked in water) the total length of the recorder was 250 mm and the largest diameter was 30.7 mm on the mouthpiece end. Its bore has a diameter of 12 mm at the end of foot section.
1 Identified by dendrologist Regino Kask (Estonian University of Life Sciences). Medieval recorder from Tartu, Estonia 147
Fig. 6. The labium of Tartu recorder before conservation. Photo by Andres Tvauri. Joon 6. Tartu plokkflöödi laabium enne konserveerimist. Foto Andres Tvauri.
The bore seems to be near cylindrical, conic by the block and mildly descending at the other end of the instrument. Still there is no doubt that the violation of cylindrical form is deliberate and not the outcome of deformation. The bore is slightly bent, while the existence of dirt inside the instrument and the oval form of the bore make it hard to measure the exact dimensions. There was a crack at the end of the instrument already when found. Fortunately this does not go right through and will not affect the bore. The instrument was slightly bended, which is rather surprising in case of maple-wood. This was probably caused by extreme humidity and the pressure of the soil. On the surface of the recorder there are some notches inflicted in the course of excavations. Luckily they are in such places where they do not affect the musical qualities of the instrument. The recorder was conservated in the Department of Archaeology of the University of Tartu. In the process of boiling the instrument in paraffin its dimensions diminished to some extent. The windway and block of the instrument are well preserved and very precisely made especially when compared to not so accurately prepared labium. The latter has a bowed edge which withdraws in the centre. It seems, however, that the labium is not worn out in any way and we see the original shape. The block is made from a birch branch (Betula) and is 23 mm in height (Fig. 7). Amazing is the even concavity and high quality (of refinement) of the block’s windway which is characteristic also to instruments from later periods. The block has a conical shape with a diameter of 11.7–12.3 mm. The more surprising is a small hole drilled horizontally through the instrument and block (Fig. 8). An X-ray photo shows spots on the edges of that hole where the Roentgen rays have reflected
148 Andres Tvauri and Taavi-Mats Utt
Fig. 7. The block of Tartu recorder. Photo by Taavi-Mats Utt. Joon 7. Tartu plokkflöödi plokk. Foto Taavi-Mats Utt.
Fig. 8. A small hole in mouthpiece end of Tartu recorder drilled through the instrument and block. Photo by Taavi-Mats Utt. Joon 8. Pilli ja plokki läbiv ava Tartu plokkflöödi huulikupoolses osas. Foto Taavi-Mats Utt. Medieval recorder from Tartu, Estonia 149
back (oxide?). It can be assumed that the block was fixed with a metal pin, although there was no need for that because of the conicity of the block. As the block is made of birch which reacts to changing humidity and temperature more than cedar, which was used as block-material in later periods, the block could have been made with extra room for expanding. In that case it would have needed a metal rod for additional fixing. We must not exclude the possibility that the rod was meant for hanging the instrument, especially while taking in account its small parameters. The blowing end of the recorder is not beaked (as usual by modern recorders in order to ascertain the best position for blowing) but flat. Unlike all other surviving medieval recorders, the Tartu recorder has finger holes in one row and the lower, seventh hole is not doubled. This is not very surprising considering the small size of the instrument. Remarkable is the regular placing of the finger holes and similarity of diameters of the holes. All the holes are drilled in the direction of the labium. The finger holes are cylindrical and almost entirely not undercut. Compared with the modern classification of recorder sizes and pitches it is closest to a low sopranino at a1 = 440 Hz. Indeed, this is only contemporary classification which does not claim to be potential medieval standard. The lowest tone of the instrument is ca 30 cents lower than second octave F, and the seventh finger hole produces a half tone, unlike the later standards. The instrument has survived so well that it makes sound when blown. The range of the Tartu recorder is two octaves and a second. Unfortunately we cannot decide upon the original range of the instrument with certainty. It is possible that the shrinkage of wood in the process of conservation and the presence of some dirt (urinary calculus?) inside the bore have narrowed it, and paradoxically, the range could have even widened. Despite the fact that such theoretical possibility exists it is quite likely that we are dealing with the original range of the recorder. Considering that the range of most renaissance recorders was an octave and major sixth, such a wide range in such an old instrument is definitely surprising. Already external observation revealed a relatively large window compared to the small parameters of the instrument which also did not predict such a wide range. Hundreds of years in wet environment, deformation under the weight of the soil and later conservation have undoubtedly changed the dimensions of the instrument, among others placing labium and windway towards each other. Thus the current musical qualities of the Tartu recorder, sound, articulation and temperament do not correspond to the initial ones and describing them as they are now would only discredit the instrument. Additional information to the experts is the fact that there is no flat edge on the end of windway and it is very delicate, almost invisible on the block. All the materials used to produce the instrument were common in Estonia but considering the wide geographic scope of the cesspit-finds it is very likely that the recorder is not of local origin.
150 Andres Tvauri and Taavi-Mats Utt
Tartu recorder in the context of medieval recorders
The number of recorders from the 14th century and earlier period is not known exactly because in most cases only fragments of instruments have been found. In addition to labium, block and windway the classificatory features of recorder are holes for seven fingers and a thumbhole which serves as an octaving vent. Thus it is hard to distinguish recorder and whistler in case of incomplete exemplars. The latter was in extensive use as a folk instrument in different countries. The oldest almost completely preserved recorder is the “Dordrecht Recorder”. This was discovered in 1940 from the moat surrounding the ruins of the Huis te Merwede castle, about 3 km east of the town of Dordrecht, Holland. “Dordrecht Recorder” is dated to the 14th century (Weber 1976; Rowland-Jones 1996, 17) or even to the 13th century (Hakelberg 1995, 11). A second well-know medieval recorder dating from the 14th century is a more or less complete instrument found in a latrine in Göttingen, Germany, in 1987 (Hakelberg 1994; 1995; Reiners 1997). A fragment of a third 14th-century recorder has recently been found near Stuttgart, southern Germany. It was excavated from the sediment of the mill channel of the Carmelite’ Monastery in Esslingen. Although all the finger-holes have not been preserved it can be regarded as a recorder due to the very same characteristic turning profile as has the Göttingen recorder (Lander 2006). A recorder found during the excavations in Poland, Elbląg, is also worth mentioning (Popławska 2004) although any further investigations about the instrument have not yet been published. According to preliminary data the recorder probably dates from the 15th century. Unfortunately the list of reliably medieval recorders hereby ends. As none of the forementioned instruments makes sound, nor are they completely preserved it is impossible to overestimate the importance of the Tartu recorder.
How to act in case of finding medieval woodwind musical instrument?
Musical instruments constitute a very small part of archaeological finds but the more valuable is the information gained through them. Taking into account the experience received with finding, conservation and documentation of the Tartu recorder, we would like to give some suggestions of how to act in case an instrument is found. In case of woodwind instruments the level of accuracy necessary in measuring the instruments is far greater than usually presumed. For instance, in case of recorder, the minimal level of precision would be 0.1 mm. Concerning acoustics, bore and labium, block and windway are remarkably interesting in addition to the placing of finger-holes. As it is usually beyond the capacities and competence of archaeologists (and unskilled measuring can cause damages), a specialist should be contacted immediately. Medieval recorder from Tartu, Estonia 151
Measuring of the instrument should be done already before the conservation of the find. Till then it is appropriate to place the instrument hermetically into a plastic bag with some soil that surrounded it. If the measuring cannot be done immediately the artefact should be deep frozen to avoid deformation. While documenting, scanning the object is preferred to traditional photo- graphing. Advantages are lack of aberrations and noticeably better quality of the image. In case only camera can be used in addition to ruler placed next to the instrument while photographing, distance between the object and camera should be clarified. This would simplify to find photographic aberrations later. Such a precision may seem exaggerated but measuring the wet instrument (and doing necessary recalculations) would give a result quite close to the original. This again would enable to make an exact copy of the recorder and thus reconstruct the medieval musical scale.
Conclusions
The Tartu recorder, which was found in 2005 from a latrine, and can be dated to the 14th century, is an extremely rare finding and as yet it is the best-preserved medieval recorder ever found. The instrument widens the geography of recorder use in Europe significantly and shifts forward in time the implementation of several instrument-making methods. But namely due the rareness of the find we must be very careful in making generalizations regarding recorders of that period. There is no doubt that the instrument raises many questions for both theoreticians and practicians and at least some of them will get answers with the help of feasibly precise reconstructions and their use in practice.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank archaeologists Arvi Haak and Erki Russow, dendro- logists Alar Läänelaid and Regino Kask, and Kärt Metsoja, who all contributed to the preparation of the article.
References
Baumgartner, E. & Krueger, I. 1988. Phönix aus Sand und Asche. Glas des Mittelalters. Klinkhardt & Biermann, München. Bernotas, R. 2008. Dendrochronological dating of medieval latrines from Tartu. – EJA. In print. Bronk Ramsey, C. 2005. OxCal (computer program). Version 3.10. www.rlaha.ox.ac.uk/oxcal/oxcal.htm Haggrén, G. 2003. Sirpaleita Hansan kultuuripiiristä. Keskiaikaiset lasiastialöydöt. – Kaupunkia pintaa syvemmältä. Arkeologisia näkokulmia Turun historiaan. Ed. L. Seppänen. (Archaeologia Medii Aevi Finlandiae, IX.) Turku, 231–240. Haggrén, G. 2005. Lasiastiat keskiajan ja renessanssin Suomessa. – SKAS, 4, 41–53.
152 Andres Tvauri and Taavi-Mats Utt
Hakelberg, D. 1994. Eine mittelalterliche Blockflöte aus Göttingen. Mit eine einleitenden Beitrag von Betty Arndt. (Göttinger Jahrbuch, hrsg. vom Geschichtsverein für Göttingen und Umgebung e.V., Bd. 42, 95–102.) Hakelberg, D. 1995. Some recent archaeo-organological finds in Germany. – Galpin Society Journal, 48, 3–12. Lander, N. S. 2006. A memento: the medieval recorder. http://www.recorderhomepage.net/medieval.html (22.03.2006). Popławska, D. 2004. Flet prosty i fujarka: nowe odkrycia arheomuzykologii Elblaga. – Archeologia et Historia Urbana. Eds R. Czaja, G. Nawrolska, M. Rębkowski & J. Tandecki. Elbląg, 483–488. Reimer, P. J., Baillie, M. G. L., Bard, E., Bayliss, A. & Beck, J. W. 2004. IntCal04 terrestrial radiocarbon age calibration, 0–26 cal kyr BP. – Radiocarbon, 46: 3, 1029–1058. Reiners, H. 1997. Reflections on a reconstruction of the 14th century Göttingen recorder. – The Galpin Society Journal, 50, 31–42. Rowland-Jones, A. 1996. La flauta de pico en el arte catalán. 1a Parte. Alrededor de 1400: la invención de la flauta de pico. – Revista de Flauta de Pico, 6, 15–20. Russow, E. 2006. Importkeraamika Lääne-Eesti linnades 13.–17. sajandil. Tallinn. Scheidemantel, D. 2005. Waldenburger Steinzeug des Spätmittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit. Forschungen zur Typologie, Chronologie und Technologie. – Waldenburger Steinzeug. Archäologie und Naturwissenschaften. Eds D. Scheidemantel & T. Schifer. (Veröffentlichungen des Landesamtes für Archäologie mit Landesmuseum für Vorgeschichte, 44.) Dresden, 8–286. Stephan, H.-G. 1981. Coppengrave. Studien zur Töpferei des 13.–19. Jahrhunderts in Nordwest- deutschland. (Materialhefte zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte Niedersachsens, 17.) Hildesheim. Tvauri, A. 2000. Loode-Vene päritolu slaavi keraamika Eestis 11.–16. sajandil. – EAA, 4: 2, 91–119. Tvauri, A. 2007. Aruanne arheoloogilistest päästekaevamistest Tartus Ülikooli 15 hoovis 2007. aastal. Manuscript in National Heritage Board. Tvauri, A. & Bernotas, R. 2005. Aruanne arheoloogilistest proovikaevamistest Tartus Ülikooli 15 hoovis 2005. aastal. Manuscript in National Heritage Board. Tvauri, A. & Bernotas, R. 2006. Archaeological investigations carried out by the University of Tartu in 2005. – AVE, 2005, 101–110. Weber, R. 1976. Recorder finds from the Middle Ages, and results of their reconstruction. – Galpin Society Journal, 24, 35–41.
Кильдюшевский В. И. 2002. Керамика Пскова XII–XVII вв. – Ладога и ее соседи в эпоху средневековья. Ed. E. N. Nosov. Российская академия наук, Институт истории материальной культуры. Санкт-Петербург, 5–33. Колчин Б. А. 1982. Хронология Новгородских древностей. – Новгородский сборник. 50 лет раскопок Новгорода. Eds B. A. Kolchin & V. L. Yanin. Наука, Москва, 156–177.
Andres Tvauri ja Taavi-Mats Utt
KESKAEGNE PLOKKFLÖÖT TARTUST
Resümee
Tartus leiti 2005. aastal Ülikooli 15 hoovist arheoloogiliste kaevamiste käigus keskaegsest lampkastist muude leidude hulgas ka terviklikult säilinud puidust plokkflööt (joon 1). Pilli leiukohaks oli 1,8-meetrise küljepikkusega ja keskmiselt 10 cm paksustest koorimata männipalkidest ristpalktehnikas valmistatud kast Medieval recorder from Tartu, Estonia 153
(joon 3), mis oli säilinud 1,9 m (15 palgikihi) kõrgusena. Kasti täitis väljaheidetest ja keskaegsest rämpsust moodustunud tihke orgaaniline mass. Flöödi dateerimiseks annavad pidepunkti sellega samast kihist saadud muud leiud (näiteks joon 4), mis pärinevad 14.–15. sajandist, ent 15. sajandi dateeringuga esemete puhul on võimalik ka nende päritolu 14. sajandi lõpust. Seega pärineb uuritud lampkasti sisu kõige tõenäolisemalt 14. sajandi teisest poolest. Kasti pal- kide dendrokronoloogilisel dateerimisel saadi tulemuseks, et need on langetatud 1335. aastal. Plokkflöödist võetud puiduproovi radioaktiivse süsiniku meetodil dateerimine andis pilli materjali vanuseks 690±30 radiosüsinikuaastat (Hela-1338). Tulemust kalibreerides saadi kaks võimalikku dateeringut kalendriaastates – 1260– 1315 ja 1355–1390 (joon 5). Pill on treitud ühes tükis harilikust vahtrast. Huulikupoolses osas asub treitud ringornament (joon 6). Tegemist on peaaegu silindrilise plokkflöödiga, mis oma väliskujult meenutab pisut konti. Pill on ligikaudu 250 mm pikk ja suurim läbi- mõõt on huulikupoolses otsas 30,7 mm. Tuulekanali läbimõõt alumisest otsast mõõdetuna on 12 mm. Pilli õõs on peaaegu silindriline, ploki juures kooniline ja pilli teises otsas kergelt kahanev. Instrumendi tuulekanal on väga hästi säilinud ja ka tehtud, eriti võrreldes pisut hooletumalt valmistatud laabiumiga, mida ise- loomustab kaarjas keskelt kaugenev serv. Tundub siiski, et ka laabiumi kulumine on minimaalne ja tegu on originaalkujuga. Plokk on valmistatud kaseoksast ja on 23 mm pikk (joon 7). Selle puhul hämmastab hilisematest pillidest tuttav ploki tuulekanali ühtlane nõgusus ja kõrge viimistlustase. Plokk on küllalt kooniline: selle läbimõõt on 11,7–12,3 mm. Seda üllatavam on põigiti huulikut ja plokki läbiv ava (joon 8). Pillist tehtud röntgenifotol on ava servades näha laigud, kust röntgenikiired on tagasi peegeldunud (metallioksiid?). See võimaldab oletada, et pilli ja plokki läbis algselt metallist tihvt. Silindrilise ploki puhul oleks sellel olnud plokki fikseeriv ülesanne, mille järele tundub antud juhul otsene vajadus puuduvat. Siiski on võimalik, et kuna plokk on kasest ja selle puidu reageerimine muutu- vale niiskusele ning temperatuurile on suurem kui hiljem levinud plokimaterjalil seedripuul, võis plokk olla tehtud teadlikult paisumisvaruga, nõudes siiski täien- davat kinnitamist tihvtiga. Pilli mõõtmeid arvestades ei saa välistada, et tihvtil oli kinnituskoht plokkflöödi kaela või vööle riputamiseks. Plokkflöötidel on enamasti mugavama puhumisasendi saamiseks huulikupoolses otsas iseloomulik lõige, mis algab tavaliselt tagaküljelt ja jõuab välja peaaegu tuulekanali alguseni, Tartu pillil see puudub. Erinevalt kõikidest teistest säilinud keskaegsetest plokkflöötidest aset- sevad sõrmeavad ühel joonel ja viimane, seitsmes ava, ei ole dubleeritud. Tähele- panuväärne on sõrmeavade paigutuse regulaarsus ja nende diameetrite sarnasus. Kõik sõrmeavad on puuritud nurga all suunaga laabiumi poole. Samas on kõik avad peaaegu silindrilised ja neid ei ole alt laiendatud. Oma suuruselt võib Tartu plokkflööti võrrelda kaasaegse häälestuse a1 = 440 Hz suhtes madala F-sopraninoga. Puhudes teeb pill häält. Pilli alumine noot on 2. oktavi f-noodist ligikaudu 30 senti madalam ja seitsmes sõrmeava annab eri- nevalt hilisematest standarditest pooltooni. Tartu plokkflöödi ulatuseks on kaks oktavit ja sekund. Kahjuks ei saa täie veendumusega otsustada pilli algse ulatuse
154 Andres Tvauri and Taavi-Mats Utt
üle. Võimalik, et plokkflöödi konserveerimisest tulenev puidu mõõtmete muutu- mine ja mõningane mustus on teinud mensuuri kitsamaks ning seega võis ulatus isegi suureneda. Hoolimata sellisest teoreetilisest võimalusest on siiski tõenäoline, et tegemist on plokkflöödi originaalulatusega. Arvestades seda, et ka enamiku renessanssplokkflöötide ulatuseks oli oktav ja suur sekst, on nii varase perioodi pilli nii suur ulatus üllatav. Juba instrumendi välisel vaatlusel näeme selle pilli mõõtude kohta küllalt suurt akent, mis samuti ei lubaks nõnda suurt ulatust prognoosida. Aastasadadepikkune seismine märjas keskkonnas, deformeerumine pinnase ras- kuse mõjul ja hilisem konserveerimine on kahtlemata muutnud pilli mõõtmeid, sealhulgas ka laabiumi ning tuulekanali omavahelist asetust. Seepärast ei vasta Tartu plokkflöödi tänased muusikalised kvaliteedid, nagu tämber, artikulatsioon ja temperatsioon, algsetele omadustele. Erialaspetsialistidele annab lisaks eel- kirjeldatud detailidele lisainfot ka fakt, et tuulekanali lõpus ei ole faasi ja plokil on see väga delikaatne, et mitte öelda vaevumärgatav. Kõik pilli tegemiseks kasutatud materjalid olid tavalised ka Eestis, kuid lamp- kasti leidude laia geograafilist haaret arvestades on siiski tõenäoline, et pill ei ole kohaliku päritoluga. 14. sajandist või varasemast ajast säilinud plokkflöötide arv ei ole täpselt teada, kuna põhiliselt on leitud vaid pillide fragmente. Plokkflöödi tunnuseks on lisaks laabiumile, plokile ja tuulekanalile ka seitse sõrmeava ning pilli vastasküljel paiknev pöidlaava. Seepärast on mittetäielike leidude puhul raskusi plokkflöödi ja vilepilli eristamisega. Viimased olid rahvapillidena eri maades laialdaselt kasu- tusel. Vanimaks peaaegu tervikuna säilinud plokkflöödiks on Hollandist leitud nn Dordrechti flööt, mis on dateeritud 14. või isegi 13. sajandiga. Teiseks tuntumaks keskaegseks plokkflöödiks on Saksamaalt Göttingenist leitud pill, mis pärineb 14. sajandist. Katke 14. sajandi plokkflöödist on leitud ka Saksamaalt Esslingeni karmeliitide kloostri veskikraavi põhjast. Mainida võib ka Poolast Elblagist leitud oletatavasti 15. sajandist pärinevat plokkflööti. Kuna ükski eelpool loetletud pillidest häält ei tee ega ole ka tervikuna säili- nud, siis on Tartu pilli kohta keskaegsete plokkflöötide seas raske üle hinnata. Tartu plokkflöödi näol on tegemist üliharuldase leiuga, mis on seni teadaolevalt kõige paremini säilinud keskaegne plokkflööt. See pill laiendab oluliselt plokk- flöödi kasutusgeograafiat keskaegses Euroopas ja nihutab varasemaks mitmete pilliehituslike võtete kasutuselevõttu.
REVIEWS
Estonian Journal of Archaeology, 2007, 11, 1, 155–157
ASPECTS ON THE FENNOMAN PARADIGM IN FINNISH ARCHAEOLOGY
Eva Ahl
Department of History, University of Helsinki, Vironkatu 8 B 34, 00170 Helsinki, Finland; [email protected]
Derek Fewster. Visions of Past Glory. Nationalism and the Construction of Early Finnish History. (Studia Fennica Historica, 11.) Helsinki, 2006. 555 pp. ISBN 951-746-787-7
It is a known fact that the science of archaeology was born in the 19th century. Bruce G. Trigger’s opus on the worldwide history of archaeology is nowadays part of every curriculum in the subject’s studies. Yet there is still a lot to add to the discussion on the role of history and archaeology in building an image of the past. In many countries it seems to be closely linked with the process of “nation building” in the 19th century. It has been stated that the boundaries between the disciplines (the study of ethnology, literature, archaeology, history, etc.) in the 19th century were not as harsh as today. At present there is a great trend in research on nationalism and its various roles, forms and functions in recent centuries. The “rearrangement” of the late 20th and early 21st century Europe and its countries has inspired many studies on questions concerning the influence of images of the past in science, popular culture, as well as on politics. The rise of a vivid interest in a medieval past has also launched issues on the continuity or discontinuity of trends and traditions. In Finland both archaeologists and historians have taken an interest in the question of nationalism and the birth of cultural studies. In recent years Timo Salminen has discussed the 19th and early 20th century Finnish archaeologists’ work and interest in the Finno-Ugric peoples in Russia as a part of Finnish past (2003). Derek Fewster’s doctoral thesis Visions of Past Glory is arguing for the role of nationalist views of historians and archaeologists as image-makers in the creation of the Finnish nation. The study at hand belongs to the history of ideas with an emphasis on three phases in the history of historical and archaeological research: “romantic national antiquarianism”, “high national medievalism” and “militant medievalism”, stretching chronologically from the mid-nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century. In Fewster’s vast study he theoretically relies on ideas launched by authorities in the field like e.g. Eric Hobsbawm, Anthony D. Smith and Benedict Anderson. Smith has argued that if a national identity is to be built, the use of myths of ethnic decent, both genealogical and ideological, is needed. Hobsbawm has launched ideas on “invented traditions” as important pieces in constructing a national identity. Similar work that has inspired Fewster is also found in 156 Eva Ahl
Swedish research, e.g. recent works by Bodil Pettersson (2003) and Ulf Zander (2001). Fewster’s study is part of a larger trend in present research: a popular book on the subject of the questions on creating images of ethnical descent in Sweden in the 19th century (the so-called “Göthicism” and the following movements) has been presented by Maja Hagerman (2006). Very rarely nowadays scholars tend to display their “building site” of the study, but Fewster is making a courageous stand in the debate: in four “theses” Fewster draws the aim of his study. First he claims that previous research has somewhat neglected the importance of prehistoric and medieval interpretations of Finnish history in the creation of national, Finnish consciousness. Secondly he argues that several theories based on ethnical and archaeological material have been used to benefit in contemporary political discourse. The third “thesis” concerns the fact that the popularization of the Finnish Antiquity was a part of the nationalist movement in constructing a “great myth of ethnic decent” (compare with Smith’s term). In the fourth “thesis” Fewster claims that archaeological images were used in popular images and thus utilized to serve a cultural, political and ethnical aim. This is also displayed in the debate between the Finnish (Fennoman) and Swedish-minded (Swecoman) in the mid-nineteenth century. Along with using the debate of scholars, Fewster also uses educational images (e.g. primary school books, wall pictures and calendars of enlightenment), aesthetic images (e.g. drama, literature), apparent political images (satirical pictures) and commercial images (price catalogues for educational aids) as his vast collection of sources, thus making a thesis on how prehistory and early medieval history were put to national use or invented to benefit the “imagined community” of the idea of the Finnish nation in the 19th and 20th centuries. The material is thoroughly presented in six appendixes for further study in the future, at the end of the book. From an introduction of the history of the concept “Early Finland” Fewster moves on into the debate on the First Crusade in the mid-nineteenth century. An interest in Finnish folk poetry was introduced by Professor Henrik Gabriel Porthan in the late 18th, early 19th century, and he was the first to “divide” the area into two “nations” consisting of coastal inhabitants and the people living inland. This division remained in the views of the 19th century scholars and perhaps we can see the remains of these views still today. According to Fewster, the nationalist images thus developed into concepts of “three nations”: semi-foreign Swedes, semi-decadent lowland dwellers and near- original highlanders. As an example of the debate Fewster takes the case of the so called Finnish “scull-cap” (patalakki) and the hunter holding his cross-bow. Painters and travellers like Pehr Hilleström and Giuseppe Acerbi chose to depict Finnish life as ancient and created artistic images that started to have a “life of their own” copied by several artists and recorders of ethnology, later even used in the semi-militaristic scout-movement and in politic propaganda. Illustrating the past became relevant with the popularity of the heroic romanticism introduced in the Kalevala, the epic songs published by Elias Lönnrot (in 1835, second edition in 1849). The songs and their historical role provided motifs both in visual art, drama and literature. In the 1850s the national ideology shifted into radical ethnic nationalism producing more and more images of ancient Finnish “greatness”. Due to the jubilee of the commemoration of the so-called First Crusade to Finland (ca 1155/1157), as well as the commemoration of the baptism of the Finns in 1857 the images gained publicity and popularity. The jubilee enhanced the need to defend ancient “Finnishness” (the term originating from this debate) by Professor J. V. Snellman, taken up by Yrjö Koskinen (orig. G. Z. Forsman). Inspired by J. G. von Herder, Professor Z. Topelius introduced his ideas on a specific Finnish “national character” and its importance in national history: the Finns became one of the chosen peoples with a mission. The Topelian medievalizations came to be as long-lived as Snellman’s images on a glorious past. Similar ideas were of course common in the 19th century Europe. Alongside the development of historical images of the past, the antiquarian research underwent a period of professionalization ca 1850–1890. As Salminen (2003) has argued earlier, Fewster underlines that the Finnish past was considered as “eastern” and thus research was concentrated on hunting for the origins of the Finnish “tribe”. Archaeological finds were to be collected and activities Aspect on the Fennoman Paradigm in Finnish Archaeology 157
in forming a national museum began: a search for the “people” – thus defined. In the heyday of Karelianism these collections and activities around them led to the “invention” of a national heritage. Via education the ideas were spread to the public: “The ideology of nationalism was slowly ‘uniting’ the Finns, seeping down the social ladder, through the work of the Student Nations of the university, the teacher training facilities, newspapers, journals, societies, and associations”, Fewster points out (p. 163). Presenting the high national medievalism (the politicized view on Finnish antiquity in ca 1890– 1918) Fewster takes up other examples on “invented traditions” such as the “discovery” of “ancient costumes” thus “dressing up the Finn”, resulting in e.g. the “Aino-costume” and other popular reconstructions based on the archaeological grave finds from Tuukkala in Häme. Louis Sparre’s pictures of “ancient Finns” based on these reconstructions were manifested and spread in the Kaleva-revival at the turn of the century, in visual arts (e.g. widely known Akseli Gallen- Kallela’s frescoes), in wall charts for public schools, in calendars and price lists for material for schools and so on. In satirical, political images the “Finnish Maiden” was dressed in the “ancient” Aino-costume. Alongside with the “patalakki” and the cross-bow also the “invented tradition” of the Aino-costume had a “typology” of its own, which could seemingly be followed for about 150 years, resulting in popular reconstructions of finds in jewellery launched by the Kalevala Koru in the inter-war period. The images had been commonly accepted in the process of forming a national identity. From the Civil War (1918) to the outbreak of the Second World War, the “invented” past of “Finnish greatness” became militarized. In the independence in 1917 the “myth of regeneration” came true – a teleological view on how a return to a Finnish “tribal” past finally became realized. During the inter-war period right-winged popular fiction on medieval themes, inspired by antiquarian research and interpretations, flourished. Fewster describes how the medieval period was militarized and masculinized during these decades. The examples of the use of the “national” images in the scout-movement, the suojeluskunta-movement (the whites) and in the political movement Akateeminen Karjala-Seura’s anti-Russian agenda and racial issues, as well as in Aarne Karimo’s vastly popular book on early Finnish history, Kumpujen yöstä, published in 1929–1932. The title (and expression) derived from a Karelian poem: “Ja urhoot astuvat kumpuin yöstä / Ja kertovat muinaiskansan työstä, / Ja neuvovat polvea nousevaa – / Oi Karjala muistojen maa!” by ”Arvi Jännes” (senator Arvid Genetz) in 1889 (p. 346f). Yet there remains much to study. The view on gender in these “national images” could have been another interesting viewpoint to study, but this may have exceeded the limits of the already vast study at hand. The ethnical nationalism of the Swecomans has not been much examined in Fewster’s present study. The heroic romanticism of the “Viking” theme as images used in nation building in Scandinavia was based on the uniqueness of these societies in the north, the ancient greatness of the true “Germanic” forefathers of contemporary Swedes (the term “Viking Age” invented by Oscar Montelius, see e.g. Hagerman 2006, 275f). Thus the invented “Viking” tradition flourishing in the 19th and 20th centuries among the Swedish speaking people in Finland is yet to be discussed in comparison to the Fennoman paradigm. We will probably hear more on this theme from Fewster in the future.
References
Hagerman, M. 2006. Det rena landet. Om konsten att uppfinna sina förfäder. Prisma, Stockholm. Pettersson, B. 2003. Föreställningar om det förflutna. Arkeologi och rekonstruktion. Nordic Academic Press, Lund. Salminen, T. 2003. Suomen tieteelliset voittomaat. (SMYA, 110.) Zander, U. 2001. Fornstora dagar, moderna tider. Bruk av och debater om svensk historia från sekelskifte till sekelskifte. Nordic Academic Press, Lund.
Estonian Journal of Archaeology, 2007, 11, 2, 158–160
PÕHJALIK UURIMUS LÄÄNE-EESTI LINNADE IMPORTKERAAMIKAST
Jaan Tamm
Eesti Entsüklopeediakirjastuse AS, Narva mnt 4, 10117 Tallinn, Eesti; [email protected]
Erki Russow. Importkeraamika Lääne-Eesti linnades 13.–17. sajandil. Tallinn, 2006. 292 lk.
Eestis ja ka teistes Euroopa linnades läbiviidavate arheoloogiliste kaevamiste kõige suurema leiurühma moodustab vaieldamatult keraamika, mille hulgas esindab üsnagi suur osa sissetoodut ehk importkeraamikat. Sama tendentsi võib täheldada ka teiste keskaegsete ja varauusaegsete kes- kuste (linnused ja kloostrid) osas. Kõnealuse keraamika teaduslik uurimine on Eesti arheoloogide ja tarbekunsti-ajaloolaste hulgas olnud senini võrdlemisi tagasihoidlik. Põhjuseks on seesuguse materjali tohutu hulk ja paiknemine Eesti erinevate linna- ning maakonnamuuseumide ja teiste uurimisasutuste fondides. Kuigi esimene Vana-Liivimaalt (sealhulgas ka Eestist) leitud keraamika ülevaade ilmus saksa uurija Konrad Straussi sulest juba 1969. aastal (Strauss 1969), tugines see suures osas siiski kuni 1940. aastani siinsetesse muuseumidesse talletatud materjalile. Iseseisvaid kaevamisi viis ta 1942. aastal läbi vaid Narvas. Hilisemate Eesti keskaegsete keskuste vastava massilise leiuainesega tutvumiseks puudus tal aga nõukogude võimu perioodil igasugune võimalus. Kuigi sellest on koos- tatud üksikuid lokaalseid ülevaateartikleid või alapeatükke suuremates kaevamisülevaadetes (Aus 1992; Tamm 1978; 1990; 2002; Trummal 1964; 1970; Tvauri 2000a; 2000b; 2004; 2005) ja kirju- tatud mõned ülikooli lõputöödki, ei ole eraldi süvauuringuid ajaloolise aja keraamika kohta Eestis senini läbi viidud. Seda lünka on asunudki täitma Erki Russow oma monograafilise trükisena vormistatud doktori- tööga. Töö pikkuseks on 232 lehekülge, sisaldades ka 94 joonistena või fotodena lisatud illustrat- siooni. Seda täiendavad 20 lehekülje pikkune ingliskeelne kokkuvõte ja kolm tabelite ning tahvli- tena vormistatud lisa. Russowi uurimus on suures plaanis liigendatud kaheks. Sellest esimene osa tutvustab käsi- raamatuvormis kesk- ja varauusajal Lääne-Eestis kasutatud importkeraamika päritolu piirkondi ning pottsepakeskusi koos sealsete toodete täpsema tehnoloogilise ja tüpoloogilise kirjeldusega. Seejuures on aluseks võetud geograafiline, mitte tehnoloogiline printsiip. Töö muudab eriti tugevaks ja algupäraseks tuginemine aastatel 1996–2005 Russowi poolt sooritatud uurimisreisidel pottsepa- piirkondades (Saksimaal, Alam-Saksis, Skandinaavias jm) kogutud andmetele, mis sisaldavad ka mitmete kesk- ja varauusaegsete keraamika võrdluskogude (Lübeck, Göttingen, Ribe jt) originaal- materjali.
Põhjalik uurimus Lääne-Eesti linnade importkeraamikast 159
Töö teise ja Eesti vastava uurimisvaldkonna seisukohalt üliolulise osa moodustab aga Lääne- Eesti linnaliste keskuste nn keraamiliste profiilide tutvustus. Siin on autor iga käsitletava keskuse keraamika vaatlemisel aluseks võtnud kronoloogilise printsiibi, alustades kirjeldamist 13. sajandist ja lõpetades 17. sajandiga. Tulenevalt linnade leiuainesest on daatumid kokkuleppelised, kuna sule- tud leiukomplekside ja dendrokronoloogia, müntide või ajalooliste daatumitega täpselt dateeritud kontekstide puudumisel on esitatud dateeringud “sekundaarsed”. Selle osa juurde kuulub ka Lääne- Eesti linnade importkeraamika üldistamine, mille eesmärgiks on Russow seadnud linnadest leitud keraamikaprofiilide erinevuste tagamaade selgitamise. Seesuguse lähenemise eeliseks on lugejale pakutav valikuvõimalus monograafiast info hankimisel: kas eseme vanuse ja päritolu määramine, linna keraamikaleidude kirjeldus või keraamikaimpordi aspektid. Samas on töö ka ülimalt ülevaatlik selleski osas, mis käsitleb kaupmeeste, käsitööliste, vaimulike, sõdalaste ja paljude teiste ühis- konnakihtide poolt kasutatud keraamika valikut Hansa Liidu “sisemerel”, milleks Läänemeri vaiel- damatult vaadeldavatel sajanditel oli. Tulenevalt keraamika klassifitseerimisel tekkivatest vasturääkivustest on autor valinud aluseks Lääne-Euroopas kasutatavad rühmitamise meetodid, mis tuginevad nii tehnoloogiliste kui ka tüpo- loogiliste iseärasuste eristamisele. Peamisteks liigitamise tunnusteks on võetud katkete murde- ja pealispinnastruktuuri ülesehitus ning värvus ja tugevus, samas on need arusaamatuste vältimiseks jagatud mitme astme vahel. Keraamikarühmade nimetuste ja muude terminite puhul on rakendatud rahvusvaheliselt üldtunnustatud mõisteid ning rühmade nimetamisel asub esikohal pottsepakeskuse nimi. Töö põhiväärtuseks tuleb kahtlemata pidada ülevaadet Lääne-Euroopa pottsepapiirkondadest, millest senistele erialakirjanduses tuntud Reini-Maasi ja Werra-Weseri jõgikondadele, Põhja- Saksamaa ning Lõuna-Skandinaavia piirkondadele lisanduvad Kesk-Euroopa (Saksi- ja Böömimaa), Madalmaade, Vahemere ja Prantsusmaa regioon. Kuigi Eesti keskaegset materjali käsitlevas eriala- kirjanduses on varemgi uuritud Venemaalt lähtunud mõjutusi või lausa vaadeldud sealt imporditud keraamikat (nt Andres Tvauri vastavasisulised uuringud), on Russowi ekskurss sellesse valdkonda – tulenevalt materjali nappusest uurimisaluses piirkonnas (Lääne-Eesti linnad) – põgus. Vene mõjud on seni leidnud tõestamist vaid Liivi sõja aegses venelaste administratiivkeskuses Pärnus. Töö seisukohalt mõneti kunstlikuks, kuid Eesti ajalooteaduse laiemas kontekstis siiski ülivaja- likuks osutub ka Kaarma pastoraadi ekskurss (lk 195–198), millega nii ajaliselt kui geograafiliselt positsioneeritakse väga täpselt sealne 1993. aastal Tõnu Sepa juhitud kaevamistelt saadud keraamika. Sellised määrangud aitavad igati kaasa arheoloogilistel kaevamistel saadud leiuainese (Sepp 1995) väärtõlgenduste – tulemusi liialt meelevaldselt interpreteerivate kunstiajaloolaste või teiste teadlaste omade (nt Markus jt 2003) – korrigeerimisele. Monograafia lõpupeatükk (sisuliselt III osa) “Keraamikakaubandus ning keraamika tarvitamise eripärad ajas ja ruumis” annab varasemate osade materjalile tuginedes ülevaate keraamikakaubanduse ajenditest ja viisidest ning muutustest importnõude kasutamistraditsioonis, millega ühtlasi tõmma- takse sujuvalt kokku eestimaalaste poolt aastasadu kasutatud ja hansaareaali lahutamatuks tunnu- seks olnud importkeraamika probleemistik. Russowi monograafia on suurepärane ja äärmiselt vajalik töö Eesti keskaegse materiaalse kul- tuuri ühe kitsama, kuid samas arheoloogilistel kaevamistel kõige massilisemalt esineva valdkonna – keraamikatoodangu – kohta. Samas tõestab Russowi poolt läbi viidud Lääne-Eesti linnaliste keskuste tarbeesemete uurimine, et “meil ei ole võimalik kõneleda ühesugusest arengumudelist. Kindlasti on kõigil siinsetel asulatel põhilised hansakultuuri areaalile omased tunnused, kuid sõltuvalt majandus- likust, poliitilisest ja geograafilisest asendist erines iga konkreetse keskuse pale. Loodetavasti õnnestub meil tulevikus nii kirjalike, ehituslike kui ka arheoloogiliste allikate ühendamisel mine- viku Lääne-Eesti linnakodaniku argipäevaiseärasusi varasemast paremini rekonstrueerida” (lk 210).
160 Jaan Tamm
Kirjandus
Aus, T. 1992. Tallinna keskaegsed savinõud. Uurimus savinõude süstematiseerimisest Harju tänava äärest saadud nõuleidude põhjal. – Stilus, 3, 5–46. Markus, K. jt. 2003. Kaarma kirik. Tallinn, 20–28. Sepp, T. 1995. Investigations at Kaarma parsonage. – TATÜ, 44: 4, 459–466. Strauss, K. 1969. Die Geschichte der Töpferzunft vom Mittelalter bis zur Neuzeit und die Kunst- töpfereien in Alt-Livland. Basel. Tamm, J. 1978. Tallinna vanemast keraamikast. – Ehitus ja Arhitektuur, 2, 41–48. Tamm, J. 1990. Ühest kunstipärase keraamika liigist Tallinna arheoloogilises leiuaineses. – Kunstist Eestis läbi aegade. Uurimusi ja artikleid. Toim T. Viirand. Kunst, Tallinn, 212–225. Tamm, J. 2002. Eesti keskaegsed kloostrid. Eesti Entsüklopeediakirjastuse AS, Tallinn, 80–89. Trummal, V. 1964. Arheoloogilised kaevamised Tartu linnusel. Eesti NSV ajaloo küsimusi, III. (Tartu Riikliku Ülikooli Toimetised, 161.) Tartu Riikliku Ülikooli Kirjastus, Tartu, 36–54. Trummal, V. 1970. Arheoloogilised kaevamised Tartu vanalinna territooriumil. – Eesti NSV ajaloo küsimusi, VI. (Tartu Riikliku Ülikooli Toimetised, 258.) Tartu Riikliku Ülikooli Kirjastus, Tartu, 15–22. Tvauri, A. 2000a. Pihkva pottsepad Viljandis ja Tartus 13. sajandil. – EAA, 4: 1, 21–30. Tvauri, A. 2000b. Loode-Vene päritolu slaavi keraamika Eestis 11.–16. sajandil. – EAA, 4: 2, 91–119. Tvauri, A. 2004. Liivi sõja aegne Vene keraamika Eesti linnustes ja linnades. Linnusest ja linnast. Uurimusi Vilma Trummali auks. (MT, 14.) Tartu, 395–419. Tvauri, A. 2005. Eesti hilisrauaaegsed savinõud (11. sajandist 13. sajandi keskpaigani). (MT, 16.) Tartu.