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The U.S. In Somalia. SETTING A NEW POLICY AGENDA FOR AFRICA?

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A Publication of the VREPORT African-American Institute

The African-American Institute Update Editor Russell Geekie Chairman U.S. Policy Maurice Tempelsman Africa in the New World Order 13 By Francis A. Kornegayjr. President Vivian Lowery Derryck IJberia Talking Tough lo Taylor 18 By Peter da Costa Publisher Mozambique Steve McDonald Lessons from Angola 22 Editor-in-Chief By Andrew Meldrum Margaret A. Novicki Testing Taylor Angola Associate Editor Page 18 Savimbi's Sour Grapes 25 Joseph Margolis By Vicki R. Finkel Assistant Editor Malawi Russell Geekie htosening the Reins? 29 Editorial Assistant By Metinda Ham Marks Chabedi Zimbabwe Contributing Editors Drought, Death and Dissidents 32 Alana Lee By Andrew Meldrum Andrew Meldrum Interview Art Director Frederick Chiluba: Champion of Zambia's Democracy 36 Kenneth Jay Ross By Margaret A. Novicki Advertising Office Zambia 212 350-2958 Chiluba's First Year One Year On 38 Interns Page 36 By Melinda Ham Patricia Johnson Cameroon Crystal D. Jordan A Flawed Victory 41 Zwelinzima Manzmi MTimkulu Leopold Yetongnon By Mark Huband Ghana A Winning Formula 44 Africa Report (ISSN 0001-9836), a non-profit magazine of African affairs. By Richard Joseph s published bimonthly and is sched- iled to appear at the beginning of Children ;ach date period at 833 United Securing the Future 47 Nations Plaza. New York, NY 10017. editorial correspondence and adver- By Peter da Costa 'ising inquiries should be addressed o Africa Report, at the above ad- South Africa dress. Subscription inquiries should be 51 addressed to: Subscription Services, Fxposing the Past =0. Box 3000, Dept. AR, Denville N.J. By Patrick Laurence 37834. Subscription rates: Individuals: Africa's Future JSA S30, Canada $36, air rate over- Page 47 Sinister Ciskei 54 seas $54. Institutions USA $37. Canada $43, air rate overseas $61 By Anne Shepherd Second-class postage paid at New York. NY. and at additional mailing Tourism offices. POSTMASTER: If this maga- Benin's Cultural Bounty 57 zine is undeliverable, please send address changes to Africa Report at By Howard W. French 833 UN Plaza, NY, NY 10017. Tele- ohone. (212) 350-2959. Copyright -- Economies 1993 by The African-American Insti- Building a Bloc 59 tute. Inc. By Anne Shepherd Ghana Family Values 64 Photo Credit: The cover photograph of the U.S. By Ruth Ansah Ayisi Marines in Mogadishu, Somalia, 1992 Index 67 during "Operation Restore Hope" 1 .vas taken by Les Stone/Sygma. Homeland Horrors The Back Page 71 Page 54 By Vivian U>wery Derryck MELILLA CEUTA

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Copyright © 1984 by the African-American Institute. Inc. N THE NEWS U.S. Commits Force to Somalia, But For How Long? President George Bush ordered U.S. general, who had conceded as a practi- place such a large security force on the troops into Somalia on December 4 in cal matter that the U.S. would have to ground in such a distant place quickly what he described as a humanitarian retain control of its troops in a letter he and efficiently and, thus, save thou- mission to '"save thousands of innocents wrote to the Security Council on sands of innocents from death. We will from death." The action came less than November 29. At the same time, con- not, however, be acting alone. I expect 24 hours after the 15-member UN cerns of developing nations that the forces from about a dozen countries to Security Council unanimously adopted U.S. force not be given carte-blanche in join us in this mission."' Resolution 794, authorizing the deploy- Somalia were partially addressed by President-elect Clinton, who was ment of a U.S.-led military force to provisions in the resolution which gave reportedly briefed the day of Bush's clear the way for food deliveries in the announcement by the Defense Depart- c famine-stricken nation. ment and the Central Intelligence i Somalis, who have been denied Agency, later released a statement plac- | relief aid because of looting by war- ing him firmly behind his predecessor. | lords and gangs of bandits, anxiously "Impediments to delivery of relief sup- awaited the arrival of 28,0, was a shot in the arm for years from December 7 until December ambassador to Kenya Smith Hemp- the government because it was handed 29. stone reportedly said, "Many donors down in the wake of renewed calls for The opposition, which had reported- will not accept the legitimacy of an the chairman to resign. ly been contemplating a boycott of the election which is seen to be flawed." Another target of the opposition was polls, hailed the court decision as an In upholding the appeal on Novem- Attorney-Gen era I Wako. Kenya's Sun- important victory in its attempts to ber 12, Justice Thomas Mbaluto criti- day Nation reported that a group of 32 ensure that the government did not cized the attorney-general for amending lawyers, including FORD-Kenya Sec- manipulate the electoral process. Kenya's election laws without parlia- retary-Genera). Gitobu Imanyara, called The appeal over the nomination mentary approval and suspended the for Wako's resignation on November 27 period was filed under a certificate of electoral process. Wako maintained that on the grounds that he unlawfully urgency by the leading opposition he did not agree with the ruling, but amended the law, prosecuted the oppo- group, the Forum for the Restoration of said the government would abide by it. sition, was apathetic to Kanu stalwarts Democracy-Kenya (FORD), three days Oginga Odinga said that Mbalulo's calling for violence, and generally after the government released its elec- ruling had destroyed Moi's "secret favored the ruling party. toral timetable on November 3. The weapon" and was reason enough for At a press conference, the attorney- party argued that the government had those responsible for the "illegal general did not respond to the accusa- Africa Report 8 I JJfiTE tions—saying instead that he would answer to some of them at an appropri- ate time—and lectured the press that Nigeria's Transition Delayed Again "as the election day draws near, there Nigerians anxiously awaiting their that plagued the primaries. He said, [are going to be a lot of| accusations country's return to civilian rule sched- "We want to install a government that and counter-accusations, demands of uled for January 2 learned that they will get to office through free and fair resignation, and all forms of false accu- would have an additional eight months elections, and not through fraud and sations directed at public officers.'" He to contemplate ihe transition when deceit...Nigeria cannot be bought at the appealed to Kenyans not to be distract- President Ibrahim Babangida an- expense of Nigeria and Nigerians." ed by the accusations and "to know that nounced in a nationally televised Babangida spoke of a need for Nige- the pressing issue now is what we can speech on November 17 that elections rians to find common ground in picking do to make the elections free and fair to select his successor had been delayed his successor, noting, "All presidential and conducted in a peaceful atmo- from December 5, 1992 to June 12. aspirants were extremely distrustful of sphere." Babangida's decision came in the one another, to the extent that they were That elections would be carried out wake of September presidential pri- unable to engage in politics of modera- in a peaceful atmosphere had been maries which were fraught with fraud, tion, accommodation, and consensus- questioned since 1991, when Moi was including widespread vote-buying. On building." warning that opening up Kenya's politi- October 16, after reviewing a National The head of state also outlined the cal system would lead to widespread Electoral Commission report on the far- government's plan for the new presi- civil unrest. Government critics con- cical primaries, the Armed Forces Rul- dential selection process which calls on tend that the ethnic violence which fol- ing Council (AFRC) nullified the the SDP and NRC to nominate a candi- lowed the legalization of multi-party results and dissolved the executive date from each of Nigeria's 30 states politics was fomented by Moi, first to committees of the only two legal par- and the federal capital territory, Abuja. postpone the multi-party process and ties, the National Republican Conven- This, says Babangida, "will give each later to divide the opposition. tion (NRC) and the Social Democratic component part of the federation a Party (SDP). sense of belonging and thereby facili- In his November 17 speech, tate national unity." Babangida said that a delay in the elec- The 23 presidential aspirants, all of toral process was necessary to ensure whom were banned from contesting the that it would be free of the corruption Continued on page 11

voter register, safeguards on the han- sition, the attorney-general reportedly dling of ballot boxes, the need for all said political parties would not need parties to agree on the timetable, and licenses to stage campaign rallies when equal media access and treatment. the electioneering starts. An inability to Kenya Television Network reported obtain licenses had been a major that in response to the demands, the impediment to the opposition over the electoral commission would meet with last year. all of the political parties on a regular As Kenya approached the December FORD-Kenya Secretary-General Gitobu Imanyara basis, but it remained to be seen how 29 election date, the opposition and a Violence around political gatherings meaningful the dialogue would be. number of independent monitors, escalated in November after the original In one sign thai the government was including the International Human electoral timetable was released. Five better addressing opposition demands, Rights Law Group, asserted that the people were shot dead at an anti-Kanu Minister of Information and Broadcast- electoral process remained Hawed by rally in Meru District on November 10 ing Burudi Nabwera said on November technical shortcomings and government and shots were fired at the opposition 24 that the policy of equal coverage for interference. Nonetheless, the opposi- Democratic Party Secretary-General all political parties had been accepted tion seemed willing to participate in the John Keen the following day while he and implemented by the Kenya Broad- elections as the government moved was touring Kajiado North, where he casting Corporation and the KNA. But slowly toward realizing some of its plans (o run against Kenya's vice presi- the minister said speeches by political demands. dent and minister of finance, George leaders could be carried only as long as That may suit Kanu. Observers say Saitoti. they do not threaten national security, that the ruling party—which appeared The issue of security and violence and all political parties would be likely to face the fate of Kenneth Kaun- proved to be a major concern in the required to pay for a 90-second adver- da's United National Independence run-up to elections, featuring promi- tisement slot. Party at the beginning of the year, only nently in a 13-poinl list of demands The need for equal media cover- to rebound after its opponents all but opposition parties submitted to the gov- age—including free air time on govern- self-deslructed—could ill afford anoth- ernment and the NEC on November 18 ment-owned radio and television—had er postponement in the electoral pro- that they said must be met to ensure been called for by a number of interna- cess, which would give the opposition that the scheduled voting was free and tional observers, including the Com- time to organize itself. The leading fair. Other points dealt with govern- monwealth, which was prepared to send opposition group, FORD-Kenya, was ment interference in the monitoring of a team to monitor the elections. already touted to have a fair shot of out- the elections, NEC independence, the In an earlier concession to the oppo- doing Kanu in the December 29 vote.B 9 J a n u a r y / February 19 9 3 Tourists Are the Latest Victims of Egypt's Civil Strife In the latest round of an escalating revenue because of a faltering economy been killed by the police and hundreds war between Islamic fundamentalists and attempts to implement austerity of suspects have been tossed into prison and the government of Egyptian Presi- measures demanded by the International where they are frequently tortured, dent Hosni Mubarak, 14,000 police and Monetary Fund—responded to the according to human rights groups. The security forces staged an operation in attacks by stepping up security mea- Egyptian security officials also have the lmbaba slum district in Cairo to sures. The governor of the embattled been accused of detaining family mem- search for suspected militants on Asyut province, Hasan al-Alfi, said that bers of alleged militants in order to December 8. The massive sweep, Egypt would do what is necessary to coerce the suspects into surrendering to which ended after more than 600 sus- counter militants' attacks on tourists. the authorities. * pects had been rounded up, comes after In addition to a greater number of % emboldened militant groups opened a security force operations, the govern- | new front of the war by staging attacks ment has instituted several repressive against foreign tourists in October and laws to combat the fundamentalist November. The attacks, which are seen threat. In July, the death penalty was to be part of a larger campaign to instituted for anyone belonging to a replace the government with a Muslim "terrorist" organization. The govern- theocracy, are particularly troubling to ment also broadened the powers given the government because they aim to to security forces under a 1981 emer- take away its main source of foreign gency decree, including the right to income, tourism. detain people without trial. In a further The most militant of the Islamic fun- move, the government announced that damentalist groups, el-Ganaa el- all mosques—which form the funda- Islamiya (the Islamic Group), first mentalists' principal power base—and revealed its plan to target tourists in their prayer leaders will be put under August when it warned Western President Hosni Mubarak cracked down on fundamentalists state control. embassies not to "send their people to "Violence must be repressed by vio- But far from putting a stop to the Luxor or Qena." But the most serious lence." he said. Egyptian police have spread of Islamic fundamentalism, incidents did not begin until October 2 carried out several operations in attempts Mubarak's six-month-old campaign when a Nile cruiser carrying 140 Ger- to quell the violence against foreigners, appears to have led to increased support mans was ambushed, leaving three including the November arrests of more for the movement and an escalation of Egyptian crew members wounded. The than 150 militants in Asyut province, the almost daily violence. The funda- ninth such attack on October 21 left a 200 miles south of Cairo. mentalists also gained popularity by 28-year-old British nurse dead, and five But the Islamic Group says it is being the first to act—far ahead of the German tourists were seriously injured undeterred by the government's lethargic government—in the aftermath in a November 12 incident. counter-offensive and that it would con- of the earthquake that shook Egypt in By the end of October, U.S., British, tinue the attacks until Mubarak's October. and Australian embassies issued warn- regime ends its clampdown on funda- It is against this background that an ings advising their nationals to avoid mentalists. In a November 24 inter- increasing number of Egyptians have travelling to southern Egypt. The U.S. view with Agence France-Presse. a been arguing for the government to liber- State Department listed Minya and spokesman for the group said. 'Tourists alize the political system, to make it Asyut provinces—the sites of frequent bring alien customs and morals which more responsive to people's economic battles between security forces and mil- offend Islam, especially the attire of and social problems. Some influential itants—as the most dangerous touring some women...Tourism must be hit Egyptians even advocate allowing the areas. because it is corrupt." more moderate of Egypt's banned Islam- The travel advisories dismayed The call for attacks on tourists is ic fundamentalist groups, such as the Egyptian tourism officials who oversee only the latest strategy in a violent cam- Muslim Brotherhood, to operate legally. an industry that employs at least 1 mil- paign by radical religious groups, 'The state unfortunately puts the Muslim lion workers. The country has an esti- which observers say is the most serious Brotherhood on the same list with people mated 500 hotels, 3,000 tour guides, political test facing Mubarak since he who are mentally sick or with people 7,000 buses, 10.000 tourist restaurants, assumed power 11 years ago. The vio- who are fanatic, extremist," Egyptian and 200 Nile cruise boats, all dependent lent acts began in May with the slaying attorney Moukhtar Nour, whose clients on foreign visitors. In all, foreign of 14 Christians in Manshiet Nasser and include Islamic militants, told The tourists pump over $3 billion a year include the assassination of the outspo- Washington Post. 'That's a blatant fault into Egypt's economy and tourism offi- ken anti-fundamentalist columnist, committed by the state, because in this cials "had hoped that the number would Faraq Fouda, on June 9. The violence way, it loses the forces [of the Brother- climb to $4 billion this season, which claimed at least 70 lives in 1992. hood| in combatting terrorism." ends in June. The attacks have already Mubarak's main response to each While the government may well stop led a number of foreigners to cancel violent episode has been to clamp down short of unbanning the Brotherhood, it their vacations to Egypt. harder on the fundamentalists, earning may need new allies in 1993 as Islamic The government—which is particu- Egypt an increasingly poor human fundamentalists continue to gain sup- larly vulnerable to a decrease in tourism rights record. Several militants have port in Egypt. • Africa Report 10 state. Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo. In antic- The president of the Nigerian Civil Nigeria continued ipation of the president's announce- Liberties Organization, Olisa Agbako- rescheduled election, responded to the ment, Obasanjo released a statement to ba, said that the delay "confirms a hid- president's speech in an uproar. One of the press which said, "The primary elec- den agenda to perpetuate military rule," the SDP candidates. Patrick Dele Cole, tions for the presidency, it now seems in according to the November 11 Chris- told the Nigerian news magazine, retrospect, were designed to fail...The tian Science Monitor. But Babangida Newswatch, that the suspension of the handing over of power to an elected has repeatedly denied charges of any electoral process was a "massacre of civilian government on January 2, 1993, agenda to prolong his grip on power. the political elite." must proceed apace...[because]...prolon- In an effort to show that he is serious In recognition of the malpractices gation of military rule cannot be the about the transfer of power. Babangida during the presidential primaries, many answer under the present circum- pointed out that the 684-member Nigerians had little sympathy for the stances." National Assembly, elected in July, was plight of the politicians. But the popula- Joining the attack on the electoral to be sworn in on December 5 and tion—which has seen the AFRC post- delay have been human rights groups, would assume a degree of legislative pone its decision to return the country both in Nigeria and abroad. According power on the originally planned date to civilian rule three times since to a November 12 Agence Franec- for the transfer to civilian rule, January 1990—remains skeptical of the motives Presse report. Nigeria's Campaign for 2. Whether the body would have any behind the delay and also questions Democracy, which is an umbrella group real power was seriously questioned by why the transfer of power cannot take for several human rights organizations, Babangida's qualification that it would place before August 27, which marks lawyers groups, and opposition move- the eighth anniversary of die coup that ments, called for a civil disobedience brought Babangida to power. campaign to "make the country One influential Nigerian who is ungovernable" if Babangida reneged on strongly opposed to the extension of his promise to return the country to Babansida's rule is the former head of civilians on Januarv 2.

already promised that a congressional Somalia Continued resolution on the operation "will be the Aidid, both came out in favor of the first order of business" when the House U.S. presence in the country. But the convenes later in January. The repre- men, whose fighters come from rival sentative says that there is a need to sub-clans of the Hawiye. have not "define the mission precisely" to allow President Ibrahim Babangida shown a willingness to disarm and do the U.S. to get out when that is accom- legislate unless "otherwise directed by not have full control of their forces. plished. decree." Another change planned for In another troubling sign to U.S. The stakes in Somalia are high— January 2, which was viewed with policy-makers. Aidid's warriors were not only for the hundreds of thousands skepticism, was the AFRC being converging on Bardera in December in who face starvation there, but also for replaced by a National Defense and an effort to re-take the famine-ravaged people trapped in humanitarian crises Security Council and the Council of town from the forces of Gen. throughout Africa and the world (on Ministers being supplanted by a civilian Moh.am.ed Siad Hersi Morgan, son-in- December 7, Boulros-Ghali asked the Transitional Council. law of former President Mohamed Siad already overstretched UN to become While Nigerians have found the pace Barre. The operation was an apparent involved in another major peace-keep- of the transition back to civilian rule attempt to gain as much of a military ing operation in Mozambique). A fail- painstakingly slow, a representative advantage as possible before the ure in Somalia could seriously dampen from the U.S. State Department deployment of U.S. troops, a strategy a world leaders* support for internation- summed up the view of some interna- number of the warring clan leaders al operations elsewhere. tional observers when he told Africa apparently shared. French Prime Minister Pierre Report, "Our concern is sustainability Back in the United States—where Beregevoy, whose government con- of democracy...If they need a few more Americans saw ihe first wave of sol- tributed over 2,000 troops to the inter- months to make sure that it |the demo- diers hit the beaches up close via the vention, highlighted another issue cratic process] will work, we will not media circus of hundreds that had gath- brought up by the international action say anything." ered to cover the event—public support in Somalia when he said the mission The threat of another military coup for the operation was reportedly high in would set a new precedent for the UN is never far from Nigerians" conscious- mid-December. That situation may by establishing "a duty of intervention ness. But the biggest threat to Nigeria's change as Clinton's January 20 inaugu- when lives are threatened." But how democratic process may well be the ration draws near, however, and he may that "precedent" will apply in other nation's faltering economy. Babangida be faced with having to use his political crises, such as those in Liberia and has been unable to renew an agreement clout to rally Congress behind the inter- Sudan, remains hazy. The conse- with the IMF and the country remains vention. quences of deploying troops in Somalia indebted to the tune of S30 billion. The expected chairman of the may profoundly shape the first post- Tackling this will remain a paramount House Foreign Affairs Committee, Cold War president's decisions on concern for whoever is in power come Representative Lee H. Hamilton, has when to act in the future. • August 27, 1993. • 11 January /February 19 9 3 revoked in 1986 because the company LIBYA operated plants in Israel, according to "Call it primitivism if you like, but I BUSINESS the article. want to embark on direct distribution of A new Coca-Cola plant in Khartoum wealth," Col. Muammar al-Qaddafy BRIEFS is owned by the New Industries Com- said in a November 18 speech to pany. According to the report, the com- Libya's equivalent of parliament, the pany's general manager, Nicolas General People's Congress. The state- The sanctions have already led the Limnios, said the plant would soon ment was in reference to a dramatic government to withhold salaries of hun- begin production at the full production plan to distribute half of Libya's oil dreds of its employees. In addition, the level of 35,000 crates per day. Limnios revenue, estimated at $10 billion, oil industry, which is said to pump 1.5 expects that within a year, Coca-Cola directly to the people. million barrels of oil per day, is suffer- will capture 40 percent of the market, "Every Libyan family will have a ing from a lack of high-tech spare parts. which had been almost monopolized by right to its share," Qaddafy said. He Pepsi-Cola. estimated the government would dis- But Coca-Cola's renewed effort to tribute $7,(KX) to $ 10,000 a year to each OIL sell products in Sudan is not the only family. While Qaddafy was announcing his activity the company has been under- But he added that priority would be tenuous plans to distribute Libya's oil taking to increase its market share on given to families that emigrated to wealth, the price of the commodity was the continent of late. Egypt, Sudan, and Chad, which he heading for an eight-month low in The company announced on Novem- referred to as "greater Libya." He said December. ber 18 that it is establishing sub-Saha- the government wants 100,000 families January crude oil had fallen to ran Africa as a separate operating of five to 10 members to settle in each $19.08 a barrel on the New York Mer- group. The new president of the group of these countries which are "rich with cantile Exchange on December 4, after will be Carl Ware, who has served as water that Libya does not possess," and losing over a dollar from the previous deputy group president of the former blessed with land and opportunities. An week. The price continued falling Northeast/Africa Group, and as chair- examination of overpopulated Egypt, despite a late November agreement by man of the Coca-Cola Foundation. war-torn and famine-stricken Sudan, the Organization of Petroleum Ex- The company's senior vice presi- and mostly desert-covered Chad might porters (Opec) to stabilize its produc- dent, John Hunter, who is also president suggest otherwise. tion at 24.58 million barrels a day. of Coca-Cola's International Business Qaddafy seemed to acknowledge But analysts say this basically for- Sector, said, "The Coca-Cola Company past government mismanagement in his malized the existing level of output. has long recognized the importance of speech, saying, "We do not have a gov- Nonetheless, Opec members' output Africa, where we have made significant ernment or a quarter to whom we could had risen to 25.18 million barrels a day market investments for many years. give the money and ask for it to be in October—a 12-year output high—as With the establishment of this group, spent on us. No, give us the dollars in members stepped up production to beat we add even greater focus on the poten- hard currency and we will deal with it the anticipated November production tial that sub-Saharan Africa holds with ourselves." The Libyan leader further agreement. Output for November was its close to 500 million people." admitted that the government "went too 25 million barrels per day. Coca-Cola sells products in 46 coun- far" in spending over $23 billion on Opec's attempts to support a higher tries in sub-Saharan African. arms over the last 20 years. oil price have been hurt recently by North African diplomats reportedly Ecuador's decision to leave the organi- interpret the plan as the latest in a series zation and the possibility that U.S. CHAM A of sensational and erratic statements President-elect Bill Clinton could ease Ashanti Goldfields Corporation is that suggest the colonel is cracking the embargo on Iraqi oil sales. set to become the world's leading user under the weight of an acute economic of bacteria to produce gold according to crisis and widespread discontent, exac- SUDAN a November 24 article in the Financial erbated by the international sanctions Times. the United Nations Security Council A new war is set to begin in Sudan. The process, which uses naturallyoc- imposed in a March 27 resolution. But this one will pit the forces of Coca- curring thiobacillus ferro-oxidans to eat The air and arms embargo backs Cola against Pepsi-Cola in a battle for away at difficult ore, is expected to pro- Western demands that Tripoli hand over supremacy of the cola market. duce 300,000 troy ounces of gold a for trial two Libyan intelligence offi- African Business reported that the year, according to the article. cers, Abdel Basset Ali Megrahi and Atlanta-based Coca-Cola Company re- The project was made possible by a Lamen Khalifa Fhimah, accused of the entered the Sudanese market with trial $140 million International Finance Cor- 1988 Pan Am bombing over Lockerbie, runs in late October, following the lift- poration-structured loan, and is part of Scotland. Libya has also been asked to ing of a ban on the production of Coca- Ashanti's three-year, $305 million hand over four men implicated in the Cola in Sudan. The company had previ- expansion program. 1989 bombing of a French UTA jetliner ously secured a license to operate a Ashanti reported earlier that it pro- over Niger. plant in Khartoum in 1984, but saw its duced 645,000 ounces of gold in fiscal The Security Council was scheduled agreement questioned after President year 1991 -1992. The expansion program to review the sanctions on December 15 Gaafar al-Nimeiry was overthrown the is expected to increase the company's and possibly decide on tougher measures. following year. The license was output to over 1 million ounces per year. Africa Report 12 BY FRANCIS A. KORNECAY, JR.

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L*s Sti me/Sygma i. I N T H E NEW WORLD After Somalia, the author writes, President Bill Clinton should focus on fashioning a post-Cold War security strategy that can deal with conflicts arising from the legacy of superpower-spon- sored regional military build-ups. Such a policy would necessitate not only structuring a revitalized UN-based global peace-keeping system, but also relying heavily on strengthening regional insti- tutions, such as the Organization of African Unity. Future humanitarian/peace-keeping operations on the continent would thus require utmost cooperation between the UN, the U.S., and Africa. ith the end of the Cold War, it from a broader coming to terms by the U.S. with a new was widely expected that Africa global environment—one rife with instability stemming would quickly fade into oblivion from superpower-sponsored regional military build-ups in U.S. global calculations at a and arms races that are bitter legacies of the Cold War. time when foreign affairs were To the extent that an enhanced UN role is envisioned in increasingly expected to take a addressing the African manifestations of this "new world back seat to domestic priorities. disorder," the fashioning of an effective U.S. policy toward However, the precedent-setting humanitarian interven- the continent will depend on Clinton moving beyond the tion in Somalia that President George Bush has promising pronouncements he made during the campaign bequeathed to President-elect Bill Clinton suggests that to actually implementing a meaningful role for the UN in developments on the ground in Africa hold a high poten- achieving his administration's global objectives. tial to force their way onto the global agenda in ways that In making this suggestion, there is no illusion as to the Washington will find hard to ignore. Further, the increas- magnitude of the task involved, given the UN's institution- ing demands that these crises are placing on the United al deficiencies and sometimes debilitating constraints Nations' thinly stretched resources are coming at a time placed on it by member governments. But assuming the when the UN Africa bloc's candidate, former Egyptian Clinton administration does turn to the UN in a major Foreign Minister Boutros Boutros-Ghali, is the UN secre- way, this could provide a compelling justification for tary-general. strengthening African continental and sub-regional insti- From an African perspective, the Boutros-Ghali factor is tutions—essential to fashioning multilateral UN-centered of no small importance. At stake is the fate of African approaches to African problem-solving, especially in the issues on the international agenda at a watershed juncture crucial area of conflict resolution. The urgency of moving when the world's major powers are looking to the UN and in this direction is underlined by President Bush's other instruments of multilateral diplomacy to manage response to the Somali crisis. global relations in the new multipolar environment. The strengthening of continental and subregional insti- The Somali crisis is a case in point. It was Boutros- tutions, whether in Africa, Europe, Asia, or America, Ghali who, with the help of pressure from Congress, res- ought to be an essential corollary to revitalizing the UN cued Somalia's humanitarian crisis from the oblivion it system as the centerpiece of a global collective security was being consigned to by the major powers' preoccupa- framework tailored to the post-Cold War 1990s. In effect, tion with Serbian aggression in Bosnia-Herzegovenia. the strengthening of these institutions in Africa would Now, ironically, Operation Restore Hope in Somalia is strengthen the African pillar of a new UN-centered collec- generating pressure on the U.S. and the UN for a more tive security system. But this all hinges on the UN being forceful intervention in Bosnia—all of which indicates upgraded as a key factor in shaping post-Cold War U.S. how difficult it is going to be for President Clinton to security strategy, starting with clearing up the U.S.'s remain focused like a "laser beam" on domestic economic remaining debt to the UN, coupled with pressure on the recovery. world body to institute urgently needed reforms in its To develop the maneuvering room needed to fulfill his operations. Clinton may be better able to embark on fresh domestic agenda, Clinton may have no choice but to early initiatives in foreign affairs that will complement the on give equal billing to fashioning the outlines of a post- domestic initiatives his administration is expected to give Cold War security strategy that addresses the many top priority. An emphasis on strengthening peace-keeping urgent questions arising out of the commitment of U.S. capabilities within the context of multilateralizing impor- troops to Somalia. This should, among other things, accel- tant elements of foreign policy would point in this direc- erate a much-needed rethinking of Africa policy and, tion. more broadly, the role of the UN and other international A UN-centered collective security system incorporat- organizations in managing and/or resolving regional con- ing rapid deployment capability, bolstered by regional pil- flicts. A reformulated Africa policy cannot be separated lars, and including equitable burden-sharing among the major G-7 powers, would be beneficial in two ways. It Francis A. Kornegay, Jr. is project director, Transition To Democracy Pro- ject, at the U.S.-South Africa Leadership Exchange Program. would minimize the possibility of the U.S.'s becoming

Africa Report 14 over-extended in commitments beyond the most com- ly African solutions. In this regard, the humanitarian/ pelling spheres of national security interest; it would pro- peace-making intervention of the Economic Community vide the U.S. with maneuvering room in responding to of West African States (Ecowas) in the Liberian civil war is crises on a case-by-case basis and would promote a more precedent-setting with possible far-reaching implications secure international environment for global economic in African interstate relations. growth and cooperation. Here, it is important to point out The initiative has the potential to strengthen the hands that those regions of the world that may appear peripheral of Africa's more visionary leaders like OAU Secretary- from a short-term geopolitical/strategic perspective, in General Salim Ahmed Salim, who is waging an uphill bat- 21st century geo-economic terms, may turn out to be any- tle to overcome self-serving notions of "territorial integri- thing but, given the growing preoccupation with expand- ty," and "non-interference" in the hope of institutionalizing ing opportunities for U.S. trade and investment in an eco- African collective self-reliance in conflict resolution and nomically competitive global market. management From this standpoint alone, putting Africa on the back- With an eye toward structuring a UN-based global burner could prove to be regrettably short-sighted. In any peace-keeping system (making provision for preventive case, according to candidate Bill Clinton's statement in the diplomacy and peace enforcement as well as peace-mak- September-October issue of Africa Report, strengthening ing) with complementary continental components, the UN peace-keeping capabilities and exploring "new ideas Clinton administration has an opportunity to take the lead for United Nations preventive diplomacy" should open up in moving in this direction by actively supporting Salim's "Proposals for an OAU Mechanism for Conflict Preven- tion and Resolution." The proposals call for a new organ to be set up within the OAU Summit's Bureau compris- ing a chairman Left, relief workers Right, the inter- vention of Ecowas in Liberia's civil war is precedent-setting new policy vistas for addressing Africa's urgent needs and eight other based upon his stated interest in fashioning an Africa poli- members repre- cy factoring in an upgraded U.S. commitment to the UN. senting Africa's But factoring the UN into a revised Africa policy frame- five regions; em- work is useful only insofar as there is a companion com- powering the Bureau to act on behalf of heads of state in mitment to strengthening collaboration with and support sanctioning any deployment of military observer or peace- for inter-African institutions. This is not only important keeping forces; a beefed-up secretary-general's office aug- from a conflict resolution perspective. Over the longer menting the Bureau with an "early warning system" to term, it is crucial to accelerating the pace of regional monitor and analyze trends, with recourse to "eminent cooperation and eventual integration, thereby facilitating African personalities" to engage in preventive diplomacy as the fulfillment of Africa's potential for attracting trade and well as the expert counsel of African military personnel; foreign capital. But regional cooperation and integration revival of the virtually moribund OAU Defense Commis- can only be advanced within a climate of regional stability. sion with an enhanced advisory capacity specifically for The Liberian civil war remains a threat to West Africa's peace-keeping operations; and a provision for mediating economic integration prospects. By the same token, the territorial disputes by erecting an interim "arbitral tribunal" unsettled transitions in Angola, Mozambique, and South staffed by "eminent African jurists" pending the launching Africa threaten to undermine the potential for regional of the African Court of Justice provided for in the treaty cooperation and integration in southern Africa to which establishing the African Economic Community (AEC). the entire continent is hitching its economic recovery At a news conference in Dakar, Salim also suggested prospects. And East Africa's contribution to Africa's recov- that there should be "an African peacekeeping unit spe- ery will never be fulfilled as long as the Horn of Africa cially trained inside the armed forces of every African remains in turmoil. country." Finally, the Salim proposals call for a special The importance of conflict resolution as a precondition fund to be established, beginning with $1 million from the to recovery is increasingly appreciated by Africa's elites, OAU's regular budget, to provide material support for the as conflicts on the ground force them to confront long- mechanism's operations with provision for voluntary con- held assumptions about "sovereignty" and "non-interfer- tributions from "states, individuals, and institutions within ence" which constipate the process of arriving at genuine- and outside Africa." 15 January /February 19 9 3 What is compelling about the OAU proposals is their In terms of current and potential crises, the U.S., in the compatibility with the UN's peace-keeping mission. UN short-term, should encourage a consolidating of the UN's Under-Secretary General for Special Policy Affairs in response to problems in East and southern Africa. Both Africa and the Middle East James Jonah has noted that regions require the sustained attention that can only the UN is well placed to assist in building up the OAU come from the appointment of long-term UN special peace-keeping capacity. But there is the bottom-line con- envoys with regional mandates, backed up by cooperative sideration of financing. Here, Jonah points out that under UN/OAU monitoring arrangements. The situation in the Chapter 8 of the Charter the Security Council can "autho- Horn of Africa is especially complicated by the absence of rize the OAU to carry out a peace-keeping operation, and a regional counterpart to West Africa's Ecowas or the maybe financing could come through this channel." But frontline states/Southern African Development Commu- here again, this consideration begs the question of the nity (formerly SADCC) groupings in the South. U.S. contribution to the UN and the need for Washing- A UN special envoy in the Horn could play a crucial ton—at both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue—to seriously role in working with the OAU to coordinate the urgent consider a series of proposals that would strengthen famine relief and peace-keeping operation in Somalia, America's UN commitment, including the financing of while engaging in the diplomatic trouble-shooting needed peace-keeping operations. to help resolve the political conflict that is the source of Among other things, there is the suggestion that U.S. the crisis. Given the dramatic nature of the Somali crisis, funding for UN peace-keeping be transferred, in the con- its resolution may actually require consideration of re- gressional appropriations process, from the State Depart- instituting the UN trusteeship principle, updated to incor- ment to the Department of Defense budget. Perhaps such porate a leading oversight role for the OAU, which should a readjustment could allow for contingencies that could work with local Somali elites in re-fashioning governance support similar activities by continental and hemispheric of the Somali regions on a more viable basis. Similar bodies like the OAU and NATO as well as the OAU, and diplomatic, famine relief coordination, and conflict-man- for subregional structures that become involved in peace- agement efforts are needed in Sudan and Ethiopia. keeping like Ecowas/Ecomog in Liberia. A UN special envoy, with a regional mandate, is equally Clinton is on record arguing for the U.S. to "pay our compelling for southern Africa where fragile, but for the fair share of the costs of UN peace-keeping operations" rest of Africa, crucially important transitions are under while advocating that "we.. .explore new ideas for UN pre- way in Angola, Mozambique, and South Africa. Successful ventive diplomacy, including the idea for creating a UN transitions in these countries, South Africa in particular, Rapid Deployment Force that could be used for purposes are of make-or-break urgency in determining the future beyond traditional peace-keeping for humanitarian pur- economic prospects of much of the continent. Yet, as poses." The revived U.S. commitment to the UN called for events in the fall of 1992 have demonstrated, satisfactory by Clinton could easily intersect with African peace-keep- outcomes to these transitions are far from assured. ing initiatives to provide substance to a new collective How President Clinton follows through in disengaging security system where UN and regional initiatives would from Somalia and in relating to the peace-enforcement cri- be mutually augmenting and complementary. sis in Liberia will constitute early defining moments in But to make this reality, the U.S. will have to demon- U.S.-African relations under his administration. In spite of strate a stronger commitment to strengthening continen- the emerging conventional wisdom that such African tal and subregional pan-African institutions. One option in crises are outside the scope of post-Cold War U.S. nation- this regard would be for the U.S. to consult with African al interests, America nevertheless retains major responsi- leaders on the appropriateness of the U.S. being accorded bility for the breakdown of governance in Somalia and observer or associate membership status to the OAU Liberia. These predicaments, among others of lesser accompanied by the appointment of a U.S. ambassador to urgency on the continent, are at least in part attributable that body, whose brief would extend to interacting with to past U.S. policies dictated by overriding Cold War con- other continental and subregional bodies. siderations. At the same time, it is also obvious that it is Closer diplomatic involvement by the U.S. in the OAU beyond the capacity of the U.S. to single-handedly system would demonstrate America's commitment to sup- respond in full to each and every African crisis it may porting pan-African institution-building within the frame- have contributed to. Hence, the importance of developing work of a new UN-centered world order. An OAU ambas- a policy approach that relies heavily on the UN, the OAU, sadorial post would help to consolidate and give coherence and African subregional organizations. to U.S. African diplomacy in much the same manner as the Operation Restore Hope underlines the urgent need posting of a U.S. ambassador to the OAS facilitates hemi- for U.S. collaboration with other Western democracies spheric diplomacy. Further, it would firm up the U.S.-African and developing countries in moving in this direction so as relationship grounded in this country's African heritage, and to greatly heighten the threshold at which the U.S. is place the U.S. in a better position to coordinate its response compelled to spearhead a humanitarian intervention on to African crises in consultation with Africans. This, in turn, the scale of Somalia. This no doubt entails an uphill strug- would strengthen African confidence in the level of impor- gle given the bureaucratic bottlenecks and regional politi- tance that Washington attaches to African concerns. cal complexities that often immobilize the UN and the

Africa Report 16 OAU. The U.S. should place a high priority on enabling ally stabilizing that situation where, incidentally, in the the UN to be more responsive in emergency rescue situa- wake of Operation Restore Hope, there is a demand for tions like Somalia. Here, the UN's lack of a mandated similar U.S. involvement. rapid deployment capability to undertake forceful peace- Because of the fundamental nature of the questions making as opposed to purely passive peace-keeping raised by the humanitarian intervention/peace-keeping forced the U.S. to take the lead in Somalia. dilemmas in Somalia and Liberia, the Clinton administra- But beyond intervening to secure food deliveries, the tion may want, early on, to encourage the convening of a question that goes begging is what comes next? How is UN special session on peace-keeping and humanitarian longer-term security to be guaranteed in a country where intervention. This would provide an opportunity to the state has totally disintegrated and sovereignty, in explore options under the UN Charter and develop appro- effect, breaks down? What is the responsibility of the priate guidelines for addressing such situations. In the international community in restoring sovereignty? What process, the U.S. would have a suitable frame of reference should be expected of the OAU as well as the UN? Where- for establishing its own criteria for undertaking future as there are expectations that the UN will assume respon- international rescue missions on a case-by-case basis, fac- sibility for bringing about national reconciliation and a toring in strategic security interests as well as strictly semblance of governance, there has been no mention of a humanitarian concerns. However, for such deliberation to role for the OAU. Yet there is widespread concern among be truly productive, a UN special session on peace-keep- Africans that humanitarian intervention in Somalia may ing and humanitarian intervention should stimulate set a precedent leading to the "reeolonization" of Africa. regional collective security dialogues in Europe, the Meanwhile, the OAU has been silent. What does this low Americas, and Asia as well as in Africa. The end result profile imply for the future of Secretary-General Salim's could be the fashioning of a UN-centered collective secu- conflict management/resolution proposals which, in any rity system that decentralizes peace-enforcement and case, may not go nearly far enough to address contingen- peace-keeping responsibilities. Continental and/or subre- cies like Somalia? gional organizations would, in effect, constitute the front- The calling out of retirement of the former U.S. ambas- line of engagement in Somalia-like emergencies and, sador to Somalia, Robert Oakley, to serve as political hopefully, prevent them from escalating to that crisis adviser to the military command of Operation Restore level. Hope is acknowledgement by Washington that the U.S. As outlined here, the fashioning of a UN-centered cannot stand aloof from restoring governance in Somalia, Africa policy is suggestive of how America's post-Cold though it is not likely to play a central role in this process. War commitments could be mediated through a multilat- This was a point, however, that became an almost instant eral framework which spreads the security burden while preoccupation with the news media. A Newsweek article enabling the U.S. to concentrate on its domestic priorities observed that "unless a contingent of peace-makers stays without becoming "isolationist." Africa, in turn, could ben- long enough—which could be years—to fashion some efit from a policy that encouraged the strengthening of kind of effective national authority, the causes of Somalia's UN/African peace-keeping capabilities within a frame- chaos will only re-emerge." Further, it noted that "many work of international cooperation that minimized tenden- experts doubt that military steps to guard food convoys cies toward the marginalization of the continent and its can, or should, be separated from rebuilding the nation." concerns. These considerations have fueled the notion of re- For Africa, the stakes are high. The continent has a establishing governance in Somalia through the vehicle window of opportunity within the next four years to of trusteeship. However, if a straight-out UN trusteeship advance its security and economic interests while its can- is unacceptable, perhaps the preferred option is an inter- didate, Boutros-Ghali, is the UN secretary-general and African solution involving the OAU in partnership with while a Democratic administration with strong pro-Africa the UN in underpinning an internal Somali settlement. A constituencies is in the ascendancy in Washington. joint OAU/UN partnership would not impose a solution For the Clinton administration, the stakes are also on Somalia as much as facilitate a Somali solution and high. Forging an Africa policy that is anchored in a revi- consolidate it through peace enforcement and assistance talized UN system, strengthened African continental and in restoring the basic tools of governance. subregional institutions, and a collaborative approach to Within this context, the UN charter could be amended addressing the continent's problems, constitutes a major to allow for the installation of what former Ugandan For- challenge—not just in terms of how America is to relate eign Minister Olara Otunnu calls a "transitional arrange- to Africa, but more broadly and fundamentally in terms ment" to underscore the temporary nature of external of how the post-Cold War environment is to be managed involvement. The UN trust role could be subordinated to so as to contain threats to international security while the oversight of the OAU in consultation with a transition- promoting sustainable development and economic al Somali authority or, in cases like Liberia, to a subre- growth without succumbing to "imperial overstretch." gional organization like Ecowas. The UN mandatory Clinton's approach to Africa could provide clues as to arms embargo aimed at the Taylor forces in Liberia intro- how these concerns will be managed through the duces the potential for UN/Ecowas cooperation in eventu- remainder of the 1990s. 0

17 January/February 19 9 3 J Ozanne/Sygma The West African military force, Ecomog, which is trying to subdue the expansionist ambitions of Charles Taylor and bring peace to Liberia, is getting backing from the UN for its arms embargo. In another symbolic move, the UN has also named a special rep- resentative for the war-beleaguered nation. Ecomog is hoping that its sanctions-which include an economic blockade of Taylor-held Liberia-will bite enough to avert the need for a possible all-out offensive against Taylor's National Patriotic Front army.

est Africans engaged in media- tal, Monrovia, since September 1990—can press ahead tion to end the civil war in Liberia with a military blockade of all air, land, and sea ports with will consider a UN resolution unprecedented confidence. supporting an arms embargo a What is more, the UN has appointed a special represen- major boost to their intensifying tative for Liberia—in line with Ecowas requests and Secre- campaign to bring to heel public tary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali's declared support for servant-turned-revolutionary regional and sub-regional initiatives in conflict manage- Charles Taylor. The flamboyant, media-sawy factional ment But the UN stopped short of giving its unequivocal leader has so far resisted all moves to bring the region's support for comprehensive economic sanctions declared oldest republic to the multi-party ballot box. by Ecowas leaders at an October meeting in Cotonou, The resolution, passed unanimously in late November Benin—a reflection of the growing perception among UN after foreign ministers of the 16-member Economic Com- members that the Nigeria-led Ecomog has compromised munity of West African States (Ecowas) lobbied the its status as Liberia's neutral policeman. world body's current session, confers badly needed legit- The sanctions are aimed principally at forcing Taylor imacy on sanctions against Liberia's combatants, which into compliance with accords signed at Yamoussoukro, came into force on November 5. UN approval means Eco- Cote d'lvoire, a little over a year ago. Yamoussoukro IV mog—the seven-nation task force based in Liberia's capi- enshrines the Ecowas peace plan, which holds all fac- tions to disarmament and encampment supervised by Peterda Costa is a freelance journalist based in Banjul, the Gambia. Ecomog as a prerequisite for repatriation and resettle-

Africa Report 18 ment of refugees, voter registration, and ultimately what elections, suggested after a recent meeting with Taylor would be, if organized as envisaged, Liberia's only free that a 20-man team of UN observers might be useful in and fair poll since its founding by freed American slaves monitoring the peace monitors themselves, a suggestion in 1847. Ecowas rejected as impractical. How the new UN repre- His signing of Yamoussoukro IV and a later clarifica- sentative in Liberia and his civilian team will fare in tion in Geneva notwithstanding, Taylor has consistently assessing the impartiality or otherwise of Ecomog refused to demobilize the estimated 12,000 men, women, remains to be seen. and children who make up his National Patriotic Front Given the current state of affairs in Liberia, a UN pres- (NPFL), which exercises military control over most of ence is an important symbol. Since October 15, when Liberian territory outside Monrovia. His contention that Taylor declared war on Ecomog and launched artillery Ecomog is an agent of Nigerian expansionism in Liberia and infantry attacks on Monrovia, the picture has has been stepped up in recent months, as has his call for become increasingly confused and the future for the the West Africans to be replaced by a UN force. city's inhabitants, inflated to 1.5 million by the war, more That the UN has stopped short of sending its own uncertain by the day. The collapse of a ceasefire that had peace-keepers into Liberia is as much a reflection of cur- held, by and large, for nearly two years has been accom- rent preoccupations with other conflicts such as that in panied by some of the fiercest fighting seen since the former Yugoslavia as it is a sign of Ecowas's determi- December 1989 when the NPFL took on the Armed nation to stay at the helm of the tortuous mediation pro- Forces of Liberia (AFL) in its bid to oust the reviled for- cess it feels it has managed, at great sacrifice, with virtu- mer dictator, Samuel Doe. ally no outside material support. Diplomats say that while Then, Ecomog intervened to stop the carnage as UN moral support is welcomed, real commitment to Monrovia became the staging ground for bloody ethno- peace in one of the world's ignored trouble spots could religious factional fighting between the NPFL, AFL, and be more tangibly demonstrated by logistical support for INPFL, a Taylor splinter. Now, as then, Ecomog, has Ecomog and cash backing for the expensive shuttle come under fire. It has finally shown its potential for diplomacy. aggression after months of restraint in the face of "We've been doing the job of the Security Council for extreme provocation. Peace-keepers who deployed in the last two years," a West African diplomat told Africa NPFL-held areas earlier this year under delusions that Report. "So to ask the UN to help in Liberia is no more their role in Liberia was finally being accepted suffered than requesting them to do their job." Former U.S. Presi- emasculating humiliation as they were kidnapped, tor- dent Jimmy Carter, who is helping to prepare Liberia for tured, even murdered by the NPFL. 19 January /February 19 9 3 Ecomog's retiring field commander, Maj.-Gen. Ishaya diverse national army. Sources say in excess of 1,000 are Bakut, told journalists shortly before the October 15 presently in training in neighboring Guinea. Ecomog's onslaught: "All Taylor has succeeded in doing is discred- inadvertent—some say calculated—involvement with iting us." Bakut, the third of four successive Nigerians these groups in the defense of Monrovia has further given the task of implementing Yamoussoukro IV, had damaged the peace-keepers' image of impartiality, draw- strong grounds for his pessimism. In the year he served ing assurances from senior commanders that once the with Ecomog, he watched Taylor renege on accord after "common enemy" is dealt with, then the other factions accord, amid the apparent inability of his political mas- will be restrained. ters at Ecowas to reach a consensus on a decisive man- The success of Ecowas's unilateral economic blockade date for the force. will depend to a large extent on Cote d'lvoire. The franco- Ecomog's new commander, Maj.-Gen. Adetunji phone country has directed a two-track foreign policy, on Olurin, now has the onerous task of directing the bol- the one hand signing Ecowas initiatives (it spearheaded stered coalition's imposition of Ecowas's sanctions deci- the Yamoussoukro accords) and on the other, giving de sion, as well as keeping NPFL units at bay in the absence facto recognition to Taylor's National Patriotic Recon- of a new ceasefire. Officially put at 10,000, the Ecomog struction Assembly Government (NPRAG). But, Ecomog force is said by insiders to be much larger, while diplo- intelligence sources say, Ivorian troops have also sealed matic sources confirm reports of a significant reinforce- off their border with Taylor's Liberia, thereby depriving ment in heavy weapons and other arms. Nigeria contin- the NPFL of its sole land point of entry for supplies. ues to dominate and largely finance the operation. It has Burkina Faso, the origin of most Taylor-bound convoys at the very least doubled its original two battalions, with of weapons and mercenaries, has been diplomatically pres- major participation coming from Senegal (2,500 men) sured to the point that it now says it will send 1,000 troops and Ghana (one battalion). Guinea, Sierra Leone, and the to join Ecomog. If the offer is genuine, it may do more Gambia complete the composition, together with a token than any Ecomog confidence-building exercise thus far to contingent from Mali. persuade Taylor that the West Africans have honorable Nigerian frigates have shelled the marshes around intentions. The Burkinabe offer followed a crisis meeting Monrovia to dislodge NPFL commando units, while the on November 7 convened by the Nigerian head of state, key NPFL port of Buchanan, 40 miles southeast of Mon- Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, in his capital, Abuja. Attended by rovia, is subject to a naval blockade. Buchanan and other eight leaders, the meeting formally invited Ecomog strategic NPFL sites, including Gbarnga, Taylor's seat refuseniks to bolster the peace-keepers' capabilities. Abuja 125 miles to the north, have been bombed and strafed by also condemned the October 15 attack and the death of Nigerian jets, which are enforcing Ecomog's imposition four American nuns it said were killed by the NPFL. of a no-fly zone over Liberian airspace. Signs are that the That Burkinabe leader Blaise Compaore attended the sanctions are beginning to bite. Reports speak of severe summit, to be promptly berated by his fellow heads of fuel shortages in NPFL-held areas, a logical sequel to the state, is a testament to the resilience of a community beset Ecomog edict that any ship headed for Taylor-held ports by internal divisions, and exacerbated by outsiders. Cer- of Buchanan, Harper, or Greenville must first stop for tainly Compaore's new line over Liberia must be attributed inspection at Monrovia's freeport. to strong U.S. condemnation of Burkina Faso's role in pro- In itself, the arms embargo is too late, since the NPFL longing the civil war. In what many viewed as the first tan- took advantage of the stalemate afforded by the Novem- gible expression of ber 1990 ceasefire to stockpile a formidable array of U.S. decisiveness Charles Taylor: weapons, many unconventional, with which it is now over the Liberia Flamboyant, prosecuting its do-or-die campaign. Ulimo, a coalition of imbroglio, it has media-savvy, anti-Doe Krahn and Mandingo elements that has brought withdrawn its am- and intransigent its war against Taylor from bases in neighboring Sierra bassador from Leone to the very outskirts of Monrovia, is also armed Ouagadougou and in the absence of a buffer zone at the porous north- and prevented a eastern frontier will continue to sneak in guns. Monrovia new Burkinabe en- itself is awash with stray weapons, often wielded by voy to Washington armed bandits seeking to profiteer from the breakdown from taking his seat. of law and order. What began with Ecomog's dusk-to-dawn curfew—with the accompany- an apparent gaffe by ing warning that any armed person on the streets at Africa policy chief Her- night risks being shot on sight—is in part a response to man Cohen—who was increasing lawlessness. It is also a response to allega- reported by the BBC as say- tions that Ecomog is in collusion with Ulimo, the AFLT ing Ecomog must be replaced by and the "black berets"—400 Liberians who are the first a UN team because it could no graduates of a scheme run by the Ecowas-installed Mon- longer be considered neutral— rovia interim government to rebuild a more ethnically ended with the clearest American

Africa Report 2 Pal nek Robert/Sygma position yet: A State THE ARMS war exists and we need to be prepared for it.'" Another Department spokesman message reveals Senegal's plans to make a "technical said the U.S. still support- EMBARGO IS TOO retreat" from Liberia, aided by a $500,000 U.S. contingen- ed Ecowas's mediation in cy fund (reliable sources say West Africans have been Liberia and considered LATE, SINCE THE successful in exerting diplomatic pressure on Senegal to Ecomog a neutral peace- NPFL HAS STOCK- stay in the coalition). keeping unit. The extent of the U.S. role in nurturing the Yamous- On an official visit to PILED A FOR- soukro IV accord is also laid bare. An October 23 memo the Gambia, Cohen told from its Abidjan embassy to State reveals American Africa Report that the MIDABLE ARRAY recognition that the process leading up to the accord—a remarks attributed to him OF WEAPONS. result of a meeting between Vice President Dan Quayle had been engineered. and Ivorian leader Felix Houphouet-Boigny—was intend- The BBC sound-bite had been "fabricated, a fake inter- ed to make Taylor president. "Last year, the GOCI I Ivo- view." Rather more authentic, however, were a sheaf of rian government] committed its resources and prestige State Department documents leaked to several news media to finding a political solution...that would likely have led in early November detailing communications between U.S. to Charles Taylor's legitimate access to the presidency diplomatic missions on the Liberia situation. The State and, the Ivorians hoped, a peaceful and stable neighbor Department has maintained an enigmatic silence on the on their western border." documents, marked "secret" and "confidential," what one The same memo expresses U.S. paranoia over being Western diplomat described as an "inspired leak." blamed, by association with Cote d'lvoire, for being a If authentic, the communications, acquired by Africa party to the conflict rather than a disinterested peace- Report, provide an intriguing insight into the American broker. This fear may explain why a request for $2.5 mil- analysis of Liberia and show the extent to which Ecowas lion in military assistance from the U.S.—a result of Ivo- is divided over how best to end the stalemate. Benin's rian fears the conflict would spill over its borders—has President Nicephore Soglo, the current Ecowas chair- not yet been met. An October 25 memo describing a con- man, is seen as increasingly exasperated over what he versation between Ambassador Horan and Ivorian For- perceives as Nigeria's hijacking of the mediation pro- eign Minister Amara Essy reports: "Essy said the GOCI cess. In a memo to Washington dated October 27, the was a little disappointed the U.S. had urged [Cote American ambassador reports: "In my latest conversa- d'lvoire] to play a greater role in Liberia, but was not tions with President Soglo...I am finding that he has forthcoming as [Cote d'lvoire] had hoped it would be, thrown up his hands over Liberia, deciding that Nigeria when its actions had military consequences or required has taken over Ecomog and that Ecowas is too divided to more direct U.S. diplomatic involvement." have a common policy for a peaceful resolution of the The forecast for Liberia remains depressing. The problem. I-et them fight, he mutters often, until they NPFL, already under the sanctions squeeze, will continue are exhausted...." to throw itself at an Ecomog force increasingly prepared Senegal, whose two battalions joined Ecomog earli- for war, despite Taylor's statement that he will comply er this year only after a $10 million cash injection with the UN call for a multilateral ceasefire (at time of from the U.S., is revealed to be in despair over Tay- going to press, fighting was still going on in and around lor's refusal to implement Yamoussoukro IV and exas- Monrovia). Ecomog contributors, emboldened by the UN perated by the murder of its men, whom the NPFL ini- resolution and convinced of the probity of the force's tially welcomed as impartial peace-keepers. Assistant actions, will step up the blockade and prepare for a possi- Secretary of State for Defense Lilley reports in a telex ble all-out offensive against NPFL positions. They will that the Senegalese chief of staff, Maj.-Gen. Mamadou have learned from the drive of October 1990, when then Mansour Seek, told him on a visit to Washington in commander Maj.-Gen. Joshua Dogonyaro enforced a October that "the best solution to the Liberia problem cease-fire and set up a protective buffer zone around would be to 'eliminate' Taylor, and made his meaning Monrovia after a three-week blitzkrieg. Babangida told very clear." Lilley instructs diplomats in Dakar to tell fellow leaders at Abuja that the Community had no choice Seek and senior Senegalese officials it is not U.S. gov- but to stick it out in Liberia, so a pullout is unlikely. ernment policy to back assassinations. But with the dense hinterland an inhibiting factor to Another communication from Dakar to Washington Ecomog's securing the whole country, an NPFL guerrilla reads: "Seek opened with his now-familiar diatribe war could last for months, even years. Should the West against Taylor, noting ho is the sole obstacle to peace in Africans decide to march on Gbarnga, the civilian death Liberia...Seek [noted] that he thought the existence of toll—estimated at anything between 20,000 and 100,000 Ulimo, and its recent advances in Liberia, was a good since December 1989—could rise even higher. Having thing. Taylor only understands force," said the General. surmounted formidable hurdles to keep the peace process 'He has already violated the terms of the Cotonou com- on track, Ecowas now faces possibly the most difficult munique. Our [Senegal's] interest in Liberia is humani- task—completing the precedent-setting Liberia assign- tarian. We were sent as peace-keepers, but now a state of ment with its beleaguered image and honor intact. O

January/February 19 9 3 BY ANDREW MELDRUM

Mozambican soldiers: A ceasefire was signed on October 4 Below: President Joaquim Cbissano LESSONS OLA

As Angola teetered between a fragile remained ever-present. Potential scenarios included ceasefire and a return to civil war, its Unita dividing Angola in half so that it would rule the Portuguese-speaking cousin, Mozam- southern and central territories where it has retained bique, appeared to be travelling down military control, or an attempt to squeeze Luanda— the same road toward contested, incon- under the MPLA's control—by seizing the rest of the clusive elections and continued civil country. strife—until the United Nations Security In deciding in mid-December to send peace-keepers to Council agreed in mid-December to dispatch 7,500 Mozambique, however, the United Nations has drawn peace-keepers to the war-torn nation. lessons from the Angolan crisis which can help Mozam- The specter of Angola's continued unrest had hung bique avert a similar continuation of its violence. The heavily over Mozambique, whose new peace plan leading experience in Angola is applicable to Mozambique to elections had immediately fallen behind schedule. because the two countries share similar histories and Mozambique's President Joaquim Chissano and Renamo their current political and economic situations are parallel. rebel leader Afonso Dhlakama signed an accord in Rome Angola and Mozambique, the two Portuguese-speak- on October 4, calling for a ceasefire and detailing a peace ing countries of southern Africa, have been fated to mir- process to bring about nationwide elections in one year. ror each other both in colonial history and after indepen- But within a month, the Mozambican plan was already dence in Marxist rule and vicious, foreign-backed civil behind its timetable. wars. The end of the Cold War brought the possibility of In Angola, although Jonas Savimbi's Unita movement peace to both countries. Because the collapse of the Sovi- finally agreed in early December to participate in a coali- et Union left the two Marxist governments without pow- tion government with President Jose Eduardo dos San- erful allies, both ruling parties moved away from one- tos's MPLA party, the threat of renewed hostilities party states and centrally controlled socialist economies and sought new friends in the West. Andrew Meldrum, a contributing editor to Africa Report, is an American journalist who is frontline editor of the Johannesburg Weekly Mail. Based Angola got the first breakthrough, chiefly because of in Harare, Zimbabwe, he also writes for The Guardian of London. American interest in the country's rich oil deposits. Pres- A f r i c Report n In early December, Mozambique appeared poised to follow the same tenuous route as Angola—failed demobilization, disputed elections, breakdown of the ceasefire, and possibly a return to civil war. But in a sign that the UN Security Council learned from the experience in Angola, it announced on Decem- ber 16 that it would send 7,500 peace-keepers to Mozambique to disarm and demobilize the com- batants, and organize elections by October 1993.

sure from the United States brought the MPIA and Unita were summarily executed in Luanda. After the fighting, to sign the Bicesse peace accord in 1991. The agreement MPLA supporters searched out and killed people called for a ceasefire, demobilization of the rival armed suspected of supporting Unita. forces, and national elections in September 1992. The United Nations brokered a ceasefire to the post- Mozambique's peace negotiations in Rome dragged election fighting, but it did not appear to solve the coun- on for nearly two years and were marked by delays by try's divisions. Savimbi refused to come to Luanda to Renamo leader Dhlakama. By the time the Mozambican meet with dos Santos, claiming, with some justification, accord—spelling out a ceasefire, demobilization, and that Luanda was not safe for Unita. On November 20, elections—was signed on October 4, 1992, the Angolan when the MPLA and other parties met to form a new gov- agreement was already unravelling. ernment based on the election results, Unita refused to Before Angola's September 29-30 elections, Jonas take part. Savimbi unequivocally told international journalists that By the end of November, it looked as though Unita if he and Unita lost the elections, they would claim the intended to continue with its plan to cut Luanda off from polls were rigged and return to war. And that is what the rest of the country. In early December, however, Unita happened. Although Unita did relatively well in the elec- pledged to join a government of national unity and respect tions, winning more than a third of the parliamentary a ceasefire, just three days before the expiration of a gov- seats and even more of the presidential votes for Savim- ernment ultimatum for the group to halt hostilities and bi, it accused the MPLA of cheating and rejected the join a coalition government or face a declaration of war. results. But the situation remained tenuous, with no assurances After weeks of tense uncertainty, fighting broke out that the Unita statement would be adhered to. in the first week of November in Luanda. More than As Angola hung in this precarious balance between 2,000 people were killed. Unita controlled strategic por- war and peace, between unity and division, confusion tions of the city, but after a week it was surrounded by reigned in Mozambique where the peace process was MPLA forces and fled Luanda. In the process, several of falling behind schedule. Zimbabwe had indefinitely Savimbi's top generals were killed or taken captive. delayed the withdrawal of its 7,000 troops stationed in Unita did much better throughout the rest of the coun- Mozambique, which were to have been pulled out by try, however. Savimbi's men took over Huambo, Ango- November 15, according to the Rome agreement. The la's second city and a Unita political stronghold. Unita Zimbabwean troops safeguarded the 180-mile road and also took over Caxito and N'Dalatando, secured control rail corridor linking their land-locked country to Mozam- of Lobito port, and encircled the neighboring city of bique's Beira port. The corridor is particularly strategic Benguela. In addition, Unita encircled key provincial now, as a substantial amount of drought-stricken Zimbab- cities like Malange, Kuito, Luena, and Saurino. Virtually we's emergency food imports come through Beira. all the roads throughout the countryside fell under Zimbabwean Defense Minister Moven Mahachi first Unita's control. claimed that the United Nations had asked Zimbabwe to Although Unita is widely blamed for the post-election keep its troops in Mozambique until the UN could violence, it is clear the MPLA also has significant blood ensure the safety and stability of the Beira Corridor. But on its hands. Numerous Unita officials and supporters this was denied by the UN's chief military observer in 23 J a n it a r y / F e b r u a r y 19 9 .i Mozambique, Lt.-Col. IN DECIDING TO that only 50 percent of the armed forces had been demo- Girish Sinha, who stated bilized just one week before the elections. This figure hid his mission did not have SEND PEACE- the fact that most of the demobilization had been of gov- the authority to make ernment troops, leaving Unita's smaller, but highly disci- such a request. Then KEEPERS TO plined force largely in place. Mahachi said the with- MOZAMBIQUE, A larger UN team and peace-keeping force could have drawal was being de- insisted on complete demobilization and disarmament of layed for "logistic and THE UNITED both forces. The election campaign should not have technical reasons." NATIONS HAS begun until the international team could confirm that Reading between the both sides were disarmed and dispersed and a new joint lines, it appeared that DRAWN LESSONS force was in place. UN envoy to Mozam- It does not appear to have been wise to trust a notori- bique Aldo Ajello, in a FROM THE ously corrupt government like the MPLA to administer special visit to Harare, ANGOLA CRISIS. the election process. Although some of Unita's specific warned President Ro- charges of vote-rigging are valid, they would not have bert Mugabe that a complete removal of Zimbabwean changed the overall outcome of the election. But it troops would result in chaos along the Beira route. It is should have been expected that such charges would estimated that there are 1 million Mozambicans seeking have been made. refuge along the Beira Corridor—most are hungry and Rather than playing a monitoring role, it appears the many have weapons. Safe deliveries of food to not only United Nations should have run the elections itself, as it Zimbabwe, but also Zambia and Malawi would be jeopar- did in Namibia, to ensure a fair outcome. In Namibia in dized by the absence of the Zimbabwean troops, accord- 1989, the UN had close to 9,000 officials overseeing elec- ing to military experts. tions for a country of 318,250 square miles and just under The trouble over the Zimbabwean troops was matched 2 million people. In Angola in 1992, the UN had 500 offi- by other hitches in the peace process. Neither Renamo cials to monitor elections in a country of 481,354 square nor the Mozambican army had gathered in the 49 assem- miles and 12 million people. A larger UN team with more bly points to begin disarming and demobilization, as stip- responsibility might have prevented any charges of foul ulated in the Rome peace accord. Nor did the UN, with play, thus obviating an excuse for rejecting the outcome. just 20 officials in Mozambique, have adequate personnel While Angolan leaders paid lip service to the election to monitor the peace process. Talks in Maputo between process, a lack of faith in the polling process was plainly Dhlakama and Chissano failed to materialize amid Ren- evident on both sides. The MPLA government created a amo complaints that it had not been allocated appropri- new anti-riot police. The new police force was highly visi- ately luxurious housing. ble with smart uniforms, weapons, and Nissan Patrol In other words, Mozambique's peace process was in vehicles. For its part, Unita created a similar force, osten- shambles, until the glimmer of hope provided by the sibly to guard Unita offices and residences. They too UN's December 16 announcement. The unanimous Secu- were well-armed and drove about in new GM vans from rity Council decision provides for 5,500 troops and 2,000 the U.S. civilians to be deployed in phases, in what will be the These rival forces were created using loopholes in the third largest UN operation after Yugoslavia and Cambo- peace accord. They imparted a sinister message that nei- dia at an estimated cost of $330 million a year. ther side trusted that the elections would settle matters. Starting with two battalions of Italian peace-keepers, Both forces were at the forefront of the violent outbreaks the mandate of the "blue helmets" in Mozambique will before the elections and in the large-scale clashes after- include monitoring the cease-fire agreement, disarming wards. the rival armies and integrating portions of the two It is uncanny to see the same tactics being used in forces into a new national army, organizing elections by Mozambique. Renamo leader Dhlakama accused the October 1993, and taking over the protection of transport Chissano government of moving its crack army mem- corridors from Malawian and Zimbabwean troops. bers into a special police force that would fall outside the Reflecting the lessons learned from the failed Angolan demobilization process. Dhlakama charges such a build- effort, the UN is insisting on full disarmament of the up of the police force is the same tactic used in Angola more than 110,000 rival troops before elections can take and brought on that country's current troubles. place. Angola's train of events will hopefully not be allowed to As the Angolan experience demonstrated, no longer repeat itself in Mozambique, which will see the demobi- can it be assumed that a ceasefire and internationally lization and disarmament of its rival armies before the monitored elections are sufficient to establish a lasting election campaign begins. Neither side should be permit- peace in a country torn by years of bitter civil strife. ted to create new praetorian guards. The elections should There must be strict demobilization and disarmament of be neutrally administered. If nothing else, Angola's elec- both armed forces before elections take place. The UN tions have provided the international community with use- monitoring team in Angola, UNAVEM, openly admitted ful lessons to prevent a similar fiasco in Mozambique. O

Afric Report BYVICKI R. FINKEL SAVIMBIs SOU CRA

Angola threatened to plunge once again into civil war after Jonas Savimbi refused to accept the out- come of the September 29-30 elections in which he lost the race for the presidency and his Unita movement polled only a third of the parliamentary vote. The fragile J.-P. Laffont/Sygma ceasefire was forgotten as heavily armed Unita and government forces clashed in the capital and elsewhere. But efforts are ongoing to bring about a negotiated end to the latest violence and restore peace to the troubled nation.

Jan nary /February 1993 or years during Angola's civil war, a raised that the superpower rivalry fought on Angolan soil had Russian tank stood as a city landmark in lost its supporters, that the country would benefit from a downtown Luanda. As multi-party elec- lasting peace, and that the 4.8 million registered voters tions approached in the southwest African would have had their hand in shaping the future govern- nation, an oversized symbolic dove was ment of their country. But no one seemed to have more hoisted above the military vehicle in a leverage on the decision to return the country to war hopeful sign that peace would replace the than the National Union for the Total Independence of brutal hostilities. But the tank remained Angola (Unita) leader, Jonas Savimbi, for years aided by in place and the peace the dove portended was never the U.S. and South Africa in his bid to topple the then given a full chance to become reality. Soviet- and Cuban-backed Marxist government. Parliamentary and presidential elections on September International mediating efforts by South Africa's for- 29-30 had been viewed as a panacea, with the closing of eign minister, Pik Botha, as well as U.S., Portuguese, and the polls successfully unlocking the doors to the devastat- Soviet diplomats failed to bring Savimbi and President ed country's social, political, and economic reconstruc- Jose Eduardo dos Santos together in a meeting to pave tion. The United Nations special representative to Angola, the way for a peaceful settlement to what had become an Margaret Anstee, echoed the thoughts of many outsiders increasingly volatile armed conflict. "We and the Ameri- when she called the balloting "generally free and fair" and cans created Savimbi, but no one controls him," a senior said the real winners were the Angolan people. South African diplomat who had for years commanded Moreover, the end of the Cold War renewed hopes Unita troops said in Luanda. The United Nations-observed voting was the final stage in a peace agreement signed by President dos San- tos and Savimbi. The accord was heralded as the final seal to the country's 16-year civil war, which followed a brutal 14-year armed liberation struggle against Por- tuguese colonialists. But the post-election days were fraught with tension, measured by vehement allegations of fraud and strategic movements of armed forces around the country. Political shifts were reflected in a wildly fluc- tuating exchange rate offered for U.S. dollars by the unofficial and pervasive street changers. Attesting to increased confidence, the parallel market exchange rate plummeted in the first few days after vot- ing when calm reigned over the country. But the week- end after the elections, Angolans were forced to question what appeared to be premature faith that whatever the outcome, the winners and losers would have to abide by the "people's choice." That weekend, Savimbi repeatedly alleged massive government fraud and threatened not to accept defeat. His militant words followed provisional and incomplete results in which he and Unita trailed dos Santos and the ruling People's Movement for the Libera- tion of Angola (MPLA). Savimbi pulled his Unita generals out of their new posts in the unified army and the parallel exchange rate shot up from just over 2,000 to 3,500 new kwanza to the Presidentjose U.S. dollar. Tensions rose as rumors circulated around Eduardo dos Unita's preparation of an offensive move while Savimbi Santos mustered his forces. A Unita declaration to the nation demanded that the National Electoral Council annul the vote-counting pro- cess, stop the release of any more results, and acknowl- edge that the government riot police (created only months before the elections) had intimidated voters at the polls. Thus, with about 10 percent of the vote count outstanding, and dos Santos still retaining the majority necessary to win on the first ballot, the final vote tally

Vicki R. Finkel is a freelance journalist who until recently was based in Luanda, Angola. Living in a War Zone

had planned to meet a friend at 11 am on October 31. ed from, but from my position of cover, in a triangular At 10:50 am, the heavy gunfire outside was about four niche under the stairs leading to the second floor, mortar Ihours old, ruling out hopes that I would make my fire continued to sail ceaselessly overhead into the late appointment. In fact, it would be three war-filled days afternoon. before I coutd semi-safe I y leave my house in the Maianga By Monday evening, the shots had died down to a rela- section of Luanda. tively safe level for me to drive in a white-flagged vehicle That sunny, beach-beckoning Saturday was the start of and assess the situation. Through the windshield, an unfa- the anticipated government cleansing operation against miliar Luanda unfolded, dramatically different from what I Unita in Luanda. From my second floor window, I could had come to know over nearly a year and a half working in view armed civilians strapped with ammunition firing into the country. Men positioned with AK-47 rifles straddled a nearby apartment building known to house Unita sup- open windows of vehicles. Dead, mutilated bodies, many porters. naked or with Unita flags draped over their bloodied skin, Around-the-clock exchanges conspired to rob me of littered the pavement. Vehicles in front of Unita buildings sleep and the country of peace. Rocket shards ripped were shot and destroyed and the offices looted bare. holes in the plaster roof above my head, and I would later The state radio's continuous airing of the popular peace learn that many of the rapidly fired bullets had in fact song, "Being brothers is being different yet equal at the made it into the house. Unfortunately, the house sat atop same time," rang hollow in the city where children gazed a hill in the crossfire between a government security build- down at burning Unita bodies. The melody was inter- Ing and Unita positions. spersed with pleas for available doctors and nurses to Like being at the top of a roller coaster and screaming check in at the hospitals—clearly, the massive shelling for the terror to end, I was powerless to stop the continual had supplied a heavy load of patients. rounds of shelling from deciding my fate. I phoned friends While expecting the government offensive, Unita could for information on the fighting in other areas of the city not have calculated the armed response on the part of and of their situations. Some were verging on tears, fear- civilians. Living under the heavy doses of propaganda fed ful not only for their personal safety, but for the country by the one-party state radio, television, and newspaper for whose promise of a lasting peace was shattering with our 16 years, exacerbated by Unita's antagonistic words even windows. "After six years of working here, I don't want to after the elections, Luandans lashed out with years of be forced to leave with my tail between my legs," a pent-up rage in grisly acts of revenge against their hated friend—a development worker—said. enemies. At 6 am on Monday, the BBC announced that "the Unit- "We could not take It any more, we had to kill them," a ed Nations had arranged a ceasefire at midnight and neighbor said as he strived to convince me of the righ- according to our correspondent in Luanda, it appears to be teousness of his actions. • holding." I do not know where that correspondent report- —V.R.F.

was held hostage by Unita's threat to return to war. Tensions peaked on the second weekend after the But just as the flamboyant trees dotting the capital elections when a bomb exploded in downtown Luanda, refused to conceal their brilliant blossoms, Angolans did less than 50 yards from the Holel Turismo, the headquar- not hide their determination to live as normally as possi- ters of the Unita leadership since their arrival in the capi- ble despite the signs of imminent warfare. Post-election tal in June 1991. shoppers were hit hard as prices skyrocketed on basic- Later that week, another thunderous explosion commodities. Soap powder, for example, virtually dou- pierced the Luanda night as an ammunition depot of the bled to nearly twice the monthly minimum wage of new unified air force burned about four miles from Luan- 12,000 new kwanza. The estimated billions of dollars da airport. The blast, which reportedly killed 13 arsenal spent on the government's election campaign had sapped guards, set off a wave of violence in the capital, and the coffers of the country whose war-shattered economy forced people to flee their homes, panicking that war had remains heavily dependent upon imports. erupted. As daily government news reports told of Unita occu- In many ways, war-time conditions had in fact descend- pying more government municipalities and killing local ed upon the country of 12 million. "We are back to a pre- administrators, the Swedish, French, and other foreign peacetime situation, with people running into the bush for embassies evacuated their nationals. They feared that safety," said Paulette Nichols, emergency project officer the instability, which the foreign affairs ministry for Unicef. The government dropped its peacetime recon- declared a war-time situation, would escalate into an ciliation rhetoric and returned to its propaganda cam- uncontrollable military confrontation. paign, belligerently condemning Unita and its military

J a u it tt r y / F e b r it a r y 19 9 3 advances. Unita's post- UNITA 5 POST- likely cover for an attempt to fly out vulnerable Unita sup- election threats to "turn porters from Luanda in the midst of escalating tension Luanda into ash and rub- ELECTION fueled by Unita's growing occupation of southern Ango- ble" only bred growing la. Unita had reportedly taken over more land since the hatred in the heavily THREATS ONLY elections than it had occupied before the ceasefire and divided country. BRED GROWING even Luanda had turned into a militarized zone. While Unita's top With the election results published, the MPLA brass had shed their mil- HATRED IN A attained a mandate to govern and recognition from the international community. After vain attempts to reach a itary fatigues and picked D|V|DEDANGOLA. up coveted colonial peaceful settlement, international mediators appeared to homes in Luanda, where throw up their negotiating hands over fruitless bids to they had sat on joint commissions with the government settle the crisis. Moreover, the MPLA had long since since the ceasefire signed on May 31, 1991, numerous secured the backing of the Luanda populace to wage armed and uniformed Unita guards patrolled what had what became a bitter offensive in the capital. The govern- become Unita areas of the city, centering around the ment armed the population in preparation for a three-day movement's delegations. They blocked traffic at a whim, blitz against Unita members. Heavy artillery rained down wearing necklaces of grenades and sporting dark sun- upon the besieged capital in an attack in which over 1,000 glasses while toting rocket-propelled grenades and other people were reported killed in Luanda, and an equal weapons. number in the rest of the country. After blocking the release of election results, the Top Unita leaders, including Savimbi's nephew and mercurial Savimbi himself released the final tally in chief spokesman in Luanda, EHas Salupeto Pena, and Huambo two days before the National Electoral Council Unita Vice President Jeremias Chitunda were gunned officially divulged the outcome. A second round of pres- down as they attempted to drive out of the city. A dusk-to- idential voting was declared necessary as no candidate dawn curfew was imposed in Luanda in a bid to sweep up received an outright majority. Dos Santos won 49.57 per- dead bodies and curtail rampant looting among the cent, Savimbi 40.07 percent, with the remaining votes armed population. split by nine candidates. In the parliamentary race, the The government stated that the offensive was in MPLA received a clear majority of 53.85 percent to form response to an alleged Unita coup plan. The massive bat- the new government, gaining 129 of the 220 parliamen- tle effectively purged Unita from the capital, and extin- tary seats; Unita trailed with 33.85 percent or 70 seats guished the flickering hope for peace in the country. For- while the remaining 21 seats were divided among 10 eign embassies and the United Nations evacuated third parties. remaining staff, producing a virtual vacuum in aid work. But the concluding second round of elections remains The U.S. imposed a 60-day moratorium on all U.S.-funded a distant goal. The government has ruled out elections projects in the country. until Unita disarms its troops and allows the government The UN under-secretary-general for peacekeeping to extend its administration throughout the entire coun- operations, Marrack Goulding, talked to both dos Santos try. Accusing South Africa of ongoing support to Unita, and Savimbi in mid-November in an ongoing effort to the government declared Pik Botha persona non grata. mediate the conflict. With the United Nations Angola U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Her- Verification Mission (UNAVEM) mandate expiring on man Cohen's assertion that "Savimbi will face interna- November 30, Goulding expressed reluctance to commit tional condemnation and isolation if he returns to the to an extension of UNAVEM's stay in Angola until he was civil war" seemed to have little effect on the U.S.'s former assured that both sides would abide by the peace "democratic freedom fighter." accords. If Savimbi's erstwhile allies questioned their hold on In a letter written to Margaret Anstee, Savimbi, after the military commander, sporadic bombings and mur- meeting Goulding, said that "even though the elections ders patently showed that the government no longer were rigged," he would respect the results, but added retained full control in the capital, traditionally an MPLA that if provoked, he "will fight for 10 more years." In stronghold throughout the civil strife. But when Savimbi early December, three days before the expiration of a flew to his residence in Huambo shortly after the elec- government ultimatum for Unita to halt hostilities and tions to devise his strategy from Unita's southern heart- join a coalition government or face a declaration of war, land, the party's headquarters in Luanda seemed an the rebels agreed to be a party to a government of amputated limb, severed from control in the south. national unity and to respect a ceasefire. But as long as Assessing their strategic disadvantage in the MPLA Unita remains heavily armed, its promises bear little capital, about 40 Unita armed guards launched an attack weight. with rockets and heavy gunfire outside the light aircraft And while the dove in Kinexixe Square, now sur- zone of the capital's airport, early on the morning of rounded by burned-out cars and mutilated campaign October 30. Eight people, including three Portuguese, posters, still flies above the city, its efforts to land contin- were killed in the hour-long conflict. The offensive was ue to be blocked by military obstacles. O

Africa Report BY MELINDA HAM LOOSENING THE REINS? Although Malawian activist Chakufwa Chihana (right) was convicted of sedition—i.e., advocating multi-party democracy and an end to the 30-year reign of Life President Kamuzu Banda—and received a sentence of three years at hard labor, the autocratic regime has begun to mellow slightly, thanks no doubt to Western donors' freez- ing $74 million in aid. Two political opposition movements have been formed and Banda unexpectedly announced a forthcoming referendum on whether Malawi should remain a one-party state.

rlon Chirwa died fighting for free- members include lawyer Harry Chiume and the outspo- dom...his death will spark afresh the ken Presbyterian minister, Rev. Aaron Longwe, who was fire of democracy and we must keep detained with a dozen other churchmen in August for that fire burning," activist Chakufwa organizing a human rights rally. Chihana had tried to Chihana told thousands of mourners establish AFORI) in Malawi in April after attending a con- in November at the funeral of Malawi's ference of exiles in the Zambian capital, Lusaka, but he most famous political prisoner, who was detained for more was arrested at Kamuzu International Airport by security than a decade on charges of treason. men and charged with sedition. But ironically, five months Previously such speeches at a funeral—which in effect later, the Malawi government did nothing to prevent was a forum—or a political rally would have been unheard AFORD's launch. of under the three-decade rule of Life President Kamuzu In mid-October, a second group, the United Democratic Banda, who has imprisoned or driven into exile many Front (UDF), which had been working underground for political opponents. But since September, the whole frame- several months, also went public. The UDF is led by Bakili work of Malawian politics has been dramatically liberal- Muluzi, a former MCP secretary-general and a prominent ized. Two political opposition movements have formed, leader in the Muslim community. Other UDF members while on October 18, Banda announced that a national ref- are Edward Bwanali, health minister until he was fired in erendum would be held as soon as possible on whether 1991, former political prisoner Aleki Banda, and other ex- the country should become a multi-party democracy or cabinet ministers and civil servants. remain a one-party state. As one Western diplomat said: "While AFORD is a Almost everyone was caught off-guard by the referen- group of outspoken younger radicals with little political dum announcement. It seemed a complete about-face for experience, the UDF is composed of more conservative, the Life President and his Malawi Congress Party (MCP) seasoned politicians who have worked within the system." after they had decided at September's party congress that UDF leader Muluzi added: "If we believe in democracy, we the MCP would remain as the sole political party. Political should encourage a proliferation of political movements. analysts attribute the turn-around to the $74 million aid We are fighting for similar goals as AFORI) and we are freeze by Western donors which has been in effect since talking with them." May. The Malawi government is beginning to crack under Members of these two movements, as well as represen- the pressure, the analysts claim. tatives of associations of lawyers, businessmen, and Internal pressure is also escalating. In September, the churchmen have formed a broad-based alliance called the Alliance for Democracy (AFORD) was launched. Trade Public Affairs Committee (PAC). At the request of the gov- union leader Chihana is its leader and other prominent ernment, the PAC recently began meeting with the MCP to work out a framework for the run-up to the referendum. Melinda Ham is a Canadian freelance journalist based in Lusaka, Zambia. Simultaneously, the new spirit of liberalism has spilled 29 January/February 19 9 3 A Conversation with Enoch Chihana hakufwa Chihana, head of the Southern Africa Trade Union Coordination Council and crusader for human rights and democracy in Malawi, was recently C honored by the Robert F. Kennedy Memorial as the recipient of the ninth annual Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award. On trial for treason at the time, however, Chihana's passport was taken away and he was unable to leave Malawi to attend the award ceremony. His son, Enoch Chihana, a senior at Wichita State University, accepted the award on his father's behalf and spoke to Africa Report editor Margaret A. Novicki, about the state of human rights and democratic freedoms in Malawi today. On the struggle Chakufwa Chihana has waged for everybody is hungry for power if there is no democracy. Every- human rightsan d democracy: body will start picking up guns. So to avert this situation, my For decades, people in Malawi have been oppressed, and father organized all the people who were in exile to talk about most of the opponents of the government were killed. My it. Before he went into exile, he had also organized the people father was put in detention for a long time, and I don't know inside Malawi—the churches, lawyers, and businesspeople how he survived. Being a survivor of this repressive regime, and they gave him a mandate. he thought now it is time for a change and time to give free- Before he returned from Zambia to Malawi, he called me dom to the people of Malawi. So through his organization, and said, "My son, this is the last time that I will be speaking to the Southern Africa Trade Union Coordination Council, he you. I am going to Malawi and I will be killed. But if I am decided that he could do something, because at least he was killed, people in the international community will know there is known. He felt if he just let things go on, Margaret A. Novicki something v/rong with this government he would be to blame. So he decided to and someone will come up to liberate risk his own life. He went back to Ma- the people." lawi from Botswana where he was resid- As his sen, I didn't want to see my ing. From 1985 to April 1992, he had father die for other people, but as a citi- been doing his work underground, con- zen of Malawi, I liked his idea. When tacting other people. Finally in 1992, he he boarded the plane in South Africa, decided it was time to open up. So he the Malawi government sent the ambas- went to Zambia and organized a confer- sador of Malawi to South Africa, plus ence for all exiled Malawians to come secret agent:, on the same plane. Imme- together and decide the nation's future. diately when he landed, my father deliv- With the collapse of the Soviet Union, ered a speech advocating multi-party the changes in South Africa, and democ- democracy and respect for human racy spreading to all of Africa, there was rights, but he didn't finish it. He was no need for Malawi to remain a very arrested immediately. Fortunately, there closed society. After that meeting, secret were Western diplomats there to wel- agents from Malawi followed my father wherever he went, come him. My father was taken and the diplomats followed and he was told that when he returned to Malawi, he would and they were returned at gun point. He was put into deten- be arrested. tion. Our president is 96 years old and he has no successor. For the first time, the ambassador of the United States con- Once a dictator dies or is overthrown, there is a vacuum and demned Malawi, and the British, French, and others followed.

over into the media. The MCP, UDF, AFORD, and PAC all Where expression goes against the set mechanism, eye- have unprecedented publicity secretaries and enthusiasti- brows may be raised." cally give statements to local and foreign journalists. The But the new openness has not been without problems, press law was amended, so that any journalist who falls as all the cogs in the Malawi government system are not afoul of the Malawi government now receives only five as well-tuned to the new thinking as they should be. The years instead of life imprisonment. Banda has also said MCPs militarist wing, the Malawi Young Pioneers (MYP), that anyone who has the capital is free to set up a newspa- has been overzealous in trying to control the AFORl) sup- per. porters who gather daily outside the high court in Blan- As a result, two privately run newspapers, the monthly tyre for Chihana's sedition trial and sing songs of praise Mickiru Sun and the fortnightly Financial Post, have about him. sprung up in the last year. "These two newspapers are On several occasions, the MYP has used batons to gradually setting the trend for a free press and free drive supporters away. Scores of people have been injured expression," said Edward Chitaula, joint owner of Michiru and at least two people have been beaten to death. On Sun, at a recent media seminar in Lusaka. another occasion, unidentified hooligans stoned the car But he added quickly that this new freedom still has carrying Chihana and his lawyer, Bazuka Mhango, from well-defined limits. "For the time being, freedom of the high court. All the car windows were broken and expression means to air your views with or within the rul- Mhango was hit in the head with a stone. AFORD ing system for the continued general good of the nation. spokesman Harry Chiume claims it was "an assassination Africa Report 30 Then later on, Malawi was exposed in The New York Times ments, the Alliance for Democracy [AFORD] and the and many other papers. As a result of that, my father had United Democratic Front [UDF]: access to a lawyer. Aid to Malawi was cut by 33 percent, The differences are that in my father's group [AFORD], most which made the government open up a little bit. Still, there are of the people suffered under Banda's oppression since inde- so many problems in Malawi. Internally, the people are ready pendence. They are the ones who opposed Banda from the for change and for democracy, but they need international sup- beginning. They are the ones who fought for freedom for port because there is still that atmosphere of fear. After 30 Malawians from the beginning. The second pressure group cre- years of being oppressed under a police state, people are ated the situation in Malawi right now. They are the ones who afraid to talk and directly criticize the government. In April, 38 formed these laws in Malawi, they were in Kamuzu Banda's people died who demonstrated for change. So now it is up to cabinet, they were his right-hand men. Because they had a the international community to help, because if it doesn't, problem with the government, Banda fired them and now it is democracy is going to fail. The president can die any day, and the politics of revenge. They couldn't form a pressure group at there will be a war in Malawi, which the international commu- the beginning because they were afraid for their lives. But nity can avert by acting now. when Banda announced a referendum, they immediately On the role of the U.S.: formed one. For most of them, it is just political ambition, to From the U.S., we need more economic and diplomatic gain the positions they lost. sanctions. The ambassador should say, "We don't like what They didn't want to join my father because they thought you are doing to the people. If you continue, we will not give someone might point a finger at them, so they formed their you this." The aid cutoff did have an impact. Kamuzu Banda own group. But my father's group welcomed that, because in a said openly to the people, "I think we have done what the inter- pluralistic society you need to have so many groups with differ- notional community has asked us to do"—repealing the Preven- ent political opinions, as long as they are committed to democ- tive Security Act which empowered the president to detain any- racy and the fight for human rights. one without trial. But in practice they are still detaining people. On the steps the Clinton administration should take: The party and the president are above the law. So my father Africa has been ignored in American foreign policy and most cannot say he had a fair trial because even the judge, before of the past administrations, except maybe Carter's, have he is going to render the verdict, has to think twice about him- embraced these dictators, giving them money, weapons, regard- self and his family. less of their human rights record. They didn't care as long as On Banda's announcement of a referendum on multi- they were not communists. I would like the Clinton administration party democracy: to take a very, very strong stand on these dictators, for Clinton It is a positive sign, but that was not his intention. His inten- himself or the secretary of state to go to Africa, expose them to tion in announcing a referendum was just to tell the international the international media, and talk straight about freedom and community that he is not afraid of democracy. But he is always democracy. Most of the problems in Africa would be solved, misinformed and out of touch, so he thinks people support him because these dictators don't want a confrontation with the U.S. because the people around him, the cabinet, always tell him lies I would like to see the Clinton administration take a very and being a dictator he likes to hear good things. For a referen- strong stand on Africa, because otherwise they will be going to dum to happen, you have to create a climate where there is no Africa to feed people. They should rather invest now in African fear and people can vote freely without thinking twice. So the people than later on, which will be very expensive. It will be opposition has to have access to the media. People age 1 8 and exactly like the situation in Somalia, where they nurtured Siad up need to exercise their right to vote and all the exiled Malaw- Barre, and when he was overthrown, there was a vacuum and ians need a general amnesty to return to Malawi and partici- everyone is now taking guns and fighting. It is the same every- pate in the referendum. None of these conditions are in place, where in Africa where there is dictatorship. The U.S. has a lot and Banda didn't even set a date for the referendum. of respect among so many Africans, but if they continue ignor- On the differences between the two opposition move- ing Africans, it will be a big problem. • attempt" and that the hooligans were MYP youths acting PAC insisted that if the referendum was to go ahead at on Banda's command. all, the constitution had to be amended. Article Four Another point of contention is that neither the UDF nor states explicitly: "There shall be only one party in the AFORD have been allowed to hold rallies—except for republic and that party shall be the Malawi Congress Chirwa's funeral where members of both groups Party." spoke—to encourage people to vote in favor of a multi- The funeral of Orton Chirwa, who had spent 28 years party system in the referendum. Over 50 AFORD mem- fighting to change the Banda government, was a uniting bers have been arrested across the country for possessing force for the UDF, AFORD, and other opposition groups. or selling AFORD membership cards. Although the UDF Chirwa, who was 73 when he died, had been a founding and AFORD have registered as associations, neither of member of the MCP and the country's first attorney-gen- their applications has been approved. eral. But he had rebelled against Banda in the 1964 cabi- MCP spokesman Hetherwick Ntaba says: "AFORD is net crisis just months after independence from Britain. illegal in every aspect especially because they are behav- Chirwa, a British-trained lawyer, and his wife Vera fled to ing like a political party. The police are not harassing Tanzania where they established the Malawi Freedom AFORD members; they are simply enforcing the law." Movement in exile to fight for an end to Banda's dictator- But when a United Nations team visited Malawi in ship. The newly formed opposition's challenge now is to November to assist the government in drawing up pick up the gauntlet thrown down by Chirwa and continue guidelines to conduct a "free and fair" plebiscite, the his fight. O 31 J a n u a r y / F e b r u a r y 19 9 3 BY ANDREWMELDRUM DROUGHT DEATH

|s southern Africa's severe drought when the Mugabe government car- burned throughout 1992, the rural people of Zimbabwe's ried out an extremely brutal crack- badly parched Matabeleland region had to resort to down in rural Matabeleland to try to AND lengthy searches for sources of water. Families marched stamp out anti-government rebels. for miles to a dry river bed where they would dig in the The bones found in the mine shaft were reported to sand until they reached the water table. Then they would the police, who told the people to avoid the area. Then, haul the cloudy water up in the buckets and carry their according to the local folk, a member of the Central Intel- precious, but heavy, load home. ligence Organization (CIO) also warned them to stay Another way to find subterranean water was to go away from the mine shaft. Finally, the people took the down old, disused mine shafts, deep into the earth. But matter into their own hands and carried out a proper buri- when some people in the Kezi area of Matabeleland South al for the remains. went down into the old Antelope Mine, they found bones, This was not an isolated incident. Throughout Mata- human bones. They found skeletons of scores of people, beleland, which stretches across southern Zimbabwe, some still with clothes and shoes. people hunting for water sources have discovered skele- There was little doubt that these were the remains of tons and mass graves. Confronted by the evidence of the some of the people who had disappeared during 1983-85, harsh treatment they received at the hands of security forces, the Ndebele-speaking peasants have called for Andrew Meldrum, a contributing editor to Africa Report, is an American new measures from the government, such as investiga- journalist who is frontline editor of the Johannesburg Weekly Mail. Based in Harare, Zimbabwe, he also writes /or The Guardian oflj)ndon. tions into who was killed by government troops, identifi- Africa Report 32 Although Zimbabwe under Robert Mugabe's government is a relatively free and sta- ble society, it has posted a less than ideal human rights record in the 13 years of Zanu-PF rule. Recent evidence of massacres in Matabeleland and disappearances or deaths of dissidents have spotlighted the role of the clandestine security force, which wields unchecked power in its efforts to stifle challenges to the ruling party.

cation of the remains, apologies, and compensation paid should be fully aware of these hostile machinations. to the families of those killed. Appropriate administrative, political, and security mea- As yet, none of those actions has been taken. But the sures will be taken to nip these destabilization maneuvers discovery of these remains in Matabeleland has coincid- in the bud." ed with the launch of a new human rights group to focus Such accusations have been dismissed as political Zimbabwean attention on the country's human rights rhetoric by the activists, who assert they are acting in record. Independent newspapers and magazines have the national interest. "Zimrights and other civic groups taken up the touchy issues that were previously swept have an important role to play in nation-building. We under the rug by Zimbabwe's government-owned press. want lo see our society become more open, for our gov- Zimbabweans are demanding new action to right old ernment to be more accountable and for the individual's wrongs, such as the Matabeleland massacres. They are civil rights and freedom of expression to be respected," calling on the government to establish new policies to says Matchaba-Hove. "If we criticize government, that prevent other human rights abuses. The human rights does not make us traitors or unpatriotic. Nor are the activists, along with Zimbabwe's independent press, have new newspapers which are critical of government or the drawn attention to a worrying series of killings suspected new political parties. We are part of the positive move- to have been carried out by the country's security forces, ment in Zimbabwe to become a truly pluralistic, demo- including the much-feared CIO. Most worrying of all, say cratic society." the activists, is that Zimbabwe's normally independent It is a bit surprising that human rights has become judiciary has apparently been compromised so that these such a burning issue in Zimbabwe. Since its indepen- cases were not brought to court. dence in 1980, the country has been relatively peaceful "We have come to a watershed for the protection of and prosperous. After nearly a decade of working to make human rights in our country," said Dr. Reginald Matcha- the country a socialist, one-party state, President Robert ba-Hove, interim chairman of Zimrights. "We Zimbab- Mugabe's ruling party, the Zimbabwe African National weans are demanding the basic rights that are enshrined Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) put aside those plans. In in our constitution, but are not always upheld by the gov- general, the courts have been independent and the rights ernment." of the individual have been upheld. Zimbabwe appears a President Robert Mugabe's government has reacted model of stability and freedom, especially in contrast to overt oppression found in neighboring countries like South Africa and Malawi and the rampant violence in Mozambique and Angola. "Certainly there is no doubt that our human DISSIDENTS rights record is better than many in Africa. And to the new interest in human rights with defensive our own record is improving, particularly as a alarm, angrily rejecting the criticisms and crudely result of the lifting of the state of emergency in July 1991," charging that the crusaders are a threat to Zimbabwe's says Matchaba-Hove, referring to the draconian emergen- security. Security Minister Sydney Sekeramayi, who is cy laws which granted sweeping powers to security forces responsible for the CIO, lashed out at the country's including the right to detain an individual indefinitely human rights activists and independent press when without trial. addressing a graduating class of new police constables "But human rights are not relative. We don't believe on October 29. that just because Zimbabwe is an African country we "Whereas in the past, the greatest threat to our securi- must settle for a sub-standard level of rights. We believe ty was external, the current threat emanates from some Zimbabwe deserves and can attain a very high level of commissioned individuals masquerading as human rights human rights." activists, ivory tower intellectuals, and some foreign mass Zimrights, founded in May 1992, is the country's sec- media correspondents dedicated to sowing seeds of ond human rights organization. The first is the 20-year-old national despondency, racial ethnic hate and conflict," Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace, which cru- charged Sekeramayi. "The security and defense forces saded for the rights of Zimbabwe's black majority during January/February 19 9 3 the repression of the white-minority Rhodesian regime. have suffered, it is like rubbing salt into the wound," com- During the war to win majority rule, gross abuses of mented Matchaba-Hove. human rights were carried out by the Rhodesian security In addition to the old sore of the Matabeleland trou- forces. bles, Zimbabwe's human rights activists are concentrat- Since Zimbabwe became independent, the most seri- ing on a troubling series of mysterious deaths in which ous blot on the country's human rights record is the members of the security forces are the suspects. Police army's incursion into Matabeleland in 1983-85. Attempt- investigations into the deaths have been very late and ing to crush anti-government violence in the southern shallow. When public opinion forced police to arrest the region, the army's specially trained Fifth Brigade stormed suspects or to re-open investigations, Zimbabwe's Attor- through rural Matabeleland, beating, raping, and killing ney-General Patrick Chinamasa closed the cases so that civilians. Outcries from the Catholic Commission and no public prosecution would take place. reports in the international press eventually brought a Army Captain Edwin Nleya had gathered evidence stop to (he army's actions. The exact number of peasants about army involvement in illegal poaching of elephant killed by the army is unknown, but the Catholic Commis- and rhino and smuggling in Mozambique. He told his sion suggests any number ranging from 2,000 to 20,000 family that he was being followed by "men wearing suits people were killed. Many health officials in Matabeleland and sunglasses" and that he had heard army officials plot- estimate the 20,000 figure is closer to being accurate. ting his death. He said he feared for his life. Nleya also The anti-government violence in Matabeleland was wrote Joshua Nkomo to say he was afraid. He disap- finally brought to an end, not by the army's repression, peared on January 2, 1989, and his body was found two but by a political accommodation, the Unity Accord of months later on a hillside next to a tree with a rope hang- 1987, which merged Joshua Nkomo's Zapu party into ing from it. An inquest ruled he died by hanging, but his Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF. family refused to let the case be closed and, in December But the wounds caused by the army's Matabeleland 1989, a magistrate ruled that he had been murdered. violence remain. In addition to the sorrow, there is the NIeya's widow, Mercy, has campaigned in the indepen- purely practical matter of death certificates. Because dent monthly magazines, Parade and Horizon, for a full many people, mostly men, disappeared in the custody of investigation into who killed her husband. She herself security forces and their bodies were not recovered, no received death threats, but no new action was taken to death certificates were issued. That means the widows reopen her husband's case. In 1992, the attorney-general and children cannot inherit the property and savings of ruled the Nleya case closed, saying there was no evidence the murdered men. to indicate he had been murdered, in direct contradiction Also, according to Zimbabwean law, a child's birth cer- to the earlier magistrate's ruling. tificate will only be issued if the father signs it or if a death Another Zimbabwe National Army officer, Lt. Shep- certificate of the father is presented. Without such death herd Chisango, died in custody in Harare in June 1991. certificates, hundreds of children were born in Matabele- The reason for his arrest is unclear, but he apparently wit- land without birth certificates and are now barred from nessed the army's involvement in smuggling when he attending government schools because they cannot pro- was stationed at the Forbes border post in Mutare along duce the necessary papers. These administrative prob- the Mozambican border. His wife visited him in military lems, and the government's intransigence, have custody in June 9, 1992, and saw that his arm was in a increased a deep-seated resentment in Matabeleland. sling and he had bruises. He died later that day. A first "The government needs to find a permanent and long- postmortem stated that he died from an overdose of the lasting solution to the Matabeleland disturbances," said anti-malarial drug, chloroquine. A second examination Matchaba-Hove. "First the government should apologize found that he had numerous bruises and injuries and he for the atrocities committed by the Fifth Brigade, for a might have died as a result of a fractured skull. The inde- mistake in which excesses occurred. Second there is a pendent press refused to let the case fade away and two need to compensate the victims and their families. The members of the military police were arrested in connec- constitution provides for such compensation. And the tion with Lt. Chisango's death. Again, Attorney-General government should help the families of those killed to get Chinamasa ruled there was no cause to prosecute and death certificates. It is the only way to start healing the closed the case. wounds, otherwise they will continue to fester." Rashiwe Guzha was a computer typist who had an Robert Mugabe recently rejected the suggestion that affair with the deputy director of the CIO, Edison Shirihu- his government should apologize or make any compensa- ru. After she broke it off and had a number of arguments, tion. He said what had happened was during a war and no she disappeared from her workplace in May 1990. A compensation was paid in such situation. woman fitting her description was seen in the custody of Further controversy over the Matabeleland troubles two CIO officers at a police interrogation center. There blew up when the former commander of the notorious was no police investigation into her disappearance until Fifth Brigade, Perence Shiri, was promoted to vice-mar- her family demonstrated in downtown Harare. It was not shal of Zimbabwe's Air Force. That appointment was until 16 months after Guzha first disappeared that police widely criticized throughout Zimbabwe. "For those who began investigating. When asked in court why the police Africa Report 34 took so long to look into the matter, a top police officer Zimbabwe's CIO, according to Nyathi, is patterned on said the police were afraid of the CIO. Finally three CIO the security apparatus of the old communist regimes of officials, including Shirihuru, were arrested for Ms. Eastern Europe. "In Eastern Europe, the security fed the Guzha's disappearance, but they were released on rela- population doctored information and stopped people from tively low bail. Once again, the attorney-general ruled expressing their views," said Nyathi. "The result was there was no sufficient evidence to prosecute. when one bit of freedom came in, the whole thing col- Outrage and cynicism was widely expressed when the lapsed. In the end, the over-emphasis on security was a news of the attorney-general's actions were announced. liability to the socialist aims." The Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace 'The CIO was created by the Rhodesian regime to announced it would continue the investigation of Capt. keep blacks from challenging their power," said Nyathi. Nleya's case. Zimbabwe's independent weekly newspa- "Then the Zanu-PF government inherited it, and got new per, The Financial Gazette, called for Chinamasa to training from Eastern European allies. Now the CIO pre- resign. Criticizing the attorney-general's action on the vents anybody from challenging the ruling party. The three cases, the Gazette said they brought about "a partic- CIO clings to the mistaken belief that any challenge to ularly dark moment for Zimbabwean justice." Zanu-PF equals a challenge to state security. They take "We cannot claim in the circumstances to be a society action against anybody whom they perceive as a chal- founded on the rule of law," stated the Gazette on Novem- lenge to the party." ber 19, "or indeed on the principle of equality before the The CIO is a highly secret group which operates out of law, a prerequisite for all healthy democracies. What we President Mugabe's office with a hidden budget. It is not witnessed was a travesty of the law. Powerful men with known how many people are employed by the CIO, but it political clout are apparently beyond the law and they are is well-known that there are agents in the cities and undoubtedly aided and abetted by a bullying executive throughout the rural areas. and a spineless attorney-general....It is patently clear that 'The CIO should be much more accountable to the Mr. Chinamasa cannot deliver even the elementary jus- public instead of operating as a clandestine organization tice which his post requires. It is therefore time for him to based on fear and coercion," said Nyathi. "There are lots go." of patriotic Zimbabweans who do not back Zanu-PF. The In addition to these three well-documented cases, rights of those people should be protected." there are a number of other mysterious deaths. Seven Many Zimbabwean human rights activists believe a people investigating ivory poaching and smuggling died new government will be able to make the changes to in car accidents between 1987 and 199(1. Four members of improve the country's observance of human rights. The the Open Forum, a Bulawayo-based discussion group that Mugabe government has become very unpopular in the is critical of the government, have died in suspicious cir- urban areas, but it has been able to retain support in the cumstances. Two were run down by a car when leaving less sophisticated rural areas, where 70 percent of the an Open Forum meeting. Two more, including a well- country's people live. The ruling party reaches into every known University of Zimbabwe professor, died in a car village and the CIO also has agents in the rural areas. accident. With such a heavy presence in the rural areas, it will be Christopher Giwa was an anti-government leader of difficult for new parties to influence the massive rural the University of Zimbabwe student council. After gradua- vote needed to win the national elections. tion, he signed up as leader of the youth wing of the new One foreign journalist who visited Zimbabwe was political pressure group, the Forum for Democratic favorably impressed by the open attitude in the cities, but Reform (FDR). He died when his car crashed into a sta- was struck by the frightened, oppressed atmosphere in tionary army truck. The FDR has called for an inquest the rural areas. "The people were afraid to talk to us. We into his death. Many critics say these deaths, and others, were quickly referred to the local party chairman," he amount to a pattern of suspicious deaths of people who said. "It seemed more like what I would expect in Malawi challenge the power of the party in power, Zanu-PF or South Africa." "What needs to be done is for the state to have an inde- It is clear that there are several areas in which Zim- pendent investigating commission for suspicious car acci- babwe's human rights record can be improved. The dents of politically active people," said Paul Temba existence of two Zimbabwean human rights groups, a Nyathi, director of Zimbabwe Project and vice-chairman growing and increasingly outspoken independent press, of Zimrighls. "It would create a more open environment, and the growth of new political parties augur well for the where people aren't so suspicious." future. Nyathi also criticized the attorney-general for dis- "We human rights groups have a lot of work to do," missing the three cases, saying Chinamasa is "clearly said Paul Temba Nyathi. 'The simple part is to criticize subject to political pressure." Nyathi was most critical of the government's human rights record. That offers us an the CIO, saying the intelligence organization is a "dan- easy target. The most difficult thing is to change people's ger to our democracy and a danger to our freedom. The attitudes. We want the entire population to be knowledge- CIO is so powerful as to render the work of the attorney- able about their rights, so they will be able to stand up for general powerless." themselves. We have a lot of work ahead of us." O 35 January /February 19 9 3 11111 • 11 111 till By Margaret A. Novick 1111T111 J 111111Ti 11111111J111J111 i 11111111111111 Frederick Chiluba Champion of Zambia's Democracy Africa Report: What have been the distortions which made people believe biggest challenges of your year in office, thai all was well when in fact the very as head of one of Africa's first democrati- opposite was the truth. We do realize that cally elected governments? we must take cognizance of what the peo- Chiluba: It has been a very hectic year. ple require. So we have been spending When we started, we had the support of time on improving the other, social side of our people, which remains the case today, life—medical care, education—so what but we also had a lot of ill will especially they are losing in the food prices, they from those from whom we took over, who gain on the other side. It is not a direct didn't expect us to last any longer than trade-off, but it does help. three months. But we persisted and held on So it has not been an easy year, it has because our people supported us. The been turbulent. As if the problems we took mandate we got of more than 80 percent over were not enough, we were hit by a of the vote meant a lot to us. It meant intro- drought that had a devastating effect. It ducing a totally new culture and approach not only diverted our efforts, but it called to life, introducing a new work ethic to real- upon resources which we didn't have, so ize that life is not as easy as we saw it in we had to turn to the international commu- the first and second republics, where food nity for assistance. This we got and I must rederick Chilu- was dished out free of charge and made continue to thank the American people people think that government would pro- and the administration under President ba was elected vide for them perpetually. We thought that Bush. They came to our aid when it was F we could let the people know that they really needed. We got balance of pay- president of Zambia could best run their lives if they provided for ments support of close to $47 million, the themselves and their families. Of course, U.S. government wrote off our external in one of Africa's first the government has a duty to ensure that debt to the tune of $170 million, and the environment makes it possible and facil- another $85 million is to be written off democratic elections. itates jobs which people will perform and next year. Then we got direct food help will be paid for. worth $51.5 million—close to 256,000 A year later, he talked We therefore had to start with the tons of cereal, corn—so we have sur- hardest things—the liberalization of the vived. Many countries in Europe—Swe- to Africa Report about economy, the withdrawal of subsidies on den, Germany. Denmark, Norway, in and consumption—so that we could create outside the EEC—have also been extreme- the challenges of his some breathing space for the economy to ly forthcoming and helpful. But this has begin to rise once again. Politically, the only helped us to stabilize so that we can first year in office— floodgates had opened. Freedom had begin to go on. come and was being felt by many people. I can't claim that our programs have the difficulties of Today, we have no less than 30 political really started in earnest, because we were parties in our country. It is an expression merely trying to rehabilitate the broken- institutionalizing that you cannot altogether leave the fate down infrastructure and put systems in of a country in the hands of one political place. I can safely say that in this second democracy and intro- party, that there must be free expression of year of our government, we will really opinion and belief. So politically, we are start to implement more programs to ducing a new work alright. Democracy has come, there is address specifically the issues that we tremendous political dissent. Apart from promised in our manifesto. ethic in a former the other parties which have blossomed, Africa Report: You were left with a col- there has been a tremendous growth in lapsed economy and a $7 billion debt. one-party state. He interest groups. We are delighted that What are the main pillars of your econom- also ex-plained his democracy is taking root. ic program? What will you do differently But when the economy was liberalized from the previous government to set the government's plans to and prices were freed, there were pres- Zambian economy on a new course? sures on our people. The social aspect of Chiluba: First of all, this whole picture privatize and expand life has been adversely affected and peo- has to change. We are moving away ple have certainly complained that prices from a command economy run by the the once-bankrupt are up. But this restructuring is not only government to one which is best run by restructuring, it is a kind of transformation the people themselves, in other words, to Zambian economy. which has to last forever. What we are a market economy. That is fundamental starting to do is a kind of base upon and significant. Eighty percent of the which we can build. We want to remove economy was in public hands, under

Africa Report public ownership. We have liberalized ca. In fact, some of the socalled briefcase But again I must admit that there has that—moving from public to private own- businessmen earn more profits than those been a genuine feeling of disappoint- ership—and this is a major cornerstone of in the formal sector, yet they don't pay tax! ment, because generally when we started, our economic policy. Therefore we started If my government organized them properly, an atmosphere was generated that creat- a whole program of privatization. Along- il would make a lot of money from them. ed a crisis of expectations. Some people, side it, we liberalized prices. Even when But you don't only organize them to get tax in spite of what we told them, still felt that the parastatals yet to be sold are in public out of them. You organize them first to facil- relief would come overnight, and when ownership, we want to make them work itate the operations of their businesses. we said we have to show more responsi- as commercially as possible. They start as individuals, but maybe in a bility, they thought we were running away The economy has not performed year they will employ three or four other from the promised way of life. But that extremely well since independence. At people and those people will not be count- was just a misconception, and people independence in fact, when the popula- ed as loafers. They are working and they know that they have to work, to sacrifice tion was close to 3.5 million or so, we will relieve government of the pressures in order (o gain those conditions that they had about 300,000 people in formal sec- which could mount without that kind of job talk about. People felt that inflation must tor employment and 17 years later, with creation. Especially in Third World not settle against the workers, they must population growth, we are close to 7-5 economies, the informal sector is the real fight to ensure that they also receive the million, but the formal sector is still slug- answer. But that answer can only come if benefits of their sweat. One has to just gish, it has not been creating any new governments try to facilitate its work. The maintain the balance, otherwise the fight jobs, still close to 300,000 or 400,000. informal sector is bustling with men and still goes on. Even in the event of privatization succeed- women whose ingenuity and acumen can Africa Report: What would you like to ing, I do not see the creation of such num- create anything. change about U.S. policy toward Zam- bers of jobs as to absorb the growing Africa Report: What has been the bia, or toward Africa in general, and population. I think the informal sector can response on the part of foreign and local what would you like to tell the new U.S. come to the center stage of economic businesspeople to your privatization cam- president, Bill Clinton? development. But the informal sector has paign? Chiluba: President-elect Clinton, the bias to be assisted. Government must create Chiluba: We have gotten tremendous toward Eastern Europe must be checked. such facilities as accessibility to the bank- interest. Obviously, we are a new govern- Democracy in Eastern Europe is as good ing facilities—to credit, in short. The Zam- ment and we have tried to sell our govern- as democracy in Africa. He must look at bian people are mostly interested in doing ment as positively as possible, but money what is happening in Africa. We are not their own thing, they are natural business- isn't that easily coming. But of the compa- a dark continent, we are a continent of men and women. They love to be on the nies we have advertised domestically and promise. We need the support of Presi- street, maybe with o bicycle or on foot, abroad, the response has been tremen- dent Clinton and of other presidents in selling one type of merchandise or anoth- dous. We have received between 200 Europe. For instance, the question of trade er. This is one area where if we do not and 300 responses and I am sure it is must be looked at. I think we have been create opportunities for jobs, we will be going to work very successfully. exploited for too long to wait any longer. creating a huge problem because the civil Africa Report: Will the copper mines We need a fair return on our products. service has already been trimmed. We be privatized as well? For instance, if you look at the way prices have already gotten rid of close to some Chiluba: In the long run, yes. This whole are fixed for our raw material, copper, on 12,000 people. Unless we are prepared program is so well laid out that we have a which we are totally dependent, and for them, we will have an explosion on certain group of companies to go now as many agricultural products from Africa, our hands. And I see them not getting the first group and after that we will get and then the kind of machinery we import again into the formal sector, but rather into the others, 1 1 or more groups which in order to carry on with business, it is absorbed by the informal sector. comprise those companies to be sold. It is exorbitant! They are unaffordable. We Africa Report: Do you include agricul- a matter of time. don't want to continue to be beggars, we ture in the informal sector, as Zambia has Africa Report: Western governments and want lo be trading partners, but the condi- great agricultural potential? multilateral institutions have been very tions must be such that trading is on an Chiluba: The peasant farmer is one such happy with what you've done so far on the even ground. employer of own account as they are economic front, but the people haven't been Africa Report: There are so many coun- called, or self-employed. They are in agri- and there have been a number of strikes. tries in Africa where the people are striv- culture, they are in light industry, in com- Coming from a trade union background ing for democracy as the Zambian people merce, they can be found anywhere. The yourself, what is your answer to them? did and are finding themselves frustrated informal sector deserves due attention Chiluba: I know that genuine trade by recalcitrant rulers. What would you because, believe you me, whether we want unionists don't look at strikes with some say to them and to those leaders who are it or not, when privatization starts, there will kind of romance. It is something that they resistant to change? be structural unemployment. Most of our want to use as the very last resort. Howev- Chiluba: First, I am not a champion of parastatals just employed and employed er, I must say that the strikes we have had, democracy in Africa, nor is my country a and they never bothered whether they industrial strikes, have been sometimes a model, but human rights are universal. made a profit or not. Now when a real little baffling because they have been Wherever people are not free, they will businessman comes, and he knows he used as a way to blackmail government seek to be free someday. The problem is wants to make a profit, he will not entertain because before you even argue or reach that anyone resisting this change is only that kind of employment without due con- a kind of stalemate, the strike starts. But I creating violence because change cannot sideration of what profit to garner out of it. still think it's all because it's new and be stopped or reversed. My appeal is for So when that happens, I fear the number of everybody is enthusiastic and motivated fellow presidents to embrace change and unemployed will grow. and we have this new climate of democra- facilitate it so that change will embrace The informal sector can do miracles. It cy, that perhaps there has been this feel- them in turn and create conditions for has helped a lot of countries in Latin Ameri- ing that they must exercise it. development in their countries. •

37- -January /February 19 9 3 ' BY MELINDA HAM ONE More than a year after democracy came to Zambia, living standards have fallen, health and education programs have deteriorated-but economic reform is on track and Zambians have easily embraced a new democratic culture. While the govern- YEAR ment of Frederick Chiluba (below) pledges to try to mitigate the effects of structural adjustment, even critics admit that the building of a democratic society takes time. ON

•• ust over one year has elapsed since trade union I I leader Frederick Chiluba stood on the steps of I I the Lusaka supreme court, beside white-wigged JM judges swathed in black and red robes, and was yr sworn in as Zambia's second president since independence from Britain in 1964. In that one year, Chiluba's Movement for Multi-party Democracy (MMD) government has made major eco- nomic strides in the midst of the worst regional drought this century and initiated a new democratic culture pro- moting freedom of speech and expression for every citi- zen. But few of Zambia's 8 million people have benefited materially from the new government. Most people's liv- ing standards have rapidly deteriorated and literally mil- lions have been impoverished. Few improvements have been made in health and education, which remain in a state of decay As Finance Minister Emmanuel Kasonde admits, "Our government has not been sufficiently sensitive to the social effects of the structural adjustment program. We have been trying to lay the foundation for economic

Melinda Ham is a Canadian freelance journalist based in Lusaka, Zambia. growth, but our success has been at the cost of human suffering." Kasonde also points out that his government started from a severe disadvantage: 'The MMI) inherited a dis- mal economic scenario. Zambia had a bad name, few international friends, and an uncertain future." Just weeks before the October 31, 1991 election, the World Bank had frozen aid to former President Kenneth Kaunda's government and other donors followed suit, while the country's international debt stood at $7.5 billion. The treasury was empty, social Mehnda Ham services were collapsing, and Shonga giant state companies controlled Steel 80 percent of the economy. the World Food Program, says that Umited But Chiluba's government Zambia has "the most successful wasted no time and within a drought relief program in southern month in office, it had begun Africa." Chiluba declared a national restoring relations with donors, emergency weeks before any other the World Bank, and the In- affected country and Agriculture ternational Monetary Fund. At Minister Guy Scott began ordering the March Consultative Group the 1 million tons of maize needed to meeting in Paris, Zambia re- feed the people. ceived pledges worth a stagger- Much of the imported maize is ing $1.2 billion and is currently the largest recipient of being sold commercially. The 1.7 million people who had British and Japanese aid on the continent. Then at the total crop failure are not receiving free hand-outs as they Paris Club meeting in July, bilateral donors cancelled would have under Kaunda's government. Instead, 26 com- $950 million of Zambia's international debt. mittees of the program to prevent malnutrition (PPM) "Zambia held democratic elections just at the time have been set up by church groups and non-governmen- when most donors were rating 'good governance' high as tal organizations in the worst affected areas to administer a condition for aid. It was Zambia's lucky coincidence," the aid through "food-for-work." says one European diplomat. These programs are organized from the grassroots The government has bravely implemented its struc- upwards. Village headmen discuss with their villagers tural adjustment program agreed upon with the World which projects are the priority in their area, such as Bank and IMF. All subsidies, even on the staple food, repairing roads, digging boreholes, building clinics and maize meal, have been cut—a move which caused riots schools, or fixing dams. Then the villagers work five under Kaunda—as the government turns the economy days a week and get paid with a ration of food to feed five over to free market forces. people. Industries and factories now can easily obtain foreign Although at first glance these programs may seem like exchange to import spare parts, machinery, and raw chain-gang labor, the people who participate are very materials, and shops are filled with imported goods, from enthusiastic and they have contributed to the MMD's cassette players to Italian olives. popularity in the rural areas. The government has also taken initial steps toward pri- "Our community will have something lasting to show vatizing the 152 state companies by passing a Privatiza- for our effort as well as us all receiving food equally. tion Act and opening bids for the first 17 companies, Under Kaunda, you only got food if the village headman which include a jeweler and an agricultural equipment liked you," says Nelson Mulongo, a farmer whose total dealer. The response—more than 320 pre-tender applica- peanut, sunflower, and maize crops failed and 16 of his 20 tions—was unexpected. All state companies eventually cattle died in the drought. will go, including Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines, Scott attributes much of the program's success to the which earns 95 percent of the country's foreign exchange democratic environment. "If people in some areas are not annually. Foreign investors have flocked into the country, receiving enough food or if there is corruption, they go to bringing with them more than $200 million of new invest- the media and shout about it. So far, not a single person ment. has died of starvation. But on the flip side, some issues "Our single biggest achievement is to have continued have also been blown out of proportion." to implement our structural adjustment program at the But the response to the MMD in the urban areas, same time as administering drought relief, without one where more than half the population lives, is not as favor- program tampering with the other," claims Vernon able. The government has failed to control inflation which Mwaanga, minister of foreign affairs. has spiralled to over 120 percent—double the target—and Tony Mornement, the Lusaka-based representative of the kwacha has been devalued to one-fifth of its previous

J a n u a r y / F e b r u a r y 19 9 3 worth in the last year. Wages have not kept pace, so most And to some extent, some Western donors agree. "The people struggle to buy even the most basic goods. MMD has achieved economic wonders in very adverse Margaret Nkunka is a cleaner in a downtown Lusaka circumstances in the last 12 months, but all the ingredi- office and a widowed mother of three. She earns about ents of a democracy are not in place," says one. $44 a month and spends about two-thirds on Fred M'membe, the managing editor of the only pri- food—mealie meal, vegetables, and the occasional piece vately owned newspaper, The Weekly Post, argues: "The of meat—and the remaining third on rent. "I have nothing MMD has achieved a lot. It has created a new democratic left to save and if I have to buy a school uniform or some- culture where any Zambian is free to say what he wants, thing else I'm in trouble," she says. but the government is also free to challenge him back." In line with the structural adjustment program, the The cost of this freedom is the dozens of libel writs which government is rationalizing the over-bloated civil service have piled up against The Weekly Post, but M'membe says and the Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines, which will smiling: "We haven't lost a libel case yet." involve the retrenchment of more than 25,000 workers. One problem is that there is little credible opposition to This, combined with the inevitable redundancies when the government in any form. The only two daily papers state companies are sold—which could run as high as and the sole television and radio station remain in govern- 45,000 workers—will cause untold suffering for thou- ment hands, although there are plans to privatize them sands of Zambian families. soon. The church-owned National Mirror and The Weekly Health services and education have not received the Post represent the only independent press and their circu- attention that the MMD promised in the election cam- lation, like those of all newspapers, is decreasing because paign. Some hospitals have more drugs and schools more of the decline in readers' purchasing power. desks, but despite these negligible physical improve- Although there are more than 30 small opposition ments, the crumbling infrastructure remains unchanged parties, none of them have a substantial following or and more emphasis needs to be placed on training teach- offer alternative policies to the government. UNIP is the ers and on increasing the motivation of medical personnel only one with any national structure and it was so heavi- and improving conditions of service. ly discredited and defeated in last year's general elec- In November, the country was hit by a national disaster tion, it is unlikely to make a comeback for some years. when over 500 people died of cholera in the copperbelt Lobby groups are few and ineffectual on major policy town of Kitwe over two weeks that could have far-reach- issues. Trade unions—formerly the only opposition in ing political implications. It was Zambia's worst cholera Kaunda's one-party state—have lost a lot of steam now outbreak in one area in such a short period of time. that their charismatic leader, Chiluba, is the national The health minister. Dr. Boniface Kawimbe, blamed president. the epidemic on broken-down equipment at the sewage The police are another area of concern, as they still and water treatment plants and a lack of chlorine. But fin- retain wide-reaching powers under the Preservation of gers also were pointed at Minister of Local Government Public Security Act to ban demonstrations, which the Michael Sata for failing to nip the epidemic in the bud by MMD promised to repeal. At least 30 criminal suspects repairing the water system before the onslaught of the have also been shot dead since January, which demon- rainy season exacerbated the crisis. strates blatant disregard for basic rights. ZCCM took over the water works to do emergency One diplomat said: "We are concerned about Zambia's repairs and chlorinate the water, while army trucks car- slip-ups on human rights. But in comparison to some ried the dead from the congested mortuaries to burial in other African countries, Zambia's abuses are nothing to mass graves in Kitwe cemetery. lose sleep over." In an open letter to President Chiluba in the state-run So the MMD has survived united through this first Zambia Daily Mail, Lusaka resident Rosemary Nsofwa year of the political teething pains of democracy, even said: "If health is not a priority in Zambia today and if you, though many critics thought the disparate movement of Mr. President, cannot mourn for all the human suffering church leaders, trade unionists, and businessmen would we are facing, you are not fit to be our leader. Resign." fall apart after it ousted Kaunda. Finance Minister Kasonde promises that the 1993 bud- Only two out of 27 cabinet ministers have resigned and get will give "a larger slice of the national cake" to both edu- both on unsubstantiated claims of corruption. The former cation and health, and that Zambians will be given a "peace minister of works and supply, Ephraim Chibwe, also was dividend" as defense spending—for a country which has sacked for accepting kickbacks on contracts, while the never fought a war—will be drastically cut. former minister of information, Stan Kristofar, was fired The official opposition, Kaunda's United National Inde- for making racist remarks. pendence Party (UNIP), which has 25 of the 150 parlia- As M'membe says: "Because of donor pressure, the mentary seats, claims that politically the MMD has made MMD had few options to choose from, but the route they little progress toward democracy. UNIP spokesman Rab- have taken seems to be the best. The government must bison Chongo says, "Zambia can be credited as a model of battle to look after those impoverished by economic democratic and peaceful transition in Africa, but we are reforms, and respond to public opinion. There is no other not a model of democracy in action." way in a democracy." O Africa Report 40 epression of a kind more On November 23, Amnesty characteristic of Africa's CAMEROON reported the death in police custody pre-multi-party politics BY MARK H U BAN D from torture of a 3()-year-old accoun- era is now gripping Ca- tant, Gandhi Che Ngwa, who was meroon, two months after President Paul Biya claimed arrested in the opposition stronghold of Bamenda. John victory in the country's first multi-party presidential Fru Ndi, the leader of the main opposition party, the elections. Social Democratic Front (SDF), was at the time, and has A state of emergency was declared in the largely remained, under house arrest at his home in Bamenda English-speaking opposition stronghold of Western along with 135 of his supporters who are living on his Cameroon on October 27, after demonstrations broke compound. On November 27, all 135 were arrested when out following the ruling Cameroon People's Democratic security forces arrived claiming they were searching for Movement (CPI)M) victory on October 11. In Novem- guns. ber, the London-based human rights group Amnesty Twenty-seven police and paramilitary officers had International says, there were mass arrests of opposition come to arrest two SDF supporters. Fru Ndi told the supporters. police they would have to arrest everybody on the com- A FLAWED VICTORY

After eking out a slim victory in Cameroon's first-ever multi-party elections, President Paul Biya (right) then launched a violent clampdown on the main opposition party, the Social Democratic Front, placing its leader, John Fru Ndi (left), under house ¥ arrest. The October 11 election itself, which Biya won by 4 percentage points, was so filled with irregularities, according to outside observers, as to be completely discredited. pound or leave the two suspects. All 135 detainees were how the leaders of the formerly one-party states are later released. However, at least 200 others have becoming rejuvenated with their claimed electoral suc- remained in detention, being held 40 to a cell, according cesses. With enormous confidence, the dictators are to Cameroon's government-appointed National Commis- bouncing back. sion for Human Rights and Freedom. Dispute over the outcome of Cameroon's election was The commission visited Bamenda between November enraging opponents of the vicious Biya regime before the 14-16, following the riots which erupted after the polling stations even opened. A week after the election, announcement of the election results. After visiting pris- on October 19, the provincial governor of East Province, ons, the families of victims, and opposition detainees, the George Achu Mofor, resigned in disgust at the way the commission chairman, Solomon Nfor Gwei, concluded: government had forced him to use all means to ensure "The state of emergency and its consequences, includ- that the ruling party won in his province. In his letter of ing massive arrests, many road barriers, and the massive resignation to President Biya, a copy of which has been presence of the armed forces makes Bamenda look like a obtained by Africa Report, Achu, who is the brother of war zone. The brutality of the forces of law and order, the prime minister, Simon Achu, said: particularly during arrests, is very alarming. Many "I^t me draw your attention to the fact that I did not detainees are continuously being subjected to psycholog- find it in accordance with my conscience to implement ical and physical torture, some of whom we saw in great the instructions of the minister of territorial administra- pain, with swollen limbs and genitals, blisters and deep tion given during the last extraordinary Governors' Con- wounds, and cracks on skulls...Bitterness seems to be ference of 28 September 1992. By these, we were deeply entrenched in many people, particularly the vic- instructed to do everything fair and foul to ensure at least tims, some of them ready or preparing for any acts of a 60 percent victory of the CPDM party candidate in our vengeance. Despair rather than hope for a better future is provinces. This subjected us, as he insisted, to an 'obliga- quite evident in many." tion de resultat' Furthermore, we were to be appraised President Biya was declared the winner of the election thereafter on this basis. To assist us in this task, a six- on October 23, with 39.9 percent of the vote. Fru Ndi was page document issued by the UDC party on techniques given 35.9 percent, while the third main candidate, Bello of electoral fraud was distributed to us." Bouba Maigari, won 19.2 percent, according to the The letter goes on to say that once the results had Supreme Court, which put turnout at 71.87 percent. been declared, as a governor he would be expected to The contest is being seen as a landmark and litmus impose tough security measures "and to severely repress test of the current state of Africa's democratic process. any acts of violence resulting from discontent following Cameroon's ruling elite, like that in Kenya or Cote their declaration. I do not think I would be in a position to d'lvoire, had initially taken the line that multi-partyism enforce such orders that could lead to bloody confronta- would promote tribalism and lead to the disintegration of tions between the forces at my disposal and citizens who the country along ethnic lines. are convinced that they have been deprived of their From the ethnic viewpoint, Cameroon is more of a test rights." than either Kenya or Cote d'lvoire. It has over 260 dis- The most detailed analysis of the conduct of the elec- tinct ethnic groups. Its colonial past has left it divided lin- tion was provided by the United States' National Demo- guistically into English- and French-speaking areas, the cratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), which had latter comprising 80 percent of the population. It is arrived in Cameroon to train election officials, but also strongly Muslim in the north and strongly Christian in took on an observer role. the south, a highly emotive factor owing to the past politi- For the first time in its history, NDI issued a statement cal dominance of northern Muslims during the presiden- condemning an election outcome, saying: "Widespread cy of Ahmadou Ahidjo immediately after independence in irregularities during the pre-election period, on election 1961 until his death in 1982 when Biya took power. day, and in the tabulation of results seriously calls into Biya, like Ivorian President Felix Houphouet-Boigny question, for any fair observer, the validity of the out- and the Kenyan leader, Daniel arap Moi, is not a convert come. It would not be an exaggeration to suggest that to multi-party politics, and Cameroon's election revealed this election system was designed to fail. While several how far he was prepared to go to ensure that real multi- parties were responsible for election irregularities, the party debate is prevented from taking off. Fru Ndi's overwhelming weight of responsibility for this failed pro- arrest mirrors that of Ivorian opposition leader Laurent cess lies with the government and President Biya." Gbagbo earlier this year. Gbagbo was accused of being Shortcomings identified by the NDI observers, whose involved in organizing a riot, which was in fact stirred up delegation was led by the former attorney-general of by agents-provocateurs, but was sentenced though later Maine, Jim Tierney, included: released after four months in prison. Fru Ndi's arrest, on • "the extremely partisan use of the government-con- the security forces' pretext of looking for guns, reveals trolled television and radio in favor of the incumbent president; Mark Hubattd is Africa correspondent of the British newspaper. The • "excessive powers being accorded to local government Guardian. officials, particularly on matters of voter registration;

Africa Report • "the unrepresentative ABUSE OF THE in condemning the state of emergency and was unequivo- character of the National cal in its criticism of the electoral process. In a State Vote Counting Commis- DEMOCRATIC Department statement on November 14, spokesman sion, which had little or PROCESS HAS Richard Boucher said that "following the seriously flawed no ethnic or regional bal- October 11 presidential election, the government of ance; CREATED A CRISIS Cameroon has resorted to intimidation to consolidate its • "little control of the OF THE VERY KIND position...Cameroon should immediately lift the state of distribution of voter reg- emergency...as a signal that reconciliation, not punish- istration cards allowing THAT ONLY SUC- ment, now tops its agenda." multiple and underage CESS IN MOVINC Again reflecting the true state of the democratization voting; process, however, the single most influential country on • "throughout the coun- TO MULTI-PARTY the continent and its biggest aid donor—France—sent a try, the names of eligible DEMOCRACY letter to Biya congratulating him on his victory. Accord- voters were improperly ing to French sources, the letter was sent at the insis- crossed off the register; CAN AVOID. tence of President Francois Mitterrand's son, Jean- • "polling sites were arbitrarily moved in some areas Christophe, the president's adviser on African affairs prior to election day in an apparent effort to sow confu- until July 1992. Jean-Christophe Mitterrand's replace- sion and reduce voter turnout in specific areas; ment in the post, France's former ambassador to Togo, • "political party pollwatchers were prevented from Bruno Delaye, was apparently reluctant to recognize the entering polling sites and, in one case, were barred from result and had suggested a "cool" response to Biya's entering the entire territory of Rey-Bouba in the district fraudulent victory. of Mayo Key, which was controlled by a traditional leader France's links with Cameroon are based on substan- who supported President Biya." tial business interests, and the French oil company Elf- The NDI report concludes: "Undue delays in the Aquitaine has a virtual monopoly on oil exploration off release of the official results provided the opportunity for the Cameroonian coast. When John Fru Ndi visited Paris wholesale manipulation, while the failure to publish during a foreign tour in 1992, he left France with a clear polling-site-by-polling-site results precludes the possibili- message from the French government that it did not ty of a credible, independent review of the overall elec- want to see an English-speaking president elected in tion results." Cameroon, he said in a recent interview. Now France is Alleged cheating and malpractices of the kind identi- finding itself in an increasingly difficult position, as the fied by NDI, as well as the biased use of the media, are low esteem with which it is regarded among anglophone nothing new. In the Ivorian election in 1990, much the Cameroonians means that it cannot play the negotiating same was true. Perhaps the only real difference between role which is so vital if the current crisis is to be resolved. the two elections was that in Cote d'lvoire, supporters of Attempts by the Anglican archbishop of Cape Town, the ruling Democratic Party stuffed thousands of their Desmond Tutu, to try and bring the government and own party's folded ballot papers into the ballot boxes opposition together failed on November 19. Tutu encour- before they were sent to the polling stations, and secured aged Biya to form a government of national unity with a much larger margin of victory than Biya. the SDF, but his appeals were rejected by both sides due But another more important difference between the to the enormous political gulf between them. Biya has two countries, and one which makes Cameroon a much proposed holding a "great national debate" to change the more significant test of the current state of the conti- constitution, but has said he will stay in power through- nent's democratic transition, is the fact that abuse of the out the discussions. Meanwhile, the SDF and its allied democratic process has created a crisis in Cameroon of parties have insisted on the convening of a national con- the very kind which only a successful move toward multi- ference, which would take over the running of the coun- party democracy can avoid. The country is now a time- try for a transition period. bomb as a result of an unpopular president—who could Biya has meanwhile attracted some opposition politi- only muster 39.9 percent even with the alleged abus- cians into a new cabinet created during the last week of es—claiming victory for a regime which human rights November. The SDF is now increasingly isolated, with groups say has killed up to 400 people over the past two other opposition leaders having accepted the election years of pro-democracy demonstrations. result. However, the SDF leader has remained deter- Realization of this crisis has been swift. On November mined not to accept the result despite the increasingly 27, the U.S. suspended S14 million in aid to Cameroon in violent measures the government has taken. "Biya is response to growing human rights abuses and deten- wasting his time thinking he can frustrate me. The gov- tions without trial following the election. American aid ernment is still trying intimidation. They have reached had already been cut by nearly 17 percent in 1991, partly their own end. They don't know how to break the in protest at human rights abuses under Biya. Aid for impasse," Fru Ndi said in a recent telephone interview 1992-93 has been set at $24 million. from his Bamenda home, which remains surrounded by Since the recent clampdown, the U.S. has led the way security forces. O

January /February 1

uch to th§ surprise of the opposition f and outside observers, Jerry Rawlings

BY RICHARD JOSEPH n November 3,1992, almost half of the 8.2 the Interim National Elections Commission (INEC), million registered voters in Ghana went were met. to the polls in the first and decisive round While the observer mission of the Commonwealth of the presidential elections. Since the quickly declared the election to be "free and fair," a judg- voters' register was, by all accounts, not ment seconded by a small team from the Organization of accurate, the turn-out could have been as much as two- African Unity, the 25-member Carter Center team, but- thirds of those eligible. Ixmg before the final results were tressed by over 400 Ghanaian monitors deployed to all in, however, it was clear that the incumbent head of state, the regions, took a more nuanced position. In the absence Jerry J. Rawlings, had outstripped his opponents by a sig- of any compelling evidence of deliberate rigging and nificant margin, ending with 58.3 percent of the vote to fraud, it accepted the official results despite the number 30.4 percent for the runner-up. Professor Albert Adu-Boa- and variety of irregularities which it attributed to logisti- hen of the New Patriotic Party (NPP). cal difficulties and the uneven training of election offi- The official results also showed that Rawlings had cials, polling agents, and security personnel. In its prelim- obtained over 50 percent of the vote in all of Ghana's 10 inary report, the Carter Center group also presented a regions except Ashanti, the stronghold of the Danquah- summary of the irregularities and inconsistencies Busia tradition now represented by the NPR In his home observed in various parts of the country while noting the Volta region, Rawlings polled a plebiscitary 93.3 percent. large number of instances in which the elections proceed- The remaining 11.3 percent of the total vote was divided ed smoothly and efficiently. among three pretenders to the Nkrumahist legacy. Lead- There was no clear pattern to these problems, which ing the way with 6.7 percent was Dr. Hilla Limann, the varied from constituency to constituency, and even former elected head of state who was deposed by Rawl- among polling stations in particular constituencies. In ings' second military coup in December 1981 and was general, the more urban the constituency, and the greater now the candidate of the People's National Convention the density of the population served, the more likely it (PNC). Then came Kwabena Darko, an affluent was that serious organizational problems were encoun- entrepreneur and candidate of the New Independence tered. In some cases, near anarchy prevailed as running Party (NIP) with 2.8 percent, followed by Lt.-Gen. (ret.) verbal battles ensued between party agents, presiding Emmanuel Erskine of the People's Heritage Party (PHP) officers, and crowds of onlookers. The most serious prob- with 1.7 percent. lem observed related to the number of prospective voters Rawlings' resounding victory was not accepted gra- in many constituencies who were turned away because ciously by the defeated candidates and many of their sup- their names could not be found on the register. Since porters. In parts of Ashanti, outbreaks of violence led to Ghana lacks a consistent voter identification system, the imposition of a curfew for a few days following the there was considerable variation in the procedures fol- elections. Despite sporadic acts of violence elsewhere, lowed by election officials to verify the identity of voters. Ghana was spared the level of post-electoral violence that At the root of Ghana's post-election dispute was the had recently brought renewed turmoil to other African deep disquiet over what the opposition parties believed to countries like Cameroon and Angola. The opposition be excessive control exercised by the ruling Provisional took little time compiling the evidence that it initially National Defense Council (PNDC) over the electoral pro- threatened to take before the Supreme Court in a bid to cess. High among their list of grievances was the voters' have the presidential elections voided. It also collectively register, which had first been complied in 1987 at the time agreed to boycott the legislative rounds of the elections, of elections to the district assemblies. These assemblies, which had been scheduled to begin on December 8, two-thirds of whose members were elected and the rest unless a series of demands, notably the preparation of a appointed by the central government, predated by five new voters' register and changes in the composition of years the return to democratic multi-party politics. A partial opening of the register in 1991, and valiant Richard Joseph is fellow and director of the African Governance Program efforts to eliminate the many duplications and inaccura- at the Carter Center of Emory University. He was program director of the Carter Center's observer mission to Ghana. cies during the months preceding the 1992 vote, did not won a clear majority in the first round of Ghana's presidential elections, which international observers certified as fair, despite objections by Rawlings1 electoral opponents. Rawlings' overwhelming popularity in the rural areas, whose inhabitants have benefitted from a decade of | economic reform, sealed his electoral victory, a new phenomenon in African politics.

45 January/February 19 9 3 dispel the opposition's lingering doubts that the PNDC played such an important role in pressuring the regime to had confronted it with "a stacked deck." Hence, the restore constitutional government, seemed oddly docile promptness with which it attributed its defeat to a delib- in the run-up to the elections. It will obviously take at least erate operation engineered by the PNDC and its agents. a full term of the Fourth Republic for Ghanaians to regain Caught between the virulent charges on both sides was the confidence that has been sapped by the decade-long the Interim National Election Commission (INEC), led "culture of silence." by Justice J. Ofori-Boateng, which had labored mightily, In the absence of any meaningful consultation and dia- and openly, to steer an independent path between the logue, the government and its opponents are quick to PNDC that appointed it and the opposition that did not threaten force in trying to make their views prevail. fully trust it. Today, the peace, stability, and continued economic While the supporters of Jerry Rawlings—distributed progress of Ghana depend critically on the adoption by among the National Democratic Congress (NDC), the the leading political actors of new patterns of discourse in National Convention Party (NCP), an Nkrumahist rump, seeking resolution of their disagreements despite the and the Egle Party—rejected the opposition's complaints heightened electoral competition and discord. as a case of "sour grapes," the latter presented Rawlings' What Ghana most needs in the struggle to overcome unexpected first round victory as prima facie evidence its electoral crisis will require equal measures of idealism that it had been "right all along." Having put aside their and realism. On the side of the opposition, there must be grave reservations about the electoral process out of a an acceptance of the fact that the "provisional" in the fear that the military regime would proceed with elec- name of the PNDC no longer corresponds to the reality of tions in their absence, as occurred in Burkina Faso in its popular base. Unlike many military rulers in Africa, 1991, they resolved after the presidential vote to take a who can only hope to govern through the barrel of a gun, firmer step and insist on an acceptable register and other Jerry Rawlings has acquired a broad support base among changes. By contrast, Rawlings and the victorious NDC diverse sections of the population. found their resounding victory marred by the specter of In the absence of accurate polling data, the actual level winning unexpected complete control of all the institu- of this support cannot be estimated with any certainty. On tions of the Fourth Republic. the side of incumbents, it must be recognized that the On November 20, INEC announced the legislative strongest basis for their continued exercise of political elections were postponed until December 22 and the fol- power is not force of arms, but the legitimacy to be con- lowing week talks began between representatives of the ferred by consensual politics. It is manifestly in their government, INEC, and the opposition to explore solu- interest to treat the opposition forces, which are bruised tions to the impasse. It seemed unlikely that Ghana's by the years of exclusion and summary dismissal, with a political leaders would reach an agreement to permit the modicum of respect. legislative elections to be conducted on a competitive Ghana has the opportunity to become a leader among basis, and in sufficient time, for the Fourth Republic to be African nations again. Under the PNDC, the country has inaugurated as scheduled on January 7, 1993. A dialogue led the way in a courageous attempt to stabilize an econo- conducted in good faith by the two sides could still my that had nose-dived during the 1970s. The PNDC has resolve the electoral disputes, many of which are techni- also taken bold steps to restore equity in the allocation of cal in nature, and allow Ghana to continue along the path resources between the rural and urban areas. For the leading to a full constitutional democracy. 1990s, a new challenge has appeared in the overwhelm- Few observers could have predicted that Ghana would ing demand of Ghanaians for a full constitutional and experience such a complete return to multi-party politics multi-party democracy. Both the PNDC and its opposi- after years of bitter struggle between the PNDC and its tion must still demonstrate that they have accepted this opponents. By election day, the number of independent challenge and the frustrations and uncertainties it newspapers in circulation that freely criticized Rawlings entails. and his government exceeded significantly those which As several African nations appear to be faltering in largely reflected official viewpoints. Of the two state- their transition from authoritarian systems to pluralist owned newspapers, the Daily Graphic had taken pains to and competitive democracies, Ghana is fortunate in hav- ensure that all political opinions were adequately repre- ing no really insuperable impediments to overcome. A sented. While the television broadcasts gave extensive "lack of political will" is an explanation that has often been coverage to the rush of public works inaugurated by the advanced to explain why many ITiird World nations have PNDC chairman, Rawlings, in the last weeks of the presi- failed to implement necessary but painful economic dential campaign, the opposition was also afforded the reforms. No one would dispute that Ghana's incumbent opportunity to present its positions, including the screen- political leaders, as well as their determined opponents, ing of its own political commercials. have demonstrated considerable political will. One day, It remains to be seen how much the other key institu- however, they may have to answer to posterity about the tions of a pluralist democracy, especially the judiciary, will uses to which that political will was put when the coun- regain their full autonomy and vigor after 11 years of try's hope for a self-sustaining constitutional democracy PNDC rule. The religious and civic organizations, which was suddenly at risk. O Africa Report 46 CHILDREN BY PETER DA COSTA

SECURING THE FUTURE

Debt, drought, socio-economic problems, and wars-Africa's four plagues-have taken a heavy toll on the continent's people, especially its most vulnerable, the children. Meeting in Dakar recently, Organization of African Unity members forged an agreement with donor nations and multilateral institutions to spend more money on children's health, food security, and related issues in an effort to save a million young lives annually.

embers of the Organization of African sentatives of 18 donor countries and officials of interna- Unity (OAU) have entered into an tional financial institutions on specific targets to be met ambitious contract with international by the year 2000 which could help save a million young financial institutions and donors lives annually. aimed at improving the depressing lot The 10-page "Consensus of Dakar" sets a two-fold of Africa's children, in line with the development goals challenge. Africans are to implement major policy set by the 1990 New York World Summit for Children. reform—including restructuring of government budgets At a conference held in Senegal's capital Dakar— and mass social mobilization so as to directly target child- hailed as the largest and most important gathering on beneficial programs. This internal action is to be the plight of children since New York—ministerial dele- matched by donors, who are expected to more than dou- gations from 44 OAU member states agreed with repre- ble current levels of official development assistance (ODA) earmarked for children. Peter da Costa is a freelance journalist based in Banjul, the Gambia. UNICEF—which assisted the OAU in organizing the 47 January/February 19 9 3 conference—estimates Africa will need an estimated year. This disproportion, say experts, is on the rise $12.7 billion annually in the 1990s, in addition to current despite continuing strides in reducing child mortality in spending, to achieve World Summit targets. Of this fig- recent years. ure, $8.8 billion a year is needed for disasters like war Africa brings up the rear in key development indica- and drought. tors. It has the worst under-five mortality rate, lowest life OAU secretary-general Salim Ahmed Salim described expectancy and worst rate of primary school enrollment, the commitment as "a compact for a human development and is second only to south Asia in under-five malnutri- strategy on the part of African governments and their tion. Life expectancy of babies born in Africa between development partners with the emphasis on first call for 1990 and 1995 is still 20 years behind the West with mal- children" and made much of the fact that Africa is the nutrition currently affecting a quarter of under-fives and first continent to respond to the New York summit call. 39 million stunted by lack of proper nutrition. With the Behind the concern and urgency demonstrated by the average African poorer now than a decade ago when impressive array of delegations is the fact that Africa's there was more food per person than today, urban unem- children are at greater risk and distress than any other. ployment as high as 60 percent and a sole doctor for The statistics make for bleak reading and put into per- every 24,000 people, it is small wonder children are so spective the mammoth challenge facing the continent. vulnerable. Although they constitute little more than one-tenth of the Salim identifies the culprits behind the figures as debt, world's child population, Africa's young make up one- drought, socio-economic problems, and wars. Conflict, third of the almost 13 million who die worldwide every particularly internal, Salim told participants, was the Orphans of the Koran madou is an unusually small eight-year-old boy. male offspring over to live with marabouts, who teach Day after day, he shuffles around the dusty them discipline and the basics of Islam In return for A streets of Banjul, capital of the Gambia, clad in whatever menial domestic tasks they can perform. In the same grimy second-hand corduroy trousers and practice, the story is all too often different. knee-length traditional cotton top whose intricate Apart from memorizing the Koran, very few almudos stitching has long worn away. (or talibes, as they are known in Senegal) benefit from Braving parched conditions characteristic of the their tutelage. According to researchers, the majority bone-dry harmattan season in the Sahel region of West emerge from their apprenticeship functionally illiter- Africa, Amadou and his friends, Saihou, 10, and Yorro, ate—admittedly with a firm grounding in the ways of seven, wave their tins at passers-by hoping for dona- street survival. tions of food or money—preferably both. "In the urban context, where traditional social rela- The three waifs are almudos, children who must beg tions are eroded and new values emerge," reads a Unlcef as payment for their instruction In the Koran, Islam's analysis of women and children In Senegal, "a good num- holy book, or face the wrath of their teacher ber of the marabouts end up by teaching Koranic educa- (marabout). They haunt strategic sites—banks, cine- tion not out of a sacred duty, but as a means of survival mas, restaurants, gas stations, taxi ranks, and super- of which the talibes are the instruments. markets—working systematically toward their target. "As such, the original social contract...veers more Since leaving his home village of Medina Gounasse and more towards the satisfaction of the marabout's In eastern Senegal four years ago, Amadou has neither needs to the detriment of the child's education." seen nor heard from the parents who put him under the Senegalese statistics reveal that less than 30 per- care of Chemo Seragu, the peripatetic teacher whose cent of the child's time Is spent studying, while 63 per- current daara (Koranic school) In a Banjul slum doubles cent of Koranic schools in the Dakar region don't even as a dormitory for the 20 or so boys under his instruc- have fixed locations. Two-thirds of marabouts surveyed tion. sent their own sons to regular Koranic or Western-style Amadou and his friends are on the streets from 8 am schools. to 2 pm, and must each hand Seragu five dalasi (55 Authorities estimate that of the 500,000 Sene- cents) a day. Amadou almost always meets his tar- galese children aged seven to 12 who don't attend pri- get—"or else," he explains, "I get a beating." Some of mary school (42 percent of the country's children), his fellow boarders, he says, are not so smart and suf- between 50,000 and 100,000 are talibes. Of these, 90 fer repeated, often severe, chastisement. percent are below the age of 16. Street boys are an ubiquitous sub-regional phe- Experts identify two categories of tallbSs: a larger nomenon, especially common in Senegal, Guinea-Bis- group that descends on the towns during the dry sea- sau, and Guinea. In theory, their parents, too poor to son to return to their villages and farming communities pay fees for regularized Koranic schools, hand their for the planting season; and a second group, whose

Africa Report 48 members spend years away from their birthplace and Saho, a firm believer In Arabic and Islamic scholar- may not necessarily return home at the end of their ship, nevertheless concedes the marabout-almudo rela- studies. tionship is far from the ideal medium for Koranic educa- It is to this second group that Amadou belongs, a tion. "But it's up to the Islamic authorities to take the group that is constantly at risk from the dangers asso- lead in raising money to prevent kids having to work for ciated with urban vagrancy. According to social work- their instruction—not Western-influenced legislators ers, many fall victim to traffic accidents or become whose Ideas are just not practicable to our cultural set- unwitting tools of vice. Others resort to drug abuse. ting." Dr. Ayo Palmer, a pediatrician at Banjul's Royal Vic- Lawally Cole, program officer at Unicef Banjul, toria Hospital, lists malaria, infected scabies, tropical insists religion is being used as a tool for "exploitation ulcers, impetigo, ringworm, diarrhea, and tuberculosis of the young and poor to make people very rich." He as ailments common to street boys. "What is more," says while the government—which has ratified the UN she adds, "there's no guarantee they get the requisite Convention on the Rights of the Child—is against the levels of nutrition, so many are underweight." Sanitary practice, it is hampered by severe constraints. "Some conditions are more often than not "abysmal" while years ago, the police rounded up all the marabouts and access to medical care is limited. expelled them," he recalls. "But within a matter of Faced with such odds against making it to their mid- months, they were back." teens—after which the boys either seek manual Senegal, which has similar commitments to the pro- employment or train to become marabouts them- tection of the child, is likewise hamstrung by budgetary selves—many wonder why parents choose to expose constraints. However, the germ of a policy is emerging. their children to such a life. In the short term, parents will be sensitized about the Momodou Lamin Saho, coordinator of an Islamic non- conditions under which children live. In the long term, governmental organization and a former Gambian attor- the idea is to reform the Koranic educational system to ney-general, says the phenomenon is less attributable obviate the need for boys as young as three to be taken to Islam than to economic necessity. "You don't find from the family setting and put on the streets of these boys in Arab states, where Islam originated. It's strange cities until they are well into their teens. a purely sub-regional phenomenon perpetuated by Amadou has spent half his short life away, but can poverty/' he explains. still remember his father (a bicycle repairer), mother, "This is not sanctioned by the Koran. However Fula- and younger sister. He hopes to leave Banjul for Medina nis, especially In Senegal, were at the forefront of the Gounasse in the coming months. If he does make it spread of Islam and most of the saintly families are home to stay, Amadou will indeed be lucky. But many Fulani. So parents value an Islamic education and if boys like him may never get back to the family life they they can't afford to pay fees, they enter their offspring can only dimly recall. • into this social contract with the marabout" —P.d.C.

49 January/February 19 9 3 most tragic conspirator against the child. "One common cussions between donors and governments—implemen- characteristic of all conflicts—from Liberia to Somalia, tation at country level will be through national programs from Angola to Sudan, and from Rwanda to Mozambique of action (NPAs). Organizers say nearly 40 completed and South Africa—is that it is the most vulnerable groups NPAs were presented in Dakar with several more in the which are most affected, and the most vulnerable of pipeline. Many will be re-drafted as a result of the confer- them are the innocent children who get caught in the ence and will eventually be incorporated into bilateral cross-fire." and multilateral consultative processes and development These conflicts have ensured one out of every five programs. world migrants and one of every two refugees is African. Participants say the conference's success will be evi- Africa now has six million refugee and 12 million dis- dent in the extent to which countries will prioritize the placed persons, the majority women and children. Partic- concerns of their children in the coming months. As ipants responded by backing OAU efforts to institutional- Kenyan educationalist Eddah Gachukia told Africa ize conflict management. They reiterated that principles Report: "You only have to look at the increase in NGOs of the Convention of the Rights of the Child—among flocking to help Nairobi's street children after the World them the prevention of conscription of under-15s—be Summit on Children in 1990 to realize the tremendous observed. Dakar also called on African countries to step interest this conference will generate." Be that as it may, up commitment to safeguarding civilians and humanitari- skepticism will dog the implementation process, with an assistance during war through special mechanisms donor commitments a subject of much speculation. such as "corridors of peace" and "days of tranquility." Immediate effects of the Dakar conference have how- There are also medium-term targets, to be achieved ever raised hopes that commitments will be met on both by 1995: A rise in Africa's immunization coverage level sides. Norwegian Development Cooperation Minister from 75 to 80 percent against diphtheria, whooping Karl Norheim Larsen announced her country would be cough, tetanus, polio, and tuberculosis; 90 percent cover- giving an additional $1.4 million to Unicef over the next age against measles and, for women, 90 percent against year for the implementation of NPAs in Africa. With 1.09 tetanus toxoid; 80 percent usage of oral rehydration ther- percent of its GNP devoted to ODA Norway is the apy (ORT) to prevent dehydration caused by diarrhea; world's leading development donor. DANIDA chief Birte virtual elimination of iodine deficiency and its conse- Poulsen also announced Denmark would pump an extra quences; and exclusive breast-feeding for four to six $2.5 million to Unicef for sub-Saharan children in espe- months and sustained breast-feeding for at least two cially difficult circumstances. Others are expected to fol- years. low the lead of the Scandinavians. The Consensus says these are low-cost goals mostly In mid-conference the African Development Bank achievable with modest levels of additional external sup- (ADB) signed a landmark agreement with Unicef to port if there is strong political commitment and make available funds for NPAs. Between now and 1996, widespread social mobilization. James Grant, Unicef s the ADB says it will spend $2.5 billion on the social sec- executive director, told Africa Report measures like tor, an amount predicted to increase to $7 billion by the immunization, which were "80-90 percent political mobi- year 2001. Some 100 NGOs—a significant constituency lization", and ORT promotion (the salt/sugar solution since 30 percent of development aid to Africa is either saves 500,000 lives a year) would be in line with the New channeled through or generated by them—participated York emphasis on "what it is that countries themselves in Dakar, in addition to 40 mayors from Canada, Nigeria, can do." Italy, and Senegal who pledged the commitment of Evidence of self-reliance in Africa would, said Grant, municipalities in implementing child-friendly programs. mobilize public opinion support in the industrialized Zimbabwean leader Robert Mugabe—apart from host world. "When you tell the audience in the U.S. today that president Abdou Diouf the only head of state in evidence immunization levels in sub-Saharan Africa are equal to —gave participants food for thought when he listed as and better than in most American states, they can't part of a five-point proposal the freeing of aid for children believe it. But it demonstrates what could be done." It is from political condm'onality. Mugabe, whose country is this support (the Consensus sets a target for donors of 20 among Africa's most progressive in child survival, pro- percent of ODA for child-specific programs) that will help tection, and development, said the majority of Africa's achieve costlier longer-term goals. $280 billion foreign debt shciild be cancelled and urged These targets for the year 2000 include: slashing that cost recovery requirements should be removed or severe protein-energy malnutrition by half and achieving softened where primary health care and education were household food security, universal access to clean water concerned. He also categorized as special categories and safe waste disposal; reducing infant mortality by one- child refugees and AIDS orphans. third and maternal mortality by half; and lowering the The Dakar Consensus reflected some of Mugabe's number of children in especially difficult circumstances. concerns, especially giving the nod to "debt-for-children" While a continental follow-up mechanism to the Dakar swaps—the conversion into local currency by creditors Consensus is envisaged, to be supported by UN agencies of monies owed by an individual country which would be and NGOs—allowed for the first time to join bilateral dis- used to support NPAs and other child-related actions. O Africa Report 50 SOUTH AFRICA BY PATRICK LAURENCE

POSING THE PAST

Both {He African NatiofTBTOongress and the government have finally, ^udginglyftonceded that ea#i of their security forWwere guilty of gross human rights abuses-beatings, torture, even murder. But in airing past atrocities, there was also suspicion that both sides wanted to bury that history. As Africa Report went to press, President F.W. de Klerk conceded there had been "dirty tricks," but claimed that politicians were not fully informed.

hosts from the past are haunting the two its security department or Mbokodo, "The stone that main interlocutors in South Africa's negoti- crushes"; in the NP's case, it focuses on the covert activi- ating process, complicating the already ties of the security police and their brethren in military protracted and tricky task of reaching a set- intelligence and the shadowy Civil Cooperation Bureau tlement. (CCB). In an ironic twist of history, Nelson Mandela's African Cyril Ramaphosa, secretary-general of the ANC, has National Congress (ANC) and F.W. de Klerk's National declared that the ANC has displayed greater courage and Party (NP) face similar—though not identical—moral superior morality than de Klerk's NP in confronting the and political dilemmas. Founded within two years of one ignoble aspects of its past. another—the ANC in 1912 and the NP in 1914—the two Ramaphosa's boast is partially justifiable: The ANC did movements are confronted with the task of deciding how appoint a commission of inquiry to investigate allegations to deal with the abrogation of human rights by their secu- of maltreatment of detainees in its prison camps in neigh- rity departments. boring states during the "armed struggle" against The challenge before these two long-time adversaries apartheid, and even more important, it did fulfill its is two-fold: to acknowledge the excesses of their security promise to publish the commission's report. personnel and to identify and deal with those responsible. The report is a damning indictment of Mbokodo. Its In ihe ANC's case, it relates to the brutal excesses of hapless victims were found by the commissioners to have been "denigrated, humiliated, and abused, often with Fatrick Ixiurencp is a specialist writer on the Johannesburg Star, Southstaggering brutality" by Mbokodo officials. The abuse of African correspondent of The Economist, and a contributor to The Guardian of London and The Irish Times. power was not a temporary aberration. It did not last for a 51 J a n u a r y / F e b r u a r y 1 *J 9 3 month or two, and was not confined to one or two deten- tion centers. It took place for nearly a decade in camps in four African countries. The ANC president, Nelson Mandela, exhibited the political courage referred to by Ramaphosa when the report was released: He frankly described Mbokodo's behavior as a violation of the ANC's own clear code of conduct and acknowledged "ultimate responsibility" on behalf of the ANC leadership. ANC spokesmen and indeed the ANC-appointed com- mission itself have argued that the abuse of power by Mbokodo should be seen in context. It was a defensive reaction against the infiltration of spies and agent provo- cateurs by the "apartheid regime" into ANC ranks. Chris Hani, chief of staff at the time of the ANC's Party, of seeking primarily to indemnify suspected assas- underground army, Umkhonto we Sizwe or MK, has sins and torturers in his security forces without full disclo- described the atmosphere in the camps as one of "para- sure. His aim, in the view of his indignant opponents, is noia and hysteria." minimum disclosure—a mere name printed in a As Hani has said: "The regime was destabilizing the gazette—not detailed confession. ANC, killing its leaders, assassinating commanders of The Further Indemnity Bill is thought to have been de MK [and creating] a situation of overall suspicion...Peo- Klerk's attempt to assuage the anxiety of those members ple began to lose a balanced approach in terms of combat- of the security forces who waged a secret—and often mer- ing the infiltration of the ANC...The innocent and the ciless—war against anti-apartheid activists before the guilty were sometimes lumped together." unbanning of the ANC. Their aim is thought to have Another point made by ANC spokesmen, some of been—more than indemnity—to protect them from pros- whom have come close to offering apologies for the atroc- ecution by a future government; they are suspected of ities, is that the ANC lacked the resources of the having tried to get indemnity without disclosure, forgive- apartheid state and that the excesses of Mbokodo are ness without contrition. therefore less heinous than those of their counterparts Fearing that they may be indicted by a new post- working in service of apartheid. apartheid government, these security force apparatchiki The ANC's approach contrasts with the tack taken by are suspected of wanting to re-write South Africa's histo- President de Klerk; he has given the impression of a man ry, to expunge details of their offenses from the record. on the defensive, seeking to bury the past rather than Their anxiety has been sharpened by the emergence of expose it. new details in the inquest into the death of Webster. By a strange convergence of events, the release of the Webster was gunned down by unknown assassins on ANC commission's 74-page report coincided with two May 1,1989. His death raised a cry of outrage from oppo- interrelated and relevant developments: the introduction sition forces comparable to that precipitated by the death of a bill in Parliament to in detention 12 years earlier of the black consciousness indemnify people who THE ANC'S leader, Steve Biko. have committed politi- The prime suspect, in a corporate sense, was the CCB, cally motivated crimes APPROACH CON whose Orwellian-sounding title accurately conveys its sin- and the opening of the JRASTS WITH THE ister image. Since the start of the Webster inquest, suspi- inquest into the death cions against the CCB have hardened. of the anti-apartheid TACK TAKEN BY The inquest court heard testimony—strongly chal- activist, David Webster. nri/irni/ \ / u r\ lenged, it is fair to record, by Defense Force lawyers De Klerk's Further VL KLh l

January/February 19 9 3 BY ANNE SHEPHERD INISTER Greg Mannovich/Sygma

awn broke to the sound of a thunderous The CDF and South African Defense Force (SADF), explosion outside the tiny village of Dim- which has been called in by military leader Brig. Oupa baza, in the nominally independent South Gqozo to "stabilize" the area after the unrest that followed African "homeland" of Ciskei, on a recent the massacre of 28 African National Congress (ANC) sup- morning. porters there in September, immediately blamed the ANC Four hand grenades, thrown by a group of men hiding for the incident. As a result, Gqozo called off talks, sched- in the savannah scrubland, exploded on the dusty road- uled for October 26, between the Ciskei administration side. A fifth whirled into a Ciskei Defense Force (CDF) and the ANC to try and resolve their differences. bus that was collecting employees from the village to go ANC officials in East London, provincial capital of to work. One died; seven others were injured. South Africa's Eastern Cape province, shied away from commenting on the incident until further investigations Anne Shepherd is a Ij>ndon-based journalist who has travelled widely in Africa and written extensively on African economic and political issues. had taken place. But they posed several questions. Africa Report 54 CISKEI The September massacre of 28 African National Congress demonstrators by the Ciskei Defense Force was the most outrageous act of what ob- servers see as a longtime, systematic campaign by the Ciskeian authorities, in collusion with the South African Defense Force, to kill ANC activists in the Eastern Cape, the movement's strongest base. With a pliable homeland leader, Brig. Oupa Gqozo, the South Africans-according to critics-are carrying out their divide and rule policy while using the homeland as a training ground for anti-ANC operatives.

Why, for example, had the men, who apparently ran (IDASA), Lawyers for Opposite page: for about a mile before boarding a vehicle which ferried Human Rights, and the The Ciskei Defense Force them away, not been apprehended, despite the presence Independent Board of Above: Brig. Oupa Gqozo, of SADF troops in the area? Why too had the incident Inquiry, a total of 59 deaths military leader of the taken place just before the meeting with Ciskei officials, have been reported in the Ciskei homeland which the ANC, South Africa's main liberation move- area over the September- ment, had been pushing for? Could it be that—as evi- October period. The network maintains that 42 of these dence in the past has so often pointed to—a sinister were ANC members, and only 17 supporters of the "third force," working to discredit the ANC, had been Gqozo regime. involved? "The SADF is out to destroy the ANC," says a church The incident is just one of a series that has rocked this leader in the area. 'Terrible things are happening. The territory—one of four which only South Africa recog- area is like a war zone." nizes as independent—since the headline-grabbing mas- Independent monitors warn that if urgent action is not sacre in Bisho, the Ciskei capital. taken, the area will rapidly deteriorate into a low-level As the ANC admits, much of the violence, particularly civil war, similar to that in Natal where the ANC is locked the burning and looting of houses belonging to CDF in a battle with the conservative, Zulu-based Inkatha employees, has resulted from a backlash among its sup- movement, which—at least in the past—has been aided porters. According to SADF figures, of the 54 incidents and abetted by the government. that occurred in the area in September-October, 51 were The South African establishment, despite protesta- directed against members of the Ciskei army and police tions to the contrary, has every reason to want the trou- forces, and only the remainder against the ANC. ble in Ciskei to continue. Traditionally, the Eastern Cape But the ANC and independent monitors have chroni- province, which comprises Ciskei, the Transkei (another cled a long list of abuses by the CDF and SADF, which nominally independent homeland), and the area between they say have escaped world attention, now that the ini- (known as "border") is regarded as the ANC's strongest tial outcry over the Bisho massacre has died down. base. It is the home of the Xhosa people, the second According to statistics compiled by the Independent largest ethnic group in South Africa. ANC leader Nelson Monitoring Network, which comprises groups like the Mandela hails from the Transkei. Many ANC intellectu- Institute for a-Democratic Alternative in South Africa als—and indeed other nationalist leaders from surround- 55 January /February 19 9 3 ing southern African COULD Strip. The ADM, which operates through ethnic struc- countries—studied at tures, is viewed by many residents of the area as Ciskei's Fort Hare, in the Cis- RAPIDLY DETERI- equivalent of Inkatha. keian town of Alice. The equation is further complicated by the involve- According to a recent ORATE INTO A ment of SADF personnel in the running of the Ciskei report on the Ciskei by LOW-LEVEL CIVIL army and police forces. Almost all the top posts in these the Independent Board are staffed by officers either seconded from the SADF or of Inquiry: "Ever since WAR, SIMILARTO SAP, or who have retired from these services and are the South African gov- now directly contracted by Ciskei. ernment identified the THAT IN NATAL Under a security agreement between South Africa and political threat of a unit- WHERE THE ANC the four territories it regards as independent, any one of ed East Cape region, these can call on the SADF for reinforcements during a their aim has been to IS LOCKED IN crisis. The SADF has distanced itself from the Bisho work against unity. This massacre which has been condemned worldwide for the meant that Ciskei and BATTLE WITH THE way in which Ciskeian forces opened fire on ANC Transkei were never CONSERVATIVE, demonstrators who overstepped the agreed bounds of permitted to become a their march to enter the Bisho stadium. single homeland region, ZULU-BASED However, in the wake of unrest following the Bisho and that any conflict massacre, 467 South African troops have been stationed within the region was INKATHA. in the territory, and two base camps established, one in encouraged and sometimes actively initiated." This has Alice, and the other in King Williamstown. According to been particularly true since the advent of the military a spokesperson for the SADF, the main purpose of this administration of Gen. Bantu Holomisa in the Transkei, presence is to protect property and infrastructure. The which is sympathetic to the ANC. SADF portrays itself as a neutral force, trying to keep the According to the report, researched by Louise Flanna- peace between the CDF and ANC supporters. gan over an extended period in the area, the Eastern The ANC concedes that its supporters have rampaged Cape has also been used by the military "as a testing the homes of CDF functionaries and ADM supporters, ground for officers on their way to the top." The report but stresses that this is a response to the political repres- traces several instances of SADF personnel, including sion in the territory, which forbids free political activity. the current chief of military intelligence, Gen. Christoffel "Our people are boiling with anger," says a local ANC van der Westhuizen, who cut their teeth in the Eastern representative. "What we see happening here is a Cape, convenient as a training ground "because it is so response to years of brutal repression, first under Sebe, often ignored by the media." and now under Gqozo." The Independent Board of Inquiry and the Johannes- The ANC also challenges the claim that the SADF is a burg-based Weekly Mail have uncovered a series of peace-keeping force. Hundreds of affidavits collected by covert operations in the area over the past few years. the organization support the view that what the SADF These include Operation Hammer, a citizen force group- claims to be routine searches for weapons have turned ing set up by van der Westhuizen which ran a dirty tricks into a purge of ANC in Ciskei, with several membership unit that has been allegedly linked to the murder of ANC cards reportedly confiscated. activist Matthew Goniwe. Disagreement also persists over the series of sophisti- Another operation, exposed as a military intelligence cated murders that have plagued the area since the mas- front last December, was the Adult Education Consul- sacre. Although only four arrests have been made, and tants, whose local arm. Dynamic Teaching, propagated a no proof of any sort has yet emerged in court, the SADF strong anti-communist line, and International blames these attacks on Umkhonto we Sizwe, the ANC's Researchers (IR), later renamed Ciskei Intelligence Ser- military wing. The ANC does not deny the existence of vices. MK functionaries in the area, or their access to weapons Both Dynamic Teaching and IR were involved in the which—by agreement with the government—would only launching last July of the African Democratic Movement be handed over to an interim government. But it points to (ADM), the political party that Gqozo is using to legit- the many killings of its members as evidence that some imize his rule following his overthrow of the equally other sophisticated force is also operating in the area. notorious Lennox Sebe in 1990. Former acting secretary- Ultimately, church leaders say, the only lasting solu- general of the ADM, Basie Oosthuysen, was an employee tion to violence in the area is for legislation banning free of Dynamic Teaching. His successor, Thamsanqa Linda, political activity to be lifted, and for Gqozo to stand the worked for Eduguide, another wing of Adult Education test of an election, as a prelude to a full reintegration of Consultants. the homelands into a new South Africa. The de Klerk Ominously, the head of the IR, Anton Nieuwoudt, government, by simply turning off economic and mili- played a prominent role in training an elite group of tary support, can force Gqozo to take such measures. Inkatha paramilitary fighters at a base in the Caprivi The question is whether it really wants that to happen. O Africa Report 56 TOURISM BY HOWARD W. FRENCH

Howard W. French Howard W. French

Benin has begun seri- Benin has joined ously trying to attract forces with other

tourists, putting particu-I Howard W French African nations to lar emphasis on the architectural organize a nine-day festival, and historic legacies of the slave Ouidah '93, intended as a coming- trade. To kick off the tourist revival, out party for West Africa's tourism.

•• ust off the main roads in Benin, a land jammed park. But a stroll even slightly off the beaten path in this I I with history, even an uninitiated visitor can country shows off the continent as a place of living reli- I I hardly help stumbling upon the kind of vivid dis- gions, vibrant dance, elaborate traditions, and also dra- MM plays of culture that many other regions of the matic change. ^^F world can only match with elaborately staged While large parts of Africa, from Somalia to Liberia, revivals of dimly remembered folklore. writhe in a biblical misery, recently Benin, like other Where tourism is concerned, Africa has long been countries that have partaken in the continent's sweeping seen as little more than a virtually undifferentiated game democratic revival, has begun working seriously for the Howard W. French is a Miami-based reporter for The New York Times first time at attracting Western tourists. who formerly resided in Cote d'lvoire. For Benin, like many of its neighbors, the centerpieces 57 January/February 19 9 3 of its tourism ambitions OUIDAH 93, A In a daylong trip, the visitor came upon authentic are the architectural and masques being danced before an assemblage of youth historic legacies of the NINE-DAY FESTI- and elders in one village, the weekly market for the area slave trade. Recent in another village, and a marriage ceremony accompanied efforts have been con- VAL SCHEDULED by a live band in yet another. At each stop, the villagers centrated on cleaning up IN EARLY FEBRU- promptly invited the visitor's participation. and restoring or recon- Most captivating of all, however, was the kind of histor- structing slaving forts ARY, IS BILLED AS ical discovery that Benin—like its other neighbors who and chattel markets that are counting on a greater awareness of the continent's dotted a coastline that A REUNION OF past—hopes to use to help market itself. Midway to saw the departure into AFRICA AND THE Abomey from Ouidah, a few insistently curious questions bondage in the early at the sleepy town of Allada showed the way down yet 18th century of as many AMERICAS. another small byway to the village of Togoudo, where as 20,000 slaves a year Haiti's founding revolutionary hero, Toussaint L'Ouver- from some of the trade's biggest West African centers. ture, was born in 1743. With its rich history of empire—the Fon, not the Benin Since 1983, the poor residents of Togoudo, a molder- Kingdom whose name the country expropriated from ing village whose royalty helped found the Fon kingdom, neighboring Nigeria—Benin's new democratic govern- have themselves been without a king. After a tour of the ment is also working at both studying and restoring often birthplace of Toussaint L'Ouverture, of which little well-preserved imperial palaces and other important remains but the crumbling red clay walls of homes that archaeological sites centered around the interior city of have long ago collapsed and all but disappeared, villagers, Abomey. themselves keenly aware of their historical importance, In the most ambitious event of its kind since Nigeria expressed hope that the spread of tourism would not hosted a festival of African arts, Festac, in 1977, Benin has leave them out. enlisted the support of several other governments in the "Our village is a cortege of ruins," said Albert Goudo region, as well as Unesco, France, and the United States, Tessi, the wizened secretary of Togoudo's dilapidated, for the organization of a grand festival, billed as a reunion thatched-roof royal palace. "We no longer have the means of Africa and the Americas that, although repeatedly to support a king. We can't even rebuild his house the way delayed, is now scheduled to take place in early February. it should be. Maybe if more outsiders came here, things The nine-day festival, billed as Ouidah '93, is intended would change." as something of a grand coming-out party for West Africa. But if Benin boasts the right combination of assets, Its organizers hope the event, which will include perfor- from newly democratic government to a wealth of history mances from neighboring countries, as well as musical and culture that is for the most part readily accessible, the groups and artists from the United States, Haiti, Cuba, country also bears its share of the handicaps that, beyond and Brazil, will reawaken the outside world's interest in the age-old issue of the West's negative stereotyping of the region, especially capitalizing on several years of the continent, has helped deprive it of its share of what is mounting interest among blacks of the diaspora in their often called the world's largest industry—tourism. mother continent. While African heads of state meet with ritualized fre- In an attempt to make the festival as substantive and quency to discuss regional integration, merely traveling stimulating as it is memorably diverting, the organizers by road from one small state in the region to another is a have planned theme days of theater and cinema, a book frustrating lesson in how distant their goal remains. Bor- fair, and lectures about the slave trade and its impact both der crossings into Benin from neighboring states are a on Africa and the New World. slow and difficult experience. And grudging, corrupt offi- Receiving special attention will be Benin's cials appear little concerned with conveying a sense of contributions to the spread of African religious practices welcome. throughout the New World, and experts on Haitian Were it not for the compensating friendliness of ordi- Voodoo and lectures on African-inspired religions in nary people, traveling within the country could not be Brazil, Cuba, and the United States will be featured. described as any better. In Benin, which is unexceptional Visitors will also be taken along still extant ancestral in this regard, a dozen roadblock shakedowns by steely- footpaths, known as La Route de l'Esclave, which were eyed police whose vigilance is clearly more intended at used by slavers to conduct captives from the interior to filling their pockets than stopping crime is about par for forts like the austere, white-walled structure built by the the 50-mile ride to the border with Togo. Portuguese at Ouidah in 1721, which will be the head- At best, organizing festivals showing off the region's quarters of the festivities. history, art, and culture is only half of the task needed to During a trip to Benin in August, a journalist followed put Africa back on the world's travel maps. If it can clear the contours of the Slave Route, driving along dusty back up these kinds of blights, Benin will have taken another roads, stopping every few miles to chat with villagers great step toward making the continent a place that visi- often surprised at the unannounced arrival of an outsider. tors love to come back to. O Africa Report 58 ECONOMIES BY ANNE SHEPHERD

Integrating African regions economically may be the only way that small and weak countries can compete in a world market increasingly made up of powerful economic blocs, such as those in Europe and the Pacific Rim. But there is doubt on how to do it in southern Africa—whether to support the newly created Southern Africa Development Community with the imminent membership of the region's economic giant, South Africa, or achieve growth through the Preferential Trade Area or Cus- toms Union agreement, or perhaps a combination of all options. UILDINO A BLOC o one said so in so many words, but had not yet "adopted similar decisions" to do so in order when 10 southern African countries "to avoid wasteful duplication of efforts in the economic signed a treaty in August to work integration process." toward a common market, they also Despite the fact that eight SADC heads of state signed dashed hopes of a more rational the PTA communique, when they got to Windhoek, they approach to integration efforts on the had apparently changed their minds. The SADC commu- sub-continent. nique, while acknowledging the PTA "proposal," reaf- At their heads of state summit in Windhoek, Namibia, firms the "consensus of member-states that SADCC and members of the Southern African Development Coordi- the PTA had distinct objectives and mandates and must nation Conference (SADCC), citing the likelihood of therefore continue to exist as autonomous, but comple- South Africa becoming a member, committed themselves mentary entities." to becoming the "Southern Africa Development Commu- SADC officials claim that those of their members who nity" (SADC). belong to the PTA misunderstood the PTA resolution Until recently largely a coordinator of $3.4 billion they signed and later distanced themselves from it. How- worth of projects funded by donors anxious to help the ever, Zambia, which hosts the PTA, openly campaigned region strengthen its economies vis-a-vis that of South for the merger, and is understood to have signed the Africa, SADC says it Windhoek treaty only under considerable will now promote the peer pressure. In contrast, Botswana, free movement of which has gained international notoriety goods, capital, and by hosting SADCC, canvassed against the people across its bor- PTA move, supported—naturally enough ders. No timetable is —by the SADCC secretariat. given for this, but a Publicly, SADC says it will continue to background paper coordinate with the PTA to avoid duplica- cites SADC as one of tion. The Windhoek communique directs the building blocks in that a study be undertaken on "how best to the Organization of harmonize relations between SADC and the r African Unity Abuja '-'-•'" - " '--'^* ur * PTA in the context of the process toward MargareiA NOVICKI the establishment of the African Economic Community." Above, the But, as the SADC theme document for this year, Limpopo 'Towards Economic Integration," concedes: "At the high- est point of integration...it will not be practicable for railway line countries to belong to more than one regional communi- in Mozam- ty." This also implies a choice for four SADC members bique presently also belonging to the Southern African Cus- toms Union (SACU) revolving around South Africa. Left, Chevron SADC officials admit that by pursuing the Windhoek oil rig in Treaty rather than the alternative course of a merger with the PTA, the swords are now drawn. They justify the Cabinda, duel as healthy competition. Economists, on the other Angola hand, fear that instead of having one winner, the whole region might end up the loser. Treaty for an African common market by 2025. On the face of it, there are strong forces gravitating in Ironically, the 18-member East and Southern Africa favor of stronger integration in southern Africa, and the Preferential Trade Area (PTA), to which eight SADC continent more generally. Domestic economic reforms, members (excluding Botswana and Namibia) belong, coupled with the prospective emergence of powerful has cast itself in the same role. regional blocs in Europe, North America, and the Pacific At its summit in Lusaka, Zambia, in January, heads of Rim are sending home the message that small and eco- state of this larger organization resolved that "the PTA nomically weak countries cannot afford to go it alone. and SADCC be merged into a single common market for The promise—albeit tentative—of a democratic South Eastern and southern Africa, within the context of the Africa emerging has sharpened the focus on regional Abuja Treaty for the African Economic Community." integration for a variety of reasons. As this year's SADC Meeting in Dakar, Senegal, in June, heads of state of theme document concedes, in the past, "a significant the Organization of African Unity welcomed the PTA res- component of the international political and material sup- olution to form a Common Market for Eastern and South- port for SADCC and its member-states was predicated on ern Africa (COMESA). They urged other regions which the anti-apartheid struggle; and was justified in terms of supporting the countries of the region in the face of Anne Shepherd is a London-based journalist who has travelled widely in Africa and written extensively on African economic and Political issues. South Africa's destabilization and military aggression." Africa Report 60 Three Into One Won't Go

outhern Africa's problem as it seeks more mean- three regional organizations (the others being the Eco- ingful regional integration may well be that it is nomic Community of West African States, and the Eco- Sspoiled by choices. In all, there are three different nomic Community of Central African States) which regional organizations, each with its own distinct would link up to form an African Economic Community, approach: now scheduled (optimistically) for 2025. As its name •Formed in 1980, Southern African Development suggest, the PTA's focus is on gradually reducing tariff oordination Conference's (SADCC) approach to inte- and non-tariff barriers to trade. A common list of 200 gration has evolved from project cooperation. An Items on which barriers were to be removed has been essentially political grouping which tapped the con- increased to 319 commodities, and the deadline science of donors reticent over imposing sanctions extended from 1992 to 2000. A Harare-based clearing against South Africa, SADCC initially focused primarily house, which alms to overcome the foreign currency on coordinating donor-sponsored projects to rehabili- barrier to trade by enabling countries to settle only tate transport routes destroyed in wars fueled by Pre- their trade balances in hard currency, now handles 70 toria. Cognizant of the problems that have faced overly percent of intra-regional trade, and is envisaged as a ambitious and centralized regional organization in precursor to monetary union. However, trade between Africa, SADCC opted for a decentralized system in the 18 countries, which stands at 6 percent of the which each member took charge of a sector (such as total, has been hampered by the unwieldy size of the transport, agriculture, industry, etc.). group, poor communications, complementarity of pro- With political changes in South Africa since 1990, duction, and fears of the bigger economies (Zimbabwe and the growing attention in the West to Eastern and Kenya) benefitting disproportionately from the Europe, donors have made it increasingly clear that arrangement. The latter has led to a new focus on pro- they won't go on picking up the tab indefinitely. In duction: The PTA has 51 industrial projects, and addition, with a GDP three times that of the rest of the recently established an investment bank. region, South Africa poses a potential threat to the •The Southern African Customs Union (SACU), smaller economies, unless ground rules for an equi- including South Africa, Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, table approach to regional integration are put in place. and Namibia, is the oldest, and technically most These factors have prompted SADCC, over the last advanced of the regional groupings. A customs union three years, to pay more attention to production, takes the free trade zone idea one step further by Investment, and intra-regional trade (which stands at a adding a common external tariff against outside coun- mere 5 percent of the goal). tries, although it does not provide for the free mobility The new SADC, which the group refers to as the of capital and labor, as is the case in a common mar- "development Integration approach," aims to deepen ket. The arrangement has given South Africa guaran- cooperation in these areas, through integrating systems teed export markets in the smaller countries, although of investment, production, and trade, "including promot- the protective barrier against external competition has ing the freer movement of capital, goods, and labor." reduced the efficiency of South African industry. Small- This calls for ceding national sovereignty to the broader er countries profit from customs revenues, which are regional good—a will so far not tested in the loose coor- divided according to a formula that gives them a favor- dination of projects mostly paid for by outsiders. There able share. However, the arrangement has tied them are also practical problems: The wide divergence in to South African imports, at prices that are not neces- inflation rates in the countries of the region at the sarily competitive. All the SACU members, excluding moment, for example, rules out monetary cooperation. Botswana, belong to the rand Common Monetary •The Preferential Trade Area was initiated in 1981 Area. • by the UN Economic Commission for Africa as one of —A.S.

With the "passing of apartheid," the document contin- In effect, the region has now experimented with two ues, "some cooperating partners will, in apparently good broad approaches to regional integration. The first is the conscience, look elsewhere to give their assistance, classic market-driven approach, beginning with the liber- where they believe they can derive greater political divi- alization of trade, then factors of production, between a dends." group of countries, such that they progressively tran- Political change in South Africa, the document points scend being a preferential trade area, to a common mar- out, is also likely to lead to new investment being attract- ket. ed back to the region's economic giant. Unless struc- Thus in the case of the PTA. members charge each tures are in place for a broader regional market, the argu- other lower tariffs than those applicable to non-members, ment runs, inequitable development will simply be but customs duties are still levied on imports from other perpetuated. countries. In the next stage—a free trade area—which

61 January /February 19 9 3 the PTA is aspiring to—no duties are applied on goods each sector to coordinate, while avoiding a massive cen- from other members, though each still determines its tralized bureaucracy. own tariff policy in relation to goods imported from out- Many question, however, to what extent SADC will side the area. continue to hold together as a unit without the anti- The phase after this—represented in southern Africa apartheid glue. Similarly, as SADC moves away from pro- by the Southern African Customs Union that revolves ject coordination toward economic integration, its struc- around Pretoria—is a customs union, in which trade with ture—though as yet undecided—will of necessity alter. non-members is governed by a common external tariff. Achieving the goals that SADC has set itself will be no With the free movement of labor, in addition to capital mean task. Although most countries in the region are (which flows freely between the five), SACU would undertaking structural adjustment programs, macro-eco- become a common market. nomic conditions vary widely from debt-ridden Mozam- Indeed, four countries—South Africa, Namibia, bique to Botswana, with its surplus foreign reserves. Lesotho, and Swaziland—share the same currency, With its past emphasis on reducing dependence on which virtually makes them an economic union. The South Africa, SADC appears well placed to provide the "highest," and most difficult, stage of integration in this framework for South Africa, which has a GDP three model is a political union, in which—in addition to eco- times that of the region, to rejoin the region on the basis nomic integration—the political institutions of member of mutually beneficial development, but huge problems countries are also federated. lie ahead. SADC began with a similar ultimate objective, but As South African economist Rob Davies points out in a approached it through what it calls "development integra- recent paper, South Africa in the Region, "SADCC does tion." This school of thought argues that it is pointless to not possess an integrated direct production sector to bal- liberalize trade if countries are producing the same sorts ance the input from South Africa's much broader manu- of goods and services, and don't have the infrastructure facturing base, nor does it have sufficient sectoral eco- to facilitate trade (a problem particularly acute in south- nomic policy or macro-economic and overall planning ern Africa, because of South African destabilization of coordination." transport routes in Mozambique and Angola). Despite the stated commitment of the African National The SADC approach has thus been to first emphasize Congress to balanced regional growth, economists point infrastructural projects, then investment and production, out that the initial focus of a democratic government will with an increasing emphasis on the role of the private be on internal, rather than regional inequities. While sector. Moves toward the free movement of goods donors funded projects, it was relatively easy to forge a (trade) and factors of production (capital and labor) have consensus within the old SADCC. The "acid test," as one come as a later, rather than initial, stage in the search for SADC official concedes, "is yet to come when countries a common market, and ultimately political union. are faced with the choice between short-term national, Up until recently, the thinking seemed to be that all and long-term regional interests." three regional organizations could co-exist, and indeed Because of its more practical, trade-oriented complement each other. In the initial stages, that was approach, the PTA has been attracting considerable probably true. Infrastructural projects being carried out interest of late among businessmen and donors. by SADC, for example, could help the PTA overcome the Last year, the European Community, a major SADC non-tariff barriers to trade that it confronted. donor, sent Shockwaves through the organization when it But as the two organizations focus more keenly on stipulated for the first time that funds normally allocated deeper integration, the potential for overlap has to SADC only would have to be split with the PTA, which increased proportionately. has been drawing increasing attention from the business Should SADC, for example, transform itself into a free community, including in South Africa. trade area, there would be a duplication in tariff policy. Yet, as most donors and businessmen readily acknowl- With regard to monetary harmonization, the PTA has edge, the PTA is far from perfect. Apart from the persis- already gone some way in this area with its clearing tent lack of political will to implement its decisions, the house and common unit of currency. The question that 18-member group is hampered by its unwieldiness. As a would arise is: Would SADC build on this in its own Harare trade analyst puts it: The PTA collects members efforts (and if so what would happen to SADC members as though they were smarties, with no regard for region- that do not belong to the PTA) or would it try a different al coherence." tack? Recent moves to resuscitate the East African Commu- It seems inevitable that there will be overlap and nity, which includes three FFA members (Kenya, Ugan- wastage. Now that the two organizations have declared da, and Tanzania), have been cited as evidence that suc- themselves in competition, the other question that arises cessful regional integration must begin in small units. is which will outpace the other. Like SADC, the PTA also suffers from huge economic SADC's two main attributes as a model for integration disparities between the economies of its countries. The have been its regional and political coherence, as well as PTA would become lopsided if South Africa joined, just its ability to involve all its members through allocating as SADC will. Indeed, Davies argues that by joining the

Africa Report PTA, South Africa could slow down the organization's Although this is politically attractive to Pretoria, the progress toward reducing trade barriers, since countries idea is likely to be opposed by South Africa's purse-keep- with some sort of manufacturing base like Zimbabwe ers, on the grounds that as larger economies join, the would resist measures permitting South African goods to revenue-sharing formula would prove unaffordable. flood their markets. Indeed, some economists question if it is in South There is also, at this point, a direct conflict between the Africa's interests to belong to any of the regional organi- PTA, which demands a most favored nation treatment zations in the sub-continent, since the African countries it among its countries, and SACU which does not allow its would most seek to trade with—like Nigeria—are not in members to enter into concessionary agreements with the sub-region. other countries unless their partners agree. Lesotho and The most likely scenario that economists see Swaziland, which belong to both, have been given two suc- emerging out of the present milieu is a multiplicity of cessive five-year exemption clauses, but will soon have to bilateral trade agreements overlaying a weak regional decide which regional organization to stick with. organization. Few doubt that when it comes down to it, they will Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe (which has taken the choose SACU, which, whatever its political connotations, hardest political line against South Africa) have recently is the most coherent and advanced of the integration signed preferential trade agreements with Pretoria. Such efforts in the region. agreements are of mutual benefit. But, economists say, This has led some economists to argue that the best they lack an overall framework to deliver the region its way forward is to scrap both SADC and the FTA, and dream of a place where people sharing the same curren- gradually expand SACU outward. Mozambique, Malawi, cy, voting for a regional parliament, can trade and move and Angola have privately indicated an interest in SACU across boundaries without even noticing that they have membership. done so. O

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63 January/February 19 9 BY RUTH ANSAH AYISI

Traditionally in Africa, the elderly are an important part of the extended family, held in high F AM ILY regard and cared for. Not any longer. Young people's salaries are eroding and they are under severe financial constraints. In addition, traditional and cultural values are changing. In many instances, the elderly are considered a burden, and particularly vulnerable are women.

n a desperate attempt to save an elderly patient the highest growth rate in black Africa, but prices have from dying, the doctor tried to trace a family soared and the cedi, the national currency, has been dras- member of the sick man. To the doctor's relief, tically devalued. The cash economy gives little room for he managed to track down a son who was work- generosity among the extended family. ing nearby. The doctor explained that his patient While tax exemptions are available for children's edu- needed a blood transfusion and financial assis- cation, they are not allowed for supporting the elderly. tance. But the son's response came as a shock. Moreover, most pension schemes are aimed at those who "WhDo is my father? He never cared for me and Mama. I have worked in the formal sector, which is only a small don't know him. Let him die." proportion of the elderly. Most Ghanaians would be outraged by the son's Besides financial problems, traditional values are being response, just as they are generally horrified that in eroded and the cultural gap between the old and young is Europe, many elderly people are institutionalized rather widening. Educational opportunities have also split families, than taken care of by a relative, however distant. Tradi- which had a history of living together in the countryside in a tionally in Ghana, as in most African countries, the old are large family home. Young people have flocked to the towns regarded as senior family members who impart wisdom or emigrated overseas. Research has shown that rural youth and should at least be held in respect and cared for. are twice as likely to live with their grandparents as urban In West African languages, expressions for the elderly youth. And fewer young married couples these days are mean things like, "he or she who knows," or "he or she willing to live in the same house as their parents. who has vision." The Akan of Ghana have a proverb The cash economy also puts pressure on young people which says: "When children learn to wash their hands, to earn money fast. Today, everything is money. Young they may eat with the elders." people these days tend to feel less obliged, for example, But the sick man was a Ghanaian and so is his son, and to look after an elderly aunt or uncle. these days although such a case is rare, it is becoming Therefore, a particularly vulnerable group are elderly less so. 'Twenty years ago, the general view would be women who have living children, like a pair of unidentical that you must look after your father because he fathered twins, Akwele and Akuokor Dokwi. They live by them- you, irrespective," said Nana Apt, a 49-year-old sociologist selves in a tumble-down shack on the outskirts of the cap- at the University of Ghana, Legon, and president of the ital, Accra. The shack is bare inside except for a few tins African Gerontological Society. "Now it is the modern that are used as plates and cups, and some scrawny chick- economics. The salaries people are getting do not keep ens kept in a coop. The sisters depend on the charity of them going, neither themselves nor their immediate fami- the church and people in the community. "We don't even ly, so that now it becomes easier for children to say, 'Look, have enough money to buy food," says Akuokor. I can't,' because they themselves cannot even cope." The twins came from a farming family in the Upper Ghana, like other African countries, has been swallow- West region. They are unable to read or write and worked ing the bitter pill of a structural adjustment program spon- on a farm until they moved to Accra. "Our mother said sored by the World Bank and International Monetary our father was too old, so she married another man," said Fund. Nine years after President Jerry Rawlings' govern- Akuokor, angry tears pouring down her wrinkled cheeks. ment initiated the program, Ghana can boast of having She brought out a ragged hand- Akwele Dokwi, left, kerchief and sobbed some more. Ruth Ansah Ayisi is a freelance journalist based in Maputo, Mozambique. A few minutes later, Akuokor and Akuokor Dokwi Ruth Ansah Ayisi Africa Report 64 reveled in the opportunity to continue chatting. Her days them are or who is alive or dead. The rebels did not take are spent simply. "When I get up the morning, I sweep the me because I'm too old." house, clean the coop and everything. I want everything In Mozambique's cities, prices are so high that even a to be clean. But because of my legs, I can't go far away. I middle-income wage earner cannot make ends meet. just stay in the house." Mozambique is by some estimates one of the poorest Akwele looks frail, but she too seemed overwhelmed countries in the world, with over 70 percent of its 15.7 mil- with excitement that they had visitors who were prepared lion people living in absolute poverty. Like Ghana, a struc- to hear their stories. "We had wanted to go to school, but tural adjustment program has also meant more goods in our father said we must work in the fields," said Akwele. the shops, but attached are prices that only the rich can "A teacher even came to our house to try to take us to think about. school." Akwele had two children, both of whom died at a It is a common sight to see elderly women and men young age. Akuokor never married, but looked after her roaming around the cities in rags begging outside banks father until he died. or in the markets. Some employ children to beg for them. Yet Akwele and Akuokor are luckier than others in that Throughout Africa, it is only gradually being acknowl- they benefit from Help Age, a non-governmental organiza- edged that it is not only the West that is failing their elder- tion set up three years ago. Help Age fitted a new piece of ly population. iron sheeting for a roof so the twins no longer get And the real crisis facing the elderly in Africa has not drenched when it rains. They also have visits and receive yet emerged. Ghana, like other African countries, still has some food. a relatively small elderly population because life expectan- The problems that the elderly face are varied, and cies are so low, averaging around 49 years. But as medical sometimes even when they have a relative looking after care is improving, people are beginning to live longer. For them, they can still be in need, said Veronica Ayisi, one of example, in 1960 the proportion of people over 60 years of the volunteers of Help Age. age was 4.2 percent, but by 2025 the proportion should Ayisi regularly visits Emmanuel Anum Tetteh, an rise to 6.4 percent. Females consistently outnumber men elderly man who lives with his brother and niece. His leg among the elderly. had been grotesquely swollen from foot to thigh for two But the solution in Africa is not so easy. Poverty, war, years, but the niece had not taken him to the hospital. and the breakdown of norms are bewildering for Africa's Indications are that Tetteh is suffering from an advanced elderly. They took it for granted that their old age would form of elephantiasis. not be their responsibility but their children's. "During "The niece does not have enough money," said Ayisi. our childhood in Ghana, we stayed in a family house, so "She has no permanent job. She has children and she has we helped the aged," said Ayisi. "We used to do every- to look after her father, too. There is not enough money to thing for them." feed them and take him to the hospital." Help Age, now in its third year in Ghana, has begun to The even more pitiful cases, however, are those beg- play a limited but important role, and is aiming to expand ging in the bustling streets of Accra. "God bless you," its activities. they say, when coins are thrown at them by a driver stuck But obviously, Help Age cannot solve the problem in a traffic jam. alone. The real solution is for governments and the peo- "You never saw this 10 years ago in Accra," said Dr. Apt. ple to change their attitudes, says Dr. Apt. This includes Other African countries, such as those with wars like the old and young, men and women. Mozambique, Somalia, and Sudan, or those with a high "In Ghana, those who retire from formal employment number of AIDS cases among the young population, have are talking about their retirement children. And it is really an even more critical problem of caring for the elderly. silly because they are dependent and then there will be In Mozambique, for example, over a decade of war dependents of the dependents." between the government and the Renamo rebels has Studies carried out by Apt show that most young peo- ripped apart families. Thousands of elderly while away ple would like to look after elderly family members, but their time in refugee camps in neighboring countries, oth- find that there are serious financialconstraints . ers in government-controlled accommodation centers or The ideal situation would be for there to be some assis- alone in their villages without the comfort of family or tance for people to continue to care for their elderly family enough food to eat. members, said Apt. "People feel guilty that they are not Chilente Simango is a typical tragedy. Silver-haired able to look after their elderly." Chilente appeared to be waiting to die. The worst drought But few people live in an ideal situation. in living memory this year in Mozambique had meant "People in countries like ours, and I always address that he had not eaten for two weeks. His interest in life this to young people, need to begin to look straight into had been sapped out of his body. A grandfather of seven, the eye of aging in the sense of planning," said Apt, Simango now lives without any family member in an "because life has changed, and there is no point in saying accommodation center in Chibabava, the heart of the cen- I am going to have 10 children and they are going to look tral province of Sofala. "The war has separated me from after me. Most likely, the children will migrate and go my family," said Simango. "I don't know where any of elsewhere." O

Africa Report 66 1992 INDEX AUTHOR INDEX Abramson, Gary, "Rise of the crescent," Mar-Apr 18 Kelso, B.J., "Namibia: A legacy of inequity," Nov-Dec 34 Adedeji, Adebayo, "Sustaining democracy," Jan-Feb 29 Lashmar, Paul, "Equatorial Guinea: Lurching toward democracy," Ayisi, Ruth Ansah, "Mozambique: The path to privatization," Jan-Feb Mar-Apr 68 55 Laurence, Patrick, "South Africa: The year of negotiations," Jan-Feb "Waiting for the giant," Mar-Apr 65 48 "Drought and desperation," May-Jun 33 "South Africa: Coming to a compromise" Mar-Apr 45 "Mozambique: And now the peace," Nov-Dec 31 "South Africa: Competition or coalition?" May-Jun 64 Biles, Peter, "Somalia: Going it alone," Jan-Feb 58 "South Africa: Deadlocked," Jul-Aug 55 "Madness in Mogadishu," Jan-Feb 60 "South Africa: Buthelezi's gamble," Nov-Dec 13 "Ethiopia: Living on the edge," Mar-Apr 22 Maier, Karl, "Nigeria: Voodoo democracy?," Jan-Feb 33 "Mengistu's forgotten men," Mar-Apr 24 "Nigeria: Biting the bullet," May-Jun 43 "Kenya: Rifts in the opposition," Jul-Aug 20 "Nigeria: Eternal enmities," May-Jun 47 "Somalia: Anarchy rules," Jul-Aug 30 "Ghana: Party politics," Jui-Aug 34 Boyer, Allison, "Burundi: Unity at last?," Mar-Apr 37 "Nigeria: The flawed finale," Jul-Aug 46 "Mali: An exemplary transition," Jul-Aug 40 "Nigeria: The rise of moneytocracy," Sep-Oct 68 Brice, Kim, "Muzzling the media," Jul-Aug 49 McDonald, Steve, "Ethiopia: Learning a lesson," Sep-Oct 27 Bush, George, "The U.S. and Africa: The Republican record," Sep- McWhirter, Cameron, and Gur Melamede, "Ethiopia: The ethnicity Oct13 factor," Sep-Oct 30 Buthelezi, Mangosuthu, "The press in a democratic South Africa," "The Somali refugee burden," Sep-Oct 33 Sep-Oct 63 "Eritrea: Breaking away," Nov-Dec 59 Cater, Nick, "Sudan: At war with its people," Nov-Dec 65 "Eritrea: The thirty years' war," Nov-Dec 61 Clinton, Bill, "The U.S. and Africa: The Democratic agenda," Sep-Oct Melamede, Gur, and Cameron McWhirter, "Ethiopia: The ethnicity 18 factor," Sep-Oct 30 da Costa, Peter, "The capitalist credo," Jan-Feb 42 "The Somali refugee burden," Sep-Oct 33 "The Gambia: Ending an era," Mar-Apr 34 "Eritrea: Breaking away," Nov-Dec 59 "Liberia: Peace postponed," May-Jun 49 "Eritrea: The thirty years' war," Nov-Dec 61 "Mauritania: Democracy in doubt," May-Jun 58 Meldrum, Andrew, "Commonwealth: Banquets and banter," Jan-Feb "Sierra Leone: The young guns," Jul-Aug 36 51 "OAU: Combining against conflict," Sep-Oct 21 "Whitewashing Harare," Jan-Feb 53 "A solution to the Liberia quagmire?," Sep-Oct 25 "Banking on books," Jan-Feb 65 "Senegal: An end to cohabitation?," Nov-Dec 42 "Zimbabwe: Uniting the opposition?," Mar-Apr 53 de Waal, Alex, and Rakiya Omaar, "Somalia: The lessons of famine," "Zimbabwe: Death of an African First Lady," Mar-Apr 54 Nov-Dec 62 "Zimbabwe: The big scorcher," May-Jun 35 Derryck, Vivian Lowery, "The back page," Jul-Aug 71 "Zimbabwe: Refuge from Renamo," May-Jun 38 Diamond, Larry, "The second liberation," Nov-Dec 38 "Zimbabwe: The Kaunda option?" Jul-Aug 13 Diop, Assane, "Chad: Plus ca change," Mar-Apr 25 "Zimbabwe: A new forum," Jul-Aug 15 Finkel, Vicki R., "Angola: Brothers in arms," Mar-Apr 60 "Zimbabwe: Righting the land wrong," Jul-Aug 17 "The lost generation," Mar-Apr 62 "Angola: Hungry to vote," Nov-Dec 36 "Angola: Violence and the vote," Jul-Aug 52 "Luanda's hive of economic activity," Nov-Dec 38 French, Howard W., "Cote d'lvoire: Obstacles for the opposition," Meyer, Roelf, "The press in a democratic South Africa," Sep-Oct 61 Nov-Dec 46 Moseneke, Dikgang, "The press in a democratic South Africa," Sep- "Leading the opposition: Laurent Gbagbo," Nov-Dec 49 Oct 64 Garson, Philippa, "South Africa: The third force," May-Jun 68 Novicki, Margaret A., "Zambia: A lesson in democracy," Jan-Feb 13 "South Africa: The gun culture," Jul-Aug 58 "Can democracy deliver?," Jan-Feb 30 "South Africa: The PAC enters the fray," Nov-Dec 10 "Babacar Ndiaye: Africa's premier banker," Jan-Feb 39 "The separatist 'new' right," Nov-Dec 31 "Wambui Otieno: An indomitable spirit," May-Jun 30 Geekie, Russell, and Margaret A. Novicki, "Fighter for human rights: "A new agenda for the OAU: Salim Ahmed Salim," May-Jun 36 Gitobu imanyara," May-Jun 17 "Fighting the AIDS epidemic: Dr. Peter Lamptey," Jul-Aug 37 Ghebrehiwet, Hagos, letter to the editor, Nov-Dec 4 Novicki, Margaret A., and Russell Geekie, "Fighter for human rights: Ham, Melinda, "Zambia: A new page," Jan-Feb 18 Gitobu Imanyara," May-Jun 17 "Malawi: Defying the dictator," May-Jun 31 Nowrojee, Binaifer, "Human rights on trial," Sep-Oct 70 "Zambia: End of the honeymoon," May-Jun 61 Omaar, Rakiya, and Alex de Waal, "Somalia: The lessons of famine," "Malawi: The waiting game," Jul-Aug 34 Nov-Dec 63 "Zambia: Luring investment," Sep-Oct 39 Ramaphosa, Cyril, "The press in a democratic South Africa," Sep-Oct Herbstein, Denis, "South Africa: Upgrading the universities," Jul-Aug 62 63 Rowland, Jacky, "The Tuareg rebellion," Jul-Aug 43 "Return to Robben Island," Sep-Oct 65 "Tunisia: More repressive than ever," Sep-Oct 50 "South Africa: Missing, presumed dead," Nov-Dec 33 Shepherd, Anne, "The lost decade," Jan-Feb 36 Hermida, Alfred, "Algeria: Democracy derailed," Mar-Apr 13 "The economics of democracy," Mar-Apr 38 "Nervous neighbors," Mar-Apr 16 "South Africa: Ironing out inequities," Mar-Apr 49 "Death in Algiers," Sep-Oct 49 "War or peace?" May-Jun 40 Hill, Heather, "The cycle of dependency," Jan-Feb 45 "Who will make the peace?," May-Jun 43 "In Banda's image," Mar-Apr 57 "From adjustment to development: Jan Pronk," Jul-Aug 66 "Donor dependency," May-Jun 30 "The mortgaged continent," Jul-Aug 68 "A wildlife wasteland," Sep-Oct 43 "Dealing with desertification," Sep-Oct 45 Huband, Mark, "Zaire: The revolving door," Jan-Feb 35 "The marginalization of Africa," Sep-Oct 47 "The military factor," Mar-Apr 31 "South Africa: Fanning the flames," Sep-Oct 57 "Zaire: Pressure from abroad," Mar-Apr 41 "The blue and white," Nov-Dec 16 "Cote d'lvoire: Silencing the opposition," May-Jun 55 Simpson, Chris, "Western Sahara: A land in limbo," Nov-Dec 68 Hussain, Tabasim, "End of Tanzania's one-party rule," Jul-Aug 33 wa Mutua, Makau, "Kenya: A break with the past?," Jan-Feb 31 Jefferson, Nicola, "Rwanda: The war within," Jan-Feb 63 "Kenya: The politics of doom," May-Jun 13 67 January/February 19 9 3 "Kenya: The troubled transition," Sep-Oct 34 Jan-Feb 39 "Zaire: The last chapter?," Sep-Oct 54 "The capitalist credo," by Peter da Costa, Jan-Feb 42 "Kenya: The changing of the guard," Nov-Dec 56 "Mozambique: The path to privatization," by Ruth Ansah Ayisi, Jan- Watson, Catharine, "Rwanda: War and waiting," Nov-Dec 51 Feb 54 "The economics of democracy," by Anne Shepherd Mar-Apr 28 SUBJECT INDEX "South Africa: Ironing out inequities," by Anne Shepherd, Mar-Apr 49 Agriculture "Waiting for the giant," by Ruth Ansah Ayisi Mar-Apr 65 "Zimbabwe: Righting the land wrong," by Andrew Meldrum, Jul-Aug "Equatorial Guinea: Lurching toward democracy," by Paul Lashmar, 17 Mar-Apr 68 Update, Jul-Aug 6; Sep-Oct 12 "Nigeria: Biting the bullet," by Karl Maier, May-Jun 43 "Zambia: End of the honeymoon," by Melinda Ham, May-Jun 61 Aid, economic "Malawi: The waiting game," by Melinda Ham, Jul-Aug 24 "Donor dependency," by Heather Hill, May-Jun 30 "From adjustment to development: Jan Pronk," by Anne Shepherd, Update, May-Jun 6; Nov-Dec 12 Jul-Aug 66 "The mortgaged continent," by Anne Shepherd, Jul-Aug 68 Aid, humanitarian "Zambia: Luring investment," by Melinda Ham, Sep-Oct 39 "The cycle of dependency," by Heather Hill, Jan-Feb 45 "Luanda's hive of economic activity," by Andrew Meldrum, Nov-Dec "Donor dependency," by Heather Hill, May-Jun 30 28 "Somalia: Anarchy rules," by Peter Biles, Jul-Aug 30 "The U.S. and Africa: the Republican record," by George Bush, Sep- Education Oct 13 "South Africa: Upgrading the universities" by Denis Herbstein, Jul- "The U.S. and Africa: The Democratic agenda," by Bill Clinton, Sep- Aug 62 Oct 18 "The back page," by Vivian Lowery Derryck, Jul-Aug 71 "The lessons of famine," by Alex de Waal and Rakiya Omaar, Nov- Update, Mar-Apr 7; Nov-Dec 9 Dec 62 Update, Jan-Feb 8; Mar-Apr 9,11; Jul-Aug 9; Sep-Oct 5, 6 Environment "Dealing with desertification," by Anne Shepherd, Sep-Oct 45 Aid, military "The marginalization of Africa," by Anne Shepherd, Sep-Oct 47 Update, Jan-Feb 5 Update, May-Jun 10; Jul-Aug 11

Conflict Ethnicity "War or peace?," by Anne Shepherd, May-Jun 40 "Rwanda: The war within," by Nicola Jefferson, Jan-Feb 62 "OAU: Combining against conflict," by Peter da Costa, Sep-Oct 21 Letter to the editor, from Vianney Mukandoli, with response by Nicola Jefferson, Mar-Apr 4 Democracy "Unity at last?" by Allison Boyer, Mar-Apr 37 "Zambia: A lesson in democracy," by Margaret A. Novicki, Jan-Feb "Kenya: The politics of doom," by Makau wa Mutua, May-Jun 13 13 "Nigeria: Eternal enmities," by Karl Maier, May-Jun 47 "Kenya: A break with the past?," by Makau wa Mutua, Jan-Feb 21 "Ethiopia: Learning a lesson," by Steve McDonald, Sep-Oct 27 "Zaire: The revolving door," by Mark Huband, Jan-Feb 25 "Ethiopia: The ethnicity factor," by Cameron McWhirter and Gur "Sustaining democracy," by Adebayo Adedeji, Jan-Feb 29 Melamede, Sep-Oct 30 "Can democracy deliver?" by Margaret A. Novicki, Jan-Feb 30 Letter to the editor, from Hagos Ghebrehiwet, with response by "Nigeria: Voodoo democracy?," by Karl Maier, Jan-Feb 33 Cameron McWhirter and Gur Melamede, Nov-Dec 4 "The economics of democracy," by Anne Shepherd, Mar-Apr 28 Update, Sep-Oct 11; Nov-Dec 19 "The military factor," by Mark Huband, Mar-Apr 31 "Equatorial Guinea: Lurching toward democracy," by Paul Lashmar, Health Mar-Apr 69 "Mozambique: The path to privatization," by Ruth Ansah Ayisi, Jan- "Kenya: The politics of doom," by Makau wa Mutua, May-Jun 13 Feb 55 "Fighter for human rights: Gitobu Imanyara," by Margaret A. Novicki "Fighting the AIDS epidemic: Dr Peter Lamptey," by Margaret A. and Russell Geekie, May-Jun 17 Novicki, Jul-Aug 27 "Wambui Otieno: An indomitable spirit," by Margaret A. Novicki, May- Update, Jan-Feb 8; Mar-Apr 11; Nov-Dec 9 Jun 20 Human rights "Malawi: Defying the dictator," by Melinda Ham, May-Jun 91 "Rwanda; The war within," by Nicola Jefferson, Jan-Feb 62 "Democracy in doubt," by Peter da Costa, May-Jun 58 Letter to the editor, from Vianney Mukandoli with response by Nicola "Zimbabwe: A new forum," by Andrew Meldrum, Jul-Aug 15 "Kenya: Rifts in the opposition," by Peter Biles, Jul-Aug 20 Jefferson, Mar-Apr 4 "End of Tanzania's one-party rule," by Tabasim Hussain, Jul-Aug 22 "Fighter for human rights: Gitobu Imanyara," by Margaret A. Novicki "Mali: An exemplary transition," by Allison Boyer, Jul-Aug 40 and Russell Geekie, May-Jun 17 "Ethiopia: Learning a lesson," by Steve McDonald, Sep-Oct 27 "South Africa: Fanning the flames," by Anne Shepherd, Sep-Oct 57 "Kenya: The troubled transition," by Makau wa Mutua, Sep-Oct 34 "Nigeria: human rights on trial," by Binaifer Nowrojee, Sep-Oct 70 The second liberation," by Larry Diamond, Nov-Dec 38 Update, Jan-Feb 6, 9; Mar-Apr 7; Ma/-Jun 5, 6, 7; Jul-Aug 6, 10, 11; "Kenya: The changing of the guard," by Makau wa Mutua, Nov-Dec Sep-Oct 7, 10, 11; Nov-Dec 7 56 International Monetary Fund Update, Jan-Feb 5, 6, 7, 9; Mar-Apr 7, 10; May-Jun 6; Jul-Aug 6, 7, Update, Mar-Apr 12; Nov-Dec 12 10; Sep-Oct 7, 9. 10; Nov-Dec 7,10,12 Media Drought "Muzzling the media," by Kim Bnce, Jul-Aug 49 "The big scorcher," by Andrew Meldrum, May-Jun 25 "The press in a democratic South Africa," Sep-Oct 61 "Mozambique: Drought and desperation," by Ruth Ansah Ayisi, May- Update, Mar-Apr 6; May-Jun 8, 9; No*/-Dec 6, 10 Jun 33 "A wildlife wasteland," by Heather Hill, Sep-Oct 42 Organization of African Unity Update, Sep-Oct 10 "A new agenda for the OAU: Salim Ahmed Salim," by Margaret A. Novicki, May-Jun 36 Economies {see also Update, passim) Update, Jan-Feb 8,11; Jul-Aug 8 "Zambia: A new page," by Melinda Ham, Jan-Feb 18 "The lost decade," by Anne Shepherd, Jan-Feb 36 Population "Babacar Ndiaye: Africa's premier banker," by Margaret A. Novicki, Update, May-Jun 7; Jul-Aug 11; Nov-Dec 8 Africa Report 68 Refugees "Obstacles for the opposition," by Howard W. French, Nov-Dec 46 'The cycle of dependency," by Heather Hill. Jan-Feb 45 "Leading the opposition: Laurent Gbagbo," by Howard W. French, "Refuge from Renamo," by Andrew Meldrum, May-Jun 28 Nov-Dec 49 Update, Jan-Feb 8; Mar-Apr 6, 9 Update, Jan-Feb 12; Mar-Apr 7; Sep-Oct 7, 12; Nov-Dec 5

Religion Djibouti "Democracy derailed," by Alfred Hermida, Mar-Apr 13 Update, Jan-Feb 7; Mar-Apr 11; Sep-Oct 11 "Nervous neighbors," by Alfred Hermida, Mar-Apr, 16 "Rise of the Crescent," by Gary Abramson, Mar-Apr 18 Egypt "Kenya: The politics of doom," by Makau wa Mutua, May-Jun 3 "Rise of the Crescent," by Gary Abramson, Mar-Apr 18 "Malawi: Defying the dictator," by Melinda Ham, May-Jun 21 Update, Jan-Feb 8; Jul-Aug 7; Sep-Oct 10 "Death in Algiers," by Alfred Hermida, Sep-Oct 49 "Tunisia: More repressive than ever," by Jacky Rowland, Sep-Oct 50 Equatorial Guinea "Sudan: At war with its people," by Nick Cater, Nov-Dec 65 "Lurching toward democracy," by Paul Lashmar, Mar-Apr 68 Update, Jan-Feb 7, 12; Mar-Apr 8; Jul-Aug 7, 8, 9; Sep-Oct 10; Nov- Dec 7 Eritrea "The ethnicity factor," by Cameron McWhirter and Gur Melamede, United Nations Sep-Oct 39 "The lost decade," by Anne Shepherd, Jan-Feb 36 Letter to the Editor, from Hagos Ghebrehiwet, with response, Nov- 'The blue and white," by Anne Shepherd, Nov-Dec 16 Dec 4 Update, Jan-Feb 8; Mar-Apr 8,11,12; May-Jun 7; Sep-Oct 5, 6, 9; "Breaking away," by Cameron McWhirter and Gur Melamede, Nov- Nov-Dec 5, 8, 10 Dec 59 "The thirty years' war," by Cameron McWhirter and Gur Melamede, War, see Conflict Nov-Dec 61 Update, Jan-Feb 7 Women "Death of an African First Lady," by Andrew Meldrum, Mar-Apr 54 Ethiopia "Wambui Otieno: An indomitable spirit," by Margaret A. Novicki, May- "Living on the edge," by Peter Biles, Mar-Apr 22 Jun 20 "Mengistu's forgotten men," by Peter Biles, Mar-Apr 24 Update, Jul-Aug 7; Sep-Oct 8; Nov-Dec 9 "Learning a lesson," by Steve McDonald, Sep-Oct 27 "The ethnicity factor," by Cameron McWhirter and Gur Melamede, World Bank Sep-Oct 30 Update, Jan-Feb 12; Mar-Apr 12; May-Jun 7, 12; Jul-Aug 11; Nov- Update, Jan-Feb 7; Mar-Apr 10,11; Sep-Oct 11; Nov-Dec 9 Dec 12 Gabon COUNTRY INDEX Update, Jan-Feb 12 Algeria "Democracy derailed," by Alfred Hermida, Mar-Apr 13 Gambia "Nervous neighbors," by Alfred Hermida, Mar-Apr 16 "Ending an era," by Peter da Costa, Mar-Apr 34 "Rise of the Crescent," by Gary Abramson, Mar-Apr 18 Update, Jan-Feb 12; Jul-Aug 7; Nov-Dec 5 "Death in Algiers," by Alfred Hermida, Sep-Oct 49 Update, Jan-Feb 7, 12; May-Jun 12; Jul-Aug 12 Ghana "Party politics," by Karl Maier, Jul-Aug 34 Update, Jan-Feb 12; May-Jun 7,12; Sep-Oct 11,12; Nov-Dec 5, 7 Angola "Brothers in arms," by Vicki R. Finkel, Mar-Apr 60 Guinea "The lost generation." by Vicki R. Finkel, Mar-Apr 62 Update, Nov-Dec 5, 12 "Violence and the vote," by Vicki R. Finkel Jul-Aug 52 "Hungry to vote," by Andrew Meldrum, Nov-Dec 26 Kenya "Luanda's hive of economic activity," by Andrew Mefdrum, Nov-Dec "A break with the past?," by Makau wa Mutua, Jan-Feb 21 28 "The politics of doom," by Makau wa Mutua, May-Jun 13 Update, May-Jun 5, 6; Sep-Oct 11 "Fighter for human rights: Gitobu Imanyara," by Russell Geekie and Margaret A. Novicki, May-Jun 17 Benin "Wambui Otieno; An indomitable spirit," by Margaret A. Novicki, May- Update, Jan-Feb 5, 6; Nov-Dec 5 Jun 20 "Rifts in the opposition," by Peter Biles, Jul-Aug 20 Botswana "The troubled transition," by Makau wa Mutua, Sep-Oct 34 Update, May-Jun 10 "The changing of the guard," by Makau wa Mutua, Nov-Dec 56 Update, May-Jun 10; Jul-Aug 8; Sep-Oct 11; Nov-Dec 6, 12 Burkina Faso Update, Jan-Feb 6,10; Jul-Aug 7; Nov-Dec 5 Lesotho Burundi Update. Jul-Aug 9; Sep-Oct 12 "Unity at last?," by Allison Boyer, Mar-Apr 37 Update, Sep-Oct 11 Liberia "Peace postponed," by Peter da Costa, May-Jun 49 Central African Republic "The view from Foggy Bottom," by Scott Stearns, May-Jun 52 Update, Jan-Feb 5 "A solution to the Liberia quagmire?," by Peter da Costa, Sep-Oct 25 Update, Jan-Feb 7; Mar-Apr 5, 6; Nov-Dec 5 Chad "Plus ca change," by Assane Diop, Mar-Apr 25 Libya Update, Jan-Feb 5 Update, Jan-Feb 12; May-Jun 12

Comoros Madagascar Update, Nov-Dec 7 Update, Sep-Oct 10

Cote d'lvoire Malawi "Silencing the opposition," by Mark Huband, May-Jun 55 "In Banda's image," by Heather Hill, Mar-Apr 57 January/February 19 9 3 "Defying the dictator," by Melinda Ham, May-Jun 21 "Competition or coalition?," by Patrick Laurence, May-Jun 64 "The waiting game," by Melinda Ham, Jul-Aug 24 "The third force," by Philippa Garson, May-Jun 68 Update, May-Jun 10; Sep-Oct 9,11 "Deadlocked," by Patrick Laurence, Jul-Aug 55 The gun culture," by Philippa Garson, Jul-Aug 58 Mali "Upgrading the universities," by Denis Herbstein, Jul-Aug 62 "An exemplary transition," by Allison Boyer, Jul-Aug 40 "Fanning the flames," by Anne Shepherd, Sep-Oct 57 "The Tuareg rebellion," by Jacky Rowland, Jul-Aug 43 "The press in a democratic South Airica," Sep-Oct 61 Update, Sep-Oct 11; Nov-Dec 12 "Return to Robben Island," by Denis Herbstein, Sep-Oct 65 "Buthelezi's gamble," by Patrick Laurence, Nov-Dec 13 Mauritania "The blue and white," by Anne Shepherd, Nov-Dec 16 Update, Mar-Apr 7 "The PAC enters the fray," by Philippa Garson, Nov-Dec 19 "Democracy in doubt," by Peter da Costa, May-Jun 58 "The separatist 'new' right," by Philiopa Garson, Nov-Dec 21 "A land in limbo," by Chris Simpson, Nov-Dec 68 "Missing, presumed dead," by Denis Herbstein, Nov-Dec 23 Update, Sep-Oct 11; Nov-Dec 12 Update. Mar-Apr 9; May-Jun 8, 9, 10, 11. 12; Jul-Aug 5, 6, 11, 12; Sep-Oct 8, 9, 11, 12 Morocco "Nervous neighbors," by Alfred Hermida, Mar-Apr 16 Sudan "Rise of the Crescent," by Gary Abramson, Mar-Apr 18 "Rise of the Crescent," by Gary Abramson, Mar-Apr 18 "A land in limbo," by Chris Simpson, Nov-Dec 68 . "At war with its people," by Nick Cater, Nov-Dec 65 Update, Jan-Feb 12; Nov-Dec 12 Update, Jul-Aug 8,11; Sep-Oct 7,11,12

Mozambique Swaziland "The path to privatization," by Ruth Ansah Ayisi, Jan-Feb 55 Update, Sep-Oct 12 "Refuge from Renamo," by Andrew Meldrum, May-Jun 28 "Donor dependency," by Heather Hill, May-Jun 30 Tanzania "Drought and desperation," by Ruth Ansah Ayisi, May-Jun 33 "End of Tanzania's one-party rule," by Tabasim Hussain, Jul-Aug 22 "And now the peace," by Ruth Ansah Ayisi, Nov-Dec 31 Update, Jul-Aug 6; Sep-Oct 11 Update, Jan-Feb 12; Sep-Oct 9 Togo Namibia Update, Jan-Feb 5; May-Jun 7; Jul-Aug 11; Nov-Dec 5 "A legacy of inequity," by B. J. Kelso, Nov-Dec 34 Update, May-Jun 10; Sep-Oct 12 Tunisia "Nervous neighbors," by Alfred Hermida. Mar-Apr 16 Niger "Rise of the Crescent," by Gary Abramson, Mar-Apr 18 Update, Sep-Oct 11 "More repressive than ever," by Jack/ Rowland, Sep-Oct 50 Update, Mar-Apr 12; Nov-Dec 7 Nigeria "Voodoo democracy?," by Karl Maier, Jan-Feb 33 Uganda "Biting the bullet," by Karl Maier, May-Jun 43 Update, Jan-Feb 8; Jul-Aug 6, 8 "Eternal enmities," by Karl Maier May-Jun 47 "The flawed finale," by Karl Maier, Jul-Aug 46 United States 'The rise of moneytocracy," by Karl Maier, Sep-Oct 68 "The U.S. and Africa: the Republican record," by George Bush, Sep- "Human rights on trial," by Binaifer Nowrojee, Sep-Oct 70 Oct 13 Update, Jan-Feb 11,12; May-Jun 7; Jul-Aug 8. 10; Nov-Dec 5, 9 "The U.S. and Africa: The Democratic agenda," by Bill Clinton, Sep- Oct 18 Rwanda Update, Jan-Feb 5,11,12; Mar-Apr 6, 10; May-Jun 5, 6; Jul-Aug 6, "The war within," by Nicola Jefferson, Jan-Feb 62 12; Sep-Oct 5; Nov-Dec 8,12 Letter to the editor, from Vianney Mukandoli, Mar-Apr 4 "War and waiting," by Catharine Watson, Nov-Dec 51 Zaire Update, Jan-Feb 8; Jul-Aug 6,10; Sep-Oct 11 "The revolving door," by Mark Huband, Jan-Feb 25 "Pressure from abroad," by Mark Huband, Mar-Apr 41 Senegal The last chapter?," by Makau wa Mutua, Sep-Oct 54 "An end to cohabitation?," by Peter da Costa, Nov-Dec 42 Update, Jul-Aug 6,8,12 Update, Jan-Feb 12; Nov-Dec 5, 8, 12 Zambia Seychelles "A lesson in democracy," by Margaret A. Novicki, Jan-Feb 13 Update, Jul-Aug 7; Sep-Oct 7; "A new page," by Melinda Ham, Jan-Feb 18 "End of the honeymoon," by Melinda Ham, May-Jun 61 Sierra Leone "Luring investment," by Melinda Ham, Sep-Oct 39 "The young guns," by Peter da Costa, Jul-Aug 36 Update, May-Jun 10; Sep-Oct 11; Nov-Dec 10 Update, Sep-Oct 7 Zimbabwe Somalia "Banquets and banter," by Andrew Meldrum, Jan-Feb 51 "Going it alone," by Peter Biles, Jan-Feb 58 "Whitewashing Harare," by Andrew Meldrum, Jan-Feb 53 "Madness in Mogadishu." by Peter Biles, Jan-Feb 60 "Banking on books," by Andrew Meldrum, Jan-Feb 65 "Anarchy rules," by Peter Biles. Jul-Aug 30 "Uniting the opposition," by Andrew Meldrum, Mar-Apr 52 "The lessons of famine," by Alex de Waal and Rakiya Omaar, Nov- "Death of an African First Lady," by Andrew Meldrum, Mar-Apr 54 Dec 62 The big scorcher," by Andrew Meldrum, May-Jun 25 Update, Jan-Feb 7, 12; Mar-Apr 8; Sep-Oct 5 "The Kaunda option," by Andrew Meldrum, Jul-Aug 13 "A new forum," by Andrew Meldrum, Jul-Aug 15 South Africa "Righting the land wrong," by Andrew Meldrum. Jul-Aug 17 "The year of negotiations," by Patrick Laurence, Jan-Feb 48 "A wildlife wasteland," by Heather Hill, Sep-Oct 42 "Banquets and banter," by Andrew Meldrum, Jan-Feb 51 Update, Mar-Apr 12; May-Jun 10; Sep-Oct 9; Nov-Dec 10 "Coming to a compromise," by Patrick Laurence. Mar-Apr 45 "Ironing out inequities," by Anne Shepherd, Mar-Apr 49 "Refuge from Renamo," by Andrew Meldrum, May-Jun 28 Africa Report 70 THE BACKGAGE NEWS COMMENTARY AND OPINION By VIVIAN LOWERY DERRYCK mong the foreign policy challenges facing the new presi- The U.S. needs to show resolve and backbone. We have dent, none is more complex, yet straightforward than given lukewarm support to Ecomog over the past two years, but A Africa. Africans and Africamsts who closely follow U.S. now is the time to demonstrate that humanitarian concerns in a politics, however, look at the domestic preoccupation of the small country with extremely close ties to the U.S. still matter. incoming administration and Congress and fear that the conti- Somalia is a man-made tragedy for which the international nent will be abandoned. Marginalization is the common term and African communities can both be blamed. The tragedy is a heard in any serious discussion of U.S.-African relations. clear case of the lives of women and children being suborned to The new administration has an opportunity to change that the vicious power plays of a handful of willful, stubborn male perception and address humanitarian needs at the same time. warlords. Two immediate conflicts need to be addressed right away: The Bush initiative to offer up to 30,000 U.S. troops to address Liberia and Somalia. After tackling those two literally anarchical the Somalia situation is a landmark step. It is acknowledgement of situations, the U.S. can move on to actively supporting Africa's some measure of U.S. responsibility for the situation, given our 22 democratizing countries. support for arming Somalia during the Cold War. It is also a Liberia is a catastrophe made in America. Founded by repa- courageous decision to confront the fact that there are situations in triated slaves, the country is an African microcosm of the U.S. which human suffering takes precedence over the sanctity of The legal system was codified by Cornell University; the flag sovereignty. The decision signals continued U.S. commitment to boasts one star on a field of blue with 13 red and white stripes; the basic tenet of responsiveness to humanitarian crises. the U.S. dollar is the currency of the realm. A West African In Somalia, approximately 20 men and their teenaged peace-keeping force is struggling to keep rebel leader Charles troops are holding 5 million starving people hostage. Three Taylor from capturing Monrovia and with it the entire country. options present themselves: one, the West African Ecomog solu- It is not in the U.S. interest for that to happen. A Taylor victory tion; two, an intra-African force; or three, more assertive UN signals to disgruntled warlords across the continent that if you action, including peace-making, peace-keeping, interim adminis- don't like the government, mount an invasion force and "come on tration, and oversight of free and fair elections to establish a in." When Taylor invaded Liberia from neighboring Cote d'lvoire new government. African nations do not have the financial in December 1989, he had no ideological difference with Samuel resources to pursue options one or two, nor is there a Horn of Doe. He never crusaded to make Liberia a better managed, more Africa regional organization with the cohesiveness of Ecomog. secure, or more socially just and equitable nation-state. On the Therefore, the UN option remains the only viable alternative. contrary, he has merely aspired to avenge a personal vendetta. But without U.S. leadership in the Security Council, the UN is After Doe's death, with an acquired taste for power, Taylor has tentative, hostage to all the old shibboleths of sovereignty. For proceeded to rape, pillage, and plunder his own country. instance, the UN is still compelled to try to obtain agreement When the fighting became too much, when some 750,000 of from the fractious warlords, Ali Mahdi and Aidid. Only bold Liberia's 1.5 million people were refugees or internally displaced, action can cut through those futile negotiations and challenge when more than 25,000 had been killed, a West African peace- these warlords with force for force. Ana seemingly, only the U.S. keeping force of seven nations stepped in. With amazing forbear- can lead that challenge within the multilateral system. ance, the Economic Community Military Operations Group Clearly, without U.S. leadership, the UN is not able to act. (Ecomog) has tried to stem the violence. Meanwhile, Taylor has The OAU, the cognizant regional organization within the UN violated four different accords signed in Yamoussoukro, Cote system, must observe its allegiance to the tenet of sovereignty, d'lvoire. He has lied to every single eminent personage involved, but the UN Security Council is able to overcome that proviso by from the 90-year-old president of Cote d'lvoire Felix Houphouet- clearly demonstrating that sovereignty is not relevant to a coun- Boigny, to former President Jimmy Carter. try that has no government. Ecomog is incredibly expensive to maintain. The Nigerians The U.S. decision to urge multilateral action on the model of have shouldered the major burden, spending more than $350 the Persian Gulf coalition is the right choice. The outgoing million during Ecomog's two-year lifespan, out other contribu- administration has committed to an important policy shift in a tions have come from Sierra Leone, Guinea, the Gambia, clearcut commitment to human survival over sovereignty. Ghana, and Senegal. Nevertheless, one cannot but ask if Sierra President-elect Clinton has already signalled his commitment to a Leone, with the highest infant mortality rate in the world and a more activist foreign policy in defense of human rights and per capita income of less than $200 per year, should be forced humanitarian assistance. Somalia is an acid test, providing an to contribute to Ecomog when the U.S. has men and materie opportunity for a concerted action that demonstrates bipartisan redundancies from the end of the Cold War. The U.S. should commitment to an important principle. contribute materiel and technical assistance, and reconfirm to Both Somalia and Liberia offer the new administration oppor- Taylor that we support Ecomog. tunities to spell out its criteria for multilateral action, outline its Here is one case where a new president can make a differ- ground rules for military engagement, and reaffirm its commit- ence. In one fell swoop, President-elect Clinton can demonstrate ment to and respect for human rights, coupled with humanitari- his commitment to the UN and multilateral responses to trouble an relief. Moreover, these are criteria and strategies applicable spots, as well as signal his concern about Africa in a four-part to Bosnia and brewing trouble spots elsewhere. plan. First, support the Ecowas ministers' request to the UN for A more pro-active stance in both countries would be hopeful additional peace-keeping forces and a special envoy. Second, to all those involved in Africa, for if the new administration takes visibly demonstrate U.S. support for Ecomog by increasing advantage of these opportunities in Liberia and Somalia to sig- financial support. Third, send in the Marines. Military analysts nal that Africa remains a part of the foreign policy equation agree that the presence of U.S. Marines off the coast with the despite the end of the Cold War, Africans and Africanists can possibility of landing and definitely participating to shore up the begin to explore the more enduring issues of supporting eco- embargo will temper Taylor's resistance. Fourth, lend U.S. sup- nomic reform, strengthening the private sector, encouraging the port, through the presence of the Marines, to strengthen the consolidation of democratic gains through fostering robust civil embargo on Taylorland, as the large portion of Liberian territory societies, and investing in education for long-term growth. that Charles Taylor holds is commonly called. The new administration offers hope for a new era in U.S.-Africa Vivian Lowery Derryck is president of the African-American Institute. relations, the beginning of a new world order for the continent. • 71 J a n u a r y / F e b r u a r y 19 9 3 Dakar, Senegal

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