The Welfare State As a Failed Experiment

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Welfare State As a Failed Experiment FORUM: THE VALUE OF THE WELFARE STATE The Welfare State as a Failed Experiment John Pugsley model has evolved, the state has been to make their own economic and social drafted by the voting public to be re- choices and are responsible to provide sponsible for a third aspect of the lives for themselves through good times and INCE THE DAWN OF RECORDED HIS- of its citizens, defined vaguely as the bad? Or a welfare state, in which the tory, mankind has searched for requirement to provide government influences S a system of social organisation for the “general welfare” the private choices of which promotes the highest of individuals. Under this As more public individuals through a degree of economic prosperity, umbrella falls a vast and money is spent on system of taxation, sub- opportunity and progress for all individ- ever-growing list of ser- education, the sidy and legal restric- uals in society. One of the most impor- vices, such as the guaran- tions, and simultane- tant long-term objectives of all intelli- tee of retirement and dis- schools turn out ously guarantees all a gent, well-meaning individuals has been ability security, basic worse students.As minimum standard of to discover and create such a system. health care, the insur- living? Indeed, recorded history shows that ance of safe working con- more public money Clearly, most people humans have been continuously exper- ditions, adequate hous- is spent on support believe that the welfare imenting with social organisations in ing and food, safe food, state is the best method search of this goal—starting with tribal drugs, air and water, for single mothers, of promoting overall hierarchies, then feudal systems, wildlife preservation, and more families prosperity and progress. monarchies, dictatorships and, eventu- so on. Evidence of its domi- ally, democracies. Democracy appears Underlying this “wel- break up. nance is ubiquitous. Sim- to stand at the higher-end of this Dar- fare state” is the view ply look at the growth winian process of political evolution. that all individuals in a society are enti- in the level of government spending on Having survived the tribal, feudal and tled to share, to some extent, in the pros- social programmes in the world’s monarchical forms of government, the perity enjoyed by the middle and upper democracies. As my counterpart in this major nations of the world have arrived classes. This belief, in turn, rests on the debate has pointed out, government out- at various forms of democratic govern- premise that many of those at the lower lays for OECD countries in 1997 are ment. end of the economic spectrum are vic- between 40% and 50% of national The theory of democratic government tims of bad luck, while many of those at income, having risen on average some rests on the premise that certain ser- the upper end owe their prosperity to a 15 percentage points in the past three vices cannot adequately be provided by more fortunate toss of life’s dice. This decades. free competition among premise is firmly rooted Failure, But Still Victory? individuals in the mar- Is the evidence of in our culture. Thus ketplace and must there- today’s debate centres not The victory of the welfare state over fore be provided by the history insufficient on whether the govern- the laissez-faire state is puzzling to those state. The primary ser- to discourage even ment should provide for of us who believe in the power of the free vices falling into this cat- the needy, but rather on market. Is the evidence of history insuf- egory are defence from the most die-hard exactly how much (and of ficient to discourage even the most die- external aggression, po- advocates of the which needs) it should hard advocates of the welfare state? lice protection from do- supply. Invariably, as any government has mestic criminals, and a welfare state? The design of some increased its role as provider and guar- justice system for arbi- social system that pro- antor, the size of that government has tration of disputes. It is further believed vides for the prosperity of individuals in grown and the inequities that its pro- that there are a variety of other goods our society is a noble cause. Empathy grammes were supposed to have and services beyond the practical abili- for the suffering of others is rooted in redressed have increased. As more pub- ty of private enterprise to provide, such our nature and gives rise to our com- lic money is spent on education, for as roads, canals, postal services, mon desire to provide for those in need. example, the schools turn out worse stu- schools, and management of the air- But which variation of the democratic dents. As more public money is spent on ways and airwaves. As the democratic state will best promote prosperity and support for single mothers, more fami- progress? A laissez-faire state, in which lies break up and more children are born The author publishes John Pugsley’s Journal, a monthly investment newsletter. His e-mail address individuals—as long as they do not use out of wedlock. As more public money is [email protected]. force or fraud against others—are free is spent on low-income housing, the WORLD ECONOMIC AFFAIRS ● SPRING 1998 15 FORUM: THE VALUE OF THE WELFARE STATE housing problem worsens. As more pub- Some argue that not all aspects of that have tested pure communism stand lic money is spent on socialised medi- these communist experiments failed. as historical monuments to the destruc- cine, the quality and quantity of care For example, it was pointed out to me tion of production and progress when falls. It seems that whenever the state that there was great improvement in the welfare state is advanced to its steps in to alleviate a problem, the effect education and health care in Cuba under inevitable conclusion. is to make the problem worse. the state-run programmes. However, my Abject poverty is the bitter reward of The most blatant examples of these personal tours of schools and medical the total welfare state. But what about failures, of course, are the ultimate facilities in Havana a few years ago led the “partial” welfare state, in which welfare states—those me to conclude that these some proportion of wealth is left in the countries that embraced 40% of all institutions were promot- hands of those who produced it, while a communism. After the ed to gain public support, more modest level of redistribution and Second World War, the Americans today and could never have sur- regulation is overseen by the state? Evi- Soviet Union, East Ger- are net recipients vived except by being dence suggests that the level of prosper- many, Poland, China and heavily subsidised by ity and progress in any nation is rough- Cuba followed paths to of government the Soviet Union. By the ly proportional to the degree to which economic disaster by aid—and this ratio time I arrived, those sub- economic decisions are left in the hands attempting to bring pros- sidies had ended and the of individuals rather then state bureau- perity to all by abolish- will reach 50% medical-research facili- cracies. Studies such as the Index of Eco- ing wealth of a few. Stan- over the next ties were idle. There was nomic Freedom, published by the Her- dards of living fell, cities barely enough electricity itage Foundation, indicate that countries decayed, industrial out- couple of decades. to operate an occasional in which individuals retain control of the put slumped, pollution light, let alone their wealth they create stand at the higher increased. In all these countries, equipment. And while they boasted of end of the scale in progress and pros- walls, barbed wire, and machine guns their schools, and the teachers preached perity, in stark contrast to the lethargic had to be used to keep citizens from the greatness of the state, the students economies of welfare states in which fleeing. went without lunches. Those countries governments commandeer the resources PUBLICITÉ Strategic Alliance WORLD ECONOMIC AFFAIRS ● SPRING 1998 16 FORUM: THE VALUE OF THE WELFARE STATE and then redistribute them to achieve Why is this issue never raised? It is zines and television shows if the welfare political goals. ignored by most people because the con- apparatus were eliminated. When gov- As each welfare state fails to achieve sequences of disproving it are too costly ernment collects and then spends 25% or success, its defenders argue that the fail- to bear. An enormous segment of the 50% or more of the incomes of its citi- ure is because the programmes of taxa- population, and particularly the segment zens, it creates economic dependents tion, subsidy and regulation were either that comprises the social thinkers and that have every reason to blind them- poorly designed or poorly administered. opinion makers, has now become depen- selves to the obvious. See no truth, hear The programmes would work, they claim, dent on the benefits bestowed by the wel- no truth, speak no truth. if only there were “reforms.” Sadly, the fare state. For example, Stanford econo- argument that these failures have been mist Michael Boskin calculated that Is Need a Just Claim? due to poorly designed programmes fully 40% of all Americans today are net Let us take up this challenge, and con- focuses attention on the minutia of recipients of government aid—that is, sider the premise. Is my need a just claim design, and diverts us from having to they take more from the federal trough on your property? First, consider the examine the verity of moral implications.
Recommended publications
  • The Origins and Evolution of Progressive Economics Part Seven of the Progressive Tradition Series
    AP PHOTO/FILE AP This January 1935 photo shows a mural depicting phases of the New Deal The Origins and Evolution of Progressive Economics Part Seven of the Progressive Tradition Series Ruy Teixeira and John Halpin March 2011 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG The Origins and Evolution of Progressive Economics Part Seven of the Progressive Tradition Series Ruy Teixeira and John Halpin March 2011 With the rise of the contemporary progressive movement and the election of President Barack Obama in 2008, there is extensive public interest in better understanding the ori- gins, values, and intellectual strands of progressivism. Who were the original progressive thinkers and activists? Where did their ideas come from and what motivated their beliefs and actions? What were their main goals for society and government? How did their ideas influence or diverge from alternative social doctrines? How do their ideas and beliefs relate to contemporary progressivism? The Progressive Tradition Series from the Center for American Progress traces the devel- opment of progressivism as a social and political tradition stretching from the late 19th century reform efforts to the current day. The series is designed primarily for educational and leadership development purposes to help students and activists better understand the foundations of progressive thought and its relationship to politics and social movements. Although the Progressive Studies Program has its own views about the relative merit of the various values, ideas, and actors discussed within the progressive tradition, the essays included in the series are descriptive and analytical rather than opinion based. We envision the essays serving as primers for exploring progressivism and liberalism in more depth through core texts—and in contrast to the conservative intellectual tradition and canon.
    [Show full text]
  • Workfare, Neoliberalism and the Welfare State
    Workfare, neoliberalism and the welfare state Towards a historical materialist analysis of Australian workfare Daisy Farnham Honours Thesis Submitted as partial requirement for the degree of Bachelor of Arts (Honours), Political Economy, University of Sydney, 24 October 2013. 1 Supervised by Damien Cahill 2 University of Sydney This work contains no material which has been accepted for the award of another degree or diploma in any university. To the best of my knowledge and belief, this thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made in the text of the thesis. 3 Acknowledgements First of all thanks go to my excellent supervisor Damien, who dedicated hours to providing me with detailed, thoughtful and challenging feedback, which was invaluable in developing my ideas. Thank you to my parents, Trish and Robert, for always encouraging me to write and for teaching me to stand up for the underdog. My wonderful friends, thank you all for your support, encouragement, advice and feedback on my work, particularly Jean, Portia, Claire, Feiyi, Jessie, Emma, Amir, Nay, Amy, Gareth, Dave, Nellie and Erin. A special thank you goes to Freya and Erima, whose company and constant support made days on end in Fisher Library as enjoyable as possible! This thesis is inspired by the political perspective and practice of the members of Solidarity. It is dedicated to all those familiar with the indignity and frustration of life on Centrelink. 4 CONTENTS List of figures....................................................................................................................7
    [Show full text]
  • THE FREE-MARKET WELFARE STATE: Preserving Dynamism in a Volatile World
    Policy Essay THE FREE-MARKET WELFARE STATE: Preserving Dynamism in a Volatile World Samuel Hammond1 Poverty and Welfare Policy Analyst Niskanen Center May 2018 INTRODUCTION welfare state” directly depresses the vote for reac- tionary political parties.3 Conversely, I argue that he perennial gale of creative destruc- the contemporary rise of anti-market populism in tion…” wrote the economist Joseph America should be taken as an indictment of our in- 4 Schumpeter, “…is the essential fact of adequate social-insurance system, and a refutation “T of the prevailing “small government” view that reg- capitalism.” For new industries to rise and flourish, old industries must fail. Yet creative destruction is ulation and social spending are equally corrosive to a process that is rarely—if ever—politically neu- economic freedom. The universal welfare state, far tral; even one-off economic shocks can have lasting from being at odds with innovation and economic political-economic consequences. From his vantage freedom, may end up being their ultimate guaran- point in 1942, Schumpeter believed that capitalism tor. would become the ultimate victim of its own suc- The fallout from China’s entry to the World Trade cess, inspiring reactionary and populist movements Organization (WTO) in 2001 is a clear case in against its destructive side that would inadvertently point. Cheaper imports benefited millions of Amer- strangle any potential for future creativity.2 icans through lower consumer prices. At the same This paper argues that the countries that have time, Chinese import competition destroyed nearly eluded Schumpeter’s dreary prediction have done two million jobs in manufacturing and associated 5 so by combining free-markets with robust systems services—a classic case of creative destruction.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Reforms in Bismarckian Welfare Systems
    The politics of reforms in Bismarckian welfare systems Bruno Palier Summary : Countries that share a particular social protection system, of Bismarckian inspiration and based on social insurance, seem to encounter similar and particularly awkward difficulties. They also seem to be following parallel trends in reforms, with respect to both their timing and their content and process. This paper is an attempt to compare the development of Bismarckian welfare systems during the last 25 years, showing the common pattern of reform. ‘Welfare States in Transition’ (Esping-Andersen, 1996), ‘Recasting European Welfare States’ (Ferrera and Rhodes, 2000), ‘Welfare State Futures’ (Leibfried, 2000), ‘The Survival of the European Welfare State’ (Kuhnle, 2000), ‘From vulnerabilities to competitiveness’ (subtitle of Scharpf and Schmidt (eds.) 2000), ‘The New Politics of the Welfare State’ (Pierson 2001a), ‘Global Capital, Political Institutions, and Policy Change in Developed Welfare States’, (Swank, 2002) - these are among the most important recent publications on the welfare state. Their titles indicate that the focus of the academic agenda has now moved beyond the crisis of the welfare state, and towards an analysis of actual social policy changes that have occurred during the last 20 to 25 years. While during the 1980s, attention centred firstly (following the OECD, the new right or Marxist authors) on analysing welfare state crisis, and then (following Titmuss and Esping-Andersen’s work) on understanding the differences between welfare states, the key preoccupation is now the analysis and understanding of welfare reforms. In pursuit of this objective, recent comparisons of welfare state reforms have either analysed all types of welfare regimes, or instead focused on the liberal or Nordic regimes specifically.
    [Show full text]
  • American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: an Appraisal of Alexis De Tocqueville’S Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 2-2017 American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: An Appraisal of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal and the Post-World War II Welfare State John P. Varacalli The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1828 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] AMERICAN CIVIL ASSOCIATIONS AND THE GROWTH OF AMERICAN GOVERNMENT: AN APPRAISAL OF ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE’S DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA (1835- 1840) APPLIED TO FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT’S NEW DEAL AND THE POST-WORLD WAR II WELFARE STATE by JOHN P. VARACALLI A master’s thesis submitted to the Graduate Program in Liberal Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, The City University of New York 2017 © 2017 JOHN P. VARACALLI All Rights Reserved ii American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: An Appraisal of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal and the Post World War II Welfare State by John P. Varacalli The manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Liberal Studies in satisfaction of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts ______________________ __________________________________________ Date David Gordon Thesis Advisor ______________________ __________________________________________ Date Elizabeth Macaulay-Lewis Acting Executive Officer THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: An Appraisal of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D.
    [Show full text]
  • The Lost and the New 'Liberal World' of Welfare Capitalism
    Social Policy & Society (2017) 16:3, 405–422 C Cambridge University Press 2016. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S1474746415000676 The Lost and the New ‘Liberal World’ of Welfare Capitalism: A Critical Assessment of Gøsta Esping-Andersen’s The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism a Quarter Century Later Christopher Deeming School of Geographical Sciences, University of Bristol E-mail: [email protected] Celebrating the 25th birthday of Gøsta Esping-Andersen’s seminal book The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (1990), this article looks back at the old ‘liberal world’ and examines the new. In so doing, it contributes to debates and the literature on liberal welfare state development in three main ways. First, it considers the concept of ‘liberalism’ and liberal ideas about welfare provision contained within Three Worlds. Here we are also interested in how liberal thought has conceptualised the (welfare) state, and the class-mobilisation theory of welfare-state development. Second, the article elaborates on ‘neo-’liberal social reforms and current welfare arrangements in the English-speaking democracies and their welfare states. Finally, it considers the extent to which the English-speaking world of welfare capitalism is still meaningfully ‘liberal’ and coherent today. Key words: Welfare regimes, welfare state capitalism, liberalism, neoliberalism, comparative social policy. Introduction Esping-Andersen’s The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Three Worlds hereafter) has transformed and inspired social research for a quarter of a century.
    [Show full text]
  • Welfare State in the Twenty-First Century Joseph E
    The Welfare State in the Twenty-First Century Joseph E. Stiglitz1 Designing the twenty-first-century welfare state is part of a broader debate redefining the role of the market, the state, and “civil society”—non-state forms of collective action. One of the tenets of the Reagan-Thatcher revolution was questioning the welfare state. Some worried that the financial burdens of the welfare state would drag down growth. Some worried about the effect of the welfare state on the sense of individual responsibility, others that the welfare state provides an opportunity for the lazy and profligate to take advantage of hardworking citizens. A sense of social solidarity had united citizens around the world during World War II. Some thirty years after that global conflict, that solidarity was eroding, and economic arguments quickened its disintegration. Even two decades after the doctrines of the Reagan-Thatcher revolution of the 1980s had taken root—and long after its shortcomings had become obvious—others argued that the welfare state had contributed to the euro crisis.2 This paper argues that these arguments criticizing the welfare state are for the most part fallacious and that changes in our economy have even increased the importance of the system. The paper then describes some of the key elements of a twenty-first-century welfare state. I. Basic Precepts of the Welfare State To understand the principles and philosophy of the welfare state, it is useful to contrast it with the “neoliberal” or market-oriented state.3 The central economic doctrine of neoliberalism is that markets are efficient.
    [Show full text]
  • If Not Left-Libertarianism, Then What?
    COSMOS + TAXIS If Not Left-Libertarianism, then What? A Fourth Way out of the Dilemma Facing Libertarianism LAURENT DOBUZINSKIS Department of Political Science Simon Fraser University 8888 University Drive Burnaby, B.C. Canada V5A 1S6 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.sfu.ca/politics/faculty/full-time/laurent_dobuzinskis.html Bio-Sketch: Laurent Dobuzinskis’ research is focused on the history of economic and political thought, with special emphasis on French political economy, the philosophy of the social sciences, and public policy analysis. Abstract: Can the theories and approaches that fall under the more or less overlapping labels “classical liberalism” or “libertarianism” be saved from themselves? By adhering too dogmatically to their principles, libertarians may have painted themselves into a corner. They have generally failed to generate broad political or even intellectual support. Some of the reasons for this isolation include their reluctance to recognize the multiplicity of ways order emerges in different contexts and, more 31 significantly, their unshakable faith in the virtues of free markets renders them somewhat blind to economic inequalities; their strict construction of property rights and profound distrust of state institutions leave them unable to recommend public policies that could alleviate such problems. The doctrine advanced by “left-libertarians” and market socialists address these substantive weaknesses in ways that are examined in detail in this paper. But I argue that these “third way” movements do not stand any better chance than libertari- + TAXIS COSMOS anism tout court to become a viable and powerful political force. The deeply paradoxical character of their ideas would make it very difficult for any party or leader to gain political traction by building an election platform on them.
    [Show full text]
  • Economics and Ethics of the Welfare State
    The Third Welfare Policy Seminar Economics and Ethics of the Welfare State (held on March 8, 1999, Tokyo) Review of Population and Social Policy, No. 8, 1999, 119–138. Welfare Economics and the Welfare State* Kotaro SUZUMURA** The complicated analyses which economists endeavour to carry through are not mere gymnastic. They are instruments for the bettering of human life. The misery and squalor that surround us, the injurious luxury of some wealthy families, the terrible uncertainty overshadowing many families of the poor—these are evils too plain to be ignored. By the knowledge that our science seeks it is possible that they may be restrained. Out of the darkness light! To search for it is the task, to find it perhaps the prize, which the “dismal science of Political Economy” offers to those who face its discipline. — Arthur Cecil Pigou*** 1. Introduction The time is now ripe for re-examining the concept of the welfare state with a view to searching for a common understanding on the agenda and ethical foundations of the welfare state in a contemporary society. The time is also ripe for re-orienting welfare economics with a view to renovating this discipline so that it can contribute actively to the enhancement of human well-being in general, and to the design and implementation of fully-fledged welfare state policies in particular. The necessity and urgency of such a re-examination and re- orientation seem all too clear for at least two reasons. First, ever since the publication of Amartya Sen’s epoch-making synthesis of social choice theory in 1970 and John Rawls’s monumental edifice in moral and political philosophy in 1971, the concept of well-being has been enriched substantially, liberating us from the narrow cage of utilitarian sum of individual utilities, and enabling us to accommodate such basic considerations as liberty, * Paper presented at the Third Welfare Policy Seminar on the Economics and Ethics of the Welfare State held at the United Nations University in Tokyo on March 8, 1999.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Doesn't the United States Have a European-Style Welfare State?
    0332-04-Alesina 1/3/02 15:31 Page 187 ALBERTO ALESINA Harvard University EDWARD GLAESER Harvard University BRUCE SACERDOTE Dartmouth College Why Doesn’t the United States Have a European-Style Welfare State? EUROPEAN GOVERNMENTS REDISTRIBUTE income among their citizens on a much larger scale than does the U.S. government. European social pro- grams are more generous and reach a larger share of citizens. European tax systems are more progressive. European regulations designed to protect the poor are more intrusive. In this paper we try to understand why. The literature on the size of government is rich and varied. However, here we do not focus on the size of government as such, but rather on the redistributive side of government policies. Thus our goal is in one sense narrower than answering the question, “What explains the size of govern- ment?” since we focus on a single, but increasingly important, role of fis- cal policy. Yet in another sense our focus is broader, because redistributive policies go beyond the government budget—think, for instance, of labor market policies. We consider economic, political, and behavioral explanations for these differences between the United States and Europe. Economic explanations focus on the variance of income and the skewness of the income distribu- tion before taxes and transfers, the social costs of taxation, the volatility of income, and expected changes in income for the median voter. We con- clude that most of these theories cannot explain the observed differences. We are grateful to our discussants for very useful suggestions. We also thank William Easterly, Benjamin Friedman, Michael Mandler, Casey Mulligan, Roberto Perotti, Andrei Shleifer, Theda Skocpol, and a large number of conference participants for very useful com- ments.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratic Internationalism an American Grand Strategy for a Post-Exceptionalist Era
    WORKING PAPER Democratic Internationalism An American Grand Strategy for a Post-exceptionalist Era Daniel Deudney and G. John Ikenberry November 2012 This publication is part of the International Institutions and Global Governance program and was made possible by the generous support of the Robina Foundation. The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher dedicated to being a resource for its members, government officials, busi- ness executives, journalists, educators and students, civic and religious leaders, and other interested citizens in order to help them better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries. Founded in 1921, CFR carries out its mission by maintaining a diverse membership, with special programs to promote interest and develop expertise in the next generation of foreign policy leaders; convening meetings at its headquarters in New York and in Washington, DC, and other cities where senior government officials, members of Congress, global leaders, and prominent thinkers come together with CFR members to discuss and debate major in- ternational issues; supporting a Studies Program that fosters independent research, enabling CFR scholars to produce articles, reports, and books and hold roundtables that analyze foreign policy is- sues and make concrete policy recommendations; publishing Foreign Affairs, the preeminent journal on international affairs and U.S. foreign policy; sponsoring Independent Task Forces that produce reports with both findings and policy prescriptions on the most important foreign policy topics; and providing up-to-date information and analysis about world events and American foreign policy on its website, CFR.org.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of the 'Third Way'
    PARTY POLITICS VOL 8. No.5 pp. 507–524 Copyright © 2002 SAGE Publications London Thousand Oaks New Delhi THE POLITICS OF THE ‘THIRD WAY’ The Transformation of Social Democracy in Denmark and The Netherlands Christoffer Green-Pedersen and Kees van Kersbergen ABSTRACT The development of European Social Democracy has once more attracted significant scholarly attention. This time, the debate is centred around the ‘third way’ as the catchphrase for the transformation of European Social Democracy. Based on the experience of the Danish and Dutch Social Democrats, two questions are raised in this article, namely what has caused the renewal of Social Democracy and what explains different sequences of change in different countries? The answer to the first question is that the transformation is driven by the search for a new formula for combining social justice and effective economic governance after the failure of the Keynesian formula in the 1970s and 1980s. This, and not so much changes in the preferences of the electorate in a liberal and libertarian direction, is driving the transformation. The answer to the second question is that differences in the strategic situation of the Social Democratic parties in terms of office-seeking and holding on to power explain different sequences. KEY WORDS Ⅲ Denmark party change Social Democracy The Netherlands Ⅲ ‘third way’ Introduction In 2000, Social Democratic parties were in office in most West European countries, which sparked off a new wave of academic study on Social Democracy (e.g. Glyn, 2001; see Powell (2001) for an overview). The debate has centred around the concept of the ‘third way’ as theoretically elabor- ated by Giddens (1998, 2000, 2001) and politically advanced, for instance, in the Blair–Schröder paper (1999).
    [Show full text]