Encyclopedia of Sociology Second Edition Encyclopedia of Sociology Second Edition

VOLUME 5

Edgar F. Borgatta Editor-in-Chief University of Washington, Seattle Rhonda J. V. Montgomery Managing Editor University of Kansas, Lawrence SOCIOLOGY AMONG THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

SOCIOLOGY AMONG THE of the ancestors is surprising, because ‘‘following SOCIAL SCIENCES advances in the division of labor and specializa- tion, the works of the classics ceased to be directly The relationship between sociology and the other useful to an average sociologist. To do correct social sciences is in reality a relationship between research in a specialized branch of sociology one sectors of different disciplines, not between whole does not in fact have to read the works—bulky, disciplines. Sociology is one of the most open often abstruse, and semi-philosophical in nature— disciplines toward other disciplines. This open- written by Marx and Spencer, Simmel and Weber, ness is manifested in the citation patterns in aca- Mead and Znaniecki. To do such research if suf- demic publications, which allows one to measure fices to master, on the basis of a possibly re- the degree of coherence of a discipline, the rela- cent handbook, the standard techniques and the tionship between specialties within a discipline, current theories of the middle range’’ (Szacki and the interactions among disciplines. If special- 1982, p. 360). ists in a subdiscipline tend to cite mostly or exclu- sively specialists in the same subdiscipline and if The fragmentation of sociology can be ex- relatively few authors cite outside their subdiscipline, plained in part by the absence of consensus on a as a whole the discipline has a low degree of dominant, integrative theory or widely accepted internal coherence. In this case, the real loci of paradigm. If a consensus could be reached among research are the specialties. If, by contrast, a sig- sociologists, it would be that sociology has a small, nificant proportion of authors cross the borders of soft, and old core, that sociology is not a centripe- their specialties, the discipline as a whole can be tal discipline, and that it expands in all directions. considered an integrated territory. There is very little communication between As can be seen in the analytic and alphabetical the fifty specialized domains recognized by the indices of most compendiums and textbooks, soci- International Sociological Association (ISA) and ology has a weak core. The fragmentation of the between the thirty sectors of the American Socio- discipline into isolated specialties can be seen in logical Association. If cooperation among the spe- most sociological treatises: ‘‘We divide up the cialized fields is weak or absent, a vivid traffic can discipline into a number of topics, each the subject be observed between each specialized sociological of a chapter. These chapters are minimally inte- domain and across disciplinary borders: the spe- grated’’ (Calhoun 1992, p. 185). Theoretical soci- cialized group of scholars belonging formally to ology is presented as a subfield disconnected from other disciplines, particularly specialties rooted in substantive domains: ‘‘General sociology has been social psychology, social demography, social anthro- relegated primarily to introductory textbooks and pology, social history, social geography, social ecol- to a lesser extent to a sort of social theory that most ogy, some branches of political science, political practicing sociologists use but little in their work’’ economy, and sociolinguistics. A double phenome- (Calhoun 1992, p. 185). For instance, in Smelser non appears in the sociological literature of the (1988), the twenty-two chapters represent autono- last two decades: a division of the discipline into mous specialties that are only weakly related to noncommunicating specialties and an opening of each other. Few of the 3,200 authors cited in that the disciplinary frontiers to specialties from differ- work are mentioned in more than one specialty ent disciplines. (Dogan 1997). This lack of a consensus among Bridges are built over the disciplinary borders. sociologists has been emphasized in a symposium The circulation on these bridges is almost as im- devoted to that book (Calhoun and Land 1989). portant as the circulation along the internal arter- In most general works of sociology published ies of formal sociology. The importance of this in the last two decades, the most frequently cited ‘‘foreign’’ trade can be measured. In a study cover- authors are ancestors, not contemporary sociolo- ing four decades from 1936 to 1975, it was found gists. With exceptions such as Parsons, Merton, that sociologists cited articles in sociology journals Lazarsfeld, and Mills, few mentors belong to the 58 percent of the time; political scientists cited immediately previous generation. Nowadays, soci- scholars from their own discipline only 41 percent ologists, in their pattern of references, are like of the time; anthropologists referred 51 percent of children elevated by their grandparents. This cult the time to their colleagues; psychologists referred

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73 percent of the time to their own kin, and 79 No theory or conceptual framework can encom- percent of the economists did the same (Rigney pass the entire territory of sociology. Talcott Parsons and Barnes 1980, p. 117). These figures indicate was the last one to attempt such a unification, but that in each social science a significant proportion his ambition was unrealistic ( Johnston 1997). Con- of theoretical, methodological, and substantive temporary theories are influential only within their communication has been with other disciplines, subdisciplines. The process of fragmentation and with the most open discipline being sociology and specialization eventually is followed by a process the most autonomous being economics. of recombination of the specialties into new hy- brid domains. These recombinations correspond In an analysis of journals identified as belong- to the logic of multiple and concatenated causality ing to sociology and economics, there was a signifi- in the social sciences. cant shift from sociology to ‘‘interdisciplinary soci- ology’’ and from economics to ‘‘interdisciplinary The more renowned new hybrid domains hoist economics’’ between 1972 and 1987. The criterion their own flags, for instance, political sociology, for interdisciplinarity was the proportion of cited which is a fusion of sectors from both of its parent references in the journals of the respective disci- disciplines; social psychology, which is already au- plines (Crane and Small 1992, p. 204–205). An tonomous; political economy, which detaches large analysis by those authors in terms of clusters of sectors from economics and political science and references shows a clear increase in interdiscipli- smaller sectors from sociology; and historical soci- nary relationships. ology, which has revived on both sides of the In addition to this the crossing of disciplinary Atlantic. None of these four subfields were men- borders, another important trend in the last fif- tioned three decades ago by Smelser (1967). This teen years has been the multiplication of new absence shows the changes that have occurred hybrid journals that cross disciplines and special- since then. ties. More than 300 hybrid journals in English that It is pointless to lament the fragmentation of concern sociology directly or indirectly have been sociology or any other social science, because the established in this period, along with many others interaction between specialties in different disci- in French and German. Most of these new journals plines is beneficial. All social sciences, sociology in have a limited circulation and are addressed to particular, have grown in depth and breadth readers in highly specialized subfields. through exchanges with cognate specialties in other disciplines. What some scholars perceive as disper- FROM SPECIALIZATION TO sion is in reality an expansion of knowledge and an inevitable trend. FRAGMENTATION TO HYBRIDIZATION In the history of social sciences, the progres- The fragmentation of disciplines is generated by sion from fragmentation to specialization to an inevitable and growing process of specializa- hybridization has taken one of the following tion. All the sciences experience such specializa- six forms: tion. As a discipline grows, its practitioners gener- ally become increasingly specialized and inevitably 1. Division in two parts, or bifurcation. The neglect other areas of the discipline. The division history of the sciences is a long chain of of physics into physics and astronomy and the divisions. One of the oldest, going back to division of chemistry into organic chemistry and Aristotle, is the separation of philosophy physical chemistry are examples in the natural and political theory. One of the most sciences. In the social sciences, what was originally recent is the divorce of cognitive science the study of law divided into law and political from traditional psychology. science; anthropology split into physical anthro- 2. Changing the boundaries of formal disci- pology and cultural anthropology; and psychology plines. The growth of specialties at the broke up into psychology, social psychology, psy- interstices between disciplines has as a chotherapy, and psychiatry. consequence the shrinking of the borders Each formal discipline gradually becomes too of the parent disciplines. When social large and unmanageable for empirical research. psychology became independent, psychol-

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ogy lost an enormous territory. One spread of concepts and theories. As of the borders of economics retracted contributions of methodology in social when political economy was emancipated. sciences, the most productive in strategies Anthropology has seen its frontiers retract and techniques of research were until as a result of modernization, industrializa- recently psychology, econometrics, social tion, and urbanization; consequently, ur- psychology, and statistics. For concepts ban studies expanded. The margins of and theories, the most creative disciplines political science are in perpetual change. are sociology, political science, economics, anthropology, and philosophy. 3. Migration of individual scholars from one formal discipline to another or to a new A distinction must be made between interdis- territory. The founders of sociology have ciplinary amalgamation and hybridization through moved away from philosophy, such as recombination of specialties belonging to differ- Durkheim; from history, such as Weber; ent disciplines. A ‘‘unified sociology’’ existed only or from economics, such as Pareto (see in the early phase of sociological development. Dogan and Pahre 1990). Hybridization of specialties came later, after the 4. The convergence of two domains in a new maturation of the process of the internal fragmen- hybrid field. One of the most recent tation of disciplines. The word ‘‘interdisciplinary’’ examples in medical sciences is the inter- is misleading when used to describe contemporary mingling of fragments of cardiology with trends, because today only specialties overlap, not fragments of pneumonology. The nomen- entire disciplines. The word ‘‘hybridization’’ may clature of social sciences is full of such seem to be imported from biology, but it has been hybrid fields. used by social scientists such as Piaget and Lazarsfeld. 5. Outgrowth from the mother discipline for Sociometric studies show that many specialists pragmatic reasons, to the point of joining are more in touch with colleagues in other disci- another formal discipline. For instance, plines than with colleagues in their own disci- sociology of medicine, the most populated plines. The ‘‘invisible college’’ described by Rob- sociological subdiscipline, is today located ert Merton, Diana Crane, and other sociologists of more often in hospitals than in depart- science is an eminent multispeciality institution ments of sociology; it has become a because it ensures communication not only from problem-solving subdiscipline. one university to another and across all national borders but also between specialists attached ad- 6. Borrowing from neighboring disciplines ministratively to different disciplines. The net- and exchanging concepts, theories, meth- works of cross-disciplinary influence are obliterat- ods, practices, tools, and substance. This ing the old classification of the social sciences. borrowing and lending process is an important route of hybridization. All the social sciences share concepts, theories, RECOMBINATION OF SOCIOLOGICAL and methods. The contribution of sociol- SPECIALTIES WITH SPECIALTIES IN ogy to this shared repository is impressive. OTHER SOCIAL SCIENCES Sociology has devised and exported many more concepts to neighboring disciplines Sociology has exchanged concepts, theories, meth- than have borrowed from it (Dogan 1996). ods, practices, and substance most intensively with Most theories formulated in a discipline three other disciplines: political science, history, sooner or later spread to other disciplines. and economics. The analysis here will focus first The diffusion of theories across discipli- on these three disciplines. The well-known domin- nary borders is one of the arguments that ion of social psychology can be surveyed briefly. could be invoked by those who advocate The relationships between sociology and social more interdisciplinary strategies in the geography have long been difficult and poor. What social sciences. The borrowing and lend- happens in the absence of intermingling? Other ing of methods among disciplines have specialties intervene in the empty space, as in itineraries different from those for the case of ecological geography. I have to forgo the

2915 SOCIOLOGY AMONG THE SOCIAL SCIENCES overlapping areas between sociology and social from economics, sociology, and social psychology, anthropology, social demography, ethnology and and has exported mostly to sociology. sociolinguistics, but the comments on the process There has been a change in the cross-fertiliza- of fragmentation of disciplines, on multiplication tion of political science. In the 1950s and 1960s, of specialties, and recombination of the specialties sociology was the major lender to political science, in new hybrid fields are also applicable to them. making important contributions such as group Relations with Political Science. A double theory, political socialization, social cleavages, and phenomenon can be observed in the relationship systems theory. In the 1970s and 1980s, economics between sociology and political science. First, there was the major cross-fertilizer of political science, is weak communication within each of these two especially with theories of public goods and collec- disciplines among the multiple specialized fields, tive action, game theory, social choice, and inter- an impermeability between the specialized research national trade theory. Psychology has been a con- subfields that belong formally to the same disci- stant exporter to political science and sociology, pline. The disciplines appear like watertight com- but at a lower level. In the 1960s, its major contri- partments in large ships (Dogan 1997). Typically, butions came from personality theory and the there is relatively little scholarly exchange between study of values. a student of the American Congress and a special- One domain of sociology—political sociology— ist in Middle Eastern politics, between a political and one domain of political science—comparative philosopher and an expert in statistical analysis, politics—have privileged relations, in some cases and between an Africanist and an expert on wel- achieving a real fusion. In the history of compara- fare states. However most of these scholars are tive research, there was a privileged moment of likely to have relationships with cognate specialties cooperation and convergence between political in neighboring disciplines. The diversity of meth- sociology and comparative politics in the 1960s. odological schools contributes to the fragmenta- Between 1958 and 1972, three dozen important tion of each discipline. books and articles were published that shared Second, across disciplinary frontiers there is a three characteristics: comparison by quantification, vivid traffic between special fields or subfields hybridization, and cumulative knowledge. That belonging to one discipline and similar or cognate combination had never previously been achieved fields in the other discipline. A convincing way to in the history of sociology and political science show the importance of these cross-disciplinary (Dogan 1994, p. 39). This privileged moment also bridges is to rank on two columns the fifty research marks a break with European classical compari- committees of the ISA and the forty committees of sons in the sociological style of Tocqueville, Mill, the International Political Science Association Marx, Weber, and Pareto. (IPSA). For each area of research in one discipline The alarm over the parochial state of com- there is a homologue in the other discipline: relig- parative politics after the subjugation of all social ion, ethnicity, generations, gender, mass commu- sciences during the period of totalitarianism in nication, elites, socialization, crime, social inequal- Europe (Scheuch 1992) and before their renais- ity and so on. To these interminglings should be sance in the United States was raised by Roy added theoretical and methodological pairs: All Macridis in 1955. At the same time (1954), the major schools and sects are represented in both Statistical Bureau of the United Nations started to disciplines from rationalists to Marxists and from publish ‘‘social statistics’’ on demographic vari- qualitative methods to proponents of quantification. ables, income, standards of living, social mobility, sanitary conditions, nutrition, housing, education, The relationships between sociology and po- work, and criminality. These sources facilitated litical science can be observed by counting the the encounter between political sociology and com- proportion of authors belonging to a discipline parative politics. who cite articles from other disciplines. Such an analysis of footnotes in major journals shows the In 1957, Reports on the World Social Situation trade across disciplinary frontiers and the changes began to be published by the Department of Eco- in trade routes over time. In terms of import– nomic and Social Affairs of the United Nations. export balance, political science has borrowed The chapters in these publications in 1961 and

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1963 on ‘‘the interrelations of social and economic tween variables are often more important for theo- development and the problem of balance’’ and on retical explanations than are discoveries of analo- ‘‘social-economic patterns’’ are contributions that gies and differences between nations. In comparative can be read profitably today by sociologists inter- political sociology, there is not a single major book ested on developmental theories. Lipset’s Political that attempts to explain politics strictly by refer- Man (1959) borrowed from all the social sciences. ence to political variables. Of course, the amount A year later, Deutsch produced his ‘‘manifesto’’ of hybridization varies with the subject and the (Deutsch 1960), followed by a seminal article ability of the author to omit what should be (Deutsch 1962). Both articles dealt with compara- implicitly admitted. tive indicators. The following year an important article by Cutright (1963) was published that ap- More than 200 contemporary European and pears in retrospect to have been prophetic. In the American scholars have held a joint appointment same year, Arthur Banks and Robert Textor pub- in the departments of sociology and political sci- lished A Cross-Polity Survey, in which the majority of ence or have moved from one to the other. Some the fifty-seven variables are of direct interest to comparativists cannot be locked in only one of sociologists. Shortly afterward, the World Hand- these two disciplines. book of Political and Social Indicators by B. Russett et Historical Sociology and Social History. His- al. discussed seventy-five variables, the majority tory is the most heterogeneous discipline in the with sociological significance. In Comparative Poli- social sciences, dispersed in time and space. It is tics by G. Almond and G. Bingham Powell (1966), divided into a nomothetic part and an ideographic several social sciences, particularly sociology and part. The dispute over the role and borders of social anthropology, are seen in the background. history, which in France goes back to Durkheim, From that moment on, the field of international Simiand (1903), and Seignobos, does not seem to comparisons became bifurcated, with both trends have ended. Three generations later, history has being related to political sociology. One road con- been excluded from the social sciences under the tinues with quantitative research, in which con- authority of an international institution: It is not tributors constantly use nonpolitical factors in numbered among the nomothetic sciences cov- their analyses of the correlates of democracy and ered in UNESCO’s Main Trends in the Social and transition to democracy. An important contribu- Human Sciences. Historians do not appear to have tion comes again from the Development Program reacted vigorously to this affront. Indeed some of the United Nations, the Human Development have come to terms with it: ‘‘The progress of Report (1990 and after). In this publication, gross history in the last fifty years is the result of a series national product (GNP) per capita is replaced by a of marriages: with economics, then with demogra- new indicator: purchasing power parity (PPP). phy, even with geography . . . with ethnology, soci- The other road gave priority to sectoral com- ology and psychoanalysis. When all is said and parisons, for instance, the eight volumes on devel- done, the new history sees itself as something opment published by the Princeton University like an auxiliary science of the other social sci- Press, where politics is most of the time a depend- ences’’ (Chaunu 1979, p. 5). This is clearly not the ent variable explained by social economic and opinion of the other French historians (Annales cultural factors. About a thousand books and arti- 1989, p. 1323), who are resolutely committed to cles appear in a selected bibliography of sectoral interdisciplinarity: ‘‘History will progress only in comparisons published during the last three dec- the context of interdisciplinarity.’’ ades. About half of their authors belong adminis- As long as the focus is on the long time span tratively to political science, a quarter belong to and the comparative approach, there is agreement sociology, and a quarter are hybrids scholars. between Durkheim and Braudel. At a distance of Comparative political sociology does not con- sixty years, using different words, they say much sist only in cross national analysis. It is also a cross- the same thing: ‘‘History can be a science only in so disciplinary endeavor, because in comparative re- far as it compares, and there can be no explanation search one is crossing units (nations) and variables without comparison . . . Once it starts compar- (numerical or nominal). The variables are usually ing, history becomes indistinct from sociology’’ more numerous than the units. The relations be- (Durkheim in the first issue of L’Année Sociologique

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1898). Braudel is just as accommodating: ‘‘Where disciplines, makes any unidimensional characteri- the long time span is concerned, the point is not zation of the issue unsatisfactory. simply that history and sociology tie in with each other and support each other but rather that they The comparative method is a very useful way merge into one’’ (Braudel 1962, p. 93). However, to unify general statements of causality of histori- this refers only to the part of history that compares cal events. One of the first to take this path was the while considering the long time span; other fields French school in the journal Annales, which devel- of history have very little to do with sociology. oped an approach to social history that was both Similarly, many sociologists do not need to have sociological and comparative. Marc Bloch was one recourse to history to resolve the problems with of the most influential figures in the development which they are concerned. Durkheim and Braudel of this school both in his programmatic statement would have been more explicit if instead of consid- Pour une histoire comparée des sociétés européennes ering their disciplines as a whole, they had re- (1928) and in La société féodale (1939–1940). For ferred clearly to their common territory, which is some historians it is impossible to assess the valid- now called comparative social history or historical ity of any causal interpretation on the basis of a sociology. Once it is accepted that history and single case, making a comparative approach abso- sociology overlap only in certain areas, the long lutely necessary for useful explanation (Cahnman territorial dispute between history and sociology and Boskoff 1964, p. 7). Comparative history over- will become a thing of the past. However, this is comes the fragmentation of specialized (and espe- only one sector of history brought face to face with cially national) history. Examining similar causal a sector of another discipline. Exchanges with processes in two or more specific contexts can economics have thus generated economic history, illuminate the nature of the causal forces at work which is of interest only to enough historians and and improve one’s understanding of the events economists, to provide material for several major being studied. journals. Each human activity has its historian, who, in order to perform his or her task, has to The dialogue between the specific and the hunt in other people’s lands. general is an important issue explored by many who discuss historical sociology. Along these lines, On the other side of the Atlantic, as soon as Burke (1980) isolates two different aspects of the their disciplines had begun to fragment, innova- contributions history can make to sociology, one tive historians and sociologists reached out to one negative and one positive. The negative contribu- another. Frederick Jackson Turner’s study of the tion entails picking away at the edifice constructed American frontier was a marriage of sociology and by others by showing how a theory does not fit history with the benediction of geography. Later, one’s society. This entails tests that are hazardous sociologists such as Bellah (Tokugawa Religion, for any theory, but the theories that survive are 1959) and Lipset (The First New Nation, 1963) were proved to be of greater value. The positive contri- joined by a new generation of historians, repre- bution involves working out from the general to sented by Charles Tilly’s The Vendee (1964), Bar- rington Moore’s Social Origins of Dictatorship and the particular in order to construct a revised gen- Democracy (1966). This interweaving of sociology eral theory. This task is especially valuable because and history continues to the present day. a sociologist’s generalizations often appear vacu- ous to a historian. Historians have invalidated ‘‘Most sociologists and historians have no clear many of the theories of sociologists and political understanding of what historical sociology really scientists. is’’ (Aronson 1969, p. 294). Unlike in economics, political science, or linguistics, the distinction is When posed in this fashion, the social sci- not based on subject matter. Many have attempted ences’ insistence on generalization can be helpful to clarify the differences between the two disci- for historians. In the words of a sociologist turned plines, leaving no two authors in agreement (see historian, ‘‘Whatever else they do, the social sci- Boudon 1979; Lipset and Hofstadter 1968; Tilly ences serve as a giant warehouse of causal theories 1981). The reason for the lack of consensus is and concepts involving causal analogies; the prob- clear: The remarkable diversity of the historical lem is to pick one’s way through the junk to the sociologies, to say nothing that of their parent solid merchandise’’ (Tilly 1981, p. 12). When one

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finds solid ground, a simple application of socio- Relations with Eclectic Economics. To dis- logical theory to historical problems can be innovative. cuss the relationship between sociology and eco- nomics, it is necessary to distinguish several varie- Knapp (1984) suggests that historians can help ties of economists: econometricians, monodisciplinary overcome the inattention to context of most social monetarist theorists, landless theorists, and eclec- theory. He argues that one of the major problems tic transgressors of borders (a fifth variety, eco- in sociological theory is the implicit or explicit nomic historians, has been expelled from the field). ceteris paribus (all else being equal) clause. Since all The first two varieties have well-known physiogno- other factors are never the same in the real world, mies. Landless theorists (Rose 1991) are econo- such theories are repeatedly disconfirmed and mists who believe that they do not have to deal often appear vacuous: ‘‘When sociologists (or po- with nation-states and tend to reduce all countries litical scientists, economists, or anthropologists) to a single model. They travel at the level of decide that concern with theory absolves them landless economies. One may assume that the first from concern with history, their product will not three varieties are outstanding contributors to only be irrelevant historically, it will not even be scientific knowledge, since so many of them have adequate as theory’’ (Knapp 1984, p. 34). When been awarded Nobel prizes, but here only the last theories are opened up to allow variation in the variety has good relations with the other social ceteris paribus clause, they can be applied to specific sciences. historical contexts. Historians who are most famil- iar with the peculiarities of ‘‘their’’ period or coun- Eclectic economists denounce the reduction- try have much to add to social theory in this type of ism advocated by other economists. Four decades research. ago, Hayek wrote that ‘‘nobody can be a great economist—and I am even tempted to add that Contrary to what is generally believed, histori- the economist who is only an economist is likely to cal sociology sometimes is not based on quantified become a nuisance if not a positive danger’’ (Hayek research. Nonetheless, quantification is so ubiqui- 1956, p. 463). For the Nobel prize laureate Bu- tous in most social sciences that it is easy for chanan, ‘‘it becomes increasingly clear that the historians to misunderstand the nature of the channels of effective communication do not ex- field. As Tilly points out, ‘‘In field after field, the tend throughout the discipline that we variously leading edge of the change was some form of call ‘economics’ and that some ‘economists’ are quantification. Because of that uniformity, many able to communicate far more effectively with nonquantitative historians mistook the prow for some scholars in the noneconomic disciplines than the whole ship’’ (Tilly 1981, p. 34). Quantified data with those presumably within their own profes- are for most sociologists what primary sources are sional category’’ (Buchanan 1966, p. 181). An- for historians: Some historians cannot resist quot- other Nobel prize laureate asked: ‘‘Why should ing diaries, and some sociologists cannot resist economics be interdisciplinary? The answer is, quantifying. Both kinds of evidence have advan- presumably, because otherwise it will make mis- tages and disadvantages, and each discipline can takes; the neglect of all but the narrowly economic gain from making greater use of the kind of evi- interactions will lead to false conclusions that could dence most useful to the other. be avoided’’ (Solow 1970, p. 101). Many econo- mists state that ‘‘it is necessary to reduce the use of In addition to a difference in method, history the clause ceteris paribus, to adopt an interdiscipli- and sociology often are distinguished by their nary approach, that is to say to open economics to conceptual inventories. There are a number of multidimensionality’’ (Bartoli 1991, p. 490). sociological concepts historians can use to their advantage, such as structure, function, social role, Economics is also divided, but to a lesser kinship, socialization, deviance, social class and degree than the other social sciences. It has main- stratification, social mobility, modernization, pa- tained some coherence but has had to pay a high trons and clients, and factions. The breadth of this price for this by considerably reducing its field. At list makes it clear that there is much room for one time, economics reached a fork in the path: It hybridization of subfields across the disciplinary could have chosen intellectual expansion and the boundaries. For instance the concept of ‘‘develop- penetration of other disciplines at the cost of ment’’ is central in several social sciences (Riggs 1984). heterogeneity and diversification and at the risk of

2919 SOCIOLOGY AMONG THE SOCIAL SCIENCES dispersal (a risk taken by sociology and by political have to be good anthropology and sociol- science); it chose instead to remain true to itself, ogy and political science and psychology. thereby forfeiting vast territories. Many econo- (Hirschleifer 1985, p. 53) mists consider that the choice of purity, methodo- This view is anachronistic, but many outstand- logical rigor, and hermetic terminology was the ing economists have succeeded not only in export- right choice. ing their knowledge to other disciplines but also in It is thus clear that self-sufficiency eventually invading them with their methods and theories leads to a shrinking of borders, but this does not and achieving innovative research. Arrow’s Social mean general impoverishment, since the lands Choice and Individual Values (1951) led mathe- abandoned by economists were soon cultivated by matically trained economists to apply game theory others. Those lands now have their own depart- to a variety of social conflict situations. Several ments, research centers, and professional schools works made such applications, including Anthony (management, political economy, development sci- Down’s An Economic Theory of Democracy (1957), ence). The position of economics in the constella- Duncan Black’s The Theory of Committees and Elec- tion of the social sciences today might have been tions (1958), Buchanan and Tullock’s The Calculus more dominant if so many economists had not of Consent (1962), Riker’s The Theory of Political withdrawn into monodisciplinarity. Coalitions (1962), and Olson’s The Logic of Collective Action (1965). Since then, many social scientists This situation is surprising in that ‘‘few classi- have borrowed ideas and techniques from econo- cal sociologists have failed to assign a central place mists and applied them to the analysis of various in their theories to the relationship between econ- processes and situations. The economists were the omy and society: from Marx and Weber to first in the field because they had a longer tradition Schumpeter, Polanyi, Parsons and Smelser’’ of mathematical training and used more abstract (Martinelli and Smelser 1990). and thus more widely applicable concepts. The If many economists have locked themselves in other social sciences had learned statistics in order an ivory tower and allowed whole areas to escape to handle the interpretation of their empirical data from their scrutinity, other economists have advo- but were much slower to learn advanced mathe- cated an ‘‘imperialistic expansion of economics matics. In a number of important graduate schools, into the traditional domains of sociology, political economists hold joint appointments with other science, anthropology, law and social biology’’ social science departments. (Hirschleifer 1985, p. 53; Radnitzky and Bernholz Some economists continue to spread the ap- 1986). Several of these economists are famous plication of their analytic techniques to outside scholars, including several Nobel laureates. A kind fields. Becker wrote a book on discrimination and of manifesto has been published in The American prejudice and in Treatise on the Family (1981), Economic Review: applied economic analysis to topics such as the It is ultimately impossible to carve off a incidence of marriage, divorce, and childbearing. distinct territory for economics, bordering upon He was awarded the Nobel Prize in Economic but separated from other social disciplines. Sciences in 1992 for his work applying economics Economics interpenetrates them all, and is to different areas of human behavior, particularly reciprocally penetrated by them. There is only the family, a traditional stronghold of demogra- one social science. What gives economics its phy. Gordon Tullock’s The Economics of Non-Hu- imperialist invasive power is that our analyti- man Societies deals with ants, termites, bees, mole cal categories are truly universal in applicabil- rats, sponges, and slime molds. Many similar ex- ity. Thus economics really does constitute the amples could be given (Szenberg 1992): ‘‘The universal grammar of social science. But there fields to which the economic approach or perspec- is a flip side to this. While scientific work in tive has been applied over the last thirty or forty anthropology and sociology and political sci- years include politics, sociology, ethnology, law, ence and the like will become increasingly biology, psychology’’ (Radnitzky and Bernholz indistinguishable from economics, economists 1986). An examination of recent issues of journals will reciprocally have to become aware of their of economic literature shows that some econo- functions. Ultimately, good economics will also mists explore a wide range of issues. Among these

2920 SOCIOLOGY AMONG THE SOCIAL SCIENCES eclectic economists a few who work in another nals, which would be so much alike that no one, discipline and then return immediately to the judging without knowledge of source or author, home discipline. Intriligator (1991) has presented could with any precision discriminate those writ- in a schematic way the patterns of cross-fertiliza- ten by professional sociologists from those written tion among the behavioral sciences by identifying by psychologists. Several considerations follow from concepts and theories developed in economics this simple fact. Clearly, the two disciplines cannot and adopted by others. He traces in terms of be defined in terms of what psychologists and input–output the itinerary of social choice theory, sociologists respectively do, since they so often do structural models, decision theory, organization the same thing’’ (Inkeles 1970, p. 404). theory, bounded rationality, utility theory, game theory, the concept of balance of power, and anomie. The growth of social psychology during the last two generations makes Durkheim’s arguments The interactions between economics and po- in favor of the supremacy of sociology over psy- litical science are deeper than those between eco- chology irrelevant, along with the old debate about nomics and sociology. Many economists are better the individual–society dichotomy: ‘‘The claim to a known in political science than in economics, par- principled distinction of sociology from psychol- ticularly in the domain of political economy. In A ogy based on the distinction of individual from New Handbook of Political Science (Goodin and society is challenged by the substantial attention Klingemann 1996), the new economic sociology that at least some sociologists pay to individuals, by receives great attention, but it is not clear how it is difficulties in describing psychology as the study of different from the older political economy. This individuals, and by difficulties in the very concep- work should be confronted with Handbook of Eco- tual distinction of individual from society’’ (Cal- nomic Sociology (Smelser and Swedberg 1994). For houn 1992, p. 175). At the early stages of the instance, Offe describes the ‘‘asymmetry’’ between discipline’s postwar history, psychology had been the two disciplines: ‘‘Political economists do have the most cited cognate discipline by sociologists, an economic theory of institutions and tend to but during the last two decades, it was partly disregard this demarcation line separating spheres. overtaken by political science and economics. Mean- Sociologists have perhaps only the rudiments of a while social psychology has become an autono- sociological theory of what is going on in markets mous discipline. and firms, while the most ambitious argument that sociologists do have to offer effectively demon- Relations with Ecological Geography. As a strates that non-economic spheres of society are reaction against the exaggerations of the sociolo- not only constituted in different ways than the gist Huntington (1924), who was criticized by Pitirim economy, but that the economy itself depends on Sorokin in 1928, an entire generation of American non-economic spheres’’ (Offe 1992, p. 687). sociologists was dissuaded from taking geographic factors into consideration. Even today, most soci- Social Psychology. Most sociologists are not ologists and geographers ignore each other. involved in the kind of research that interests most psychologists, and vice versa. For the majority of Until recently, sociologists neglected environ- sociologists and the majority of psychologists, their mental and climatic factors, but many prominent respective territories are clearly separated. Never- hybrid scholars did not remain silent. Lewis noted theless, between the two disciplines there is a that: ‘‘it is important to identify the reasons why condominium, social psychology, inhabited by hy- tropical countries have lagged during the last two brid scholars, some of whom have began their hundred years in the process of modern economic scientific activity in one of the two disciplines while growth’’ (Lewis 1955, p. 53). Galbraith wrote: ‘‘If others started as ‘‘hybrids.’’ In addition, for many one marks off a belt a couple of thousand miles in sociologists who are not social psychologists, psy- width encircling the earth at the equator one finds chology is the nearest and most important discipli- within it no developed countries . . . Everywhere nary neighbor. What Inkeles wrote three decades the standard of living is low and the span of human ago is still valid: ‘‘It would not be at all difficult to life is short’’ (Galbraith 1957, p. 39–41). The book assemble a set of fifty or one hundred recent published by Kamarck, director of the Economic articles in social psychology, chosen half from the Development Institute of the World Bank, chal- psychological and half from the sociological jour- lenges the common perception of tropical areas.

2921 SOCIOLOGY AMONG THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

Trypanosomiasis, carried by the tsetse fly, pre- history of this hybrid in the United States, impor- vented much of Africa from progressing beyond tant work came from sociologists in the subfields the subsistence level: ‘‘For centuries, by killing of ‘‘human ecology,’’ geographers influenced by transport animals, it abetted the isolation of Tropi- sociologists, and scholars in both disciplines work- cal Africa from the rest of the world and the ing on spatial statistics. Once a hybrid, urban isolation of the various African peoples from one studies is now a department at many large universi- another’’ (Kamarck 1976, p. 38). An area of Africa ties in Europe and the United States. larger than the United States thus had been denied Urban studies as a quasi-discipline includes to cattle (Kamarck 1976, p. 39). Agricultural pro- subfields that overlap specialties in sociology, ge- duction in the humid tropics is limited by the ography, and anthropology. It also encompasses condition of the soil, which has become laterite architecture, which covers engineering (building (Kamarck 1976, p. 25). Surveys by the World design and methods), the natural sciences (clima- Health Organization and the World Food Organi- tology, energy conservation), the social sciences zation estimated that parasitic worms infected over (social-physical research), the humanities (history one billion people throughout the tropics and of architecture), and some hybrids of its own subtropics. Hookworm disease, characterized by (urban planning). Some architects today are well anemia, weakness, and fever, infected 500 million versed in engineering, the natural sciences, the in those areas (Kamarck 1976, p. 75). social sciences, and the humanities, as well as These ecological factors are confirmed by a urban planning. considerable amount of research in tropical areas Urban studies also has been influenced by during the last several decades by geologists, geog- economics and economic geography. This hybrid raphers, biologists, zoologists, botanists, agronomists, has made its major contribution in the area of epidemiologists, parasitologists, climatologists, ex- location theories for agricultural, industrial, and perts of the World Bank and several agencies of commercial activities. Communication seems to the United Nations, and hybrid scientists well be much better with geographers and even soci- versed in tropical agriculture, the exploitation of ologists than it is with economists, partly because minerals, and the sanitary conditions in those the inductive nature of much of this work makes it countries. The situation has improved, according difficult to integrate into deductive economic theory. to dozens of reports prepared by international organizations. To explain the economic underde- Other sociologists have drawn from sectors of velopment of tropical Africa and other tropical geography in conjunction with history and econ- areas, natural sciences and demography are brought omy. Rokkan (1995) has suggested a conceptual into the picture. Dependency theory may be of framework for comparative political analysis. He some help for Latin America and eastern Europe, weaves together Parsonian pattern variables, the though much less so for tropical Africa. sequence of various kinds of ‘‘crises,’’ and the typically Scandinavian notion of center–periphery The literature on the ecological parameters of relations into a geographic schema built around the tropics can be contrasted with the literature on the main Hansa–Rhine–Italy trade routes, the no- the transfer of flora and fauna from one temperate tion of a country’s distance from Rome, and zone to another. For instance, Crosby’s Ecological whether a state faces seaward or is landbound. Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe 900– This schema is very suggestive not only because it 1900 (1986), casts new light on the building of can clarify the different political outcomes in the American power. states of modern Europe but also because it can This is an example of what can happen when a help one understand why many once-powerful discipline neglects an important topic. The vac- states have disappeared, such as Scotland, Wales, uum left by the absence of sociological studies of Brittany, Bohemia, Bavaria, and Aragon. this geographic-ecological-economic issue has been Today, geography’s breadth can be seen in the filled by eclectic economists and hybrid ecologists. multiplication of hybrid subfields. The discipline Sociologists and geographers have met not in now encompasses the subfields of human geogra- vast ‘‘interdisciplinary’’ work but in a series of phy, cultural geography, biogeography, geomor- individual fields such as urban studies. In the phology, climatology, medical geography, economic

2922 SOCIOLOGY AMONG THE SOCIAL SCIENCES geography, political geography, urban geography, It is difficult to evaluate the number of articles environmental science, regional geography, and rooted in sociology or relevant for sociologists cartography. Each subfield relates directly to spe- even if one can locate the origin of the articles and cialties outside the discipline. Different interests adopt criteria for what is relevant and what is not. have favored closer contacts sometimes with one The main difficulty comes from the ambiguity and field and sometimes with another. These outside arbitrariness of the borders of these disciplines. fields have made some of geography’s most impor- Between one-quarter and one-third of the articles tant advances. cited by sociologists in the last few decades were written by economists, political scientists, psycholo- As a result of all these trends, there is an gists, historians, geographers, and other social incredible fragmentation that has made geogra- scientists. phy span large areas in both the natural and social sciences, with a general tendency to drift from the In 1994, the SSCI contained almost two mil- former to the latter. From studying habitats, geog- lion citations involving 400,000 authors from fif- raphers have turned to studying societies. Many teen disciplines and from many countries, an aver- traditional geographers have become social scientists. age of five citations per author. Among those citations, between 5 and 8 percent referred to As in other disciplines, interaction has kept articles written by sociologists. Obviously, no one geography on the move. Many geographers have can master the entire spectrum of sociology. There developed their method and have penetrated other are no paradigms in the discipline, only partial and disciplines to such a degree that they have become contested theories and moving borders. One can specialists in another discipline (geology, hydrol- succeed in finding one’s way in the bibliographical ogy or ethnology) or one sector of another disci- labyrinth because the scientific patrimony is struc- pline. Such emigration leaves the old core of the tured in sectors, subdisciplines, areas, fields, sub- discipline empty. At a symposium on the social fields, specialties, topics, and niches in spite of the sciences in Paris in 1982, a geographer asked, fact that the borders are blurred. This increasing ‘‘With the progress of the other social sciences, specialization within sociology is the main route of what remains proper to geography? A residual scientific advancement. Some scholars recommend part, or a boring nomenclature?. . . Does geogra- an interdisciplinary approach. Just as some seem phy still have its own domain, or is it a relic . . . of to believe that the social sciences can be neatly an old division of labor? Has geography an identity categorized, many others persist in pursuing and, if so, of what is it made?’’ (Brunet 1982, pp. interdisciplinarity. That recommendation is not 383, 402). As is true for the other social sciences, realistic because it overlooks an essential phe- its identity can be found in hybrid specialties, not nomenon in the history of science: specialization in disciplinary unity. through a process of fragmentation. To understand scientific creativity, another phenomenon is even more important than the CONCLUSION expansion of the scientific literature and the in- The contemporary social sciences have experi- crease in specialization: the recombination of spe- enced three major trends: rapid expansion, frag- cialties into new hybrid domains, a phenomenon mentation of formal disciplines by increasing spe- called the hybridization of scientific knowledge. cialization, and recombination of specialties in A hybrid scholar is a specialist who crosses the new hybrid domains. The social sciences have borders of her or his home discipline by integrat- expanded enormously over the last four decades. ing into her or his research factors, variables, During the years 1956–1960, the number of cita- theories, concepts, methods, and substance gener- tions in the Social Science Citation Index (SSCI) ated in other disciplines. Different disciplines may for all social sciences amounted to 2,400,000. Thirty proceed from different foci to examine the same years later, in the years 1986–1990 the number of phenomenon. This multidisciplinarity implies a articles cited in this thesaurus rose to about division of territories between disciplines. In con- 18,000,000, increasing by a factor of 7.5 (SSCI trast, hybridization implies an overlapping of seg- 1994, pp. 61–63). ments of disciplines, a recombination of knowl-

2923 SOCIOLOGY AMONG THE SOCIAL SCIENCES edge in new and specialized fields. Innovation in knowledge can one explain the impact of techno- each discipline depends largely on exchanges with logical advancement on structural unemployment other fields belonging to other disciplines. At the in western Europe, the proliferation of giant cities highest levels, most researchers belong to a hybrid in the third world, the economic decline of the subdiscipline. Alternatively, they may belong to a United Kingdom and the economic growth of hybrid field or subfield. Japan, or how a child learns to speak. Whenever a question of such magnitude is raised, one finds An innovative recombination is a blending of oneself at the intersection of numerous disciplines fragments of sciences. When old fields grow, they and specialities. All major issues cross the formal accumulate such masses of material that they split borders of disciplines: war and peace, generational up. Each fragment of the discipline then confronts change, the freedom–equality nexus, individual- the fragments of other fields across disciplinary ism in advanced societies, and fundamentalism in boundaries, losing contact with its siblings in the traditional societies. Most specialists are not lo- old discipline. A specialist in urbanization has less cated in the so-called core of a discipline. They are in common with a sociologist studying elite re- in the outer rings, in contact with specialists from cruitment than he or she does with a geographer other disciplines. They borrow and lend at the doing research on the distribution of cities, who in frontiers; they are hybrid scholars. The notion of turn has more in common with a colleague in hybridization does not mean ‘‘two whole disci- economics analyzing urban income inequality. plines in a single skull’’ but a recombination of two Most hybrid specialties and domains recog- or several domains of knowledge originating from nize their genealogical roots: political economy, different disciplines. social psychology, social geography, historical so- Most classical sociologists were interdiscipli- ciology, genetic demography, psycholinguistics, nary generalists, but in recent times, cross-discipli- political anthropology, social ecology, biogeography, nary advancements have been achieved not by and many others. The hybrid specialties branch generalists but by hybrid specialists. The hybrid out in turn, giving rise, to an even larger member specialist today may be in reality a ‘‘marginal’’ of hybrids (Dogan and Pahre 1990, pp. 63–76). scholar in each of the disciplines from which he or Among the ISA research committees and study she borrows, including his or her original disci- groups, about half focus on hybrid specialties. The pline, but such a specialist becomes central to the number of sociologists who work across discipli- intersection of two or several disciplines (Dogan 1999). nary borders is so high that there is more commu- Today most social scientists admit that the nication between various fields of sociology and best alternative to the difficulty of experimenta- their cognates outside the discipline than there is tion in their disciplines is the comparative method, between fields within sociology. which is one of the few ways to validate or falsify One can find in the literature of each social generalizations in the ‘‘soft’’ sciences. The com- science, with the possible exception of linguistics parative method is the key to circulation among sciences. and econometrics, complaints about the ‘‘lack of core’’: ‘‘The substantive core of the discipline may Comparative sociologists and comparative po- have dissolved’’ (Halliday and Janowitz 1992, p. 3). litical scientists have developed methods to a greater Dozens of similar testimonies could be collected. extent than have workers in other social sciences. If so many scholars formulate the same diagnosis, One of them wrote: ‘‘There is no noncomparative that means that most disciplines are facing a prob- sociological theory. All scientific analyses are a lem of self-identity. However, if one considers that subset of the general set entitled comparitive analy- the real world cannot be cut into disciplinary sis . . . any generalized statement involving vari- pieces, this issue of disciplinary identity may ap- ables implies a comparison’’ (Levy 1970, p. 100). pear fallacious. Major social phenomena cannot be explained It is difficult or impossible to inquire into in a strictly monodisciplinary framework or in the the large social phenomena within a strictly absence of a comparative perspective. It is only by monodisciplinary framework. Only by taking a taking up a position at the crossroad of various position at the crossroads of many branches of branches of knowledge and simultaneously adopt-

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Knapp, Peter 1984 ‘‘Can Social Theory Escape from Smelser, Neil, and Richard Swedberg eds. 1994 Hand- History: View of History in Social Science.’’ History book of Economic Sociology. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton and Theory 23(1):34–52. University Press. Kohn, Melvin, L. (ed.) 1989 Cross-National Research in Social Sciences Citations Index, SSCI, Philadelphia In- Sociology. London: Sage. stitute for Scientific Information. Levy, Marion, J. 1970 ‘‘Scientific Analysis is a Subset of Solow, Robert 1970 ‘‘Science and Ideology in Econo- Comparative Analysis.’’ In John C. McKinney and mics.’’ The Public Interest 21:94–107. Edward A. Tiryakian, eds., Theoretical Sociology. New Szacki, Jerzy 1982 ‘‘The History of Sociology and Sub- York: Appleton. stantive Sociological Theories.’’ In T. Bottomore, S. Nowak, and M. Sokolowska, eds., Sociology: The State Lewis, W. A. 1955 The Theory of Economic Growth. Al- of the Art. London: Sage. len Unwin. Szenberg, Michael 1992 Eminent Economists: Their Life Lipset, S. M., and R. Hofstadter 1968 Sociology and Philosophies. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge Univer- History: Methods. New York: Basic Books. sity Press. Martinelli, A., and N. Smelser 1990 ‘‘Economic Sociol- Tilly, Charles 1981 As Sociology Meets History. New York: ogy, Historical Trends and Analytic Issues.’’ Current Academic Press. Sociology 38 (2):1–49. ——— 1984 Big Structures, Large Processes, Huge Compari- McKinney, John C., and Edward A. Tyriakian eds. 1970 sons. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Theoretical Sociology. New York: Appleton. Turner, R. H. 1991 ‘‘The Many Faces of American Messer-Davidow, E., D. R. Schumway, and D. J. Sylvan, Sociology: A Discipline in Search of Identity.’’ In D. eds. 1993 Knowledge: Historical and Critical Studies in Easton and C. Schelling, eds., Divided Knowledges: Disciplinarity. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press. Across Disciplines, Across Cultures. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage. Offe, Claus 1992 ‘‘Political Economy: Sociological Per- spectives.’’ In Robert B. Goodin and Hans-Dieter Klingemann, eds., A New Handbook of Political Sci- MATTEI DOGAN ences. Oxford, U.K.: Oxford University Press. Radnitzky, G., and P. Bernholz 1986 Economic Imperial- ism: The Economic Approach Outside the Traditional SOCIOLOGY OF EDUCATION Areas of Economics. New York: Paragon. In the broadest perspective, education refers to all Riggs, Fred W. 1984 ‘‘Development.’’ In G. Sartori, ed., efforts to impart knowledge and shape values; Social Science Concepts: A Systematic Analysis. Sage. hence, it has essentially the same meaning as so- Rigney, D., and D. Barnes 1980 ‘‘Patterns of Interdisci- cialization. However, when sociologists speak of plinary Citation in the Social Sciences.’’ Social Science education, they generally use a more specific mean- Quarterly 114–127. ing: the deliberate process, outside the family, by Rokkan, Stein 1995 Special issue dedicated to Rokkan’s which societies transmit knowledge, values, and geoeconomic model. Revue Internationale de Politique norms to prepare young people for adult roles Comparée 2 (1):5–170. (and, to a lesser extent, prepare adults for new roles). This process acquires institutional status Rose, Richard 1991 ‘‘Institutionalizing Professional Po- when these activities make instruction the central litical Science in Europe.’’ Political Studies 39 (3):446–462. defining purpose, are differentiated from other Scheuch, Erwin, K. 1992 ‘‘German Sociology’’ In E. F. social realms, and involve defined roles of teacher Borgatta and M. L. Borgatta, eds., Encyclopedia of and learner (Clark 1968). Schools exemplify this Sociology. New York: MacMillan. type of institutionalization. Simiand, François 1903 ‘‘Méthode historique et science The central insight of the sociology of educa- sociale.’’ Revue de Synthése Historique. tion is that schools are socially embedded institu- Smelser, Neil 1967 ‘‘Sociology and the Other Social tions that are crucially shaped by their social envi- Sciences.’’ In P. Lazarsfeld, H. Sewell, and H. L. ronment and crucially shape it. The field encompasses Wilensky, eds., The Uses of Sociology. New York: Ba- both micro- and macro-sociological concerns in sic Books. diverse subfields such as stratification, economic ——— ed. 1988 Handbook of Sociology. London: Sage. development, socialization and the family, organi-

2926 SOCIOLOGY OF EDUCATION zations, culture, and the sociology of knowledge. As a subfield within the sociological discipline, To understand modern society, it is essential to the sociology of education has been propelled understand the role of education. Not only is largely by a host of practical, policy-related issues education a primary agent of socialization and that emerged with the development of the mass allocation, modern societies have developed for- educational system. Essentially, research has fo- midable ideologies that suggest that education cused on whether education has delivered on its should have this defining impact (Meyer 1977). promise of creating more rational, culturally adapted, and productive individuals and, by exten- Durkheim (1977) was the intellectual pioneer sion, a ‘‘better’’ society. The field was particularly in this field, tracing the historical connections energized by the egalitarian concerns of the 1960s: between the form and content of schools and How ‘‘fair’’ is the distribution of opportunity in larger social forces such as the rise of the bourgeoi- schools and in the larger society, and how can sie and the trend toward individualism. Largely disparities be reduced? These questions continue because the field focuses so intensively on stratifi- to animate the field. cation-related issues (e.g., the impact of family background on educational attainment), the larger issues raised by Marx and Weber are readily evi- THEORETICAL DEBATES dent in current scholarship. However, as Dreeben’s Much research, even the most policy-oriented, has (1994) historical account indicates, the direct con- been grounded, often implicitly, in more general tribution of the discipline’s founders to the devel- analytic perspectives on the role of education in opment of the sociology of education in the United modern society. The two main orientations are States was minimal; indeed, even the foremost functionalism and conflict theory, though other, early American sociologists in the field did not less encompassing perspectives also have shaped decisively shape its development. the field significantly. In The Sociology of Teaching, Waller (1932) Functionalism. In the functionalist view, schools examined teaching as an occupational role and serve the presumed needs of a social order com- school organization as a mechanism of social con- mitted to rationality, meritocracy, and democracy. trol. He emphasized the role of the school in the They provide individuals with the necessary cogni- conflict-ridden socialization of the young as well as tive skills and cultural outlook to be successful the interpersonal and organizational mechanisms workers and citizens (Parsons 1959; Dreeben 1968) that furthered students’ acceptance of the norma- and provide society with an efficient, fair way of tive order. Although now recognized as a classic, sorting and selecting ‘‘talents’’ so that the most Waller’s analysis stimulated little work for several capable can assume the most responsible positions decades. (Clark 1962). Complementing this sociological work Although less focused on education per se, is human capital theory in economics, which con- Sorokin (1927) portrayed schools as a key channel tends that investment in education enhances indi- of mobility with their own distinctive form of vidual productivity and aggregate economic growth (Schultz 1961). The criticism in the 1980s that social testing. He argued that increasing opportu- poor schooling had contributed significantly to nities for schooling would stratify the society, not America’s decline in the international economy level it. However, Blau and Duncan’s (1967) para- reflects a popular version of this theoretical digm-setting study of status attainment (see below) orientation. did not refer to Sorokin’s analysis of education despite their appreciation of his larger concern for However, in the 1970s, both the increasing the significance of social mobility. Warner’s and prominence of critical political forces and the Hollingshead’s community studies considered edu- accumulated weight of research spurred a theo- cation integral to community social organization, retical challenge. Important parts of the empirical especially through its connection to the stratificat- base of functionalism were questioned: that schools ion system, but their influence, like that of Waller taught productive skills, that mass education had and Sorokin, was more a matter of suggesting ushered in a meritocratic social order, and that general ideas than of establishing a cumulative education had furthered social equality. A number research tradition. of conflict-oriented approaches emerged.

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Neo-Marxist Theory. Neo-Marxist scholars an overly tight, rational link between schools and have provided the most thorough challenge to the the economy and concomitantly downplay the functionalist position. For all the diversity within institutional autonomy as schools as well as the this conflict theory, the main point is that the complexity of political struggles over education organization of schools largely reflects the dictates (Kingston 1986). of the corporate-capitalist economy. In the most noted formulation, Bowles and Gintis (1976) ar- Status Conflict. Arising out of the Weberian gue that education must fulfill the needs of capital- tradition, the status conflict approach emphasizes ism: efficiently allocating differently socialized in- the attempts of various groups—primarily defined dividuals to appropriate slots in the corporate by ethnicity, race, and class—to use education as a hierarchy, transferring privilege from generation mechanism to win or maintain privilege (Collins to generation, and accomplishing both while main- 1979). The evolving structure of the educational taining a semblance of legitimacy. Thus, the chang- system reflects the outcomes of these struggles as ing demands of capitalist production and the power groups attempt to control the system for their own of capitalist elites determine the nature of the benefit. With varying success, status groups use educational system. education both to build group cohesion and to restrict entry to desired positions to those certified More recent neo-Marxist scholarship (Willis by ‘‘their’’ schools. However, as lower-status groups 1981) emphasized that schools are not only agents seek social mobility by acquiring more educational of social reproduction but also important sites of credentials, enrollments may expand beyond what resistance to the capitalist order. Many neo-Marx- is technically necessary. In this view, then, the ists also have emphasized the ‘‘relative autonomy’’ of the state from economic forces and, corre- educational system is not necessarily functional to spondingly, the partial responsiveness of schools capitalist interests or other imputed system needs. to demands from subordinate groups (Carnoy and Consistent with this view, a primary effect of Levin 1985). Other scholars in this general critical schools, especially at the elite level, is to provide tradition have turned in ‘‘post-Marxist’’ directions, cultural capital, of which educational credentials emphasizing inequities related to gender and race are the main markers (Bourdieu and Passeron along with class, but the common, defining point 1977). This form of capital refers to the personal remains that educational inequities reflect and style, social outlooks and values, and aesthetic perpetuate the inequities of capitalist society and tastes that make a person suitable for socially that oppressed groups have an objective interest in valued positions. (The point of comparison is fundamental social transformation (Aronowitz and human capital, an individual’s productive, techni- Giroux 1985). This newer critical approach has cal skills.) In this perspective, education is re- developed with relatively little connection to main- warded because occupational gatekeepers value stream approaches (i.e, positivistic, often reform- particular forms of cultural capital, and thus edu- oriented research) despite some similarities in cation is a key mechanism of class and status concerns (e.g., student disruptions and challenges to authority in schools) (Davies 1995). reproduction. Obviously, neo-Marxists do not share the es- The Interpretative Tradition. Sociologists in sentially benign vision of the social order in the interpretative tradition view schools as places functionalist thought, but both perspectives view where meaning is socially constructed through the organization of schooling as ‘‘intimately con- everyday interactions. This tradition incorporates nected with the changing character of work and the general orientations of phenomenology, sym- the larger process of industrialization in modern bolic interactionism, and ethnomethodology. Ac- society’’ (Hurn 1993, p. 86). These competing cordingly, micro-level concerns predominate—for perspectives are rooted in similar logical forms of example, what do teachers expect their students to causal argument: To explain educational organiza- learn, and how do those expectations condition tion and change, functionalists invoke the ‘‘needs’’ their conduct in class?—and research tends to rely of the society, while neo-Marxists invoke the on qualitative techniques. This tradition is unified ‘‘needs’’ of the capitalist order for the same pur- by a general sense of what kinds of questions to ask pose. Critics contend that both perspectives posit (and how to ask them) rather than a set of related

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theoretical propositions or a body of accumulated els that education (measured in years of schooling findings. and degree completion) has by far the largest independent impact on adult attainment (Featherman and Hauser 1978; Jencks et al. 1979). By compari- EMPIRICAL STUDIES son, the net direct effects of family status (usually The highly selective review of empirical studies measured in terms of parental education and oc- that follows focuses on the two key questions in cupation) are modest. Indeed, among the college- contemporary American sociology of education: educated in recent years, higher family status con- (1) How is education involved in the distribution fers no extra advantage at all (Hout 1988). of life chances? (2) How are family status and Earlier in life, however, family status is sub- school characteristics connected to educational stantially related to educational attainment. The attainment and/or academic achievement? With total effect (direct and indirect) of family status on few exceptions, analyses of education in other occupational attainment is therefore substantial, countries are not considered. The field is domi- though its impact is mediated very largely through nated by American research, and American soci- educational attainment. In effect, then, education ologists have engaged in relatively little compara- plays a double-sided role in the stratification proc- tive research. Baker (1994) speculates that this ess. Education is the great equalizer: It confers lack of a comparative research tradition in the largely similar benefits to all regardless of family United States reflects both a belief in American origins. However, it is also the great reproducer: ‘‘exceptionalism’’ (for instance, an extreme em- Higher-status families transmit their position across phasis on mass access) and a strong focus on generations largely through the educational at- micro-level issues that do not necessarily call for tainment of their children. comparative research designs. The strong connection between schooling and Schooling and Life Chances. Throughout the occupational attainment is open to diverse inter- twentieth century in all industrial countries, there pretations. Most prominently, human capital the- has been a dramatic upgrading in the occupational ory suggests that education enhances productivity, structure and a dramatic expansion in educational and because people are paid in accordance with systems. Ever more jobs have come to require their marginal productivity, the well educated en- academic qualifications, a process that usually is joy greater prospects. In favor of this interpreta- interpreted as being driven by the rationalism and tion is the fact that schooling is demonstrably universalism of modernization. In this functionalist linked to the enhancement of academic competencies perspective, academic skills are presumed to be (Fischer et al. 1996) and that basic academic skills technically required and meritocratically rewarded, are substantially correlated with job performance transforming the stratification system so that indi- in a wide variety of settings (Hunter 1986). vidual achievements rather than ascriptive charac- teristics determine life chances. By contrast, credentials theory portrays the educational institution as a sorting device in which This interpretation has been subject to empiri- individuals are slotted to particular positions in cal test at two levels: (1) the individual level—to the occupational hierarchy on the basis of aca- what extent, absolutely and relatively, does educa- demic credentials, often with little regard for their tion affect economic attainment? and (2) the macro individual productive capacities. The fact that pos- level—to what extent have educational expansion sessing specific credentials (especially a college and the increasing significance of schools for occu- degree) has positive career effects, net of both pational attainment increased overall equality of years of schooling and measured academic ability, opportunity? provides indirect support for this view. That is, At the first level, as part of the general analysis there appears to be a ‘‘sheepskin effect,’’ so that of status attainment, researchers have concentrated employers value the degree per se, although peo- on measuring the connection between individuals’ ple with degrees may have unmeasured produc- schooling and their economic position. Building tive capacities or dispositions that account for on Blau and Duncan’s (1967) work, researchers their success ( Jencks et al. 1979). Moreover, the have repeatedly documented in multivariate mod- credentialist argument is strengthened by the fact

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that in some elite segments of the labor market, reason higher-status students have this success is employers primarily recruit graduates of certain that they achieve better in schools. prestigious programs and make little effort to discern differences in the academic-based skills of The question here is, Why do higher-status students achieve better in schools? Clearly, there is those included in the restricted applicant pool no simple answer. Research has pointed to the (Kingston and Clawson 1990). following family-related factors, among others: Both views seem to have some merit; indeed, 1. Material resources. Richer families can pur- they may be partially complementary. Employers chase the materials (e.g., books) and may generally use educational attainment as a low- experiences that foster intellectual cost, rough proxy for productive skill, and for development. certain positions they may favor holders of par- ticular degrees because of their presumed cultural 2. Parental expectations and/or encouragement. dispositions and the prestige that their presence Well-educated parents more actively stress lends the organization. The relative explanatory the importance of academic achievement, power of the human capital and credentialist per- and their own success through school- spectives may vary across segments of the la- ing encourages their children to accept bor market. that value. At the macro level, it might be expected that 3. Direct parental involvement in home learning the great expansion of access to education has activities. Higher-status parents are more reduced the impact of family origins on educa- willing and able to teach academic lessons tional attainment, increasing equality of opportu- at home and help with homework. nity, but that has proved to be more the exception 4. Verbal and analytic stimulation. In high- than the rule. A rigorous thirteen-country com- er-status families, interactions between par- parative study identified two patterns: greater ents and children are more likely to equalization among socioeconomic strata in the promote verbal sophistication and Netherlands and Sweden and virtual stability in reasoning. the rest, including the United States (Shavit and 5. Family structure and parenting style. The Blossfeld 1993), where the strata have largely main- presence of two parents and parenting tained their relative positions as average attain- styles involving warm interactions favor ment has increased. Thus, the impact of educa- academic achievement, and both factors tional policies designed to promote equality appears are related to socioeconomic status (SES). minimal; even in Sweden and the Netherlands, the trend toward equalization emerged before reforms 6. Parental involvement in schools. Higher- were introduced. status parents are better able to interact effectively with teachers and administra- Socioeconomic Status and Achievement. Given tors to secure favorable treatment and the centrality of educational attainment in the understand expectations. general attainment process, researchers have fo- cused on the substantial relationship between socio- 7. Cultural ‘‘fit’’ with schools. The cultural economic status and educational attainment. (This styles of higher-status students are more relationship appears to be stronger in highly devel- compatible with the prevailing norms and oped societies than in developing societies.) The values in schools. best predictor of educational attainment is aca- 8. Social capital. Initially Coleman’s (1988) demic achievement (i.e., higher grades and test idea, this refers to the extent and nature scores); the school system consistently rewards of the connections between parents and academic performance and in that sense is children as well as the connections with meritocratic. Regardless of academic performance, other family and community members. By children from socially advantaged families have providing informational, emotional, and somewhat disproportionate success in moving other resources, these connections facili- through the educational system, but the main tate adaptions to the demands of schools.

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9. Social context. Higher-status families are thirds of the gap (Phillips et al. 1998). A complete likely to live in communities where other explanation probably will involve many of the families promote achievement and their factors previously noted in the discussion of the children’s peers are committed to aca- relation between SES and achievement but also demic achievement. include the distinctive cultural barriers that ‘‘invol- 10. Genetic advantage. Early IQ is related to untary minorities’’ face in many societies (Ogbu SES, and intelligence is related to aca- 1978) as well as subtle interactional processes within demic performance. schools. Individually, none of these factors seems to Racial disparities in educational attainment account for a large part of the overall relationship have declined dramatically. High school gradua- between SES and academic achievement, nor is tion rates are now virtually the same, and the the relative significance of these factors clear, yet remaining disparity in college attendance reflects the very length of the list suggests the complexity blacks’ lower economic resources, not a distinctive of the issue. Higher-status students are not all racial barrier. similarly advantaged by each of these factors, and School Effects. The governmental report Equal- lower-status students are not all similarly disadvan- ity of Educational Opportunity (Coleman et al. 1966) taged by each one. The substantial aggregate rela- strongly challenged conventional wisdom about tionship between SES and achievement undoubt- the connections among economic status, schools, edly reflects complex interactions among the many and achievement. In doing so, it fundamentally home-related contributing causes. As is more thor- shaped the agenda for further research in this area. oughly discussed below, the mediating impact of school resources and practices is much less Attempting to identify the characteristics of consequential. schools that improve learning, the so-called Cole- man Report documented two key points. First, The Racial Gap. The black-white disparity in there is a weak relationship between social status academic performance remains large despite some and school quality as measured by indicators such notable reductions in recent years, and it is eco- as expenditure per pupil, teachers’ experience, nomically significant. A number of researchers and class size despite considerable racial segrega- have shown that for younger cohorts, the racial tion. Second, these measures of school quality disparity in earnings is accounted for very largely have very little overall effect on school achieve- by differences in basic academic skills as measured ment (scores on standardized tests) independent by scores on tests such as Armed Forces Qualifica- of students’ family background. The Coleman Re- tions Test (Farkas 1996). port also showed, however, that school effects were notably larger for black and Hispanic stu- Why this gap persists is unclear, partly because dents than they were for whites and Asians. Among until recently, sociologists and other social scien- the school effects, the racial composition of schools tists were wary of addressing such a politically was the most critical: Blacks did somewhat better explosive issue. Most relevant for the discussion in integrated schools. here is the fact this gap cannot be explained by blacks’ lesser school resources (see ‘‘School Ef- Later research largely validated the main con- fects,’’ below). Largely drawing on the work of clusions of the Coleman Report, but also modified scholars in related fields, the sociological consen- them, often by considering more subtle aspects of sus appears to be that the racial disparity does not school quality. For instance, some school resources, reflect a group-based difference in genetic poten- including expenditures, seem to enhance achieve- tial ( Jencks and Phillips 1998). (At the individual ment, but the predominance of home factors on level, there is undoubtedly some genetic compo- achievement remains undisputed. In regard to nent to IQ among people of all races.) Moreover, another between-schools effect, Coleman argued this gap cannot be attributed largely to racial for the educational superiority of Catholic schools, differences in economic advantage: Socioeconomic an advantage he attributed to their communal status explains only about a third of it. However, a caring spirit and high academic expectations for broader index of family environment, including all students. The Coleman Report did not consider parental practices, may account for up to two- such cultural matters or specific educational prac-

2931 SOCIOLOGY OF EDUCATION tices. Much of the post–Coleman Report research claim is that a self-fulfilling prophecy is at work: focused on within-school effects because gross Teachers expect less from socially disadvantaged between-school effects appeared to be rela- students and treat them accordingly, and there- tively minor. fore these students perform less well in school. Rosenthal and Jacobson’s (1968) small-scale ex- Ability grouping in elementary schools and perimental study provided the initial impetus for tracking in high schools have attracted attention, this argument, but follow-up studies in real class- largely as a source of inequalities of academic rooms suggest that teachers’ expectations have performance. The premise of these practices is little or no effects on later performance. that students differ substantially in academic abil- ity and will learn more if taught with students of If the standard for fairness is race neutrality in similar ability. Although many different practices light of past academic performance, there is little are grouped under the term ‘‘tracking,’’ students evidence of racial bias in teachers’ expectations, in the ‘‘top’’ groups generally receive a more but some limited evidence suggests that teachers’ demanding education, with higher expectations, beliefs are more consequential for blacks than for more sophisticated content, and a quicker pace, whites (Ferguson 1998). More generally, research and are disproportionately from advantaged fami- has not established that socially discriminatory lies. The obvious but not fully settled issue is practices in schools significantly explain the link whether schools ‘‘discriminate’’ in favor of the between family and/or racial status and achievement. socially advantaged in making placements. At the Contextual Effects. Not only do students come high school level, controlling for measures of prior to school with different backgrounds that affect achievement (themselves affected by family fac- learning, schools provide students with different tors), higher SES seems to enhance one’s chances social environments that are importantly shaped modestly, though achievement factors are pre- by the economic and racial composition of the dominant in placement. Blacks are somewhat fa- student body. Because peers are so influential in vored in the process if one controls for prior children’s and adolescents’ lives, the obvious ques- achievement. At the elementary school level, re- tion is whether the social composition of a school search is less consistent, though one study indi- affects individual learning beyond the effects at- cates that neither test scores nor family back- tributable to an individual’s status characteristics. ground predicts early reading group placement This issue has had practical significance in light of (Pallas et al. 1994). ongoing public debates about the impact of racial Another important but not fully settled issue desegregation initiatives. is whether students in certain ability groups or Evidence about the impact of social context tracks learn more because of their placement. on learning is mixed, but in any case the impact is Gamoran (1992) shows that the effects of tracking not large. To the extent that the SES of a student are conditioned substantially by the characteristics body is consequential, this appears to result from of the tracking system (for example, how much the connection between SES and a positive aca- mobility between tracks is allowed) and subject demic climate in a school. Greater racial integra- matter. However, by way of gross summary, higher tion generally seems to promote black student track placement per se generally seems to have a achievement slightly, but the benefits are more modestly beneficial impact on achievement and pronounced for black students when they actually also seems to increase students’ educational aspi- have classroom contact with white students rather rations and self-esteem. However, to exemplify the than just attending a formerly integrated school. important exceptions to this generalization, it ap- pears that within-class grouping for elementary More recent research suggests an important school mathematics may help both low and cautionary note about whether integration ‘‘works.’’ high groups. Entwistle and Alexander (1992), for example, show that on a yearlong basis, in the early grades black Teacher Expectations. It is commonly sup- students in integrated schools had better reading posed that differences in teachers’ expectations comprehension than did black students in segre- explain at least some of the racial and socioeco- gated schools. However, the apparent advantage nomic disparities in academic achievement. The of integrated schools totally reflects the fact that

2932 SOCIOLOGY OF EDUCATION black students at integrated schools improved more istics and school experiences affect learning. The during the summer than did black students at unit of analysis, in other words, is the individual. segregated schools. During the school year black Research in the field much less commonly takes students did slightly better in segregated schools. the society as the unit of analysis: How do societal This analysis exemplifies the increasing recogni- features shape the nature of the educational sys- tion that a simple conclusion about integration— tem? How do the features of this system affect works versus does not work—is inadequate. other societal arrangements? An important exam- ple of macroanalysis is the generally limited im- Learning through the Year. As should be pact of increasing educational access on equality evident, a major issue in the sociology of educa- of opportunity (see ‘‘Schooling and Life Chances,’’ tion is separating the effects of the home from the above). Perhaps the most studied macro-level topic effects of the school. The perplexing finding is that is the relationship between educational expansion racial and class disparities in achievement in the and economic growth. early grades become substantially greater as stu- dents progress through school. Critics have seized If the individual economic benefits of educa- on this finding to indict schools for discriminatory tion are clear, the impact of educational expansion practices that exacerbate social inequality. on economic growth is less certain. The orthodox view in economics is that educational expansion However, so-called summer learning research promotes growth. This view follows from human suggests a different interpretation (Alexander and capital theory: People with more schooling get Entwistle 1995; Gamoran 1995). Examining the higher pay because they are more productive, and if same students’ test scores at the beginning and more people get more schooling, they will pro- ending of each of several school years, researchers duce more and get paid more, with the aggregate have shown that (1) despite initial disparities, effect being economic growth. Many sociologists advantaged and disadvantaged groups have roughly are at least partially skeptical of this idea. Un- similar gains in achievement during the school doubtedly, more educated workers get paid more, year but that (2) advantaged students continue to but the positive (private) rate of return they enjoy improve during the summer while disadvantaged reflects greater productivity only if it is assumed students stagnate or decline. As the effects of this that the labor market is perfectly competitive and process accumulate over the years, initial dispari- in equilibrium. This assumption is at least partly ties become ever larger. The important implica- problematic given socially discriminatory employ- tion is that schools neither reduce nor add to the ment practices, internal labor markets with senior- inequalities that are rooted in homes. Schools in ity rules and restricted job mobility, professional effect passively reproduce existing inequalities. and union restrictions of labor supply, and public Enhancing Performance. Although crude mea- sector employment with politically determined sures of school resources (e.g., teacher certifica- pay structures. tion levels) appear at most to be weakly related to Allocation theory—which also is called the school achievement, a burgeoning and increas- credentialing perspective—offers an alternative ingly sophisticated line of research finds that effec- explanation of the link between education and tive schools can be identified. These schools are economic rewards. In brief, employers assume marked by strong leadership committed to aca- that the more educated, as a group, are relatively demically focused goals and order, high academic desirable people to hire (for reasons that may or demands, and frequent practice of academic skills. may not reflect their individual productive capaci- This research also directs attention to the benefits ties); and in turn, how people are ranked in the of an overall communal culture and classroom educational hierarchy becomes linked to how they interactions that stress cooperative efforts between are ranked in the hierarchy of the existing job students and teachers (Lee and Croninger 1994). structure. Educational expansion, then, does not What appears critical is how resources are organi- necessarily promote economic growth; it only af- zationally applied. fects who gets which of the already existing jobs. Macro-Level Effects. This article has focused To the extent that credentialing processes are on the experiences of individuals: how education operative, it is impossible to infer aggregate effects affects life chances and how personal character- on growth from individual-level data on income.

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Given the ambiguous implications of individ- certain democratic values, educational expansion ual income data, the best way to examine the issue per se does not appear to contribute to the emer- is through aggregate, national-level studies of how gence of democratic regimes or state power. education affects economic growth. The accumu- lated weight of this research undercuts claims about the large universal benefits of more educa- THE REFORMIST PROJECT tion of all types. Benavot (1992), for example, Policy debates about education have often been establishes the following for a large sample of contentious, fueled by larger ideological and po- developed and poor countries in the period 1913– litical struggles. In conservative times, schools have 1985: Throughout the period, the expansion of been pressed to emphasize discipline and social primary education promoted growth; the expan- and/or intellectual sorting; conversely, in more sion of secondary education had more modest impact, and only during times of worldwide pros- liberal times, issues of equality and inclusion have perity; and tertiary education tended to retard come to the fore. The apparent result is cyclical, growth at all times. In the United States, more- pendulum-like swings in policy between, say, an over, tertiary enrollments have never stimulated emphasis on common core requirements and highly growth (Walters and Rubinson, 1983). differentiated curricula. However, even if more education is not a While differences at the rhetorical level have universal economic ‘‘fix,’’ in certain circumstances sometimes been sharp, actual changes in practice particular types of education may stimulate growth in much of the twentieth century have been rela- in specific sectors. Reviewing single-country times tively minor. This reflects the institutionalization series studies that use an aggregate production of the school, meaning that there is a widespread function model, Rubinson and Fuller (1992) con- collective sense of what a ‘‘real’’ school is like clude that education had the greatest beneficial (Tyack and Cuban 1995). This institutionalization impact when it created the kinds of skills that were rests on popular legitimization and the recurrent suited to an economy’s sectoral mix and techno- practices of school administrators and teachers. logical demands. However, a good fit between the Concrete practices such as the division of knowl- educational system and the economy is by no edge into particular subject areas, the spatial or- means certain because educational expansion and ganization of classrooms, and the separation of the actual educational content of schools are so students into age-based grades are all part of the often driven by political processes, not technologi- ‘‘real’’ school. Educational practices that depart cal demands. from this pattern have had limited acceptance, for example, open classrooms in the 1970s. The les- Even if the actual economic impact of educa- son for current reformers is that policies that tion is often less than is commonly supposed, the modify institutionalized practices, not fundamen- widespread belief in the general modernizing bene- tally challenge them, are more likely to be success- fits of education is central to an ideology that ful and that the political support of in-the-school permeates the entire world. Indeed, in Meyer’s educators is critical for success. institutionalist perspective (Meyer and Hannan 1979; Meyer 1977), the quest to appear modern Indeed, much policy-oriented research has has induced later-developing societies to mimic had a mildly reformist bent, primarily concerned the educational practices of the early modernizers with making existing schools ‘‘work better.’’ That so that many school structures, rituals, and formal has largely — and narrowly—meant producing curricular contents are remarkably similar through- students with higher scores on standardized tests out the world. In turn, this institutionalized simi- in the basic academic subject areas. Critics have larity means that on a global basis, certain types of questioned both the validity of these tests and the knowledge become defined as relatively signifi- desirability of evaluating school ‘‘success’’ in these cant, the elite and mass positions become defined limited terms alone. Proponents contend that scores and legitimated by educational certification, and on these tests have considerable predictive validity assumptions about a national culture rest on the for later school and occupational performance existence of mass education. Nevertheless, if edu- and that their standardized results permit rigorous cation is associated at the individual level with comparisons across groups and school settings.

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The welter of policy-related studies is impossi- range of class size in existing schools, that class size ble to summarize here (and the distinction be- had very little or no effect. tween sociological research and educational re- Now that it is accepted that schools can make a search is hardly sharp), but two general types of difference in learning despite the great signifi- contributions from sociologists stand out. The cance of family-based factors, the research agenda first is essentially a debunking contribution: Soci- probably will focus on specifying the conditions in ologists have shown what does not work despite which particular school practices are most effec- fervent beliefs to the contrary. The previously tive. This will involve analyzing inside-school prac- discussed Coleman Report is the most prominent tices as well as the links between families and example, undercutting the liberal faith of the 1960s schools and between schools and the workplace. that differences in school resources substantially account for racial and socioeconomic differences in academic achievement. REFERENCES The second contribution is essentially meth- Alexander, Karl, and Doris Entwistle 1995 ‘‘Schools and odological, alerting policymakers to the fact that Children at Risk.’’ In Allan Booth and Judith Dunn, many apparent school effects may largely or even eds., Family-School Links: How Do They Affect Educa- tional Outcomes? Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum. totally reflect selection biases. That is, if groups of students are subject to different educational prac- Aronowitz, Stanley, and Henry Giroux 1985 Education tices, are any differences in their performance under Siege: The Conservative, Liberal and Radical De- attributable to the educational practices per se, or bate over Schooling. South Hadley, Mass.: Bergin and Garvey. are different sorts of students subject to different practices, thus accounting for the association be- Baker, David 1994 ‘‘In Comparative Isolation: Why tween practice and performance? In recent years, Comparative Research Has So Little Influence on controversies about the efficacy of private and American Sociology of Education.’’ Research in Sociol- ogy of Education and Socialization 10:53–70. Catholic schools, related to larger debates about school choice plans, have centrally involved the Benavot, Aaron 1992 ‘‘Educational Expansion and Eco- issue of selection bias. In the most sophisticated nomic Growth in the Modern World, 1913–1985.’’ In study, Bryk et al. (1993) demonstrate net positive Bruce Fuller and Richard Rubinson, eds., The Politi- cal Construction of Education. New York: Praeger. effects of Catholic schools on academic achieve- ment and show that the gap in achievement be- Blau, Peter, and Otis D. Duncan 1967 The American tween white and minority students is reduced in Occupational Structure. New York: Wiley. Catholic schools. Bourdieu, Pierre, and Jean-Claude Passeron 1977 Repro- duction in Society, Culture, and Education. Beverly Hills, Even with the most sophisticated multilevel, Calif.: Sage. multivariate statistical models, however, sociolo- Bowles, Samuel, and Herbert Gintis 1976 Schooling in gists cannot make firm causal claims by analyzing Capitalist America. New York: Basic Books. survey data. However, by ruling out many poten- tial sources of spuriousness, these analyses can Bryk, Anthony, Valerie Lee, and Peter Holland 1993 suggest interventions that are likely to have a Catholic Schools and the Common Good. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. positive effect. True experiments, which involve the actual manipulation of the treatment and/or Carnoy, Martin, and Henry Levin 1985 Schooling and practice, are rare. In a state-sponsored experiment Work in the Democratic State. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford in Tennessee, starting in kindergarten, students University Press. were randomly assigned to varyingly sized classes Clark, Burton 1962 Educating the Expert Society. San (with and without a teacher’s aide). The results Francisco: Chandler. showed that students, especially minority students, ——— 1968. ‘‘The Study of Educational Systems.’’ In benefited academically from small classes (thir- David L. Sills, ed., International Encyclopedia of the teen to seventeen students) and that the benefits Social Sciences. New York: Macmillan and Free Press. persisted even when the students later moved to Coleman, James 1988 ‘‘Social Capital and the Creation larger classes (Finn and Achilles 1990). Prior of Human Capital.’’ American Journal of Sociology nonexperimental analyses had shown, across the 94(Supplement):S95–S120.

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——— Ernst Campbell, Carol Hobson, James McPartland, Hurn, Christopher 1993 The Limits and Possibilities of Alexander Mood, Frederick Weinfeld, and Robert Schooling, 3rd ed. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. York 1966 Equality of Educational Opportunity. Wash- Jencks, Christopher, and Meredith Phillips, eds. 1998 ington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. The Black-White Test Score Gap. Washington, D.C.: Collins, Randall 1979 The Credential Society. New York: Brookings Institution Press. Academic Press. ——— et al. 1979 Who Gets Ahead? The Determinants of Davies, Scott 1995 ‘‘Leaps of Faith: Shifting Currents in Economic Success in America. New York: Basic Books. Critical Sociology of Education.’’ American Journal of Kingston, Paul 1986 ‘‘Theory at Risk: Accounting for Sociology 100(6):1448–1478. the Excellence Movement.’’ Sociological Forum 1:632–656. Dreeben, Robert 1968 On What Is Learned in School. ——— and James Clawson 1990 ‘‘Getting on the Fast Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley. Track: Recruitment at an Elite Business School.’’ In ——— 1994 ‘‘The Sociology of Education: Its Develop- Paul Kingston and Lionel Lewis, eds., The High Status ment in the United States.’’ Research in Sociology of Track: Studies of Elite Schools and Stratification. Albany, Education and Socialization 10:7–52. N.Y.: State University of New York Press. Durkheim, Émile 1977 The Evolution of Educational Lee, Valerie, and Robert Croninger 1994 ‘‘The Relative Thought, trans. Peter Collins. London: Routledge Importance of Home and School for Middle-Grade and Kegan Paul. Students.’’ American Journal of Education 102:286–329. Entwisle, Doris, and Karl Alexander 1992 ‘‘Summer Meyer, John 1977 ‘‘The Effects of Education as an Setback: Race, Poverty, School Composition, and Institution.’’ American Journal of Sociology 83:55–77. Mathematics Achievement in the First Two Years of ———, and Michael Hannan, eds. 1979 National and School.’’ American Sociological Review 59:446–460. Political Change, 1950–1970. Chicago: University of Farkas, George 1996 Human Capital or Cultural Capital? Chicago Press. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. Ogbu, John 1978 Minority Education and Caste: The Featherman, David, and Robert Hauser 1978 Opportu- American System in Cross-Cultural Perspective. New York: nity and Change. New York: Academic Press. Academic Press. Ferguson, Ronald 1998 ‘‘Teachers’ Perceptions and Pallas, Aaron, Doris Entwisle, Karl Alexander, and M. Expectations and the Black-White Test Score Gap.’’ Francis Stluka 1994 ‘‘Ability Group Effects: Instruc- In Christopher Jencks and Meredith Phillips, eds., tional, Social or Institutional?’’ Sociology of Education The Black-White Test Score Gap. Washington, D.C.: 67:27–46. Brookings Institution Press. Parsons, Talcott 1959 ‘‘The School Class as a Social Finn, Jeremy and Charles Achilles 1990 ‘‘Answers and System.’’ Harvard Educational Review 29:297–308. Questions about Class Size: A Statewide Experiment.’’ Phillips, Meredith, Jeanne Brooks-Gunn, Greg Duncan, American Educational Research Journal 27:557–577. Pamela Klebanov, and Jonathan Crane 1998 ‘‘Family Fischer, Claude, Michael Hout, Martin Sanchez Jankowski, Background, Parenting Practices, and the Black-White Samuel Lucas, Ann Swidler, and Kim Voss 1996 Test Score Gap.’’ In Christopher Jencks and Mere- Inequality by Design: Cracking the Bell Curve Myth. dith Phillips, eds., The Black-White Test Score Gap. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. Gamoran, Adam 1992 ‘‘The Variable Effects of High Rosenthal, Robert, and Lenore Jacobson 1968 Pygmalion School Tracking.’’ American Sociological Review in the Classroom. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and 57:812–828. Winston. ——— 1995 ‘‘Effects of Schooling on Children and Rubinson, Richard, and Bruce Fuller 1992 ‘‘Specifying Families.’’ In Allan Booth and Judith Dunn, eds., the Effects of Education on National Economic Family-School Links: How Do They Affect Educational Growth’’ In B. Fuller and R. Rubinson, eds., The Outcomes. Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum. Political Construction of Education. New York: Praeger. Hout, Michael 1998 ‘‘More Universalism, Less Struc- Schultz, Theodore 1961 ‘‘Investment in Human Capi- tural Mobility: The American Occupational Struc- tal.’’ American Economic Review 51:1–17. ture in the 1980s.’’ American Journal of Sociology Shavit, Yossi and Hans-Peter Blossfield, eds., 1993 Per- 93:1358–1400. sistent Inequality: Changing Educational Attainment in Hunter, John 1986 ‘‘Cognitive Ability, Cognitive Apti- Thirteen Countries. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press. tudes, Job Knowledge, and Job Performance.’’ Jour- Sorokin, Pitirim 1927 Social Mobility. Glencoe, Ill.: nal of Vocational Behavior 29(3):340–362. Free Press.

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Tyack, David, and Larry Cuban 1995 Tinkering Toward in Muslim societies; and, Muslim minorities in Utopia: A Century of Public School Reform. Cambridge, the West. Mass.: Harvard University Press.

Waller, Willard 1932 The Sociology of Teaching. New SOCIAL FACTORS IN THE ORIGINS York: Wiley. OF ISLAM Walters, Pamela, and Richard Rubinson 1983 ‘‘Educa- tional Expansion and Economic Output in the United Social science scholarship in the twentieth century States.’’ American Sociological Review 48:480–493. has been influenced by three dominant intellec- tual traditions: Marxism, Weberian , and function- Willis, Paul 1981 Learning to Labor. New York: Columbia University Press. alism. Their influence has shaped the analytic approach to historical events, resulting in an in- creasing focus on the relationship between social PAUL W. KINGSTON and economic factors and historical events. The study of Islam and Muslim societies often reflects these influences. SOCIOLOGY OF ISLAM One strand of scholarship has focused on the analysis of various factors in the origins and early Like Christianity and Judaism, Islam is an Abrahamic development of Islam. A discussion of the eco- religion based on prophecy, prophethood, and nomic and social aspects of the origins of Islam the revealed text. It began in sixth-century Arabia provides a test case for a closer investigation of the and spread rapidly to regions outside the Arabian wider issues raised by the dominant paradigms in peninsula. A hundred years after Mohammed had sociology. A number of historical studies have declared it a prophetic religion, Islam had spread dealt with this issue primarily in terms of the to almost all the regions of the known civilized diffusion of Jewish and Christian teaching in pre- world. This early political success and the idea that Islamic Arabia that laid the foundation for the rise the divine message for the proper ordering of of Islam (Torrey 1933; Bell 1926; Kroeber 1948). society is complete and final account for the social The aim of these and similar studies has been to pervasiveness of this religion. The first factor in- identify and understand how certain ideas and hibits the handing over of spheres of life to cultural elements utilized by Islam derived from nonreligious authority, and the second makes it preexisting religions or to point to the existence of difficult to offer rival versions of the blueprint. elements analogous to Islam in other religious This social pervasiveness makes Islam especially traditions in the same general area. interesting in the sociology of religion (Gellner 1983, p.2). Another scholarly tradition has approached the analysis of the early development of Islam in Islam is the second largest religion, with an terms of sociological and anthropological con- estimated 1.2 billion adherents, constituting about cepts and traces the origins of Islam primarily to 20 percent of the world population in 1998. Ap- the change in social organization in pre-Islamic proximately 900 million Muslims live in forty-five Meccan society caused by the spread of trade. Muslim-majority countries. Table 1 provides a Wolf (1951) provides an overview of these studies sociodemographic profile of Muslim countries in- and shows that the tendencies Mohammed brought cluded in the World Development Report published to fruition were prominent in pre-Islamic Arabia. annually by the World Bank. In terms of size, the The spread of commerce and rapid urban devel- Islamic world constitutes a significant part of hu- opment had caused the emergence of classlike manity and therefore warrants a sociologically groupings from the preceding network of kin informed understanding and analysis of its relig- relations. This also contributed to the emergence ious, social, and political trends. The following of a divine being specifically linked to the regula- topics will be covered in this article: social, ideo- tion of nonkin relations as the chief deity. These logical, and economic factors in the origins of changes created a disjunction between the ideo- Islam; Islam and the rise of the modern West; logical basis of social organization and the func- Islam, Muslim society, and social theory; Islam and tional social reality and thus spawned disruption fundamentalism; the Islamic state; gender issues and conflict. Islam arose as a moderating religious-

2937 SOCIOLOGY OF ISLAM

Sociodemographic Profile of Selected Muslim Countries

Population Urban GNP Life Adult Illiteracy COUNTRY Millions Population Per Capita 1997 Expectancy Rate (15 years and (1997) (% of total) $ (males and females) (males and females)

Indonesia 200 37 1110 63/67 10/22 Pakistan 137 35 490 62/65 50/76 Bangladesh 124 19 270 57/59 51/74 Nigeria 118 41 260 51/55 33/53 Turkey 64 72 3130 62/65 8/28 Iran 63 60 2190 67/68 25/44 Egypt 60 45 1180 64/67 36/61 Sudan 27 25 125(e) 52/55 45/68 Algeria 29 57 1490 68/72 26/51 Morocco 28 53 1250 64/68 41/53 Uzbekistan 24 42 1010 66/72 — Afghanistan 22 — — 43/44 55/86 Malaysia 21 55 4680 70/74 11/22 Saudi Arabia 20 84 6790 66/71 29/50 Yemen 16 35 270 54/54 — Kazakhstan 16 60 1340 60/70 — Syria 15 53 1150 66/71 14/44 Mali 10 28 260 48/52 61/77 Tunisia 9 63 2090 68/71 21/45 Niger 10 19 200 44/49 79/93 Senegal 9 45 550 49/52 57/77 Guinea 7 31 570 46/47 50/78 Libya 5 — 5100 62/65 14/41 Jordan 4 73 1570 69/72 7/21 Lebanon 4 88 3350 68/71 10/20 Mauritania 2 54 450 52/55 50/74 United Arab Emirates 3 85 17360 74/76 21/20 Oman 2 79 4950 69/73 — Kuwait 2 — 19420 76/76 20/27 Albania 3 38 750 69/75 —

Table 1

SOURCE: World Bank: World Development Report 1998/99 and 1997. New York, Oxford University Press. UNDP, Human Development Report 1996. New York; Oxford University Press.

2938 SOCIOLOGY OF ISLAM ethical social movement under these social condi- situation, not an automatic result of interacting tions. According to Wolf: factors. The religious revolution associated with the According to Watt, the creative response of name of Mohammed permitted the establish- Islamic ideology is reflected in key foundational ment of an incipient state structure. It replaced Koranic ideas such as Ummah and Rasul. Like allegiance to the kinship unit with allegiance other Koranic ideas, these ideas can be connected to a state structure, an allegiance phrased in to earlier Jewish and Christian conceptions as well religious terms. It limited the disruptive as to pre-Islamic Arabian ideas, but the Koranic exercise of kin-based mechanisms of blood feud. conceptions had a unique new and creative dimen- It put an end to the extension of ritual kin ties sion that made them especially relevant to the to serve as links between tribes. It based itself contemporary Arabian situation. Mere repetitions instead on the armed force of the faithful as of current ideas in the Koran would have rendered the core of a social order which included both those ideas devoid of creative novelty, whereas believers and unbelievers. It evolved a rudi- sheer novelty would have made them unintelligi- mentary judicial authority, patterned after the ble. What the Koran does is take the familiar role of the pre-Islamic soothsayer, but possessed conceptions and transmute them into something of new significance. The limitation of the blood new and original (Watt 1954, p. 172). In this feud permitted war to emerge as a special synthesis, the old images are to some extent trans- prerogative of the state power. The state taxed formed but retain their power to release the en- both Muslims and non-Muslims, in ways ergy of the human psyche. From this perspective, patterned after pre-Islamic models but to new the Koranic conceptions and images of Ummah ends. Finally, it located the center of the state and Rasul took on new meanings that were a in urban settlements, surrounding the town combination of the old conceptions and addi- with a set of religious symbols that served tional meanings conferred by the Koran, which functionally to increase its prestige and role. was thus able to release the energies of the older (1951, pp. 352–353) images and inaugurate a vigorous new religion. In his historical studies of early Islam, Watt This energy was directed, among other things, (1954, 1955, 1962a, 1962b) also analyzed the eco- toward the establishment of the Islamic state and nomic, social, and ideological aspects of the ori- the unification of Arabia (Watt 1954, pp. 173–4). gins of Islam. His analysis of the economic situa- Debate about the social factors in the origins tion in pre-Islamic Arabia shows that the economic of Islam continues (Engineer 1990; Crone 1996). transition from a nomadic to a mercantile econ- However, it is evident that under the influence of omy had resulted in social upheaval and general dominant theoretical paradigms in sociology, this malaise. He also found a close affinity between the debate has provided new insights into the role of ideology of Islam and the situation that prevailed social, economic, and cultural factors in shaping in early seventh-century Mecca. However, his analy- the ideology of Islam and the early development of sis led him to question the nature and direction of Islamic social formations. the relationship between Islamic doctrines and the social and economic conditions of pre-Islamic Meccan society. Are doctrines causally dependent THE ‘‘SOCIAL PROJECT’’ OF ISLAM on the social order in such a way that they can be deduced from it? Or is the ideology of Islam a Another recent development has been a revival of creative factor that made a contribution to the interest in the ‘‘social project’’ of Islam. The most course of events? Watt argues that there was noth- significant contributions have come from the work ing inevitable about the development of a world of Rahman (1982, 1989), who claims, ‘‘A central religion from the economic and social circum- aim of the Koran is to establish a viable social stances of early seventh-century Mecca. The ma- order on earth that will be just and ethically based’’ laise of the times might have been alleviated with- (1989, p. 37). This aim was declared against the out achieving anything of more than transient and backdrop of an Arabian society characterized by local importance. He argues that the formulation polytheism, exploitation of the poor, general neg- of Islamic ideology was a creative response to the lect of social responsibility, degradation of morals,

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injustice toward women and the less powerful, and their followers with grants of land, and thus feudal- tribalism. The Koran and the genesis of the Mus- ism was born. The empire of Charlemagne, a lim community occurred in the light of history and northern Germanic empire inconceivable in any against the social historical background. The previous century, marked the beginning of the Koranic response to specific conditions is the Middle Ages. Pirenne shows that by breaking the product of a ‘‘coherent philosophy’’ and ‘‘attitude unity of the Mediterranean, the conquest made by toward life’’ that Rahman calls ‘‘the intellectual the Arab-Muslim war fleets ruptured Romano- tradition’’ of Islam. This tradition was subverted Byzantine economic and cultural domination over and undermined by an emphasis on literalist inter- western Europe, which was forced to rely on its pretations of the Koran by Ulema Islamic scholars. own material and cultural resources. From this The Islamic scholarship molded by Ulema came to analysis Pirenne draws his famous observation: ‘‘It emphasize ‘‘minimal Islam’’, focusing on the ‘‘five is therefore strictly correct to say that without pillars,’’ and negative and punitive Islam. Islamic Mohammed Charlemagne would have been in- scholarship thus became rigid, fossilized, and largely conceivable’’ (Pirenne 1939, p. 234). removed from the intellectual tradition of the Koran. Rahman argues that the intellectual tradi- The Pirenne thesis linked great historical events tion of the Koran requires that Koranic thought be that have occupied the attention of historians for a dependent on a factual and proper study of social long time: the demise of the classical world cen- conditions in order to develop Islamic social norms tered on the Mediterranean and the rise of the for reforming society (Rahman 1982). empire of Charlemagne. Pirenne demonstrated that these two events, which are central to the rise of the modern West, are linked to the rise of Islam ISLAM AND THE RISE OF THE and its expansion to the Mediterranean. Pirenne’s MODERN WEST well-documented generalizations have attracted praise as well as criticism from historians who are An important strand of historical scholarship has often wary of broad generalizations (see Hodges focused on the relationship between Islam and the and Whitehouse 1983). rise of the modern West. This question was the focus of Mohammed and Charlemagne (Pirenne 1939). While Pirenne’s thesis attempts to link the rise According to Pirenne, for centuries after the po- and development of Islam to the rise of the mod- litical collapse of the Roman Empire, the eco- ern West, paradoxically, equally influential hy- nomic and social life of western Europe continued pothesis postulates instead a ‘‘clash of civiliza- to move exclusively to the rhythm of the ancient tions.’’ This hypothesis, advanced by Samuel world. The civilization of Romania had long out- Huntington (1993), holds that whereas in the pre– lived the Roman Empire in the West. It survived Cold War era military and political conflicts oc- because the economic life based on the Mediterra- curred within the Western civilizations, after the nean had continued to thrive. It was only after the end of the Cold War the conflict moved out of its Arab-Muslim conquests of the eastern and south- Western phase and its centerpiece became the ern Mediterranean in the seventh century A.D. that interaction between the West and non-Western this Mediterranean-wide economy was disrupted civilizations and among non-Western civilizations. by the Islamic conquest. The Arab-Muslim war According to Huntington, future conflicts will fleets closed the Mediterranean to shipping in the occur along the fault lines that separate those later seventh century. civilizations. Globalization tends to heighten civili- zational identity, and as a result, civilizational dif- Deprived of its Mediterranean-wide horizons, ferences are difficult to reconcile and override civilized western Europe closed in on itself, and political and economic factors. the under-Romanized world of northern Gaul and Germany gained prominence. The Mediterranean Huntington (1993) postulates that the great- Roman Empire in the West was replaced by a est threat of conflict for the West comes from western Europe dominated by a northern Frankish religious fundamentalism, especially Islamic fun- aristocracy that gave rise to a society in which damentalism. He sees Islamic fundamentalism as wealth was restricted to land. Its rulers, deprived arising from the failures of Muslim countries to of the wealth generated by trade, had to reward achieve political and economic development of

2940 SOCIOLOGY OF ISLAM their masses. This failure is exacerbated by the laws governing its development’’ (Khaldun 1992, demographic structure of the Muslim world, espe- p. 7). The basic sociological principles he enunci- cially the large bulge in the middle of the age ates are as follows: pyramid (the youth). Huntington suggests that Muslim countries have a historical propensity to- 1. Social phenomena seem to obey laws that ward violence. The domination and hegemony of while not as absolute as those govern- the West, he claims, will force an alliance between ing natural phenomena, are sufficiently the Confucianist and Islamic civilizations, and that constant to cause social events to fol- alliance will challenge Western interests, values, low regular, well-defined patterns and and power, resulting in a civilizational clash. sequences. Huntington postulates that civilizational conflict 2. These laws operate on masses and cannot will replace ideological and other forms of con- be influenced significantly by isolated flicts in the future. The outcome of this change is individuals. that civilizational conflicts will become more in- 3. Sociological laws can be discovered only tense, violent, and sustained. This thesis was criti- by gathering many facts and observing cized as a new form of Orientalism. Other criti- circumstances and sequences through his- cisms have centered on Huntington’s assumption torical records and the observation of of civilizational unity as well as his assumptions present events. about the basis of alliances between Confucianist and Islamic civilizations (Ajami 1993; Ahluwalia 4. Societies are not static. Social forms and Mayer 1994). change and evolve as a result of contact and interaction between different people and classes, population changes, and eco- ISLAM, MUSLIM SOCIETY, AND nomic inequality. SOCIAL THEORY 5. Sociological laws are not a reflection only Ibn Khaldun and the political sociology of Mus- of biological impulses or physical factors lim society. The sociology of Islam primarily re- but also of social forces. fers to the empirical study of Muslim societies. In He then applied these principles to the analy- this respect, it has occupied an important place in sis of Muslim societies (Khaldun 1992, p. 8–9). the theoretical discourse of a number of theorists from Ibn Khaldun and Weber to Gellner. It is The core of Ibn Khaldun’s sociology is his beyond the scope of this article to provide an concept of Asabiyya (social solidarity). For Khaldun, exhaustive overview of how Muslim society and society is natural and necessary, since isolated Islam have been treated in social theory (for stud- individuals can neither defend themselves against ies of the Islamic revolution in Iran, see Shariati powerful enemies nor satisfy their economic wants. 1979; Fischer 1980; Arjonaud 1988). This section However, individual aggressiveness would make will provide a general overview of the subject in social life impossible unless it was curbed by some the works of four social theorists: Ibn Khaldun, sanction. This sanction may be provided by a Weber, Gellner, and Geertz. powerful individual imposing his will on the rest or by social solidarity. The need for a common au- Ibn Khaldun, an Arab historian and sociolo- thority generates the state, which is to society as gist (1332–1406), is perhaps the most notable theo- form is to matter and is inseparable from it. Ibn rist of Muslim society. In the prolegomena (in- Khaldun traces the origin of social solidarity to troduction) to his monumental work on univer- blood and kinship ties. Nevertheless, social soli- sal history, he conceived and formulated the most darity is shaped by the nature and character of comprehensive synthesis in the human sciences social organization. In this lies the genius of his ever achieved by a Muslim thinker. In the theory of Muslim social formations and circulation prolegomena, among other topics, he probably of the elite. provided the first modern outline of sociological principles. He defined sociology as ‘‘the study of The nature of tribal life generates the strong- human society in its different forms, the nature est form of social solidarity and social cohesion, and characteristics of each of these forms, and the producing social, political, and civic virtues that

2941 SOCIOLOGY OF ISLAM characterize tribespeople. For Khaldun, leader- 1. Nomadic tribes conquer sedentary socie- ship exists only through superiority, and superior- ties because of their greater cohesiveness. ity only through group feeling. Domination and 2. The combination of tribal solidarity and a authority are the rewards for social cohesion. Only puritanical scripturalistic urban religion is those with superior social cohesion succeed in overwhelming. becoming rulers, but a civilization (state-society) consists of tribes and cities. The division of labor is 3. Conquest tends to be followed by luxury the essence of urban life. It is the key to cities’ and softening, which lead to decay and capacity to supply economic and cultural services annihilation of the ruling dynasty. that tribespeople are unable to provide for them- These three statements describe the rise and selves because the tribal ethos spurns specializa- fall of many historical Muslim social formations in tion. Civilization needs cities to provide economic the Middle East and North Africa. wealth, which is achieved through specialization and a complex division of labor. Specialization, Weber, Islam, and Capitalism. Weber’s theo- however, is inherently incompatible with social retical interest in and interpretation of Islam is cohesion and the martial spirit. There emerges a related to his exploration of the affinity of faith need to provide a new basis for social bonds, and and modern socioeconomic organizations. Through a religion becomes the most powerful force in hold- comparative study of world religions, Weber for- ing together a sedentary people. Scripturalistic mulated The Protestant Ethic and Spirit of Capitalism and puritanical religion has as a natural affinity (Weber 1958). In his analysis, Weber demonstrated with urban life. The combination of religious and an elective affinity between certain types of relig- tribal solidarity is formidable, and to it Ibn Khaldun ious ideas and particular types of economic activ- attributes the rapid and sweeping conquests of the ity. He hypothesized a nexus between Protestant Muslim Arabs in the seventh century. religious beliefs and the development of modern capitalism and used his study of comparative relig- The dialectic between the tribe and the city ion to show why modern capitalism could not have forms the basis of the model of circulation of the emerged in other societies, including Islamic soci- elite in society. The Khaldunian model rests on the ety. Weber saw Islam as a prophetic, this-worldly, distinction and contrast between the tribe and the salvationist religion with strong connections with city. Zubiada (1995) has provided a succinct sum- other Abrahamic religions and regarded it as a mary of this model: useful test case of his thesis. Dynasties which have conquered the city and Weber argued that rational formal law, au- its wealth do so with the militant vigor of their tonomous cities, an independent bourgeois class, nomadic stock, and the solidarity (asabiyya) of and political stability were totally absent in Islamic their kinship bonds. In time, the rulers become society because of prebendal feudalism and the settled and accustomed to the comforts and domination of patrimonial bureaucracy. He also luxuries of the city, the branches of their kin argued that a hedonistic spirit and an accommo- develop factional interests and competition over dating Koranic ethic could not produce salvation wealth and power which saps solidarity. The anxiety and that asceticism was blocked by two cost of their expanding retinue and luxury important social groups: the warrior group that spending leads to an intensification of the was the social carrier of Islam and the Sufi taxation burden on the urban populations and brotherhoods that developed mystical religiosity. their growing discontent. The growing weak- ness of the rulers encourages aspiring tribal Weber’s characterization of Islam has been dynasties, lusting for the city, to organize criticized as ‘‘factually wrong’’ (Turner 1974b, p. military campaigns which ultimately topple the 238). Gellner (1983) describes Weber’s notion rulers and replace them, only to repeat the about the affinity between the bourgeoise style of cycle. (1995, p. 154; see also Turner 1999) life and religious sobriety and asceticism as ‘‘a piece of Judaeo-Protestant ethnocentricism’’ (Gellner Ibn Khaldun’s sociological generalizations 1983, p. 78). Gellner also challenges Weber’s con- about the Muslim social formations of his time can tention that the institutional preconditions of mod- be summarized in the following statements: ern capitalism were not restricted to the West but

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that it was the ideological element (i.e., the Protes- or Sufi orders. Urban religion is Weberian (textual tant ethic) that provides the crucial differentia, the and puritanical), and rural and tribal religion is extra spark that, in conjunction with the required Durkheimian. structural preconditions, explains the miracle. Ac- cording to Gellner, ‘‘the differentiae of Islam seem Each religious tradition has a place in the institutional rather than ideological. Ideological social structure. Saint cults are prominent in the parallels to Christianity can be found, but they tribal or rural countryside and provide invaluable operate in a contrasted institutional melieu’’ services in rural conditions: mediating between (1983, p. 6). groups, facilitating trade and exchanges, and pro- viding symbolism that allows illiterate rustics be- Gellner’s Theory of Muslim Society. Gellner lievers to identify enthusiastically with a scriptural made some of the most significant contributions religion. The folk Islamic tradition, through its to the sociology of Islam over the past three dec- ecstatic rituals, provides the poor with an escape ades. Building on David Hume, Ibn Khaldun, from their miserable conditions. High Islam pro- Marshal Hodgson, and others, he provides a model vides the urban population, and to some extent of Muslim society that aspires to a general inter- the whole society, with its charter and constitution pretation of all past and present Muslim societies. entrenched by the sacred texts, which can mobilize In Muslim Society (1983) and other writings (Gellner resistance against an unjust state. The two systems 1969, 1992, 1994), Gellner identifies unvarying often coexisted in an amiable symbiosis, but a features of Muslim societies that make them sus- tension remained that would surface from time to ceptible to sociological analysis. Building on the time in the form of a puritan revivalist movement work of Ibn Khaldun, he postulates a dialectic to transform folk Islam in the image of high Islam. between city and tribe, each with its own form of Gellner argues that in the traditional order Islam religion. The central and perhaps most important may be described as a permanent or recurrent, but feature of Islam, according to Gellner, is that it was ever-reversed, Reformation. In each cycle, the internally divided into the high Islam of scholars revivalist puritan impulse would in the end yield to and the folk (low) Islam of the people. High Islam the contrary social requirements (Gellner 1994). is primarily urban, and folk Islam is primarily tribal and rural. Although the boundaries between Under modern conditions, the pattern of in- the two were not sharp but gradual and ambigu- teraction between the two religious traditions has ous, they nevertheless projected a distinctive been transformed. The centralization of political tradition. power and the ability of the state to rule effectively with modern technology and control over the High Islam is carried by urban scholars re- military and the economy have undermined the cruited largely from the trading bourgeois classes social basis of folk Islam. Puritanism and scripturalism and reflecting the natural tastes and values of have become symbols of urban sophistication and urban middle classes. Those values include order, modernity. According to Gellner, this constitutes rule observance, sobriety, and learning, along with the basic mechanism of the massive transfer of an aversion to superstition, hysteria, and emo- loyalty from folk Islam to a scripturalist, funda- tional excess. High Islam stresses the severely mono- mentalist variant of Islam: ‘‘This is the essence of theistic and nomocractic nature of Islam, is mind- the cultural history of Islam of the last hundred ful of the prohibition of claims of mediation years. What had once been a minority accomplish- between God and the individual, and generally is ment or privilege, a form of the faith practised by a oriented toward puritanism and scripturalism. Folk cultural elite, has come to define society as a Islam is superstitious and mediationist. It stresses whole’’ (Gellner 1994, p. 22). magic more than learning and ecstasy more than rule observance. Rustics encounter writing mainly In short, conditions of modernity (mass liter- in the form of amulets and manipulative magic. acy, urbanization, modern education, and tech- Far from avoiding mediation, folk Islam is cen- nology) have reinforced the power of scripturalist, tered on it. Its most characteristic institution is the puritanical urban Islam and its challenge to secu- saint cult, in which the saint is more often living lar power; this explains the current rise of Islamic rather than dead. This form of faith generally is revivalist and fundamentalist movements. The va- known in the literature as religious brotherhoods lidity of Gellner’s model of Muslim society has

2943 SOCIOLOGY OF ISLAM been challenged in the historical and the modern foundly by the context. The Indonesian Islamic contexts. It has been criticized for ignoring the tradition was malleable, tentative, syncretic, and different meanings and roles of concepts and enti- multivocal. In Morocco and other Middle Eastern ties such as Ulema in different historical contexts societies, Islam was a powerful force for cultural and in different societies and instead treating homogeneity, moral consensus and standardization them as sociological or political constants. Mod- of fundamental beliefs and values. In Indonesia, ern Islamism, critics argue, is a political ideology Islam was a powerful force for cultural diversifica- and is distinct from anything in Muslim history, tion and sharply variant and even incompatible which in recent years has become a dominant worldviews and values. idiom for the expression of various and sometimes contradictory interests, aspirations, and frustra- The gentry, which was acculturated to Indic tions (Zubiada 1995). However, even his critics ritualism and pantheism, developed a subjectivist agree that Gellner’s model of Muslim society is the and illuminationist approach to Islam. The peas- most ambitious attempt in modern sociology to antry absorbed Islamic concepts and practices into identify the internal religious dynamics that play its folk religion and developed a distinctive con- a significant and in certain conditions, critical templative tradition. The trading classes were ex- role in determining the political character and posed to Arabian Islam and, because of their socioreligious trajectories of Muslim societies. greater exposure to the Meccan pilgrimage, culti- vated a doctrinal religious tradition. Islam in Indo- Geertz and the Islamization process. Like nesia therefore developed as a syncretic and Gellner, Geertz has made significant contribu- multivocal religious tradition whose expression tions to the sociology of Islam through his anthro- differed from one sector of the society to another pological studies, in this case of religious life in (Geertz 1960, 1968). Indonesia and Morocco. His work illustrates the modes of incorporation of Islam into already exist- Geertz’s work, like Gellner’s, provides a frame- ing and well-developed cultures and shows how work for explaining the diversity of religious tradi- those incorporations manifest themselves in the tions in Muslim societies and indeed the existence different Islamic traditions that over time come to of religious diversity in all religions. As Geertz characterize them. Geertz shows that in the socio- observes, ‘‘Religious faith, even when it is fed from cultural and ecological setting of Morocco, the a common source, is as much a particularising ‘‘cultural center’’ of Islam was developed not in force as a generalizing one, and indeed whatever the great cities but in the mobile, aggressive, fluid, universality a given religious tradition manages to and fragmented world of tribes on the periphery. attain arises from its ability to engage a widening It was out of the tribes that the forming impulses of set of individual, even idiosyncratic, conceptions Islamic civilization in Morocco came and stamped of life and yet somehow sustain and elaborate their mentality on future developments. ‘‘Islam in them all’’ (Geertz 1968, p. 14). The purpose of this Barbary was—and, to a fair extent still is, basically account is to illustrate that Islam occupies an the Islam of saint worship and moral severity, important place in theoretical discourse on mod- magical power and aggressive piety, and this for all ern sociology. As empirical and comparative study practical purposes is as true in the alleys of Fez and of Muslim societies develops, it will provide more Marrackech as in the expanses of the Atlas or the opportunities to test and refine some of the exist- Sahara’’ (Geertz 1968, p. 9). ing theoretical propositions as well as develop new ones (see Arjomand 1988; Fischer 1980; Beyer In the tropical heartland of Indonesia, with its 1994; Irfani 1983). productive peasant society and Indic cultural heri- tage, once Islam was incorporated, it found a Islam and Fundamentalism. Fundamentalism distinctive cultural and religious expression. In emerged in all the major world religions in the Indonesia, Islam did not construct a civilization last quarter of the twentieth century and gained but appropriated it. The Javanese social structure prominence and influence in the 1990s (Marty was shaped by a centralized state and a productive and Appleby 1991, 1992, 1993). It is defined as and industrious peasantry. The social structure ‘‘a distinctive tendency—a habit of mind and a was highly differentiated and developed, and when pattern of behaviour—found within modern relig- Islam came, its expression was influenced pro- ious communities and embodied in certain rep-

2944 SOCIOLOGY OF ISLAM resentative individuals and movements. Funda- Watt (1988) has proposed that the principal root mentalism is, in other words, a religious way of of Islamic fundamentalism is the domination of being that manifests itself as a strategy by which the traditional ‘‘Islamic world view’’ and the corre- beleaguered believers attempt to preserve their sponding ‘‘self-image of Islam’’ in the thinking of distinctive identity as a people or group’’ (Martin Islamic intellectuals and great masses of ordinary and Appleby 1992, p. 34). Feeling that this identity Muslims. According to Watt, is at risk, fundamentalists try to fortify it by means of a selective retrieval of doctrines, beliefs, and the important distinction is between those practices from a sacred past as well as modern Muslims who fully accept the traditional world times. This renewed religious identity becomes view and want to maintain it intact and those the exclusive and absolute basis for a re-created who see that it needs to be corrected in some political and social order. While there are differ- respects. The former group are fundamentalists ences between fundamentalist movements in gen- . . . while the latter group will be referred to as eral, their endeavor to establish a ‘‘new’’ political Liberals. (1988, p. 2) and social order always relies on charismatic and Among both groups, many different political authoritarian leadership. These movements also movements and attitudes can be found. The Ulema feature a disciplined inner core of elites and or- (religious scholars), who are the primary bearers ganizations as well as a large population of sympa- and transmitters of the traditional worldview, are thizers who may be called on in times of need. mostly reactionary in the sense that they tend to Fundamentalists often follow a rigorous sociomoral oppose reforms. Other Islamic intellectuals sub- code and have clear strategies to achieve their goals. scribe to a variety of reformist elements and some- Religious fundamentalism is a growing and times are very critical of the Ulema, but the re- important part of social change in Muslim coun- forms they are interested in are mostly social and tries. Its main goal is to establish the Sharia (Is- political and leave the traditional worldview of lamic law) as the explicit, comprehensive, and Islam unchanged. Watt then identifies important exclusive legal basis of society (Marty and Appleby aspects of the traditional worldview: (1) the un- 1991, 1992; Beinin and Stork 1997; Esposito 1983). changing static world that is predicated on the Hardly a day passes without a reference to Islamic complete absence of the idea of development, (2) fundamentalism in the international media. All the finality of Islam, (3) the self-sufficiency of Islam Muslim societies are affected by it, although there (Watt sees this reflected in the Muslim’s concep- are large differences among them in terms of its tion of knowledge; when a Muslim thinks of knowl- presence and power. Is Islamic fundamentalism edge, it is primarily ‘‘knowledge for living,’’ whereas the inevitable destiny of all Muslim countries, or is when a Westerner thinks of knowledge, it is mainly it only a part of larger process of social change? ‘‘knowledge for power’’), (4) Islam in history (the Are there certain social, economic, historical, and widespread belief that Islam will ultimately be other preconditions that predispose some Muslim triumphant in changing the whole world into dar- countries more than others to Islamic fundamen- al-Islam (the sphere of Islam), and (5) the idealiza- talism? Are there different types of Islamic funda- tion of Muhammed and early Islam, which renders mentalism? These and related questions have been critical and historically objective scholarship highly posed and explored by several contributors to the problematic in the Muslim consciousness and de- Fundamentalism Project of the American Acad- viation from (1988) idealized and romanticized emy of Arts and Sciences (Marty and Appleby notions as a heresy and ‘‘unthinkable.’’ According 1991). There are three competing theories of Is- to Watt ‘‘These features of the Islamic worldview lamic fundamentalism: Watt’s (1988) ‘‘crisis of and the corresponding self-image are the basis of self-image,’’ Gellner’s (1983) ‘‘pattern of distribu- Islamic fundamentalism. The support for funda- tion of dominant religious traditions,’’ and the mentalism is embedded in the consciousness, which ‘‘modernization and religious purification’’ theory fully accepts the traditional worldview and wants advanced by a number of social scientists (Tamney to maintain it intact.’’ 1980; Hassan 1985; Yap 1980; Rahman 1982). Patterns of Distribution of Dominant Relig- Crisis of Self-Image. Distilling insights from ious Tradition. Building on the sociological and his works on the history and sociology of Islam, historical analyses of Muslim society of Ibn Khaldun

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(1958), Weber (1964), Hume (1976), Hodgson deliberately eliminating elements from religious (1975), and others, Gellner has advanced a theory traditions other than their own. Using this concep- of Muslim social formation that is based on his tualization, Tamney hypothesizes that moderniza- conceptualization of ‘‘two strands of Islam.’’ One tion is associated with religious purification. His strand is characterized by ‘‘scripturalist puritanism’’ empirical examination of this hypothesis in Indo- and represented by the Ulema. This is the Islam of nesia tends to support his theory. Studies by Hassan the ‘‘fundamentalists.’’ The other strand is charac- (1984, 1985a, 1985b) and Irfani (1983) provide terized by a ‘‘hierarchical ecstatic mediationist some support for this theory. style and is represented by the ‘Saints.’’ These two strands have evolved historically as representing Islamic Militancy: A New Paradigm? Using two major social structural features of Muslim the current religious, social, and political condi- society: the city and the countryside. Gellner com- tions of Muslim countries as a kind of ‘‘natural bines these strands of Islam with the political experiment,’’ the author is conducting a multicountry orientation of the elites and proposes a model of study to examine the three competing theories of Muslim social formations. If one contrasts funda- Islamic fundamentalism outlined in the preceding mentalism with laxity along one dimension and section. Over 4,400 mostly highly educated Mus- social radicalism with traditionalism along another, lim respondents have been surveyed. The empiri- according to Gellner, one gets four types of Mus- cal evidence shows that the heartlands of the Is- lim societies or social formations. lamic world, from Indonesia to Egypt, are undergoing a religious renaissance. A large majority of the The old-style puritanism prevails in areas where respondents were devoutly religious. If the term a traditional elite survives but is still fairly close to ‘‘fundamentalism’’ is defined to mean a high de- its origin in an Ibn-Khaldunian swing of the pen- gree of devotional religiosity, these heartlands are dulum that brought it to power in a fusion of becoming fundamentalist (Hassan 1999d). What religious enthusiasm and tribal aggression. The are the implications of this for Islamic radicalism? new-style puritanism with its elective affinity for Does this mean increasing support for the militant social radicalism prevails in areas where colonial- Islamic movements that are agitating to establish ism destroyed old elites and a new one elite came their versions of the Islamic state? Would this from below rather than from the outer wilderness increase militancy against the groups or countries (Gellner 1983, p. 89). An elaboration of Gellner’s they regard as enemies of Islam? typology of Islamic social formations is shown in Figure 1. Religious devotion appears to be associated with a decline in the support for militant Islamic Modernization and Religious Purification. movements. A large majority of Muslims do not This theory holds that religious fundamentalism is belong to radical Islamic group. In fact, most one of the consequences of the modernization of the respondents approved of moderate process. Building on studies by Mol (1972) and political leaders who are leading political and so- Folliet (1955), Tamney (1980) proposed that one cial movements for democratic and tolerant socie- way in which modern people are different from ties and political cultures. The declining support traditional people is that they practice purer relig- for radical and militant movements is paradoxi- ious styles. The relationship between moderniza- cally further radicalizing these movements and tion and religious purity can take two forms. In its transforming them into more violent and secretive general sense, purification is the opposite of organizations. The nature and ruthlessness of vio- syncretism: It is the elimination of religious ele- lence reflect their desire to gain public attention ments originating in a traditional religion. Purifi- and are symptomatic of their desperation. cation means the differentiation of religious tradi- tions at the personality level, so that the individual’s The new form of violence is different from the religious lifestyle reflects one style of tradition. If earlier form that was carried out by organizations being modern means that people are more con- often with tacit support from political structures. scious about the history and the internal structures The new militancy appears to be fueled by a sense of various religions, modern people can realize the of desperation and humiliation caused by glo- inconsistencies in a syncretic lifestyle, feel uneasy balization and the increasing economic, cultural, or even insincere, and seek to purify their lives by technological, and military hegemony of the West.

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A TYPOLOGY OF MUSLIM SOCIETIES Modified from Gellner (1983) Rigorist/ Fundamentalist TAJIKISTAN? SAUDI ARABIA –Scripturalist LIBYA KUWAIT –Puritanical IRAN SUDAN UNITED ARAB EMIRATES –Islamic law enforced AFGHANISTAN BRUNEI NORTHERN NIGERIA OMAN ALGERIA EGYPT PAKISTAN Religious MALAYSIA BANGLADESH Orientation SOMALIA YEMEN IRAQ SYRIA INDONESIA TUNISIA TURKEY KYRGYZSTAN BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA ALBANIA UZBEKISTAN MOROCCO KAZAKHSTAN JORDAN Moderate Secular Radical Political Orientation Conservative/ –Religiously pluralistic New Elites Traditionalist –Legal pluralism –Army Old Elites –Civil service –Political –Intellectuals –Army –Ulema –Civil service –Bourgeoisie –Intellectuals –Trade union –Ulema}mixed –Political –Bourgeoisie} recruitment

Figure 1

This pattern represents a kind of paradigm shift in political liberalization and diminishing support the nature, causes, and targets of terrorism carried for militant Islamic groups. The impact of these out by the new militant groups. The old form of developments is making the militant movements militancy attempted to establish the legitimacy of highly secretive and more violent. political goals; the new form is guided by religious The globalization process is creating a social fanaticism, destruction, and revenge. The old form and cultural hiatus that is affecting the nature and of militancy identified enemies. The new enemies organization of Islamic militancy. The new mili- are ephemeral global conspiracies. tancy is not motivated by attitudes toward colonial- A majority of the respondents regard major ism and struggles to win the hearts and minds of Western countries as anti-Islamic. The primary Muslim populations. Instead, it is fueled by a sense reason for this attitude is not religion, but the of powerlessness, revenge, and religious fanati- perceived indifference and inaction of Western cism. The enemy is ephemeral global conspiracies. countries toward protecting the Muslim popula- How Muslim countries and the international com- tions of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Palestine, and Chechnya munity respond to these new developments will destruction. These views are widely held among have a profound impact on the nature and activi- the elites. The study provides new insights into the ties of the new militancy. The solution would dynamics of the new Islamic militancy. It shows require more open and stronger political struc- that contrary to the general belief, increasing tures in Muslim countries to legally and politically religiosity in Muslim countries is associated with pursue solutions to the problems posed by the new

2947 SOCIOLOGY OF ISLAM militancy. It also will require a change in the have been advanced by others (Zubiada 1989; attitude that increasing religiosity increases sup- Sadowski 1997; Ayubi 1991; Sivan 1985). port for militancy, when it actually diminishes Historical scholarship indicates that the insti- support for it. tutional configurations of Islamic societies can be classified into two types: (1) ‘‘differentiated social THE ISLAMIC STATE formations’’ (societies in which religion and the state occupy different spaces) and (2) ‘‘undifferen- The relationship between politics and religion in tiated social formations’’ (societies in which relig- Muslim societies has been a focus of debate among ion and the state are integrated). While a majority scholars of Islam for most of this century. A com- of Islamic societies have been and are differenti- monly stated view of many Western and Muslim ated social formations, a small but significant num- scholars is that Islam is not only a religion but also ber have been and are societies that can be classi- a blueprint for social order and therefore encom- fied as undifferentiated social formations. A common passes all domains of life, including law and the label used in contemporary discourse to refer to state (Maududi 1960, Lewis 1993; Huntington 1993; undifferentiated Muslim social formations is ‘‘the Rahman 1982; Watt 1988; Pipes 1981; Esposito Islamic state.’’ 1995; Weber 1978; Turner 1974a; Gellner 1983). The empirical evidence shows that religious This view is reinforced by the fact that Islam does institutions and religious elites tend to enjoy greater not have a church institution, although it does public trust and legitimacy in differentiated com- have the institutions of the Ulema, who act as the pared to undifferentiated Muslim societies. The guardians of the interpretations of the sacred underlying dynamics that appear to produce this tests, and the Iman Masjid (leaders of the mosques), pattern are related to the functional and perform- who lead the mandatory daily prayers in mosques. ance roles of religious institutions (Luhmann 1982; It is further argued that this characterization sets Beyer 1994) and the ability of religious institutions Islamic societies apart from Western societies built to mobilize public resistance against an authoritar- on the separation of state and religious institutions. ian state that has a deficit of legitimacy in the After reviewing the evidence on the separa- public mind (Hassan 1999a and 1999b). tion of state and religion in Islamic history, Lapidus (1996) concludes that the history of the Muslim GENDER ISSUES IN MUSLIM SOCIETIES world reveals two main institutional configura- tions. The undifferentiated state–religion configu- For many Islamic and Western scholars of Islam, ration characterized a small number of Middle the status, role and position of women are impor- Eastern societies. This configuration was charac- tant distinguishing features of Muslim societies teristic of lineage or tribal societies. The historical that, set them apart from their Western counter- norm for agrourban Islamic societies was an insti- parts. Many people in the West regard the status of tutional configuration that recognized the division women in Muslim society as symptomatic of their between the state and religious spheres: oppression in Islam (Esposito, 1995, p. 5). It is further argued that gender relations in Islam have Despite the common statement (and the Mus- been shaped primarily by their Arabian origins. lim ideal) that the institutions of state and While Islam has borne the marks of its Arabian religion are unified, and that Islam is a total origin throughout its history, in regard to the way of life which defines political as well as position held by women in his community, Mo- social and family matters, most Muslim hammed was able to introduce profound changes societies did not conform to this ideal, but were (Levy 1972; Rahman 1966; Ali 1970). built around separate institutions of state and religion. (Lapidus 1996, p. 24) Islam was instrumental in introducing wide- ranging legal-religious enactments to improve the Keddie (1994, p. 463) has described the sup- status and position of women in Arabian society posed near identity of religion and the state in and protect them from male excesses. There are Islam more as a ‘‘pious myth than reality for most numerous Koranic injunctions to give effect to of Islamic history.’’ Similar views of Islamic history these changes (Ali 1970, pp. 55–59). These injunc-

2948 SOCIOLOGY OF ISLAM

tions brought about significant improvements in and their role and function in society also are the status of women in a wide range of public and intertwined with the management of sexuality in private spheres, but most important, they gave Islam (Levy 1972). women a full-fledged personality (Rahman 1966). Islam recognizes sexual desire as a natural However, selective literal, noncontextual, and endowment of the human body and enjoins its ahistorical interpretations of sacred texts by Is- followers to satisfy and even enjoy sexual needs, lamic scholars over time have shaped the average providing a framework for doing so enunciated in Muslim’s conservative views and attitudes toward the sacred texts. Unlike Christianity, Islam does women. One of the major dilemmas faced by the not sanction or idealize celibacy. Over the centu- nationalist leaders who spearheaded independence ries, the interpretations of sacred texts by the movements from Indonesia to Pakistan and Egypt Ulema have led to the development of an institu- was ‘‘woman issue.’’ Their problem was how to tional framework for the management and satis- respond to the questions raised by women about faction of human sexuality through the imposition their role, status, and function in the new indepen- of control over women. As women are seen not dent states. This generated highly emotional and only as sexual beings but also as the embodiment divisive debates between the Islamic scholars and of sex, the social framework that has evolved has the nationalist leaders that centered on the issues come to view the woman’s body as pudendal. This of marriage and family law and the role and status conceptualization has led to the development and of women in a modern independent Muslim state observance of strict dress codes for women, in- (see Esposito 1982; Haddad and Esposito 1998). cluding veiling and seclusion, to prevent them from displaying their bodily charm and beauty Notwithstanding strong resistance from (Haeri 1993; Hardacre 1993; Levy 1972). Islamicists in several countries, the new nationalist leaders were able to overcome centuries of resist- Other features of the institutional framework ance and introduce modest changes in family and arose out of the fact that women were made the marriage laws. Those changes were introduced principal actors responsible for preserving the within an Islamic framework that did not expressly sanctity of the family and reproduction. This led to violate the appropriate Koranic injunctions and strict injunctions on the types of roles they could Sunnah (Anderson 1976). Those reforms have play in the public sphere. Strong social and cul- been criticized and opposed by a majority of Is- tural traditions evolved that placed serious obsta- lamic Ulema and their followers, who regard them cles in the way of women seeking to succeed in as violations of Islamic law and commandments as public roles. Men, in contrast, were assigned all the codified in classical Islamic legal texts as well as public roles as providers, protectors, and arbiters, thinly veiled attempts to find an Islamic justi- and this reinforced their power in the domestic fication for an essentially Western approach to domain as well. Patriarchal family structures thus issues of interpersonal relations (Haeri 1993; became more functionally suitable to the per- Esposito 1982). This debate between nationalists petuation of the institutional framework for the and Islamicists continues and according to some satisfaction and management of the family. evidence is becoming an important part of the political agenda of Islamic fundamentalists (Hardacre That institutional framework and its accompa- 1993; Haeri 1993). nying normative requirements as they apply to gender roles, dress codes, veiling and seclusion, Attitudes toward Veiling and Patriarchy: Veil- and patriarchy are by and large universally ac- ing and seclusion of women and patriarchy have cepted in Muslim societies, although their obser- been important features of Islamic societies. In vance varies with economic conditions. For most recent years they have attracted much criticism ordinary Muslims, this practice is in keeping with from Muslim and Western feminist scholars. The the supremacy of the male over female postulated tradition and custom of veiling in Islam can be by the Koran. However, the vagueness of these attributed to Islamic history, Islamic texts, and the edicts has given the Ulema greater authority to privileged position of males and their control and interpret them as local custom demands. Some dominance of positions of power and authority in Ulema even appear to have invented tradition to Muslim society. Veiling and seclusion of women bolster their interpretations which may in fact

2949 SOCIOLOGY OF ISLAM conflict with Koranic statements (Levy 1972; nal devoted to studies of Muslim minorities in Rahman 1982; Mernissi 1989; Rugh 1984). different countries. With over 100 million Mus- lims, India is the home of the largest Muslim As a result of internal and external pressures, minority. Over the past fifty years, international the governments of most Islamic countries have labor migration and political upheavals have re- initiated reforms to improve the quality of citizen- sulted in increasing Muslim settlement in Europe, ship accorded to Muslim women. These reforms Australia, and North America. It is estimated that have sought to remove some of the obstacles that about 20 million Muslims now reside in Europe. have prevented gender equality. While varying in Most of them arrived as immigrants to meet the scope and intensity from country to country, these labor needs of booming west European econo- reforms have been initiated in most Muslim coun- mies, and their numbers are likely to increase in tries. Some of the reforms have been successful, the future. (Nielsen 1995; Castles 1989). and, in some countries, such as Iran and Pakistan, the pendulum has swung to more traditionalist The Muslim presence in west European coun- views that have gained favor with the current tries has raised challenges to both Muslim and ruling elites. In general, the reforms are having a European traditions. The evidence shows that on positive effect, although obstacles still exist. Those the whole, Muslim communities in European coun- obstacles will continue until the rigid attitudes of tries are making cultural, social, and religious the Ulema change or lose significance for the adjustments to secure their position in society. general body of Muslims as a result of the decline The host societies are responding by promoting of their religious authority. cultural pluralism and containing racism and xeno- phobic attitudes among some segments of their The empirical evidence about attitudes to- populations. The cultural interactions between ward veiling, seclusion, and patriarchy indicates European and Muslim communities is shaping a that those attitudes are an outcome of complex distinctive European Muslim identity among sec- processes, including the prevalent social, economic, ond-generation Muslims (Nielsen 1995; Gerholm and political conditions in the country that medi- and Lithman 1988). ate between the traditional Islamic norms and their practice in the local milieu. The material The Muslim presence in North America, espe- conditions of the country influence the shaping of cially in the United States, has been increasing attitudes toward these issues more strongly than gradually. While there are no reliable statistics on does traditional Islamic ideology. The empirical the exact size of the Muslim population in the evidence also indicates that in Muslim societies United States, it is estimated to range from 2 where men have experienced greater status loss million to 6 million. The American Muslim Coun- relative to women as a result of public policies cil estimates the figure to be around 5.2 million aimed at improving the quality of female citizen- (Duran 1997). Whatever the size, it is a well-estab- ship, they appear to have compensated for that lished fact that Islam is an important feature of the loss by developing more conservative attitudes American religious milieu. Its adherents include toward women, including veiling, seclusion of American Muslims, who are predominantly of women, and patriarchy. The evidence also sug- African origin, and more recent immigrants from gests that paradoxically, Muslim societies, that are all over the Muslim world. The most widely known more successful in providing women with institu- American Muslim group is the Nation of Islam tional equality may be more successful in generat- (Gardell 1994). Most of the immigrant Muslims ing more positive attitudes toward traditional Is- come from south Asian and Middle Eastern coun- lamic values of patriarchy, veiling, and segregation tries. They have arrived as skilled and unskilled among women (Hassan 1999c). laborers, students, and refugees from political developments in Muslim countries. The largest MUSLIM MINORITIES concentrations of Muslims are in the metropolitan areas of Los Angeles, New York, and Chicago. The London-based Institute of Muslim Minority Recent sociological studies have focused on accul- Affairs estimates that about three hundred million turation and the tensions Muslim communities Muslims live in one hundred forty-nine non-Mus- experience in adjusting to life in America and how lim states. The institute publishes a biannual jour- those communities are responding to the compet-

2950 SOCIOLOGY OF ISLAM ing demands of belonging to a universal Islamic Beyer, Peter 1994 Religion and Globalization. Lon- community (Ummah) and maintaining their ethnic don: Sage. or national identity. The evidence shows that the Bouma, Gary D. 1994 Mosques and Muslim Settlement in majority of American Muslims are not active par- Australia. Canberra, Australia: AGPS. ticipants in the organized religious life of mosque Castles, S. 1989 Here for Good: Western Europe’s New or Islamic center, but continue to identify them- Ethnic Minorities. London: Pluto Press. selves as Muslims in a social setting characterized by prejudice and misunderstanding (Haddad and Crone, Patricia 1996 ‘‘The Rise of Islam in the World.’’ Smith 1994; Haddad and Lummis 1987). Similar In Francis Robinson, ed., The Cambridge Illustrated History of the Islamic World. Cambridge, UK: Cam- findings have been reported in studies of Muslim bridge University Press. communities in Australia (Hassan 1991; Bouma 1994). Duran, Khalid 1997 ‘‘Demographic Characteristics of The social pervasiveness of Islam in the mod- the American Muslim Community.’’ Islamic Studies ern world and the sociopolitical and religious 36(1): 57–76. trajectories of contemporary Muslim societies raise Engineer, Asghar Ali 1980 The Origins and Development important sociological questions. This article has of Islam. Kuala Lumpur: Ikraq. identified some of the questions and issues that Esposito, John L. 1982 Women in Muslim Family Law. make the sociology of Islam a challenging field of Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press. social inquiry. Empirical studies of Muslim socie- ties can be a rich source for evaluating the validity ———, ed. 1983 Voices of Resurgent Islam. New York: of some of the major propositions of social theory Oxford University Press. that have been formulated in the context of in- ——— 1995 The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality? New creasingly secular social settings of modern Euro- York: Oxford University Press. pean and North American countries. Through Fischer, Michael 1980 Iran: From Religious Dispute to systematic and comparative studies of Muslim so- Revolution. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. cieties, modern sociological scholarship can lay Folliet, Joseph 1955 ‘‘The Effects of City Life upon the foundations for a more informed understand- Spiritual Life.’’ In R. Fisher, ed., The Metropolis in ing of the social reality of the Muslim world. Modern Life. New York: Doubleday. Gardell, Mattias 1994 ‘‘The Sun of Islam Will Rise in the REFERENCES West: Minister Farrakhan and the Nation of Islam in Latter Days.’’ In Y. Haddad and J. Smith, eds., Muslim Ahluwalia, P., and P. L. Mayer, 1994 ‘‘Clash of Civilisations— Communities of North America. New York: State Uni- or Balderdash of Scholars.’’ Asian Studies Review versity of New York Press. 18:129–30. Geertz, Clifford 1960 The Religion of Java. Chicago: Ajami Fouad 1993 ‘‘The Summarising.’’ Foreign Affairs University of Chicago Press. 72(4):2–9. ——— 1968 Islam Observed: Religious Developments in Ali, Chiragh 1970 ‘‘The Position of Women in Aziz Morocco and Indonesia. Chicago: University of Chi- Ahmad and E. von Grunebaum, eds., Muslim Self- cago Press. Statement in India and Pakistan 1857–1968. Weisbaden, Germany: Otto Harrassowitz. Gellner, Ernest 1969 Saints of the Atlas. London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson. Anderson, J. N. D. 1976 Law Reform in Muslim World. London: Athlone Press. ———, 1983 Muslim Society. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Arjomand, Said 1988 The Turban and the Crown: The Islamic Revolution in Iran. New York: Oxford Univer- ——— 1992 Postmodernism, Reason and Religion. Lon- sity Press. don: Routledge. Ayubi, Nazih N. 1991 Political Islam: Religion and Politics ——— 1994 Conditions of Liberty. London: Penguin Books. in the Arab World. London: Routledge. Gerholm, T. and Y. G. Lithman, eds. 1988 The New Beinin, J., and J. Stork, eds. 1997 Political Islam, Berkeley: Islamic Presence in Europe. London: Mansell. University of California Press. Haddad, Yvonne Y. and John L. Esposito (eds.) 1998 Bell, Richard 1926 The Origins of Islam in Its Christian Islam, Gender and Social Change. New York: Oxford Environment. London: Macmillan. University Press.

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Sadowski, Yahya 1997 ‘‘The New Orientalism and the THE SOCIOLOGY OF Democracy Debate.’’ In J. Beinin and J. Stork, eds., Political Islam. Berkeley: University of California Press. KNOWLEDGE Shariati, Ali 1979 On the Sociology of Islam. Berkeley, The sociology of knowledge as a subdiscipline in Calif.: Mizan Press. sociology deals with the social and group origins of Sivan, Emmanuel 1985 Radical Islam: Medieval Theology ideas. In its brief history as a field of study, it has and Modern Politics. New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univer- included the entire ideational realm (knowledge, sity Press. ideas, theories, and mentalities), in an attempt to Tamney, Joseph 1980 ‘‘Modernization and Religious comprehend how that realm is related to particu- Purification: Islam in Indonesia.’’ Review of Religious lar social and political forces and how the mental Research 22(2). 208–218 life of a group of people arises within the context of the groups and institutions in which those Torrey, Charles 1933 The Jewish Foundation of Islam. New York: Jewish Institute. people live and act. More recently, its subject matter has included not only a society’s authorita- Turner, Bryan 1974 Weber and Islam. London: Routledge tive ideas and formal knowledges but also those & Kegan Paul. which operate in the realm of everyday life: infor- ——— 1974 ‘‘Islam, Capitalism and the Weber Thesis.’’ mal knowledges. British Journal of Sociology. 25:230–243. ——— 1999 ‘‘The Sociology of Islamic Social Struc- The term ‘‘sociology of knowledge’’ (Wis- ture.’’ Sociology 33:1. senssoziologie) was first used in 1924 and 1925 by Scheler (1874–1928) (Scheler [1924] 1980, 1992) Watt, W. Montgomery 1954 ‘‘Economic and Social As- and Mannheim (1893–1947) (Mannheim [1924] pects of the Origin of Islam.’’ Islamic Quarterley 1:90–103. 1952). From its inception, it described a field of inquiry closely linked to problems of European ——— 1955 ‘‘Ideal Factors in the Origin of Islam.’’ philosophy and historicism. In several important Islamic Quarterly. 2:160–74. respects, this is an accurate description, for the ——— 1962a Mohammed at Mecca. Oxford: Oxford Uni- sociology of knowledge reflected the nineteenth- versity Press. century German philosophical interest in prob- ——— 1962b Mohammed at Medina. Oxford: Oxford lems surrounding relativism that were linked to University Press. the legacies of Karl Marx, Friedrich Nietzsche, and ——— (1988) Islamic Fundamentalism and Modernity. the historicists, whose cultural philosophy of London: Routledge. worldviews (Weltanschauungsphilosophie) was influ- Weber Max, 1958 The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of ential in German social science from the 1890s to Capitalism, trans. Talcott Parsons. New York: Scribner. the 1930s. Each of these developments was con- cerned in different ways with the determinate ——— 1964 The Sociology of Religion, trans. E. Fiscoff. Boston: Beacon. relationship between thought and society, between knowledge and social structure. For Scheler and ——— 1978 Economy and Society. Geunther Ross and Mannheim, Wissenssoziologie would serve as an em- Claus Wittich, eds. Berkeley: University of Califor- pirical and historical method for resolving the nia Press. intense conflicts of ideologies in Weimar Ger- Wolf, Eric R. 1951 ‘‘The Social Organization of Mecca many that followed political and social revolutions and the Origins of Islam.’’ Southwestern Journal of of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries Anthropology 7(4): 329–356. and produced warring groups whose battles were Yap, M. E. 1980 ‘‘Contemporary Islamic Revival.’’ Asian manifestly ideational and grounded in conflicting Affairs Journal of the Royal Society for Asian Affairs worldviews. Sociology of knowledge would pro- 11(2):178–195. vide a method, outlined in early statements by Zubadia, Sami 1989 Islam, the People and the State. Lon- Scheler and Mannheim, for unmasking the as- don: Routledge. sumptions of political ideologies and indicating ——— 1995 ‘‘Is There a Muslim Society? Ernest Gellner’s their truth content. However much Scheler and Sociology of Islam.’’ Economy and Society 24(2): 151–188. Mannheim differed about the nature of truth within relativism, both agreed that truths do not exist RIAZ HASSAN apart from historical and social processes. As mem-

2953 THE SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE bers of a postwar generation of European intellec- proach includes the works of specialists the field tuals, they also shared a sense that they were identified as the sociology of knowledge. Several witnessing the gradual disappearance of episte- leading contributors to the sociology of knowl- mology and its replacement by the sociology of edge have provided similar schemes for delineat- knowledge as a foundational discipline for all phi- ing its subject matter, pointing out that the sociol- losophy. As participants in this historical process, ogy of knowledge includes both a broad field and a they also believed, as did their contemporaries, narrow field of studies and that both fields contrib- that intellectuals play a vital role in thought and ute to the sociology of mental and cognitive struc- politics. tures (Remmling 1973; Curtis and Petras 1970; The excitement and urgency with which the Berger and Luckmann 1966). framers of Wissenssoziologie approached the study The broad approach incorporates a number of the social origins of ideas has been replaced by a of works that deal with the relationship of mental widespread acceptance of their premises concern- life (cognition, consciousness, collective ideas, etc.) ing the social origins of ideas, ideologies, and and social life (groups, institutions, communities, worldviews. To borrow Weber’s term, the sociol- entire societies). The broad approach treats the ogy of knowledge was ‘‘rountinized’’ into the es- sociology of knowledge as a ‘‘frame of reference,’’ tablished structures and practices of modern so- not a ‘‘definite body of theory in its own right’’ cial science. Many of the positions advanced by (Curtis and Petras 1970, p.1). Accordingly, the Scheler, Mannheim, and other early writers in this sociology of knowledge is a broad tradition of field (e.g., in the United States by Florian Znaniecki, inquiry, a handing down of key texts and theories, C. Wright Mills, and Edward Shils) operate today such as theories of the ‘‘social determination’’ of as working propositions for a range of social scien- ideas, theories of ideology, the relationship of tists as well as for specialists in other disciplines, ‘‘real’’ and ‘‘ideal’’ factors, and the notion of including the subfields of the history of ideas, Weltanschauung, that are closely linked to the his- social psychology, social studies of science, femi- tory of sociology. The social theories of Karl Marx, nist theory, and cultural studies. Even the urgency, Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, Georg Simmel, and expressed by Mannheim, surrounding the prob- others are studied as classic statements on the lem of relativism as a ‘‘contemporary predica- relationship of mind, knowledge, and society. This ment’’ has been transformed into a commonplace broad approach to the sociology of knowledge has fact. Today, this is certainly the case in the aca- provided not only the basic materials from which demic world, whereas in the past, the sociology of particular treatises in the sociology of knowledge knowledge provided the occasion for intense con- have been written (e.g., Stark [1958] 1991; Berger troversies about the postulate of the essential ‘‘so- and Luckmann 1966; Gurvitch 1971) but also the ciality of mind’’ (Child 1941). materials that have been incorporated into com- mentaries and edited collections on the sociol- THE SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE: ogy of knowledge (Remmling 1973; Curtis and TWO APPROACHES Petras 1970). Partly because of the diffusion of the idea of the In this general sense, the sociology of knowl- social nature of knowledge, the sociology of knowl- edge is understood as a field that systematizes the edge has been described as an approach or leading propositions of the modern social sciences subdiscipline that has no unified field, but only a about the social nature of mind. Furthermore, like series of theoretical works and research agendas. sociology, the sociology of knowledge constitutes Despite this characterization, the subdiscipline of a tradition of inquiry that reflects and shapes the the sociology of knowledge is a recognized field of development of modernity. That is, sociology of- endeavor that continues to draw new generations fers a theory of the human mind that is compatible of sociologists. Therefore, one may speak of two with ‘‘our time’’: The sociology of knowledge ‘‘ap- ways of introducing the sociology of knowledge: pears as a revision of our way of . . . looking at The broad approach identifies a range of works in ourselves and the world.... It ‘defines’ a new sociology and social theory that examine the social ‘situation’’’ (Wolff 1953, p. 618; Wolff cf.1959). nature of mind and knowledge; the particular ap- Linked as it is to the modernization of conscious-

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ness, the sociology of knowledge, broadly con- more than a recounting of its nature and scope. It ceived, has several distinct national traditions, each also draws attention to the reflexive features of all focusing on themes characteristic of its own mod- sociological inquiries, particularly the fact that ern intellectual legacies. Therefore, one can speak sociology is part of the social reality it studies in of French, German, and American traditions of that its changing concepts and insights develop the sociology of knowledge whose roots are based out of and address particular social worlds. Socio- in a Durkheimian ‘‘structuralist’’ legacy, a Marxist logical theories are neither external nor formal. or Mannheimian theory of ideology, and a prag- The brief history of the subfield of the sociology of matist theory of mind such as that offered by John knowledge that follows is intended to be both a Dewey and George Herbert Mead. Each of these recounting of the leading ideas in this field and a national intellectual traditions reflects its particu- reflexive statement about the social foundations of lar national and cultural legacies in nineteenth- its theories and presuppositions. The implications and twentieth-century modernity; each legacy also that can be drawn from this inquiry are taken up in can be seen as complementing the sociologies of the conclusion. knowledge of other modern nations, cultures, and civilizations. A BRIEF SUBSTANTIVE HISTORY A second way of defining the sociology of knowledge considers the field as a particular body Since its inception in the writings of Scheler and of work and examines its origins, development, Mannheim, the sociology of knowledge has identi- and future prospects. This approach begins with fied a number of precise ways in which knowledge the original statements of Scheler and Mannheim is socially determined. Scheler’s original essays and proceeds to the later principal works and ([1924] 1980) identifying the field of study pro- arguments. The approach also examines major voked commentary and debate. His concept of a substantive statements made by sociologists iden- society’s ‘‘relatively natural Weltanschauung’’ is still tified with its precise subject matter. One of the central to cultural sociology, as are his proposi- merits of this approach is that it allows for a critical tions concerning the origins of the modern worldview view of the substantive work in the sociology of and its scientific ethos. However, Scheler’s impor- knowledge over time and, in keeping with the tance would be felt decades later (Bershady 1992). field’s presuppositions about the existential deter- It was Mannheim’s formulation of the discipline in mination of thought (Seinsgebundenheit), opens the Ideology and Utopia (German edition 1929, English question of how social theories of knowledge are edition 1936) that originally defined the subject themselves subject to change and revision over matter of the field and continued to do so for years time. In this sense, the sociology of knowledge to come. Those who proposed different sociologies offers a metatheory through which sociology can of knowledge after its publication defined their examine how its leading concepts and theories arise in response to particular social and political positions relative to Mannheim’s arguments con- situations. For example, Marx’s theory of ideology cerning ideology, utopia, and relationism. is closely implicated in particular historical condi- Mannheim’s treatise begins with a review and tions of the industrial capitalist order, and its critique of the prevailing and authoritative Marxist validity is dependent on particular conditions of theories of ideology (the ‘‘particular theory of social and economic organization, such as the ideology’’) and proceeds toward a theory of ideol- separation and autonomy of economic forces in ogy in the broader sense: the mental structure in the social order. its totality as it appears in different currents of Integral to the sociology of knowledge is a thought and across different social groups. This relative theory of knowledge from which its own total conception of ideology examines thought on concepts and theories are not excepted. Its meth- the structural level, allowing the same object to ods are critical in the classical sense of the word, take on different (group) aspects. This under- for it offers a continuous criticism of what it standing of ideology refers to a person’s, group’s, studies, including its own forms of knowledge and or society’s entire way of conceiving things as it is criteria of judgment. With this view in mind, a provided by particular historical and social set- brief history of its statements and theories offers tings. The ‘‘total conception of ideology’’ defines

2955 THE SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE the subject matter of the sociology of knowledge. theorists (Marx, Weber, Freud, Durkheim) belong Like ideologies, ‘‘utopias’’ arise out of particular to the broader tradition of the social determina- social and political conditions, but they are distin- tion of ideas. In essays by Parsons (1959, 1961), guished by their opposition to the prevailing or- Mannheim’s work is criticized and integrated into der. Utopias are the embodiment of ‘‘wish-im- the approach with which Parsons is identified: the ages’’ in collective actions that shatter and transform ‘‘general theory of action.’’ The contributions of social worlds partially or entirely. Both concepts Merton and Parsons were significant, principally form part of Mannheim’s theoretical apparatus for with respect to the prevailing functionalist theo- a critical but nonevaluative treatment of ‘‘ideol- ries of ‘‘action,’’ not with respect to advancing the ogy’’ that supersedes the sociohistorical determin- sociology of knowledge. In fact, it could be said ism and relativism of Marxism while moving to- that the projects outlined by Scheler and Mannheim, ward a ‘‘relationist’’ notion of truth. The enterprise particularly their historical and cultural emphasis, of the sociology of knowledge examines how col- did not conform to the program of formal or lective actions and ideas (ideologies and utopias) ‘‘general theory’’ outlined by Parsons for the func- emerge out of and are ‘‘determined’’ by the multi- tional study of all societies or to Merton’s proposal ple social contexts and positions of their propo- for theories of the ‘‘middle range.’’ nents. From an analysis of the various and compet- This was not the case for their contemporary ing social positions of ideologists and utopians, a Stark ([1958] 1991), whose sociology of knowledge kind of ‘‘truth’’ emerges that is grounded in the attempted to clarify the principal themes in the conditions of intellectual objectivity and detach- study of the social determination of ideas and ment from the social conditions that more directly advance its arguments beyond the Marx–Mannheim determine ideas. Ideology and Utopia established tradition and its theory of ideology. An émigré for the criteria for a valid knowledge, albeit a relational more than half his life and a scholar educated at knowledge, of sociohistorical processes. More im- the universities of Hamburg, Prague, London, and portant, it raised the problems surrounding the Geneva, Stark was accustomed to move within historicity of thought and did this within the newly many mental, linguistic, and moral frameworks. emerging academic discourse of sociology. In the When it is confronted by an almost dizzying array process, this work gave legitimacy to a new set of of viewpoints, social existence loses its taken-for- methodological problems involving the problems granted quality. As Remmling (1973) has observed, of objectivity and truth for the sciences and the the relationship between social existence and knowl- humanities. edge, which has been the preoccupation of the Despite the many criticisms of Ideology and sociology of knowledge, has always been that of Utopia (particularly Mannheim’s attempt to avoid marginal figures and outsiders. This and other the pitfalls of historical relativism), the work re- traits Stark shared with Scheler and Mannheim. ceived wide attention and appreciation inside and Stark regarded Wissenssoziologie as an indispensa- outside the social sciences, where the problems ble method for understanding both the truth of posed by relativism continued to attract the atten- ideas and the history of ideas; truths do not exist tion of workers in both the sciences and the hu- apart from the historical and social process. The manities. While reviews of the work focused on its traditions of German cultural sociology and Wis- failure to overcome relativism and Mannheim’s senssoziologie contain the ideals and conventions in excessive reliance on the Marxist conception of which Stark’s sociology of knowledge becomes ideology, Mannheim’s book provoked discussion most intelligible. He brought to it judgments con- and commentary for years (Hughes 1958, p. 420). cerning the ‘‘real’’ and the ‘‘ideal’’ from Weber’s and Simmel’s sociology. From Scheler’s works in In the decades after its publication, Ideology particular, he would find ways of returning to the and Utopia engaged the leading American social problem of how to find truths or ‘‘ideal values’’ in theorists of the period: Merton and Parsons. the realm of relative social realities or ‘‘existential Merton’s two chapters on the sociology of knowl- facts.’’ edge in his major work (1957) attempt to integrate the social theory of knowledge with his own ‘‘struc- Stark wrote The Sociology of Knowledge to clarify tural-functional’’ theory and demonstrate how other the principal themes of writers, especially sociolo-

2956 THE SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE gists, who had addressed the problem of the social be relegated to a status outside the principal con- element in thinking. He also intended it to serve as cerns of the sociology of knowledge. an introduction to the field that would prepare the Stark’s project involves building bridges be- way for a detailed and comprehensive history of the sociology of knowledge and its most significant tween opposing positions (Mannheim’s theory of ideas, including the theories of ideology of Marx ideology and Scheler’s theory of social determina- and Mannheim, the philosophical speculations of tion), what in scholastic philosophy was called a the neo-Kantians Heinrich Rickert and Max We- concordantia discordantium canonum, a reconcilia- ber, and the views of the German phenomenologi- tion of opposing positions of thought. Whether cal school of the 1920s, especially Scheler. Each of these two traditions are indeed contradictory is these ideas was vitally important for his project, not of consequence in grasping Stark’s argument but Stark’s strongest affinity was with Scheler’s in The Sociology of Knowledge. Stark’s willingness to struggle to reconcile the antithetical claims of explore with frankness and according to his own idealism and materialism and his view of the soci- convictions the kind of epistemology that he ology of knowledge as the foundation for a knowl- thought consistent with cultural sociology brought edge of eternal values. him to a social theory of knowledge that was compatible with both Verstehen (lit., understand- Stark’s sociology of knowledge is directed pri- ing) sociology and social phenomenology. This marily toward the study of the precise ways in theory also dismissed the relevance of either a which human experience, through the mediation simple historical materialist theory or a positivist of knowledges, takes on a conscious and commu- one. The outcome is a theory of social determina- nicable shape. Eventually, Stark intends to direct tion that has moved away from Marx and Mannheim this inquiry to the problem of truth, a synthesis of and in the direction of a cultural sociology, one the different styles of thought and their limited that is consistent with contemporary sociology’s truths. For either one of these intentions to be interest in the broad range of cultural studies. realized, he insists that the theory of ideology can have no place within the bounds of the sociology Less than a decade after Stark’s work appeared, of knowledge. The idea that social influences enter Berger and Luckmann’s The Social Construction of mental life in the form of lies, self-deceptions, and Reality (1966) advanced a sociology of knowledge distortions in thinking and are due to class posi- that was compatible with the view of sociology as a tions and interests has dominated the Marx– humanistic discipline and the notion that ‘‘human Mannheim tradition and its theory of ideology. reality’’ is a ‘‘socially constructed reality’’ (p. 189). Stark’s contention, shared by many contemporary These authors broadened the field to include all writers, is that the sociology of knowledge is con- types of knowledge, including the knowledge of cerned with the ‘‘social determination of knowl- everyday life: ‘‘[T]he sociology of knowledge must edge’’ (a term with a precise meaning of its own), concern itself with whatever passes for ‘knowl- not with the problem of ideology. In fact, this edge’ in a society, regardless of the ultimate valid- distinction is an indispensable precondition of the ity or invalidity (by whatever criteria) of such sociology of knowledge. It is intended to direct ‘knowledge’’’ (p. 3). More important, their treatise attention to the study of the extent to which all asked that the sociology of knowledge address mental life is grounded in conditions that are how, in the domain of the quotidian, knowledge ineluctably social and historical; it grants to ‘‘social constitutes social reality, redirecting the traditional determination’’ a depth that the theory of ideol- theory of social determination of ideas by social ogy does not permit, since that theory deals only realities. What Berger and Luckmann proposed with errors and misperceptions (Stark [1958] 1991, was that knowledge and reality (by which they pp. 50–55). Even more important, in Stark’s view, always mean social reality) exist in a reciprocal or the theory of social determination is entirely com- dialectical relationship of mutual constitution. As patible with the theory of truth, whereas the the- many have argued, this work placed the sociology ory of ideology is concerned principally with the of knowledge on an entirely new footing whose social conditions of error or false consciousness. focus is the broad range of signifying systems that While the theory of ideology will always play a vital form and communicate the realm of social reali- role in sociology and the history of ideas, it must ties. Since its publication, the idea of a ‘‘con-

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structed reality’’ has summarized a number of What has been called ‘‘the new sociology of concerns of contemporary writers in the sciences knowledge’’ (Swidler and Arditi 1994; McCarthy and humanities that may be best described as the 1996) can be seen as part of this larger movement problem of meaning and the use of philosophical, in the social sciences generally, distinguished by a literary, and historical approaches to study the turn away from materialist theories or theories of social construction of meaning. social structure and in the direction of semiotic theories that focus on the ways in which a society’s The methodological implications of this change multifarious meanings are communicated and re- in sociology and the sociology of knowledge are produced. Hall (1980) has described the theoreti- noteworthy, since interest in the problem of mean- cal significance of this cultural turn in social sci- ing is linked to a methodological framework that is ence: Its problematic has become closely identified neither causal nor explanatory (the attitudes ex- with the problem of the autonomy of cultural pressed by Mannheim’s theory of ‘‘social determi- practices. The paradign for studying the range of nation’’) but semiotic. The semiotic study of culture cultural practices has come largely from structuralist is directed toward the study of the symbolic and theories (Althusser, Levi-Strauss, Barthes). Lan- signifying systems through which a social order is guage is the theoretical and empirical model, one communicated and reproduced. These signifying that is neither positivist nor reductionist but systems and social practices make up a culture and interpretive rather than causal. its structures of meaning. According to Geertz (1973, p. 5), one of the principal semiotic theorists, the analysis of knowledge and culture is ‘‘not an THE NEW SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE experimental science in search of law but an These arguments and others have been made by interpretive one in search of meaning.’’ recent commentators in what has been called the In addition to being a proponent of an ‘‘new sociology of knowledge.’’ In the case of interpretive method in the social sciences in the Swidler and Arditi (1994), the new approach ex- 1960s, Geertz, in his essay ‘‘Ideology as a Cultural amines how specific kinds of social organizations System’’ (1964), explicitly criticized the sociology (e.g., the media through which knowledge is pre- of knowledge (Mannheim and Stark explicitly), served, organized, and transmitted) order knowledges arguing that the entire enterprise identified with rather than examining social locations and group the twin problems of ‘‘ideology’’ and ‘‘truth’’ should interests. These scholars also examine, in light of be reformulated as the ‘‘sociology of meaning.’’ new theories of social power and practice (Michel For Geertz, the sociology of knowledge remained Foucault and Pierre Bourdieu), how knowledges lodged in an older set of presuppositions (princi- maintain social hierarchies and how techniques of pally its use of ‘‘ideology’’) that prevented it from power are simultaneously and historically linked moving toward a nonevaluative understanding of to discursive forms (knowledges). They also argue ‘‘culture.’’ This and other criticisms at the time that newer theories of power, gender, and knowl- effectively redirected sociology in the period of edge depart from the economic, class, and institu- the late 1960s toward what has been described as tional focus of the classical sociology of knowledge. its ‘‘postpositivist’’ phase (Rabinow and Sullivan McCarthy’s (1996) theoretical treatise traces 1979, 1987). Ironically, this most recent period of changes in three broad national traditions in the sociology, with its rejection of the classical con- sociology of knowledge (German, French, Ameri- cerns of the sociology of knowledge, has been can), delineating the precise ways in which the described by Robertson (1992) as a ‘‘general sociol- classical traditions identified with these three na- ogy-of-knowledge turn’’ characterized by a focus tional intellectual legacies have moved to models on the ideational features of the social world or a that are linguistically based. McCarthy also points resurgence of interest in cultural forms more gen- to feminist theories as important contributions to erally. Put simply, contemporary sociology’s turn the sociology of knowledge, particularly works in away from the classical problems and perspectives the sociology of science by feminists such as Smith of the sociology of knowledge occurred precisely (1987, 1990). These and other changes in sociol- at the time when ‘‘culture,’’ ‘‘knowledge,’’ and ogy are examined against changes in the social ‘‘language’’ became central to sociology. location of knowledge and culture today, particu-

2958 THE SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE larly the predominant role played by systems of edge,’’ the knowledge of everyday life. What began mass communication and information technolo- as the study of conflicting ideologies has become gies. These changes in turn have produced a con- the study of the unspoken understandings of eve- temporary culture that is more globally aware, ryday life, what L Wirth described in his preface to reflexive, and attuned to the operations of cul- Ideology and Utopia as ‘‘the most elemental and ture itself. important facts about a society . . . those that are seldom debated and generally regarded as settled’’ (1936, p. xxiii). Today these understandings have CONCLUSION become the subject matter of sociology and are no The brief history of the sociology of knowledge longer generally regarded as ‘‘settled.’’ from Mannheim to contemporary sociology lends itself to the type of interpretive scheme that origi- REFERENCES nated with the classical sociology of knowledge, for its principal argument has worked against any Berger, Peter, and Thomas Luckmann 1996 The Social Construction of Reality. New York: Doubleday. formal understanding of either theory or science. Changes in the structures and organizations of Bershady, Harold J. 1992 Introduction to Max Scheler, social worlds have been functionally related to On Feeling, Knowing, and Valuing. Chicago: Univer- collective ‘‘standpoints’’ and ‘‘perspectives.’’ Soci- sity of Chicago Press. ologists have witnessed the shift, since midcentury, Child, Arthur 1941 ‘‘The Theoretical Possibility of the from ‘‘social structure’’ to ‘‘culture’’ as authorita- Sociology of Knowledge.’’ Ethics 51:392–418. tive schemes for describing and interpreting how Curtis, James E, and John W. Petras 1970 The Sociology of social knowledges are ‘‘socially determined’’ Clearly, Knowledge. New York: Praeger. this intellectual shift registers changes in the social Geertz, Clifford. 1964 ‘‘Idelogy as a Cultural System.’’ In landscape of late modernity, where the configura- David E. Apter, ed., Ideology and Discontent. New tions known to sociology as ‘‘economy,’’ ‘‘cul- York: Free Press. ture,’’ and ‘‘social structure’’ have undergone ——— 1973 The Interpretation of Cultures. New York, changes. Basic Books. Proponents of the new sociology of knowl- Gurvitch, Georges 1971 The Social Framework of Knowl- edge and others have documented changes in the edge, trans. M. A. Thompson and K. A. Thompson, in- industrial societies of the last half century that troductory essay by K. A. Thompson. New York: Harper. correspond to the newer ‘‘cultural’’ theories. Nei- Hall, Stuart. 1980. ‘‘Cultural Studies and the Centre: ther Swidler and Arditi nor McCarthy claims that Some Problematics and Problems.’’ In Culture, Me- the sociology of knowledge as a subfield of sociol- dia, Language: Working Papers in Cultural Studies. ogy has been superseded by newer work in sociol- London: Hutchinson. ogy and cultural studies. However, they note that Hughes, H. Stuart 1958 Consciousness and Society: The the new sociology of knowledge is not yet a unified Reorientation of European Social Thought 1890–1930. field, and their proposals for what constitutes this New York: Vintage. diffuse field constitute an argument reminiscent Mannheim, Karl (1924) 1952 ‘‘Historicism.’’ In P. of those of the proponents of a broad or diffuse Kecskerneti, ed., Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge. sociology of knowledge discussed above. It would New York: Harcourt, Brace & World. seem that the more ‘‘cultural’’ sociology becomes, the more likely it is that the sociology of knowl- ——— (1929) 1936 Ideology and Utopia. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World. edge will be seen as a broadly inclusive set of studies rather than a subfield with a distinct sub- McCarthy, E. Doyle 1996 Knowledge as Culture: The New ject matter. The subject matter of the sociology of Sociology of Knowledge. New York and London: Routledge. knowledge has undergone significant change: What Merton, Robert K. 1957 Social Theory and Social Struc- began as the study of competing and conflicting ture. Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. collective ideas and ideologies has become some- Parsons, Talcott 1959 ‘‘An Approach to the Sociology of thing more cultural and diffuse. Its subject matter Knowledge.’’ Transactions of the Fourth World Congress today is both more differentiated and more dif- of Sociology IV:25–49. Louvain: International Socio- fuse and includes the study of ‘‘informal knowl- logical Association.

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——— 1961 ‘‘Culture and the Social System.’’ In T. legal counsel. The case of Gideon v. Wainwright Parsons, E. Shils, K. P. Naegele, and J. R. Pitts, et al., (372 U.S. 355, 1963) was widely celebrated as a eds., Theories of Society, vol. II. New York: Free Press. David and Goliath story of the triumph of the rule Rabinow, Paul, and William M. Sullivan 1979 Interpretive of law: An indigent defendant’s handwritten peti- Social Science. Berkeley: University of California Press. tion had persuaded all nine justices of the Su- ——— 1987 Interpretive Social Science: A Second Look. preme Court to provide a nationwide right to Berkeley: University of California Press. counsel (Lewis 1964). Shortly after Gideon’s vic- Remmling, Gunter 1967 Road to Suspicion: A Study of tory, Blumberg (1967) published an empirical case Modern Mentality and the Sociology of Knowledge. New study describing the actual work of criminal de- York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. fense attorneys. That study suggested that Gideon’s ——— 1973 Towards the Sociology of Knowledge. London: case had little relevance to the 90 percent of felony Routledge & Kegan Paul. convictions that the prosecution wins not in a courtroom trial but through informal plea bar- Robertson, Roland 1992 ‘‘Cultural Relativity and Social gaining. Moreover, the attorneys to whom the Theory: Werner Stark’s Sociology of Knowledge Revis- ited.’’ In E. Leonard, H. Strasser, and K. Westhues, poor were now constitutionally entitled, Blumberg eds., In Search of Community: Essays in Memory of contended, had over the years mutated from trial Werner Stark 1909–1985. New York: Fordham Uni- advocates into bureaucratic cogs whose primary versity Press. function was to assist the state in processing legal Scheler, Max (1924) 1980 Problems of a Sociology of Knowl- files efficiently. edge, trans. M. S. Frings, ed. and with an introduction Blumberg’s deconstruction of the legal myth of by K. W. Stikkers. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. the centrality of criminal trials and adversarial ——— 1992 On Feeling, Knowing, and Valuing. Chicago: counsel exemplifies two central features of the University of Chicago Press. sociology of law. First, that field challenges legal Smith, Dorothy E. 1987 The Everyday World as Problem- formalism, the philosophy that the law stands above atic. Boston: Northeastern University Press. social life, develops according to its own internal ——— 1990 The Conceptual Practices of Power: A Feminist logic, and autonomously constrains or facilitates Sociology of Knowledge. Boston: Northeastern Univer- social interaction. A sociology of law becomes sity Press. essential once the law’s dependence on its social Stark, Werner (1958) 1991 The Sociology of Knowledge, organizational context is recognized (for a defense with a new introduction by E. Doyle McCarthy. New of legal formalism as a research agenda, see Wat- Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction. son 1985). Blumberg tried to show that the right to Swidler, Ann, and Jorge Arditi 1994 ‘‘The New Sociol- legal representation is contingent on the economics ogy of Knowledge.’’ Annual Review of Sociology of legal services and the networks of dependency 20:305–329. that link judges, prosecutors, and defense attor- Wirth, Louis 1936 ‘‘Preface’’ in Karl Mannheim, Ideology neys in ways that undermine the abstract legal and Utopia. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World. model of the adversarial contest. Second, Blumberg’s case rests on observations of legal practice rather Wolff, Kurt H. 1953 ‘‘A Preliminary Inquiry into the Sociology of Knowledge from the Standpoint of the than interpretation of the texts of cases and legisla- Study of Man.’’ In Scritti di Sociologia e Politica in tion, the stock-in-trade of conventional legal schol- Onore di Luigi Sturzo. Bologna: Nicola Zanichelli III. arship. As empirical evidence continued to accu- mulate, Blumberg’s (1967) conclusions about the ——— 1959 ‘‘The Sociology of Knowledge and Socio- logical Theory.’’ In L. Gross, ed., Symposium on Socio- origins, causes, and consequences of plea bargain- logical Theory. New York: Harper & Row. ing were qualified or supplanted; later research suggests that plea bargains may be even more E. DOYLE MCCARTHY adversarial than trials ever were (Feeley 1997), that the relationship between caseload pressure and plea bargaining is complex (Holmes et al. 1992), SOCIOLOGY OF LAW and that the real role of the courtroom trial may be independent of its frequency of occurrence be- In 1963, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that in cause out-of-court negotiations are conducted ‘‘in all felony trials the accused must be provided with the shadow of the law’’ (Mnookin and Kornhauser

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1979). Blumberg’s study and the later work it manipulation of criminal law to control labor was inspired illustrate how the sociology of law exam- a pioneer of contemporary efforts to puruse this ines empirical evidence to understand how law is line of investigation. Hagan (1980) provides a created, enforced, and manipulated in the context representative overview of the subsequent socio- of social organization. logical analyses of the origins of alcohol and drug prohibition, sexual psychopathology and prostitu- tion laws, and probation. Humphries and Greenberg SOCIOLOGICAL VERSUS (1981) produced one of the few sociological ef- JURISPRUDENTIAL PERSPECTIVES forts showing the relationships among disparate ON LAW legal changes and linking those changes to their social bases. They explain the diffusion of juvenile The discipline of sociology does not hold a mo- courts, probation, parole, and indeterminate sen- nopoly on efforts to unveil the connections be- tences in terms of the shift in the political domina- tween law and society. In the twentieth century, tion of corporate versus competitive capital dur- Roscoe Pound, Jerome Frank, and other legal ing the Progressive era. An alternative approach to scholars abandoned legal formalism and created the study of the creation and diffusion of legal new ways to understand the differences between innovation looks to cultural transmission and or- the ‘‘law in the books’’ and the ‘‘law in practice’’ ganizational linkages rather than to underlying (for a concise overview of both developments, see economic or social transformations. Grattet et al. Hunt 1978). Since the late 1970s, the critical legal (1998) show, for example, how the diffusion of studies movement and its variants have emerged hate crime legislation appears to be influenced by as a major competitor to legal formalism in legal interstate processes of diffusion rather than by research and education (Kelman 1987). For exam- local conditions of the economy and society. Soule ple, Freeman (1978) examines how major Supreme and Zylan (1997) similarly explore structural and Court decisions on civil rights have shifted the diffusion factors in the reform of Aid to Families bases for legally defining discrimination from the with Dependent Children (AFDC) eligibility rules. consequences for the victims to the intentions of In terms of both theory and method, the sociology the perpetrators. Freeman shows how the law’s of law offers a rich body of work that reveals the emphasis on the actor’s intention constrains the social foundations of change in the law. principle of equal protection and perpetuates in- equality. While his conclusions are radical, his method is identical to the legal formalists’ practice SOCIAL STRATIFICATION OF LAW of textual interpretation (Trubek 1984). Critical The most prominent aspect of social structure in legal studies’ doctrinal analysis—its reliance on in- sociological investigations of law is stratification. terpretation of constitutions, statutes, and judg- In his early essay On the Jewish Question, Marx ments—has more affinity with literary criticism examined how a legal system that made all litigants than with sociological methodologies based on the equal before the law left them unequal in eco- observation of events. For an example of this nomic resources and social relationships. Much distinction, compare Klare (1978) with Wallace et current research has been devoted to finding new al. (1988). Sociology of law is distinguished more evidence showing how formal legal equality repro- by its methods than by its theories or subject matter. duces social hierarchies. Galanter (1974) points out how the organizational properties of the legal SOCIAL ORIGINS OF LAWS system reinforce and in some instances generate inequality. Apart from the extralegal resources A substantial number of historical case studies they bring to the dispute, repeat players (corpora- (e.g., Hall 1952) have traced the social origins of tions and career criminals), for example, gain substantive and procedural law. Sociology enters knowledge, skills that are not available, and net- these investigations with a broader comparative works denied to one-shot players. Feeley (1979) agenda, formulating and assessing general theo- found that in a misdemeanor court ‘‘the process is ries of the origin of law. Chambliss’s (1964) analy- the punishment’’: For the poor, the costs of convic- sis of six centuries of vagrancy laws as a ruling-class tion were minor compared to the costs imposed by

2961 SOCIOLOGY OF LAW the pretrial stages of the process. Shapiro (1990) While current controversy centers on Rosen- developed similar insights into the way in which berg’s thesis, several other research programs ad- the rules of evidence and organizational priorities dress the conditions under which legal reforms of law enforcement bureaucracies create class dif- engineer social change. Burstein (1985), for exam- ferences in the punishment of white-collar crime. ple, specifies the contingencies that influenced the These studies go beyond the populist notion that impact of civil rights legislation on the economic the law is like a cobweb that catches the small flies position of minorities. Horney and Spohn (1991) but lets the large bugs go free. Individual re- examine the impact of rape reform laws in six sources matter, but sociological research shown jurisdictions on several indicators of prosecution. how organizational and institutional contexts shape The measurable impact of legal reform proved to the manner in which equality before the law results be limited, because of the response of local court in inequality after the law. organizations to externally imposed change. Heimer (1995) illustrates that similar complications ap- The largest body of research in the field has pear when legal changes are imposed on hospital been devoted to the examination of discriminination work groups. Organizational responses occasion- in sentencing in criminal courts. Disparities in the ally facilitate rather than inhibit change. Edelman type and duration of sanctions vary markedly by et al. (1992), for example, found that personnel class, race, and/or ethnicity, and gender. For ex- departments tend to exaggerate the legal risks of ample, with 5 percent of the general population, noncompliance in equal-opportunity cases as a young African-American males account for nearly way to enhance their power within the corporation. half the admissions to state prisons. The initial research problem was to determine the extent to which such disparities represent differential in- ORGANIZATIONAL CONTEXTS OF volvement in the kinds of crime that lead to more LEGAL PROCEDURES severe sentences or reflect biases in discretionary decision making in the legal system (for a succinct A public defender explained to Sudnow (1965) overview of this research, see Walker et al. 1996). that to work in such an office, one has to know the The sociologically relevant discoveries of this re- law—and the ropes. Learning about the organiza- search include covariation in the extent of dis- tional ropes of courts, police departments, and law criminatory decision making with social location offices has been the objective of a large body of (see Myers and Talarico 1987). contemporary research in the sociology of law. Albonetti (1987) utilizes organizational theo- SOCIAL IMPACT OF LEGAL CHANGE ries to explain variation in the decisions of prose- cutors to drop cases or reduce charges; apart from Brown v. Board of Education (1954) is perhaps the the legal evidence, prosecutors’ decisions are most celebrated Supreme Court decision of the shaped by extralegal factors that govern their un- century. It marked the end of over half a century of certainty about winning a case at trial. Ofshe and the Court’s acceptance of legalized racial segrega- Leo (1997) investigate the coercive persuasion tion as being consistent with the constitutional that continues to occur in post-Miranda police requirement for equal protection under the law. It interrogations. Police investigators generally fol- is usually the case one associates with the convic- low the letter of the Miranda rules while continu- tion that law—Supreme Court decisions, in par- ing to practice forms of coercive persuasion that ticular—powerfully shapes social change. Less induce most suspects to waive their rights and widely recognized is the fact that in the decade confess. after Brown, racial segregation in public schools remained virtually unchanged. The sharpest chal- Many discoveries about procedure turn on the lenge to conventional conceptions of the social emergence of informal organizational rules and impact of law is Rosenberg’s (1991) study of the relationships. Sudnow (1965) found that plea bar- effect of Supreme Court decisions on school de- gains were forged in a common currency of of- segregation, abortion, reapportionment, and crimi- fense seriousness that existed apart from the penal nal procedure. code’s definitions of crimes and punishments.

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Emerson (1969) showed how the legally relevant ——— 1997 The Social Structure of Right and Wrong. aspects of a juvenile’s offense and career are or- Revised edition. San Diego: Academic Press. ganizationally transformed into judgments of char- Blumberg, Abraham S. 1967 ‘‘The Practice of Law as a acter, which then become the real bases for deter- Confidence Game: Organization Cooptation of a mining verdicts and imposing sentences. This work Profession.’’ Law and Society Review 1:15–39. suggests that due process is a variable whose ap- Burstein, Paul 1985 Discrimination, Jobs and Politics: The pearance and effects are shaped by organizational Struggle for Equal Employment Opportunity in the U.S. contexts (see Dobbin et al. 1988). Since the New Deal. Chicago: University of Chi- cago Press. Chambliss, William J. 1964 ‘‘A Sociological Analysis of THE ROLE OF GENERAL THEORY IN THE the Law of Vagrancy.’’ Social Problems 12:67–77. SOCIOLOGY OF LAW Dobbin, Frank R., Lauren Edelman, John W. Myer, W. The sociology of law can be distinguished from Richard Scott, and Ann Swindler 1988 ‘‘The Expan- economics, psychology, and other social science sion of Due Process in Organizations.’’ In Lynne G. enterprises that have law as their subject matter Zucker, ed., Institutional Patterns and Organizations: principally in terms of its integration of its investi- Culture and Environment. Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger. gations with general theories of social structure. Edelman, Lauren B., Steven E. Abraham, and Howard The role of general theory becomes apparent, for S. Erlanger 1992 ‘‘Professional Construction of Law: example, in comparisons of Japanese and U.S. The Inflated Threat of Wrongful Discharge.’’ Law legal systems that ‘‘explain away Japan by attribut- and Society Review 26:47–83. ing every finding to ‘Japanese uniqueness’ [rather Emerson, Robert M. 1969 Judging Delinquents: Context than] treat Japan as a point on a universal contin- and Process in Juvenile Court. Chicago: Aldine. uum’’ (Miyazawa 1987, p. 239). The case for engag- Feeley, Malcolm M. 1979 The Process Is the Punishment: ing in the search for such universal continua is Handling Cases in a Lower Court. New York: Russell made by Black (1976, 1997). Sage Foundation. ——— 1997 ‘‘Legal Complexity and the Transforma- Much current research, however, continues to tion of the Criminal Process: The Origins of Plea be guided by one or a combination of the four Bargaining.’’ Israel Law Review 31:183–222. general theories that initially defined the field. Bentham’s utilitarian philosophy underlies rational Freeman, Alan D. 1978 ‘‘Legitimizing Racial Discrimi- choice theories of the behavior of law. Studies of nation through Antidiscrimination Law: A Critical Review of Supreme Court Doctrine.’’ Minnesota Law deterrence at both individual and organizational Review 62:1049–1119. levels of analysis continue to pursue this line of theorizing (see Vaughn 1998 for a summary and Galanter, Marc 1974 ‘‘Why the ‘Haves’ Come Out critique of organizational analysis). Alternatively, Ahead.’’ Law and Society Review 9:95–160. the sociological theories of Marx, Durkheim, and Garland, David 1990 Punishment and Modern Society: A Weber articulate properties of social organization Study in Social Theory. Chicago: University of Chi- that shape and constrain the choices of persons cago Press. and firms (for an overview, see Garland 1990). Grattet, Ryken, Valerie Jenness, and Theodore R. Curry Work in the sociology of law thus not only illumi- 1998 ‘‘The Homogenization and Differentiation of nates the institution of law in unique ways but Hate Crime Law in the United States, 1978 to 1995: contributes more fundamentally to basic knowl- Innovation and Diffusion in the Criminalization of edge about human social organization. Bigotry.’’ American Sociological Review 63:286–307. Hagan, John 1980 ‘‘The Legislation of Crime and Delin- quency: A Review of Theory, Method, and Research.’’ REFERENCES Law and Society Review 14:603–628. Albonetti, Celesta A. 1987 ‘‘Prosecutorial Discretion: Hall, Jerome 1952 Theft, Law and Society, 2nd ed. India- The Effects of Uncertainty.’’ Law and Society Review napolis: Bobbs-Merrill. 21:291–313. Heimer, Carol A. 1995 ‘‘Explaining Variation in the Black, Donald 1976 The Behavior of Law. New York: Impact of Law: Organizations, Institutions, and Pro- Academic Press. fessions.’’ Studies in Law, Politics and Society 15:29–59.

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Holmes, Malcom D., Howard C. Daudistel, and William Vaughn, Dianne 1998 ‘‘Rational Choice, Situated Ac- A. Taggart 1992 ‘‘Plea Bargaining Policy and State tion, and the Social Control of Organizations.’’ Law District Court Caseloads: An Interrupted Time Se- and Society Review 32:23–61. ries Analysis.’’ Law and Society Review 26:139–159. Walker, Samuel, Cassia Spohn, and Miriam DeLorme Horney, Julie, and Cassia Spohn 1991 ‘‘Rape Law Re- 1996 The Color of Justice: Race, Ethnicity and Crime in form and Instrumental Change in Six Urban Jurisdic- America. Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth. tions.’’ Law and Society Review 25:117–154. Wallace, Michael, Beth A. Rubin, and Brian T. Smith Humphries, Drew, and David Greenberg 1981 ‘‘The 1988 ‘‘American Labor Law: Its Impact on Working- Dialectics of Crime Control.’’ In David Greenberg, class Militancy, 1901–1980.’’ Social Science History 12:1–29. ed., Crime and Capitalism Palo Alto, Calif.: Mayfield. Watson, Alan 1985 The Evolution of Law. Baltimore: Hunt, Alan 1978 The Sociological Movement in Law. Phila- Johns Hopkins University Press. delphia: Temple University Press. JAMES M. INVERARITY Kelman, Mark 1987 A Guide to Critical Legal Studies. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Klare, Karl E. 1978 ‘‘Judicial Deradicalization of the Wagner Act and the Origins of Modern Legal Con- SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION sciousness, 1937–1941.’’ Minnesota Law Review An important intellectual shift has taken place in 62:265–339. the social scientific study of religion as many of its Lewis, Anthony 1964 Gideon’s Trumpet. New York: Ran- longest held theoretical positions, passed down dom House. from the founders of the field, have been over- Miyazawa, Setsuo 1987 ‘‘Taking Kawashima Seriously: A turned. These changes have been so dramatic and Review of Japanese Research on Japanese Legal Con- far-reaching that Warner (1993, p. 1044) identi- sciousness and Disputing Behavior.’’ Law and Society fied them ‘‘as a paradigm shift in progress,’’ an Review 21:219–241. assessment that since that time ‘‘has been spec- Mnookin, Robert H., and Lewis Kornhauser 1979 ‘‘Bar- tacularly fulfilled’’ (Greeley 1996, p. 1). gaining in the Shadow of the Law: The Case of Typically, the emergence of a new paradigm Divorce.’’ Yale Law Journal 88:950–997. rests on both an empirical basis and a theoretical Myers, Martha, and Susette M. Talarico 1987 The So- basis. Over the past thirty years, there has been an cial Contexts of Criminal Sentencing. New York: explosion of research on religious topics and a Springer-Verlag. substantial number of new facts have accumu- Ofshe, Richard J., and Richard A. Leo 1997 ‘‘The Social lated. The bulk of these discoveries have turned Psychology of Police Interrogation: The Theory and out to be inconsistent with the old paradigm. In Classification of True and False Confessions.’’ Studies response to the growing incompatibility between in Law, Politics and Society 16:189–251. fact and traditional theory, new theories have been Rosenberg, Gerald N. 1991 The Hollow Hope: Can Courts constructed to interpret the empirical literature. Bring about Social Change? Chicago: University of There are five major points of dispute be- Chicago Press. tween the old and new paradigms. In this article, Shapiro, Susan 1990 ‘‘Collaring the Crime, Not the each one is described, followed by a brief summary Criminal: Reconsidering the Concept of White Col- of the pertinent evidence. Finally, additional re- lar Crime.’’ American Sociological Review 55:346–365. cent trends in the field are noted. Soule, Sarah A., and Yvonne Zylan 1997 ‘‘Runaway Train?: The Diffusion of State-Level Reform in ADC/ AFDC Eligibility Requirements, 1950–1967.’’ Ameri- RELIGION IS HARMFUL can Journal of Sociology 103:733–762. For nearly three centuries, social scientists con- Sudnow, David 1965 ‘‘Normal Crimes: Sociological Fea- demned religion as harmful to the individual be- tures of the Penal Code in a Public Defender’s Of- cause it impedes rational thought and harmful fice.’’ Social Problems 12:255–276. to society because it sanctifies tyrants (Stark 1999b). Trubek, David 1984 ‘‘Where the Action Is: Critical Legal The premise that religion is irrational and Studies and Empiricism.’’ Stanford Law Review psychologically harmful has taken many forms, all 36:575–622. of them notable for the open contempt and an-

2964 SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION tagonism they express toward faith. Thus, as Freud rational choice currently used in economics explained on one page of his psychoanalytic exposé (Iannaccone 1995b) but the ‘‘thick’’ version (Ferejohn of faith, The Future of an Illusion (1961 [1927], p. 1991), similar to what Weber ([1922] 1993, p. 1) 88), religion is an ‘‘illusion,’’ a ‘‘sweet—or bitter- had in mind when he wrote that sweet—poison,’’ a ‘‘neurosis,’’ an ‘‘intoxicant,’’ religiously or magically motivated behavior is and ‘‘childishness to be overcome.’’ More recently, relatively rational behavior . . . It follows rules Carroll (1987, p. 491) claimed that praying the of experience.... Thus, religious and magi- Rosary is ‘‘a disguised gratification of repressed cal behavior or thinking must not be set anal-erotic desires,’’ a substitute for playing ‘‘with apart from the range of everyday purposive one’s feces.’’ In a similar fashion, Ostow (1990, p. conduct . . . 113) asserted that evangelical Protestantism is a matter of regression ‘‘to the state of mind of the What about the harmful social effects of relig- child who resists differentiation from its mother. ion as it sustains the powerful and dispenses false The messiah and the group itself represent the consciousness to the exploited and debased? Engels returning mother.’’ (Marx and Engels 64 195, p. 316) claimed that early Christianity ‘‘first appeared as a religion of In rejecting assertions that religion is rooted slaves and emancipated slaves, of poor people in irrationality, proponents of the new paradigm deprived of all rights, of peoples subjugated and cite a growing literature that finds religion to be a dispersed by Rome.’’ Does it not follow that relig- reliable source of better mental and even physical ion appeals most strongly to the lower classes? health (Ellison 1991, 1993; Idler and Kasl 1997; Levin 1996; Pargament and Park 1995). Two litera- While the old paradigm identified religion as ture reviews published in 1987, pointed to the the opiate of the people, the new paradigm notes positive health effects of religious involvement that religion also often is the ‘‘amphetamines’’ of regardless of the age, sex, race, ethnicity, or na- the people in that religion animated many medie- tionality of the population being studied ( Jarvis val peasant and artisan rebellions (Cohn 1961), and Northcutt 1987; Levin and Schiller 1987). In a generated repeated uprisings among the native more recent review, Levin (1996, p. 850) found peoples of Africa and North America against Euro- that that relationship still holds and suggests that pean encroachment (Wilson 1975), and recently these results point to a ‘‘protective epidemiologic served as a major center of mobilization against effect of religiosity.’’ tyranny in eastern Europe (Echikson 1990). The notion that religion primarily serves to compen- In the field of gerontology, of research on sate the deprived and dispossessed has become religion and aging has grown so rapidly that a new untenable. The consensus among scholars rejects journal (Journal of Religious Gerontology) has emerged as ‘‘imaginary history’’ Engels’s notion that the and older journals have devoted special issues or early Christian movement was rooted in proletar- sections to discussions of the topic. Krause (1997, ian suffering. The facts force the conclusion that p. S291) summarized the literature: ‘‘[A]n impres- Christianity’s greatest early appeal was to the privi- sive body of research indicates that elderly people leged classes (Stark 1996a). In similar fashion, who are involved in religion tend to enjoy better since the early 1940s many researchers have at- physical and mental health than older adults who tempted to connect religiousness to social class, are not as religious.’’ but their findings have been weak and inconsistent Not only is religion associated with better (Stark and Finke 2000). Consequently, the need mental and physical health, all the current theoriz- for new theorizing on the role of religion in the ing about religion accepts the rational choice prin- political affairs of nations has been recognized ciple as its first axiom (Gill 1998; Greeley 1995; (Gill 1998). Iannaccone 1990, 1995a, 1995b; Miller 1995; Sherkat 1997; Stark 1996a, 1996b, 1999a; Stark RELIGION IS DOOMED IN MODERN TIMES and Bainbridge 1980 [1987], 1996; Stark and Finke 2000; Stark and Iannaccone 1993, 1994). Most of As the social sciences emerged in the wake of the these scholars do not employ the ‘‘thin’’ version of Enlightenment, the leading figures eagerly pro-

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claimed the demise of religion. Toqueville wrote cern secularization but is, ‘‘[W]hy are these societies in his famous early nineteenth-century study, De- of believing non-belongers?’’ as Davie (1994) has mocracy in America ([1840] 1956, vol. II, p. 319): expressed it. What is it about the churches in those nations that prevents them from mobilizing The philosophers of the eighteenth century participation? explained in a very simple manner the gradual decay of religious faith. Religious zeal, said Looking to the world as a whole, there is no they, must necessarily fail the more generally consistent relationship between religious partici- liberty is established and knowledge diffused. pation and modernization. Indeed, the very few significant, long-term declines in religious partici- This came to be known as the secularization pation that have been seen in the world are greatly thesis: In response to modernization, ‘‘religious outnumbered by remarkable increases (Stark and institutions, actions, and consciousness, [will] lose Finke 2000). What needs to be explained, there- their social significance’’ (Wilson 1982, p. 149). fore, is not religious decline but variation. Finally, Toqueville was virtually alone in rejecting the the spread of science cannot cause secularization, secularization thesis; perhaps no other social sci- because science and religion are unrelated. Scien- entific prediction enjoyed such nearly universal tists are as religious as anyone else, and the more acceptance for so long. Thus, the anthropologist scientific their fields, the more religious are Ameri- Wallace (1966, p. 265) wrote in an undergraduate can academics (Stark et al. 1996). textbook: The evolutionary future of religion is extinc- tion. Belief in supernatural beings and super- ONE LAST SPASM natural forces that affect nature without The twin propositions that religious behavior is obeying nature’s laws will erode and become rooted in irrationality and that religion must soon only an interesting historical memory . . . yield to secularization have been dealt a blow by Belief in supernatural powers is doomed to die the finding that the more liberal (or secularized) a out, all over the world, as the result of the religious body becomes, the more rapidly it loses increasing adequacy and diffusion of scientific members, while denominations that sustain more knowledge. vigorous and traditional theologies have prospered In the late 1990s, the secularization thesis has (Finke and Stark 1992; Iannaccone 1994; Kelley been buried under a mountain of contrary facts 1972; Stark and Finke 2000). How can it be that the (Bossy 1985; Duffy 1992; Greeley 1989, 1995, 1996; ‘‘fundamentalists’’ grow while the liberals lose out? Murray 1972; Stark 1999c). The primary empirical Proponents of the old paradigm have invoked the basis for claims of ongoing secularization has been notion that this is but one final, dying spasm of the very low rates of religious participation in piety. They claim that the expansion of evangelical contemporary European nations, where weekly Protestant churches in the United States (and rates of church attendance often are below 5 presumably in Latin America, where they are ex- percent. However, the overwhelming weight of periencing explosive growth) is a frantic ‘‘flight historical research shows that these low rates do from modernity,’’ that people who feel threatened not represent a decline. Church attendance always by the erosion of traditional morality are flocking was extremely low in those nations, and it is not to religious havens (Berger 1967; Hunter 1987, clear that they ever were effectively Christianized 1983). Berger (1967, p. 11) described American (Greeley 1995; Stark 1999c). Furthermore, in those evangelical Protestant churches as follows: ‘‘They nations the overwhelming majority express firm are like besieged fortresses, and their mood tends belief in the supernatural, pray, and describe them- toward a militancy that only superficially covers an selves as religious. It is perverse to describe a underlying sense of panic.’’ Nearly thirty years nation as highly secularized (as those committed later Thurow (1996, p. 232) explained, ‘‘Those to the old paradigm still do) when two-thirds or who lose out economically or who cannot stand more of its residents say they are ‘‘religious per- the economic uncertainty of not knowing what it sons’’ and fewer than 5 percent say they are athe- takes to succeed in the new era ahead retreat into ists. The interesting question thus does not con- religious fundamentalism.’’

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A fatal problem with this explanation is that, the ‘‘Protestant ethic,’’ traced the source of that as was noted above, the relationship between so- ethic to material conditions (including the rise of cial class and religiousness is weak and inconsis- the bourgeoisie, population growth, and colonial- tent. Conservative churches actually include a fair ism), thus limiting Calvinist doctrines to being at share of highly educated, successful, and sophisti- most a proximate rather than a fundamental cause cated people who display no apparent fears of of capitalism. Even so, Weber has been bitterly modernity (Smith 1998, 2000; Stark and Finke criticized for affording religion any causal role. 2000; Woodberry and Smith 1998). Emile Durkheim and his functionalist heirs dis- missed religious belief as an insignificant epiphe- The new paradigm has no difficulty explain- nomenon, regarding ritual as the only active relig- ing the growth of evangelical churches because ious ingredient and as being only a proxy for a it does not confuse price with value. As Iannaccone more basic factor, social solidarity (Stark and (1994, 1992) has demonstrated, ‘‘strict’’ Bainbridge 1997). churches—those which require more from their members—are a better value because they offer The new paradigm is committed to the propo- far more in the way of rewards, both worldly and sition that people often act from religious motives otherworldly. In this sense, to opt for a more and that in many cases no more fundamental or traditional religious affiliation is to make the more material cause can be found. Four historical exam- rational choice, in that it yields a greater ratio of ples reveal the conflict between paradigms on this rewards over costs. central issue. Crusading for Land and Loot. For centuries, IDEALISTIC HUMBUG historians believed that the Crusades to the Holy Land were motivated by faith, that tens of thou- Generations of social scientists have embraced the sands of European nobles and knights marched to notion that religion is a dependent variable and the Holy Land to rescue it from Muslim ‘‘desecra- that whatever appears to be a religious effect is tion.’’ However, by the end of the nineteenth ultimately merely a mask for something more century social scientists had penetrated those ap- basic, something ‘‘material.’’ pearances to discover that the crusaders really Although social scientists in most other areas went in pursuit of land and loot. Having summa- of study have long acknowledged the truism that if rized the many economic problems facing Europe people define something as real, it can have real in the eleventh century, including the population consequences, this concession usually has been pressures and land shortages that were said to denied in the area of religion. Instead, there has beset the knightly class, Mayer (1972, pp. 22–25) been a general willingness to agree with Marx that stressed the ‘‘lust for booty’’ and the ‘‘hunger for any attempt to explain ‘‘reality’’ by reference to an loot’’ that motivated the crusaders: ‘‘Obviously the unreality such as religion is ‘‘idealistic humbug.’’ crusade acted as a kind of safety valve for a knightly Rather, one must explain religion by reference to class which was constantly growing in numbers.’’ ‘‘realities’’ such as ‘‘the mode of production.’’ That He went on to emphasize the need to recognize is, one ‘‘does not explain practice from the idea ‘‘the social and economic situation of a class which but explains the formation of ideas from material looked upon the crusade as a way of solving its practice’’ (Marx [1845] 1998, p. 61). As Marx’s material problems.’’ collaborator Engels explained, ‘‘All religion . . . is Although there is extensive evidence that the nothing but the fantastic reflection in men’s minds crusaders truly believed they were going for purely of those external forces which control their daily religious reasons, this material can be ignored life . . . the economic conditions . . . the means of because there exists a definitive refutation of the production’’ (Marx and Engels 1964, pp. 147–148). materialist position. In 1063, thirty-two years be- These views did not originate with Marx; they fore Urban II called for the First Crusade to the have been nearly universal among social scientists Holy Land, Pope Alexander II, backed by the for close to three centuries (Stark 1999b). Even evangelical efforts of the monks of Cluny, attempted Weber, having attributed the rise of capitalism to to organize a Crusade to reclaim Moorish Spain.

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Here, very close at hand, lay great wealth and an dogmatic or religious discussions, the principle abundance of fertile land, and the Pope had de- motive of the preaching of heresy’’ (quoted in clared that all who fought for the Cross in Spain Russell 1965, p. 231). Even many historians not were entitled not only to absolution for their sins committed to orthodox Marxism have detected but to all the wealth and ‘‘lands they conquered materialism behind medieval dissent. For exam- from the infidel’’ (Runciman 1951, vol. 1, p. 91). ple, the non-Marxist historian Cohn (1961, p. xiii) However, hardly anyone responded, and little or reduced medieval heresies to ‘‘the desire of the nothing was achieved. The materialist interpreta- poor to improve the material conditions of their tion of the Crusades fails when faced with the fact lives,’’ which ‘‘became transfused with phantasies that crusaders were not lured to nearby Spain in of a new Paradise.’’ pursuit of rich and relatively easy pickings, while soon afterward tens of thousands set off for the It is not necessary for proponents of the new dry wastes of faraway Palestine and did so again paradigm to deny that class conflicts existed in and again. Why did they do that rather than go to medieval times or to suppose that people partici- Spain? Because Spain was not the Holy Land. Jesus pating in heresy never paid any heed to their had not walked the streets of Toledo or been material interests to reaffirm that religion lay at crucified in Seville. the heart of these conflicts. If their primary con- cerns had been worldly, surely most heretics would Heresy and Class Struggle. Beginning in the have recanted when that was the only way out. It eleventh century and lasting though the sixteenth, was, after all, only their religious notions they had Europe was swept by mass heretical movements— to give up, not their material longings. However, Waldensians, Cathars (called Albigensians in south- large numbers of them chose death instead. More- ern France), Hussites, and many others—culmi- over, these movements drew participants from all nating in the Reformation. Tens of thousands died levels of the class system. The Albigensians, for on behalf of their religious beliefs, but maybe not. example, enlisted not only the bourgeoisie but, in Many historians possessed of an excessive so- contradiction to Engels, most of the nobility as ciological imagination have claimed that these well as the clergy of southern France and indeed great heretical movements were not primarily about the ‘‘masses’’ (Costen 1997; Lambert 1992; Mundy doctrines and morals, if indeed religious factors 1985). Finally, the claim that the majority of the were of any significance at all. Instead, they argue, participants in any given heresy consisted of peas- the religious aspect of these movements masked ants and the poor is lacking in force, even in the their real basis, which was of course class struggle. instances in which it might be true. Almost every- Engels (Marx and Engels 1964, pp. 97–123) identi- one in medieval Europe was poor and a peasant. fied some of these movements, including the Gauged against this standard, it seems likely that Albigensians, as urban heresies in that they repre- the ‘‘proletarian masses’’ were quite underrepre- sented the class interests of the town bourgeoisie sented in most of these movements (Lambert 1992). against those of the feudal elites of church and Medieval Jewish Messianic Movements. For state. But most of the heretical movements were, Jews the messiah has yet to come, but again and according to Engels, based on the proletariat, again over the centuries, groups of Jews have which demanded restoration of the equality and hailed his arrival. An early episode resulted, of communalism of early Christianity (Engels and course, in Christianity, but it would not be an many other Marxists have claimed that the early exaggeration to say that hundreds of other messianic Christians briefly achieved true communism). movements have occurred in Jewish communities Engels granted that these class struggles were char- over the past two millennia, and such movements acterized by religious and mystical rhetoric but were especially common in the European diaspora dismissed this as false consciousness. Following during medieval times (Cohen 1967; Lenowitz Engels, many Marxist historians have ‘‘exposed’’ 1998; Sharot 1982). the materialism behind the claims of religious dissent. Thus, in 1936 the Italian historian Antonino In a sophisticated analysis of these religious de Stefano claimed, ‘‘At bottom, the economic movements, Sharot (1982, p. 18) noted the huge argument must have constituted, more than any literature that stresses that messianic movements are

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responses to the disruption of social and The Mystical 1960s. A huge literature attri- cultural patterns . . . [produced by] a disaster butes the ‘‘explosive growth’’ of new religious such as an epidemic, famine, war, or massacre. movements in the United States in the late 1960s Following a disaster, persons feel vulnerable, and early 1970s to profound social causes. Particu- confused, full of anxiety, and they turn to lar attention has been given to uncovering the millennial beliefs in order to account for secular causes of the special appeal of Eastern otherwise meaningless events. They interpret faiths for Americans in that period. Cox (1983, p. the disaster as a prelude to the millennium; 42) blamed ‘‘the most deteriorated, decadent phase thus their deepest despair gives way to the of consumer capitalism,’’ charging that converts to greatest hope. Eastern faiths had ‘‘been maddened by consumer culture’’ (p. 40). Serious journals published equally Although some messianic Jewish movements did hysterical explanations. As Robbins summarized erupt after a disaster, as he worked his way through (1988, p. 60), each of these analyses identified one all the better-known cases, Sharot (1982, pp. 65– or more ‘‘acute and distinctively modern disloca- 66) was forced to agree with Cohen’s (1967) earlier tion which is said to be producing some mode of study that many movements seemed to come out alienation, anomie or deprivation to which Ameri- of nowhere in the sense that they arose during cans are responding.’’ With a fine grasp of the periods of relative quiet and therefore that ‘‘disas- essentials, Barker (1986, p. 338) commented that ter was not a necessary condition of a messianic ‘‘those who have read some of the sociological outburst.’’ literature could well be at a loss to understand why Sharot made this concession very reluctantly, all young adults are not members [of new religious and often seems to forget it. Nevertheless, his movements], so all-encompassing are some of the scrupulous accounts of specific incidents frequently explanations.’’ show that a movement was the direct result of In fact, there was no growth, explosive or religious rather than secular influences. In many otherwise, of new religious movements in this era cases, an episode began with an individual or small (Melton 1988; Finke and Stark 1992); the rate of group poring over the Kabbalah (a collection of new movement formation was constant from 1950 Jewish mystical writings) out of purely personal through 1990. As for the brief increase in the motives and then ‘‘discovering’’ that the millen- proportion of Eastern faiths among new American nium was at hand. Thereafter, they shared this knowledge with others, who in turn assisted in movements, capitalism had nothing to do with it. arousing a mass following. In other instances, Rather, in 1965 the elimination of exclusionary someone became convinced that he was the mes- rules against Asian immigration made it possible siah and was able to convince his family and friends for the first time for authentic Eastern and Indian (Stark 1999d). religious leaders to seek American followers di- rectly. Consequently, there was an increase in the One can of course argue that Jews in medieval number of Eastern religious organizations, but Europe were always victims and hence always ripe the number of actual converts was minuscule. for millenarian solutions. However, constants can- Even so, these movements were the result of re- not explain variations, and in as many cases as not, ligious efforts, of face-to-face recruitment activi- nothing special was going on to cause a movement ties motivated by the religious convictions of to arise then rather than at some other time ex- missionizing gurus. cept for direct religious influences in the form of people advocating a new religious message or circumstance. THE EVILS OF PLURALISM Of course, people often do turn to religion in More than three centuries ago, early scholars of times of trouble and crisis, but the new paradigm comparative religion assumed that by publicizing rejects the claim that crises are a necessary condi- the beliefs of the world’s many faiths, they could tion for religious innovations and recognizes that advance the cause of atheism, that by virtue of religious phenomena can be caused by other relig- their competing claims, each religion would refute ious phenomena. the others (Preus 1987). This view has led to the

2969 SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION claim that faith is a very fragile thing that cannot peals, with the overall result that a higher propor- survive challenge; hence, pluralism—the existence tion of the population will be enrolled. As of 1999 of several competing religious bodies in a soci- there had been more than twenty-five published ety—is said to be incompatible with strong religiosity. studies based on many different societies and Durkheim ([1897] 1951, p. 159) asserted that when different eras, offering overwhelming support for multiple religious groups compete, religion be- this view (Finke and Stark 1998; Stark and Finke 2000). comes open to question, dispute, and doubt and thus ‘‘the less it dominates lives.’’ Eventually these views were formulated into elegant sociology by A FOCUS ON RELIGION Berger (1967, 1979), who repeatedly argued that Despite emphasizing that religion does have ef- pluralism inevitably destroys the plausibility of all fects, the new paradigm is not limited to that religions and only where one faith prevails can perspective. Rather, in addition to a sociology of there exist a ‘‘scared canopy’’ that is able to inspire religious effects, the new paradigm has promul- universal confidence and assent. gated a sociology of religion per se. These notions are mistaken, having been taken For a long time sociologists interested in relig- over uncritically from the justifications given by ion attempted to justify their topic by demonstrat- European state churches for their monopolies. It ing its importance to those who specialized in one is indicative of the undue respect given European of the more of the ‘‘secular’’ areas of the field. social science that American sociologists accepted Thus, some sociologists devoted studies to demon- this view, since religious competition is an obvious strating religious effects on political behavior such basis for the extraordinary levels of religious par- as voting and opinions on current issues. Others ticipation in the United States, in contrast to the sought to convince demographers that religion religious apathy prevalent in societies with a mo- was crucial to fertility studies. This trend has been nopoly church. Indeed, the positive role of compe- enshrined in textbooks on the sociology of relig- tition is obvious in American history. In 1776, ion, all of which have consisted almost entirely of when most American colonies were dominated by chapters on ‘‘religion and family,’’ ‘‘religion and a state-supported church, about one person in five economics,’’ ‘‘religion and prejudice,’’ and so on. belonged to any church. After the Revolution, the onset of vigorous religious competition eventually However, having become part of a relatively resulted in about two-thirds of Americans belong- large and well-established specialty, sociologists in ing to a church (Finke and Stark 1992) this area have become sufficiently confident to made religion the real center of study rather than To fully appreciate the power of pluralism, it trying to draw legitimacy from its connections to was necessary to cease treating religion as pri- other topics. Consequently, there has been re- marily a psychological phenomenon and take a newed attention to what religion is as well as what more sociological view, an approach that also has it does (Boyer 1994; Greeley 1995; Guthrie 1996; been characteristic of the new paradigm. The con- Stark 1999a). There also is much new work on cept of a religious economy (Stark 1985) made it religious and mystical experiences (Hood 1997; possible to adopt an overall perspective on the Howell 1997; Neitz and Spickard 1990; Stark religious activities in a society and examine the 1999d). Other scholars have focused not on the interplay among religious groups. This analysis causes or consequences of prayer but on its nature quickly revealed that the main impact of religious and practice (Poloma and Gallup 1991; Swatos competition on individuals is not confusion or the 1987). Also, increasing attention is being paid to corrosion of faiths but to present the individual images of God (Barrett 1998; Greeley 1995; Stark with vigorously offered choices. As Adam Smith forthcoming). pointed out more than two centuries ago, monop- oly religions are as subject to laziness and ineffi- In addition, there is an impressive new litera- ciency as are monopoly business firms. Thus, it is ture on religious socialization (Ellison and Sherkat axiomatic in the new paradigm that religious com- 1993a, 1993b; Granqvist 1998; Kirkpatrick and petition strengthens religion because as firms vie Shaver 1990; Smith 1998), on denominational for supporters, they tend to specialize their ap- switching (Musick and Wilson 1995; Perrin et al.

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1997; Sherkat and Wilson 1995), and on conver- Ellison, Christopher G. 1991 ‘‘Religious Involvement sion (Hall 1998; Rambo 1993; Stark and Finke and Subjective Well-Being.’’ Journal of Health and 2000). Amid all this activity, the case study litera- Social Behavior 32:80–99. ture is blooming as never before (Davidman 1991; ——— 1993. ‘‘Religion, the Life Stress Paradigm, and Goldman 1999; Heelas 1996; Lang and Ragvald the Study of Depression.’’ In Jeffrey S. Levin, ed., 1993; Lawson 1995, 1996, 1998; Neitz 1987; Poloma Religious Factors in Aging and Health: Theoretical Foun- 1989; Washington 1995). dations and Methodological Frontiers. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage Ferejohn, John A. 1991 ‘‘Rationality and Interpretation: REFERENCES Parliamentary Elections in Early Stuart England.’’ In Barker, Eileen 1986 ‘‘Religious Movements: Cult and Kristen Renwick Monroe, ed., The Economic Approach Anti-Cult Since Jonestown.’’ Annual Review of Sociol- to Politics: A Critical Reassessment of the Theory of Ra- ogy 12:329–346. tional Action. New York: HarperCollins. Barrett, Justin L. 1998 ‘‘Cognitive Constraints on Hindu ——— 1992 The Churching of America, 1776–1990: Win- Concepts of the Divine.’’ Journal for the Scientific Study ners and Losers in our Religious Economy. New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers University Press. of Religion 37:608–619. Finke, Roger, and Rodney Stark 1998 ‘‘Religious Choice Berger, Peter 1967 The Sacred Canopy. New York: and Competition.’’ American Sociological Review. Doubleday. 63:761–766. ——— 1979 The Heretical Imperative: Contemporary Possi- Freud, Sigmund (1927) 1961 The Future of an Illusion. bilities of Religious Affiliation. New York: Doubleday. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday. Bossy, John 1985 Christianity in the West: 1400–1700. Gill, Anthony J. 1998 Rendering Unto Caesar: The Roman New York: Oxford University Press. Catholic Church and the State in Latin America. Chi- Boyer, Pascal 1994 The Naturalness of Religious Ideas: A cago: University of Chicago Press. Cognitive Theory of Religion. Berkeley: University of Goldman, Marion 1999 Passionate Journies: Why Success- California Press. ful Women Joined a Cult. Carroll, Michael P. 1987 ‘‘Praying the Rosary: The Anal- Granqvist, Pehr 1998 ‘‘Religiousness and Perceived Child- Erotic Origins of a Popular Catholic Devotion.’’ Jour- hood Attachment: On the Question of Compensa- nal for the Scientific Study of Religion 26:486–498. tion or Correspondence.’’ Journal for the Scientific Cohen, Gershon D. 1967. ‘‘Messianic Postures of Study of Religion. 37:350–367. Ashkenazim and Sephardim (Pior to Sabbatai Zevi).’’ Greeley, Andrew M. 1989 Religious Change in America. In Max Kreutzberger, ed., Studies of the Leo Baeck Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Institute. New York: ——— 1995 Religion as Poetry. New Brunswick, N.J.: Cohn, Norman 1961 The Pursuit of the Millennium. New Transaction. York: Harper and Row. ——— 1996 ‘‘The New American Paradigm: A Modest Costen, Michael 1997 The Cathars and the Albigensian Critique.’’ Paper read at the German Sociological Crusade. Manchester, UK: Manchester: University Press. Association annual meetings, Cologne. Cox, Harvey 1983 ‘‘Interview.’’ In Steven J. Gelberg, ed., Guthrie, Stewart Elliott 1996 ‘‘Religion: What Is It?’’ Hare Krishna, Hare Krishna. New York: Grove Press. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. 35:412–419. Davidman, Lynn 1991 Tradition in a Rootless World: Heelas, Paul 1996 The New Age Movement. Oxford: Women Turn to Orthodox Judaism. Berkeley: Univer- Blackwell. sity of California Press. Hood, Ralph W., Jr. 1997 ‘‘The Empirical Study of Davie, Grace. 1994. Religion in Britain Since 1945: Believ- Mysticism.’’ In Bernard Spilka and Daniel N. McIntosh, ing without Belonging. Oxford:Blackwell. eds., The Psychology of Religion: Theoretical Approaches. Boulder, Colo. Westview Press. Duffy, Eamon. 1992. Stripping of the Altars. New Haven, Howell, Julia Day 1997 ‘‘ASC Induction Techniques, Conn.: Yale University Press. Spiritual Experiences, and Commitment to New Re- Durkheim, Emile (1897) 1951 Suicide. Glencoe, Ill.: ligious Movements.’’ Sociology of Religion. 58:141–164. Free Press. Hunter, James Davison 1983 American Evangelicalism: Echikson, William 1990 Lighting the Night: Revolution in Conservative Religion and the Quandary of Modernity. Eastern Europe. New York: Morrow. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press.

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Rambo, Lewish R. 1993 Understanding Religious Conver- ——— 1997 Religion, Deviance, and Social Control. New sion. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. York: Routledge. Robbins, Thomas 1988 Cults, Converts and Charisma: The ———, and Roger Finke 2000 The Human Side of Relig- Sociology of Religious Movements. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage. ion: A Social Science Paradigm. Berkeley: University of Runciman, Steven 1951 A History of the Crusades (3 vols.). California Press. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ———, and Laurence R. Iannaccone 1993 ‘‘Rational Russell, Jeffrey Burton 1965 Dissent and Reform in the Choice Propositions about Religious Movements.’’ Early Middle Ages. Berkeley: University of Califor- In David G. Bromley and Jeffrey K. Hadden, ed., nia Press. Religion and the Social Order, (vol. 3–A:): Handbook on Cults and Sects in America. Greenwhich, Conn.: JAI Press. Sharot, Stephen 1982 Messianism, Mysticism, and Magic: A Sociological Analysis of Jewish Religious Movements. ———, 1994 ‘‘A Supply-Side Reinterpretation of the Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. ‘‘Secularization’’ of Europe.’’ Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. 33:230–252. Sherkat, Darren E. 1997 ‘‘Embedding Religious Choices: Preferences and Social Constraints into Rational ———, Laurence R. Iannaccone, and Roger Finke 1996 Choice Theories of Religious Behavior.’’ In Law- ‘‘Religion, Science and Rationality.’’ American Eco- rence A. Young, ed., Rational Choice Theory and Relig- nomic Review (papers and proceedings):433–437. ion: Summary and Assessment. New York: Routledge. Swatos, William H., Jr. 1987 ‘‘The Power of Prayer: Smith, Christian. 2000. Christian America? What Evangelicals Observations and Possibilities.’’ In W. H. Swatos, ed., Really Want. Berkeley: University of California Press. Religious Sociology: Interfaces and Boundaries. New York: Greenwood Press. ———, with Michael Emerson, Sally Gallagher, Paul Kennedy, and David Sikkink 1998 American Evangel- Thurow, Lester 1996 The Future of Capitalism. New ism: Embattled and Thriving. Chicago: University of York: Morrow. Chicago Press. Tocqueville, Alexis de. (1840) 1956 Democracy in America Stark, Rodney 1985 ‘‘From Church-Sect to Religious (2 vols). New York: Vintage. Economies’’ In Phillip E. Hammond, ed., The Sacred Wallace, Anthony F. C. 1966 Religion: An Anthropological in a Post-Secular Age. Berkeley: University of Califor- View. New York: Random House. nia Press. ——— 1996a The Rise of Christianity: A Sociologist Recon- Warner, R. Stephen 1993 ‘‘Work in Progress towards a siders History. Princeton, N.J. Princeton Univer- New Paradigm for the Sociological Study of Religion sity Press. in the United States.’’ American Journal of Sociology 98:1044–1093. ——— 1996b ‘‘Why Religious Movements Succeed or Fail: A Revised General Model.’’ Journal of Contempo- Washington, Peter 1995 Madame Blavatsky’s Baboon. rary Religion 11:133–146. New York: Schoecken. ——— 1999a ‘‘The Micro Foundations of Religion: A Weber, Max (1922) 1993 The Sociology of Religion. Bos- Revised Theory.’’ Sociological Theory 17: ton: Beacon. ——— 1999b ‘‘Atheism, Faith, and the Social Scientific Wilson, Bryan 1975 Magic and the Millennium. Frogmore, Study of Religion.’’ Journal of Contemporary Religion: UK: Paladin. 14:41–62. ——— 1982 Religion in Sociological Perspective. Oxford: ——— 1999c ‘‘Secularization, R.I.P.’’ Sociology of Relig- UK: Oxford University Press. ion 60: Woodberry, Robert D., and Christian S. Smith 1998 ——— 1999d ‘‘A Theory of Revelations,’’ Journal for the ‘‘Fundamentalism et al.: Conservative Protestants in Scientific Study of Religion 37: America.’’ Annual Review of Sociology. 22:25–56. ——— Forthcoming. Gods: Their Social and Historical Power. RODNEY STARK ———, and William Sims Bainbridge 1980 ‘‘Towards a Theory of Religion: Religious Commitment,’’ Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 19:114–128. SOCIOMETRY ——— (1987) 1996 A Theory of Religion, Republished ed. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press. See Social Networks; Social Psychology.

2973 SOUTHEAST ASIA STUDIES

SOUTHEAST ASIA STUDIES Southeast Asia will exceed 500 million, about 8 percent of the world’s total. Indonesia is the fifth Southeast Asia consists of the ten countries that lie most populous country in the world, while the oil- between the Indian subcontinent and China. On rich sultanate of Brunei (on the island of Borneo) the mainland of Southeast Asia are Myanmar is one of the smallest. The other large countries of (Burma), Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, and Viet- the region—Thailand, Vietnam, and the Philip- nam. Insular Southeast Asia includes Indonesia, pines—are more populous than all European coun- the Philippines, Brunei, Malaysia, and Singapore. tries except for the former Soviet Union and Ger- While most of Malaysia (Peninsular Malaysia) is on many. The sea (South China Sea and Indian and the mainland, that country usually is considered Pacific Oceans) surrounds much of the region, part of insular Southeast Asia because the Malay especially the immense Indonesian and Filipino population (the majority ethnic population) shares a archipelagoes. While the sea can be a barrier, the common language and religion with much of the ocean and the rivers of the region are avenues that Indonesian population. The city-state of Singapore have fostered local and long-distance trade through- (on an island connected by a mile-long causeway to out history. Moreover, the ease of movement Peninsular Malaysia) was historically part of Malaysia, throughout the region seems to have shaped cul- but because of its unique ethnic composition (three- tures that easily absorbed new ideas and immi- quarters of the population is of Chinese origin), it grants and have been tolerant of diversity. is more similar to East Asia than to Southeast Asia.

While there are some common geographic HISTORY and cultural features, diversity is the hallmark of the region. Incredible indigenous cultural varia- The contemporary political divisions of the region tion has been overlaid by centuries of contact, are largely a product of European imperialism, trade, migration, and cultural exchange from within especially of the nineteenth century. Before Euro- the region, from other parts of Asia, and for the pean intervention, there were great regional civili- past five hundred years from Europe (for general zations, both agrarian states and maritime empires overviews of the region, see Osborne 1985; Wertheim that waxed and waned over the millennium. The 1968). The common characteristic of mainland remains of the temple complexes of Angkor (Cam- Southeast Asia is Buddhism, although there are bodia) and Pagan (Burma) rival the architectural very significant variations across and within coun- achievements of any premodern world civiliza- tries: Islam is the majority religion in Indonesia, tion. Early Western observers of the city of Melaka Brunei, and Malaysia, while Christianity is the (a fifteenth-century maritime empire centered on major religion in the Philippines. The lowlands of the west coast of the Malayan peninsula) described both mainland and insular Southeast Asia tend to it as more magnificent than any contemporary be densely settled, and wet (irrigated) rice agricul- European city. These early polities were founded ture is the predominant feature of the country- on intensive rice cultivation with complex irriga- side. Rural areas are knitted together with small- tion systems, the dominance of regional and long- and medium-sized market towns. The major met- distance trade, or both. The region also has been ropolitan areas of the region ( Jakarta, Bangkok, deeply influenced by contacts with the great civili- Singapore, Manila, Rangoon, Kuala Lumpur, Ho zations of India and China. The cultural influences Chi Minh City) are typically port cities or are from outside have invariably been transformed located along major rivers. Many of these towns into distinctive local forms in different Southeast and cities have significant Chinese minorities (of- Asian contexts. Because relatively few written rec- ten intermarried with the local population) that ords have survived the tropical environment of play an important role in commerce. Every coun- Southeast Asia, historical research relies heavily try has remote highland and mountainous regions on archeological investigations, epigraphs, and that often are populated by ethnic minorities. records from other world regions, especially Chi- nese sources. In terms of land area, population size, and cultural and linguistic diversity, Southeast Asia is European influence began in the sixteenth comparable to Europe (excluding the former So- century with the appearance of Portuguese and viet Union). By the year 2000, the population of Spanish naval forces, followed by the arrival of the

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Dutch in the seventeenth century and then by that Indonesia (1945–1950) and the French in Vietnam of the British and French. In the early centuries of (1945–1954). The interplay of nationalist strug- contact, European powers were able to dominate gles, class conflicts, and East-West cold war rivalry the seas and thus limit the expansion of Southeast had a marked influence on political developments Asian polities, but they rarely penetrated very far in the region. In almost every country there were inland from their coastal trading cities. All South- radical and communist movements that held the east Asia was transformed, however, in the nine- allegiance of significant sectors of the population. teenth century as the Industrial Revolution in the In several cases, communist parties were part of West stimulated demand for mineral and agricul- the nationalist movement but left (or were driven tural products around the globe. New economic out of) the political arena as domestic and interna- organizations of plantations, mines, and markets tional tensions escalated. Vietnam was unique in led to large-scale migration of people and capital that the nationalist movement was led by Commu- to frontier areas and to the cities of Southeast Asia. nists. After the French were defeated in 1954 and There was an accompanying flurry of imperialist agreed to grant independence to Vietnam, the wars to grab land, people, and potential resources. United States intervened to set up a non-Commu- In a series of expansions, the British conquered nist Vietnamese state in the southern region of the the area of present-day Myanmar (Burma) and country. After another twenty years of war and a Malaysia, the Dutch completed their conquest of million casualties, Vietnam was finally united as an the East Indies (now Indonesia), and the French independent state in 1975. Since 1975, however, took the areas that formed their Indochina empire political tension between the socialist states of (present-day Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos). At Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos and the other coun- the turn of the twentieth century, the United tries in the region has been the dominant feature States defeated nationalist forces to take control of of international relations there. the Philippines just as the Spanish Empire was Domestic political developments within indi- crumbling. Siam (Thailand) was the only indige- vidual countries in the region have been no less nous Southeast Asian state to escape the grip of dramatic. Governments have oscillated between colonialism. authoritarian and democratic forms, with no lin- The political history of the region has not ear trend. Behind the headlines of military coups, been stable. As Western countries moved toward regional wars for autonomy, and ‘‘managed’’ elec- more democratic social and political institutions tions have been complex political struggles among over the first decades of the twentieth century, the various contending groups defined by class, re- colonists (British, Dutch, American, and French) gion, ethnicity, and kinship. These struggles have constructed authoritarian dependencies in the trop- ranged from civil war to fairly open elections. ics that were based on export economies and racial Large-scale violence is not the norm, but massa- ideologies. Although there were stirrings of na- cres in Indonesia, Cambodia, and East Timor have tionalist sentiment in the first half of the twentieth been among the worst of such episodes in modern century, it was only after World War II that the times. Popular civil protests against ruling elites in nationalist forces were strong enough and the the Philippines and Burma had significant domestic international environment favorable enough to and international reverberations. Neither academic bring political independence to the region. The scholarship nor political reporting has offered critical turning point was the Japanese conquest generalizations about or convincing interpreta- and occupation of Southeast Asia from 1942 to tions of the postwar political change in South- 1945, which permanently shattered the myth of east Asia. European superiority. The colonial powers re- Many of the countries in Southeast Asia have turned after World War II, but they encountered experienced remarkable socioeconomic moderni- popular nationalist movements that demanded zation in the postindependence era. This is most the end of colonialism. evident for the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Independence was negotiated peacefully by Asian Nations) countries of Thailand, Malaysia, the Americans in the Philippines and the British in Singapore, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Brunei. Burma and Malaya, but nationalist forces had to All indicators of socioeconomic development (gross wage wars of independence against the Dutch in national product, educational levels, occupational

2975 SOUTHEAST ASIA STUDIES structure, infant mortality) suggest that Southeast genitals to enhance the sexual pleasure of women Asia has successfully narrowed the gap with the (Reid 1988, pp. 148–151). first world, while other regions of the third world At present, women seem to be well repre- have fallen farther behind. The reasons for the sented in schools, universities, and employment in success of some countries and the economic stag- all modern sectors of the economy in almost every nation in other countries are a matter of dispute. country in Southeast Asia. There is only a modest The East Asian model of state-sponsored export scholarly literature on the higher status of women industrialization is widely discussed in policy and in Southeast Asia (Van Esterik 1982), and few academic circles, but the parallels between East efforts have been made to explain the links be- Asian and Southeast Asian economic development tween the traditional roles of women as produc- strategies are still a matter of considerable uncer- tive workers in the rural rice economy and their tainty. Few scholarly studies have examined the relative ease of entry into the modern sector. causes and consequences of the economic mod- Demographic research has revealed very rapid ernization of Southeast Asia. declines in fertility in several Southeast Asian coun- tries, particularly Singapore, Thailand, Malaysia, THE STATUS OF WOMEN and Indonesia. If the current pace of decline con- tinues, replacement-level fertility (two children per Several theoretical concepts and empirical gener- woman) should be reached in the near future alizations have arisen from studies of Southeast (Hirschman and Guest 1990). Asian societies that have relevance far beyond the region. Empirically, the most common cultural characteristic across the region is the relatively AGRICULTURAL INVOLUTION high status of women in Southeast Asian societies, Scholarship on Southeast Asia often has reached especially compared with East Asia and South beyond the boundaries of the region to influence Asia. While women still face many social and debates over social science concepts, theory, and cultural obstacles in Southeast Asia, the situation models. Perhaps most influential have been the appears much different from that in the patriar- books and articles on Indonesia by the anthro- chal societies of other Asian societies and the pologist Geertz. His evocative concepts of the traditional female domesticity of many Western ‘‘theatre state,’’ ‘‘thick description,’’ and ‘‘agricul- societies. While there are a few matrilineal socie- tural involution’’ have stimulated debate and re- ties in the region, Southeast Asian kinship systems search in several social science disciplines, includ- are typically bilateral, with equal importance at- ing sociology. His model of agricultural involution tached to the husband’s and wife’s families. The (Geertz 1968) has been one of the most provoca- patrilocal custom of an obligatory residence of a tive developments in scholarship on Indonesia newly married couple with or near the groom’s over the last generation. family is largely absent in Southeast Asia. The residence of young couples after marriage seems A strikingly bold thesis, agricultural involu- to be largely a matter of choice or is dependent on tion is an attempt to explain how Java became one relative economic opportunities. There is no strong of the most densely settled populations in the sex preference for children in Southeast Asia, with world within a traditional agricultural economy. both girl and boy children seen as desirable. To address this question, Geertz presents an eco- logical interpretation of the evolution (involution) The relatively positive status of women was of Javanese social structure in the face of rapid evident in earlier times. Reid (1988, pp. 146–172) population growth and Dutch colonialism within reports that early European observers were struck the constraints (and possibilities) of a wet rice by the active role of women in economic and economy. The colonial system prevented industri- political affairs in Southeast Asia. Traditional folk- alization and the development of an indigenous lore also suggests that women play an active role in entrepreneurial class. The traditional rice econ- courtship and that female sexual expectations were omy, however, could absorb a larger population as important as men’s. Perhaps most unusual was because additional labor inputs in the mainte- the custom (reported in the fifteenth and six- nance of irrigation facilities, water control, weeding, teenth centuries) of inserting spurs or balls in male and harvesting yielded marginal increments in

2976 SOUTHEAST ASIA STUDIES rice production. Over the decades, this refine- This debate, however, does not really address the ment of traditional production technology (invo- central theoretical contribution of Scott’s thesis lution) led to an increasing rigidification of tradi- about the specification of the causes of peasant tional Javanese culture, thus discouraging innovation rebellion. and any efforts at social change and reinforcing the structural limits of the colonial system. Even In a more recent study based on fieldwork in a after independence, when structural limits were rural Malaysian village, Scott (1985) examines how lifted, the legacy of the past, as reflected in Javanese class antagonisms are displayed in everyday life. culture, remained. Given that rebellion is a very rare event in most societies, Scott calls attention to political, social, Geertz’s thesis remains highly controversial, and linguistic behaviors that reveal the depth of and many of its components have been confronted descensus and potential social conflict but do not with negative evidence (for a review of the debate, risk violent reaction from the state and powerful see White 1983; and Geertz 1984). For example, elites. In these two books and related publications, Geertz deemphasized social class divisions with his Scott has provided original interpretations of peas- interpretation of ‘‘shared poverty’’ as the tradi- ant political behavior in Southeast Asia and set a tional social strategy. Most research has shown research agenda for scholars of other world re- significant inequality of landholding and other gions and, more generally, the development of socioeconomic dimensions in Javanese villages, social theory. although it is not clear if inequality is permanently perpetuated between families across generations. Even accepting many of the criticisms, agricultural CONCLUSION involution is a seminal sociological model that Scholarship on Southeast Asia, whether in sociol- should generate empirical research on the histori- ogy or in other disciplines, has tended to focus on cal development of Asian societies. individual countries rather than on the region. Different languages (colonial and indigenous) as THE MORAL ECONOMY well as variations in religious traditions and politi- cal and economic systems have reinforced the A classic question in social science involves the image of a heterogenous collection of countries causes of revolution or rebellion. Neither Marxian that is labeled a region largely by default. There is theory, which emphasizes exploitation, nor rela- tremendous political, economic, and sociocultural tive deprivation theory seems to be a satisfactory diversity in the region; many of these differences, model to explain the occurrence of revolutions or however, are a product of the colonial era and its rebellions. The most sophisticated sociological the- legacy. The similarity of family systems and the ory of peasant rebellion is based on historical status of women throughout Southeast Asia sug- materials from Burma and Vietnam by the politi- gest some common historical and cultural roots cal scientist J Scott (1976) in The Moral Economy of for the region. There may well be other social and the Peasant: Subsistence and Rebellion in Southeast cultural parallels across Southeast Asia that will be Asia. Scott argues that peasants rebel only when revealed as more comparative research is under- their normative expectations of a minimum subsis- taken (Wolters 1982). tence level are not met. These conditions are more likely to occur when capitalist market relations and Many indicators of development in Southeast colonial states erode traditional societies and the Asia, including very low levels of mortality and reciprocal obligations of peasants and their patrons. almost universal secondary schooling, are approach- ing the prevailing standards of developed coun- Scott’s thesis has been criticized and hotly tries. Assuming that current socioeconomic trends debated (Popkin 1979; Keyes 1983). One criticism continue, several countries in the region probably is that Scott believes that peasants prefer tradi- will follow Japan, Korea, and Taiwan along the tional societies and are not responsive to eco- path of development in the early decades of the nomic opportunity. Scott acknowledges that peas- twenty-first century. The study of these processes ants can be quite innovative and individualistic as of modernization and the accompanying changes long as their minimum subsistence is not at risk. in politics, family structure, ethnic relations, and

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other social spheres should make Southeast Asia Research on Southeast Asia over the last decade an extraordinarily interesting sociological laboratory. also has been influenced by Anderson’s (1991) Imagined Communities, a book originally published Evolutionary—and sometimes revolutionary— in the 1980s. Although Anderson is a specialist on social change continued throughout much of South- Southeast Asia, his book on the development of east Asia in the 1990s. After the collapse of the nationalism provides comparisons from across Soviet Union, the socialist countries in the region, the world. including Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos, moved rapidly toward more market-driven economies. Several political regimes that appeared to be stable REFERENCES for long periods have been transformed. The ‘‘peo- Anderson, Benedict 1991 Imagined Communities: Reflec- ple power’’ popular protests that ended the Mar- tions on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, rev. ed. cos regime in the Philippines in the 1980s was London: Verso. echoed by the peaceful transition of power from a Chirot, Daniel, and Anthony Reid, eds. 1997 Essential military regime in Thailand in the early 1990s and Outsiders: Chinese and Jews in the Modern Transforma- by the ending of the Suharto regime in Indone- tion of Southeast Asia and Central Europe. Seattle: sia in 1998. University of Washington Press. For much of the 1990s, most of Southeast Asia Geertz, Clifford 1968 Agricultural Involution: The Proc- experienced rapid economic growth and the ma- esses of Ecological Change in Indonesia. Berkeley: Uni- versity of California Press. jor question was the emerging role of the new middle class (McVey 1992; Girling 1996). This ——— 1984 ‘‘Culture and Social Change.’’ Man 19:511–532. trend was halted in late 1997 by the ‘‘Asian eco- Girling, John 1996 Interpreting Development: Capitalism, nomic crisis’’ that hit the region and affected Democracy, and the Middle Class in Thailand. Ithaca, Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia in particular. N.Y.: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University. Both the causes of this crisis and its consequences Hirschman, Charles, and Philip Guest 1990 ‘‘The Emerg- are currently the subject of much debate. The ing Demographic Transitions of Southeast Asia.’’ change of regime in Indonesia and political pro- Population and Development Review 16:121–152. tests in Malaysia may be the most visible long-term Keyes, Charles F., ed. 1983 ‘‘Peasant Strategies in Asian impact may be more profound. Societies: Moral or Rational Economic Approaches—A Symposium.’’ Journal of Asian Studies 42:753–868. Scholarship inevitably lags behind current events. Several important publications, including McVey, Ruth, ed. 1992 Southeast Asian Capitalists. Ithaca, the second volume of Reid’s (1990, 1995) Southeast N.Y.: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University. Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450–1680 and a much Osborne, Milton 1985 Southeast Asia: An Illustrated Intro- expanded version of Wolters’s classic History, Cul- ductory History. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. ture, and Region in Southeast Asian Perspectives 1999, Popkin, Samuel L. 1979 The Rational Peasant. Berkeley: offer a new understanding of the history of the University of California Press. premodern era. Although the definition of South- Reid, Anthony 1988 Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, east Asia as a region sometimes has been consid- 1450–1680, vol. 1: The Lands below the Winds. New ered arbitrary, historical studies show common Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. cultural, political, and social forms in many places ———1990 Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450– throughout the region. 1680: The Lands below the Winds. New Haven, Conn.: One of the defining features of the region has Yale University Press. been the relatively easy absorption of peoples, ———1995 Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450– ideas, and cultural practices from elsewhere. In 1680: Expansion and Crisis. New Haven, Conn.: Yale the twentieth century, assimilation into Southeast University Press. Asian societies became more difficult with the Scott, James C. 1976 The Moral Economy of the Peasant: creation of political and social barriers. These Subsistence and Rebellion in Southeast Asia. New Ha- issues are illuminated with considerable insight in ven, Conn.: Yale University Press. Chirot and Reid’s (1997) edited collection that ———1985 Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peas- compares the experience of the Chinese in South- ant Resistance. New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univer- east Asia with that of the Jews in central Europe. sity Press.

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Van Esterik, Penny 1982 Women of Southeast Asia. Dekalb: were available in Russian translations. Most impor- Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Northern Illi- tant European sociological papers were immedi- nois University. ately translated in the series New Ideas in Sociology. Wertheim, W. F. 1968 ‘‘Southeast Asia.’’ In David Sills, There was also a well-developed ethnography and ed., International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. a literary genre of sociological journalism. New York: Macmillan and Free Press. The Bolshevik Revolution provided strong White, Benjamin 1983 ‘‘Agricultural Involution and Its stimulus to sociological reflection and empirical Critics: Twenty Years After.’’ Bulletin of Concerned social research. In the Soviet government decree Asian Scholars 15:18–41. ‘‘About the Socialist Academy of the Social Sci- Wolters, O. W. 1982 History, Culture, and Region in ences,’’ drafted in May 1918, Lenin (1962, p. 372) Southeast Asian Perspectives. Singapore: Institute of stressed the need ‘‘to organize a series of social Southeast Asian Studies. researches’’ and called it ‘‘one of the most urgent ———1999 History, Culture, and Region in Southeast Asian tasks of the day.’’ However, the Bolsheviks toler- Perspectives, rev. ed. Ithaca, N.Y.: Southeast Asia Pro- ated research only from Marxist and procommunist gram, Cornell University. positions. In the early postrevolutionary years, censorship was relatively weak or inefficient. For CHARLES HIRSCHMAN example, Sorokin not only established the first sociological laboratory in Pertograd University but also succeeded in publishing (illegally) his two- volume System of Sociology (Sorokin 1920), for which SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET he was awarded a doctorate in April 1922. He also SOCIOLOGY conducted important empirical investigations on mass starvation in the districts of Samara and In prerevolutionary Russia, sociology occupied a Saratov and examined its influence on various marginal position. The state universities offered aspects of social life and human behavior. no instruction in the field, but there was a solid intellectual tradition of historical and theoretical However, this liberalism or negligence on the sociology (Maxim Kovalevsky, Nikolai Mikhailovsky, part of the authorities was short-lived. In autumn Evgeny de Roberty), the sociology of law (Leon 1922, a group of leading Russian intellectuals, Petrajizky, Pitirim Sorokin), and the sociology of including Sorokin and other prominent social phi- social problems (living conditions of industrial losophers, was expelled from the county, ending workers and peasants, public health, crime and non-Marxist sociology in Soviet Russia. prostitution in the cities). Beginning in the 1860s, The tightening ideological control proved det- the provincial intelligentsia initiated a kind of rimental to socialist and Marxist social research as social movement, Zemskaja statistika (Statistics for well. Nevertheless, the 1920s was a fruitful period Local Administration). Since official governmen- both in empirical research and in theoretical-meth- tal statistics were unreliable, local statisticians made odological work. The most important theoretical systematic surveys of households, daily life and contributions were in the field of economic sociol- public health conditions, and the reading prefer- ogy (A. V. Chajanov, N. D. Kondratjev). There ences of the population (N. A. Rubakin). A mod- were also interesting studies on the social organi- ern system of sampling was elaborated by the zation of labor, the budgeting of time in work and statistician A. A. Chuprov for those surveys; K. M. leisure activities (S. G. Strumilin), population dy- Takhtarev introduced the concept of statistical namics, rural and urban ways of life (A. I. Todorsky, sociological methods in social research. V. E. Kabo), marriage and sexual behavior, social psychology (V. M. Bekhterev), social medicine, In 1916, the Russian Sociological Society was and other topics. All this research was finished by founded, along with the ‘‘Sociological Institute,’’ the early 1930s. where M. M. Kovalevsky, K. M. Takhtarev, N. I. Kareev, and P. A. Sorokin gave lectures. Western The Stalinist totalitarian system was incompat- sociological classics by Auguste Comte, Herbert ible with any kind of social criticism, problem- Spencer, Emile Durkheim, Gabriel Tarde, Gustave oriented thinking, or empirical research. Most Le Bon, Georg Simmel, Lester Ward, and others creative original thinkers were liquidated, and their

2979 SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET SOCIOLOGY books were prohibited. Sociology was declared cial Research of the USSR Academy of Sciences ‘‘bourgeois pseudo-science.’’ Official social statis- was established in Moscow, headed by the eminent tics were kept secret or falsified. Empirical re- economist and vice-president of the USSR Acad- search that relied on questionnaires, participant emy of Sciences A. M. Rumiantsev. observation, and similar methods was forbidden. According to Shlapentokh (1987), 1965–1972 All social theory was reduced to the official dog- were the golden years of Soviet sociology. Impor- matic version of historical materialism, which had tant original research was done on workers’ atti- very little in common with genuine Marxist dialec- tudes toward their jobs and on the interrelation- tics. Practically no firsthand information about ship of work and personality (Iadov et al. 1970), Western sociology was available. professional orientations of youth, rural sociology The revival of sociology in the Soviet Union and population migrations (Zaslavskaia 1970 began during the Khrushchev’s era in the late Zaslavskaia and Ryvkina 1980; Arutiunian 1971), 1950s. It was initiated by a group of young philoso- public opinion and mass media (Grushin 1967; phers and economists with a liberal political orien- Shlapentokh 1970), industrial sociology (Shkaratan tation. This intellectual initiative received support 1978), marriage and the family (Kharchev 1964), from reformist and technocratically oriented peo- personality (Kon 1967), leisure (Gordon and Klopov ple in the party and state leadership. The first 1972), political institutions (F. M. Burlatsky, A. A. organizational step in this direction was the estab- Galkin), and other topics. At the same time, re- lishment in 1958 of the Soviet Sociological Asso- search on the history of sociology had begun, and ciation (SSA). The primary aim of this move was to a dialogue with Western theoretical ideas instead facilitate participation in international sociologi- of a blunt ideological denunciation of everything cal congresses by Soviet ideological bureaucrats in ‘‘non-Marxist’’ was initiated (Andreeva 1965; Kon administrative academic positions. Gradually, thanks Zamoshkin 1966). In theoretical terms, structural to personal efforts of Gennady Ossipov, among functionalism, symbolic interactionism, and C. others, the SSA became a sort of organizational Wright Mills’s ‘‘new sociology were of particular center for the emerging discipline. interest to Soviet sociologists. The American So- ciological Association aided these developments To avoid conflicts with the dominant ideol- by arranging to send professional books and jour- ogy, it was unanimously agreed that the only ac- nals to the Soviet Union. In the 1960s, a few ceptable ‘‘scientific’’ general sociological theory Western sociological books and textbooks, begin- was Marxist historical materialism but that it should ning with Modern Sociological Theory in Continuity be supplemented by ‘‘concrete social research’’ and Change edited by H. Becker and A. Boskoff, and eventually some middle-range theories. In were translated and published in Russian. 1960 Ossipov organized in the Institute of Philoso- phy of the USSR Academy of Sciences in Moscow a The social and intellectual situation of Soviet small unit for research on the new forms of work sociology was very uncertain. It was completely and daily life. This unit later was transformed into dependent on the official ideology and the good- the Department of Concrete Social Research. At will of party authorities. Even a hint of social about the same time, Vladimir Iadov organized, criticism was deemed dangerous, and such work within the philosophical faculty of Leningrad State could be published only if it was formulated in the University, the Laboratory of Concrete Social Re- ESOPs language. The Institute of Concrete Social search, which was dedicated to the study of job Research was under constant attack. Especially orientation and workers’ personalities. At the devastating and venomous was an attack on Levada’s Novosibirsk Institute of Industrial Economics and Lectures on Sociology (1969); soon after the attack, Organization, Vladimir Shubkin developed a unit Levada was dismissed from Moscow University for studies of youth issues, including high school and deprived of a professorial title. In 1972, the children’s professional orientations and social mo- liberal head of the Institute, A. M. Rumiantsev, was bility, and Tatiana Zaslavskaia initiated the fields replaced by the reactionary Mikhail Rutkevich, of economic and rural sociology. Sociology re- who had initiated an ideological campaign against search units appeared under various names at the ‘‘Western influences.’’ As a result of his policies, universities of Sverdlovsk and Tartu (Estonia). In the most prominent and qualified scholars were 1968, the independent Institute of Concrete So- forced to leave the institute.

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Until 1986, Soviet sociology was in bad shape, ties. The Leningrad sociological school, perhaps but the process of its institutionalization contin- the best in the country, was decimated by the local ued. It was a period of extensive growth of socio- party leadership in the mid-1980s. Zaslavskaia was logical units. Many new laboratories and depart- in serious trouble when her report, which was ments of applied social research in the universities highly critical of the prospects for economic re- and sociological and social psychological laborato- forms without parallel political changes, was pub- ries in the big industrial plants had been estab- lished in the West. The public image of sociology lished. Industrial sociologists (the most numerous had changed dramatically: In the 1960s, the new and active group in the SSA) studied motivation to discipline was associated in the public’s mind with work, trends in the workforce, the efficiency of social criticism and progressive economic reforms, different forms of labor organization, in-group and in the late 1970s, industrial sociologists some- relations between workers and employers, and times were represented in the mass media as sly systems of management. The managers, who pre- manipulators helping plant managers play down tended to be ‘‘progressive,’’ elaborated and re- workers’ discontent. ported to the party authorities ‘‘the plans of social developments’’ based on sociological studies (later, Perestroika and glasnost drastically changed some of these industrial sociologists were able to the place of sociology in Soviet society. Mikhail consult the new post-soviet businessmen). Gorbachev and his team claimed that they needed an objective social science for information and In 1972, the Institute of Concrete Social Re- advice, and the majority of Soviet sociologists search was renamed the Institute for Sociological were, from the beginning, strong supporters of Research. In 1974, the first professional journal, reforms. In 1986, Zaslavskaia was elected presi- Sotsiologicheskie Issledovania (Sociological Research), dent of the SSA. In 1987, a special resolution of the was inaugurated (the first editor in chief was Anatoly Communist Party Central Committee acknowl- Kharchev). SSA membership grew continuously. edged that sociology was an important scientific In the late 1980s, the SSA had about 8,500 individ- discipline. In 1988, the Institute of Sociological ual and 300 collective members and twenty-one Research was transformed into the Institute of regional branches. The technical and statistical Sociology, and V. Iadov was appointed its director. level of sociological research in the 1970s and Sociologists (for example, Galina Starovoitova) 1980s improved considerably. Some new socio- took an active part in political life not only as logical subdisciplines emerged. At its apogee, be- advisers to the government but as deputies of fore the collapse of the Soviet Union, the SSA had thirty-eight specialized sections, including twelve central and local soviets and, after 1991, the post- research committees, directly connected with the Soviet parliaments of independent states. There respective International Sociological Association were no longer official restrictions on the topics (ISA) committees. The geography of sociological suitable for sociological research, and the publica- research centers has also expanded. tion of results became much easier. Some newspa- pers introduced regular sociological columns. The general intellectual and theoretical level of Soviet sociology was, with few exceptions, in- However, the relationship between sociology adequate. Relatively free theoretical reflection was and political power is always problematic. On the limited to the marginal fields of social psychology, one hand, neither Gorbachev nor Boris Yeltsin anthropology, and history. Most sociological re- really needed or followed sociological advice. Very search was done on the micro level and involved often, they did the opposite of what they have been separate industrial plants, without any attempt at advised to do. For example, Gorbachev’s cata- broad theoretical generalization. Publications of a strophic antialcohol campaign, which was the first more general character were mostly apologies for irreparable blow to the state budget and created the so-called real socialism. Sociological theories the first wave of organized crime, was initiated were divided between historical materialism and despite strong and unanimous objections from dogmatic ideological scholasticism, ‘‘the theory of social scientists. While making his fatal decisions scientific communism.’’ Attempts to narrow the about the Chechen war, Yeltsin completely ig- gap between sociological statements and social nored professional opinions. These experiences realities were ruthlessly punished by the authori- made sociologists more critical of the regime.

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On the other hand, sociologists have been in personality, social identities and new forms of neither intellectually nor morally ready for new solidarities, economic and political elites, environ- social responsibilities. The lack of a sociological mental studies, family and gender, social organiza- imagination and their predominantly functionalist tions, and social conflicts. The IS has an affiliation or empiricist mentality made them more comfort- in St. Petersburg (director Serguei Golod). The IS able with post hoc explanations of events than with is also combining research with teaching under- responsible and reliable predictions. Social scien- graduates and postgraduate students. The Euro- tists are always more sure about what should not pean University in St. Petersburg (rector Boris be done than about what to do, and Soviet sociol- Firsov), has departments of history, political sci- ogy had never had a unified professional body. ences, and sociology. By 1991 but especially after 1993, there was a Fundamental sociological research is also be- deep political and intellectual schism in the for- ing done in other academic institutions and uni- mer Soviet sociology. The majority of its founders versities, such as those in Novosibirsk (rural and remained faithful to liberal, democratic, and pro- regional sociology), Samara (sociology of labor), Western ideas. However, liberal politicians, they and Niznii Novgorod (stratification and regional often did not know how to apply those general studies). Research on interethnic relationships and principles to particular Russian, Ukrainian, or other conflicts is concentrated in the Institute of Ethnol- situations. On the contrary, the former ‘‘scientific ogy and Anthropology of the RAS; population and communists,’’ who declared themselves sociolo- gender studies are conducted in the Institute for gists or politologists after 1991 and who hold Social-Economic Studies of Population, and so on. now many if not most university chairs, proclaim Many sociological groups and centers are moving their fidelity to Marxism-Leninism, often with a from one academic institute to another or becom- strong flavor of Russian nationalism, traditional- ing fully independent, especially if they can make ism, and religious orthodoxy. The gap between money by doing applied research. these two wings is irreconcilable, and that gap has many organizational, ideological, and educational Public opinion and market surveys centers implications. became independent enterprises, some of which were united in the Russian Guild of Pollsters and In the 1990s, there were essential changes in Marketing Researchers. The All-Russian Public the institutional structure of sociological commu- Opinion Research Center (directed by Yuri Levada) nities in all the post-Soviet states as well as in areas is a leading national center for public opinion of research. To replace the SSA, several national, polls; among many others, the Independent Pub- republican sociological associations have been lic Opinion Research Service Vox Populi (VP), formed. Sometimes there are more than one so- founded by Boris Grushin, and Obshechesvennoe ciological association in the same country. Along- mnenie (the Foundation of Public Opinion polls) side the national Sociological Association of Rus- are the most visible. Many sociologists are working sia (Russian Sociological Society), which is a as political image makers, speechwriters, economic collective member of the ISA, Ossipov organized consultants, and so on. an alternative Association of Sociologists and Demographers; he also initiated the split in the Sociology is now an institutionalized disci- Institute of Sociology (IS) of RAS and created in pline in Baltic states, Armenia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, the framework of RAS a new Institute of Social Uzbekistan, Belarus, and Ukraine. Especially vis- and Political Problems (ISPP), that became one of ible progress in research and teaching sociology the main intellectual centers of communist and has occurred in Estonia and Ukraine. In the Soviet nationalist opposition to reforms. The coexistence Union, Estonia was one of the few places where of the two centers is by no means peaceful. Western traditions of sociology were known and maintained. Since 1991, the main focus of socio- The main research projects of the IS include logical research in Estonia has been the empirical the theory and history of the discipline, quantita- description and theoretical interpretation of the tive and qualitative methodology, social stratificat- rapid social changes taking place in all spheres of ion, sociocultural processes in Russia in the con- society. The main traditional branches of Estonian text of global social and economic changes, changes sociology were social structure and stratification

2982 SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET SOCIOLOGY

(M. Titma, E. Saar); family and living conditions cow, Saint Petersburg, Novosibirsk, Ekaterinburg, (Narusk 1995); the environment (M. Heidmets, Y. and some other state universities, and there are Kruusvall); urban sociology (M. Pavelson, K. Paadam), about two hundred departments of sociology and the mass media; youth; and education (P. Kenkmann). political science in other colleges. The Russian New situations have stimulated theoretical analyses Ministry of Higher Education issued the ‘‘State of transitional processes (Lauristin and Vihalemm Standard’’ in sociology, which prescribed teaching 1997) and explorations of new areas of research, the discipline as a multitheoretical one, not merely such as the integration of the Russophone minor- Marxist-oriented. Up-to-date methods of teaching ity in Estonian society, poverty and social depriva- sociology are provided by new educational cen- tion, political sociology, and public opinion re- ters: the Moscow School of Social and Economic search. In the second half of the 1990s, the Sciences, the European University in Saint Peters- dominant theoretical paradigm of social research burg, the Faculty of Sociology of the Academic in Estonia shifted from traditional structural func- Institute of Sociology, and the High School of tionalism to social constructivism. The main cen- Economics in Moscow. According to the official ters of sociological research in Estonia are the statistics, in 1998 more than 6,600 university stu- University of Tartu, the Pedagogical University of dents studied sociology as their main subject. The Tallinn, and the Institute for International and discipline is taught also in many high schools and Social Studies in Tallinn. lyceums. With the financial support of different In 1991, the Institute of Sociology of the Acad- foundations (George Soros is the leading donor), emy of Sciences of Ukraine and the first indepen- sociological classics, world-recognized modern au- dent research center, the Kiev International Insti- thors (P. Bourdieu, Z. Bauman, A. Giddens, Y. tute of Sociology, were founded. Together with Habermas, and many others) and teaching materi- the universities of Kiev, Kharkiv, Lviv, and Odessa, als (handbooks and readers) have been published. these Institutes have become centers of the devel- New professional journals, including The Russian opment of sociological science in Ukraine. The Public Opinion Monitor (edited by T. Zaslavskaia basic topics of studies are social transformations and Y. Levada), Sociological Journal (edited by G. and change (E. Golorakha, V. Khmelko, O. Kutsenko, Batygin), Sociology—4M: Methodology, Methods, Mathe- E. Yakuba), economic and political sociology (I. matical Models (edited by V. Iadov); The World of Bekestina, N. Panina), ethnosociology, (N. Chernysh, Russia (edited by O. Shkaratan), have been pub- M. Shulga, and B. Yertukh) sociology of mass lished. In Russia, the Baltic states, and Ukraine, consciousness (N. Kostenko, V. Ossorskiy, I. Popora), there are summer schools and advanced courses in social psychology, relationships between social struc- theory and subdisciplines of sociology for young tures and personality under conditions of radical teachers and postgraduates where internationally social change, the sociology of the Chernobyl ca- renown scholars lecture. The exchange of gradu- tastrophe, and gender studies. In 1992, the Socio- ate students in sociology between post-Soviet, U.S., logical Association of Ukraine was reorganized as and west European universities is growing rapidly. an independent national association. Since 1993, Prominent Western sociologists are invited regu- the preparation of sociologists, using the pro- larly to give lectures and seminars at Russian and grams and textbooks of Western universities, be- other independent state universities and vice versa. gan at the oldest university in eastern Europe, Post-Soviet sociology is now ideologically and Kiev-Mohyla Academy (founded in 1632). The organizationally open and interested in interna- academic journal Sociology: Theory, Methods, Mar- tional contacts and exchanges on all levels. There keting began to be issued in Ukrainian (1998) and are many joint research projects with American, Russian (1999). Canadian, German, French, Finnish, Japanese, and The main problem confronting Russian soci- other scholars. Most of these projects are related ology is the shortage of money and professional to current political attitudes and value orienta- personnel. Until 1989 in the Soviet Union, there tions, ethnic relations and regional studies, stratifi- was practically no undergraduate sociological edu- cation, personality studies, social minorities, or- cation; only a few courses in applied (mainly indus- ganizational culture, and modernization. The trial) sociology were offered. Now sociological annual international symposia ‘‘Where Is Russia departments and schools have established in Mos- going?’’ are organized by the Independent Mos-

2983 SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET SOCIOLOGY cow School of Economics and Political Sciences Grushin, B. A. 1967 Mnenia o Mire i Mir Mnenij. Mos- (T. Shanin and T. Zaslavskaja). cow: Politizdat. High-level studies are being conducted on the Iadov, V. A., V. Rozhin, and A. Zdravomyslov, 1970 Man problems of the economic and political elites and His Work. White Plains, N.Y.: International Arts and Sciences Press. (Kryshtanovskaja 1997), environmental sociology (Yanitsky 1993), gender and life stories (Semenova ———, eds. 1998 Sotsiologia v Rossii. Moscow: Institut and Foteeva 1996), political sociology (Zdravomyslova Sotsiologii Press. 1998), and the sociology of culture (Ionin 1996). Ionin, L. 1996 Russishe Metamorphosen: Aufsetze zu Politik: Some of these projects are the result of academic Alltag und Kultur. Berlin: Berliner Debatte. international cooperation, while others are financed Kohn, M., K. Slomczynski, K. Janicka, V. Khmelko, B. by charity funds the State foundation for humani- Mach, V. Paniotto, W. Zaborowski, R. Guttierrez, ties ( John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foun- and C. Heyman 1997 ‘‘Social Structure and Personal- dation, Open Society Institute, Ford Foundation, ity under Conditions of Radical Social Change: A and others), and voluntary associations. Comparative Analysis of Poland and Ukraine.’’ Ameri- The prospects for the development of post- can Sociological Review 62:614–638. Soviet sociology depend on the fate of economic Kon, I. S. 1967 Sotsiologia Lichnosti. Moscow: Politizdat. and democratic transformations. The gigantic so- Kryshtanovskaia, O. V. 1997 ‘‘The Emerging Russian cial experiment unfolding in the post-Soviet re- Elite: Old & New; The Aftermath of ‘Real Existing gion needs creative support from the social sci- Socialism’’’ in Jacquez Heshz Johannes, ed., Eastern ences. It is a powerful stimulus for sociological Europe.’’ vol. 1. London: Macmillan. imagination and theory construction. Today soci- Lauristin, M, and P. Vihalemm, eds. 1997 Return to the ologists in these countries are overburdened by Western World: Cultural and Political Perspectives on the the need to search for immediate practical solu- Estonian Post-Communist Transition. Tartu, Estonia: tions to urgent political and economic issues and Tartu University Press. have no time for quiet theoretical reflection. The Lenin, V. I. 1962 O Sotsialisticheskoi Akademii most important sociological contributions to re- Obshchestvennykh Nauk. Vol. 36 of Polnoe Sobranie forms are still the public opinion polls and infor- Sochinenij. Moscow: Politizdat. mation about current social processes. The next step seems to be the emergence of a sociology of Levada, I. A. 1969 Lektsii po Sotsiologii, Vols. 1 and 2. social problems interpreted not only in the spe- Moscow: IKSI AN SSSSR. cific national contexts but in the context of the Lewada, Y. 1992 Die Sovietmenshen 1989–1991: Socio- global problems of civilization as well. This, may gram eines Zehrfall. Berlin: Argon Verlag lead to the revival of historical and comparative Narusk, A., ed. 1995 Every-Day Life and Radical Social macrosociology and produce new theoretical in- Change in Estonia. Tallin, Estonia: Institute of Inter- sights. All this will be feasible, however, only as the national and Social Studies. result of intensive international and interdiscipli- Moskvichev, P. N. 1997 Sotsiologia i Vlast: Dokumenty nary intellectual cooperation. 1953–1968. Moscow: Academia Press. Semenova, V., and E. Foteeva E. 1996 Sudby Ludei. REFERENCES Rossia XX vek. Biografii Semei Kak Objekt Sotsiologicheskogo Andreeva, G. M. 1965 Sovremennaia Bourzhuaznaia Issledovania. Moscow: Institut Sotsiologii RAN. Empiricheskaia Sotsiologia. Moscow: Mysl’. Shlapentokh, V. 1987 The Politics of Sociology in the Soviet Arutiunian, I. V. 1971 Structura Sel’skogo Naselenia SSSR. Union. Boulder and London: Westview. Moscow: Mysl’. Sorokin, P. A. 1920 Sistema Sotsiologii. Petrograd Batygin, G. S., and I. F. Deviatko 1994 ‘‘Russian Sociol- Yanitsky, O. 1993 Russian Environmentalism. Moscow: ogy: Its Origins and Current Trends.’’ In R. P. Mohan Mezhdunarodnye Otnoshenia. and A. S. Wilke, eds., International Handbook of Con- temporary Developments in Sociology. Westport, Conn.: Zamoshkin, Iu. A. 1966 Krizis Burzhuaznogo Individual Greenwood. izma i Lichnost’. Moskva: Mysl’. Gordon, L. A., and E. V. Klopov 1972 Chelovek Posle Zaslavskaia, T. (ed.) 1970 Migratsia Sel’skogo Nasleniia. Raboty. Moscow: Nauka. Voskva: Mysl’.

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———, and R. Ryvkina (eds.) 1980 Metodologia Metodika formation and government policy, commodification Sistemnogo Izucheniia Derevni. Novosibirsk Nauka. and the economy, and globalization and the me- ——— 1990 The Second Socialist Revolution and Alterna- dia. Today, sports constitute a significant part of tive Soviet Strategy. London: I.B. Tauris. the social, cultural, political, and economic fabric of most societies. Zdravomyslov, A. G., ed. 1986 Developments in Marxist Sociological Theory. New York and London: Sage. As cultural practices, organized sports consti- ——— 1998. ‘‘Becoming of Political Sociology in Rus- tute an increasingly important part of people’s sia: The First Steps.’’ In P. Sztompka, ed., Building lives and collective life in groups, organizations, Open Society in East-Central Europe. London: JSE Allen. communities, and societies. In addition to captur- ing individual and collective attention, they are

IGOR S. KON implicated in power relations and ideological for- VLADIMIR A. IADOV mation associated with social class, gender, race and ethnicity, sexuality, and physical ability. Be- cause sports are social constructions, they may develop around particular ideas about the body SPORT and human nature, how people should relate to one another, expression and competence, human People in all cultures have always engaged in abilities and potential, manhood and womanhood, playful physical activities and used human move- and what is important and unimportant in life. ment as part of their everyday routines and collec- These ideas usually support and reproduce the tive rituals (Huizinga 1955). The first examples of dominant ideology in a society, but this is not organized games in societies worldwide probably always the case. Ideology is complex; therefore, emerged in the form of various combinations of the relationship between sports and ideological physical activities and religious rituals (Guttmann formation and transformation is sometimes incon- 1978). Those games were connected closely with sistent or even contradictory. Furthermore, sports the social structures, social relations, and belief come in many forms, and those forms can have systems in their societies. Although they often re- many different associated social meanings. created and reaffirmed existing systems of power relations and dominant ideologies, they some- Although sports continue to exist for the en- times served as sites for resistant or oppositional joyment of the participants, commercialized forms behaviors (Guttmann 1994; Sage 1998). Variations are planned, promoted, and presented for the in the forms and dynamics of physical activities entertainment of vast numbers of spectators. Sport and games indicate that they are cultural practices events such as the Olympic Games, soccer’s World that serve different social purposes and take on Cup (men’s and women’s), the Tour de France, the different meanings from time to time and place to tennis championships at Wimbledon, American place. Research on these variations has provided football’s Super Bowl, and championship boxing valuable insights into social processes, structures, bouts capture the interest of billions of people and ideologies (Gruneau 1999; Sage 1998). when they are televised by satellite in over 200 countries around the world. These and other for- The physical activities that most sociologists mally organized sports events are national and identify as ‘‘modern sports’’ emerged in connec- global industries. They are implicated in processes tion with a combination of rationalization, indus- of state formation and capitalist expansion and are trialization, democratization, and urbanization proc- organized and presented as consumer activities esses in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. for both participants and spectators. Although As various forms of physical activities and play sport programs, events, and organizations may be were constructed as institutionalized, competitive, subsidized directly or indirectly by local or na- rule-governed challenges and games, they became tional governments, support increasingly comes associated with a range of processes and structures from corporations eager to associate their prod- in societies. To varying degrees in different set- ucts and images with cultural activities and events tings, ‘‘organized sports’’ were implicated in proc- that are a primary source of pleasure for people all esses of social development and the structure of over the world. Corporate executives have come to family life, socialization and education, identity realize, as did Gramsci (1971) when he discussed

2985 SPORT hegemony and consensus-generating processes, sports influences their moods and overall sense of that sponsoring people’s pleasures can be crucial well-being. In fact, people’s identities as athletes in creating a consensus to support corporate ex- and fans may be more important to them than pansion. At the same time, most sport organiza- their identities related to education, religion, work, tions have sought corporate support. and family. People of all ages connect with sports through Overall, sports and sports images have be- the media. Newspapers in many cities devote en- come a pervasive part of people’s everyday lives, tire sections of their daily editions to sports, espe- especially among those who live in countries where cially in North America, where the space devoted resources are relatively plentiful and the media are to sports frequently surpasses that given to the widespread. For this reason, sports are logical economy, politics, or any other single topic of topics for the attention of sociologists and others interest (Lever and Wheeler 1993). Major maga- concerned with social life. zines and dozens of specialty magazines cater to a wide range of interests among participants and USING SOCIOLOGY TO STUDY SPORTS fans. Radio coverage of sporting events and sports talk shows capture the attention of millions of Although play and games received attention from listeners every day in some countries. Television various European and North American behavioral coverage of sports, together with commentary and social scientists between the 1880s and the about sports, is the most prevalent category of middle of the 20th century, sports received scarce video programming in many countries. First the attention in that period (Loy and Kenyon 1969). transistor radio and more recently satellites and Of course, there were notable exceptions. Thorstein Internet technology have enabled millions of peo- Veblen wrote about college sports in the United ple around the world to share their interest in States in 1899 in Theory of the Leisure Class. Max sports. As Internet technology expands, these me- Weber mentioned English Puritan opposition to dia-facilitated connections that revolve around sports in the 1904 and 1905 volumes of The Protes- sports will take new forms with unpredictable tant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, and William social implications. Graham Sumner discussed ‘‘popular sports’’ in his 1906 Folkways. Willard Waller devoted attention to Worldwide, many people recognize high-pro- the ‘‘integrative functions’’ of sports in U.S. high file teams and athletes, and this recognition fuels schools in The Sociology of Teaching in 1932. everything from product consumption to tourism. Sports images are a pervasive part of life in many The first analyst to refer to a ‘‘sociology of cultures, and the attention given to certain ath- sport’’ was Theodor Adorno’s student Heinz Risse, letes today has turned them into celebrities, if not who published Sociologie des Sports in 1921. Sports cultural heroes. In cultures in which there have received little or no further analytic attention from been assumed connections between participation social scientists until after World War II. Then, in in sports and character formation, there has been the mid-1950s, there was a slow but steady accumu- a tendency to expect highly visible and popular lation of analyses of sports done by scholars in athletes to become role models of dominant val- Europe and North America (Loy and Kenyon ues and lifestyles, especially for impressionable 1969; Dunning 1971). young people. This has created a paradoxical situa- tion in which athletes often are held to a higher The origins of the sociology of sport can be degree of moral accountability than are other traced to both sociology and physical education celebrities while at the same time being permitted (Ingham and Donnelly 1997; Sage 1997). The field or led to assume permission to act in ways that go initially was institutionalized in academic terms beyond traditional normative boundaries. through the formation of the International Com- mittee for Sport Sociology (ICSS) and the publica- People around the world increasingly talk about tion of the International Review for Sport Sociology sports. Relationships often revolve around sports, (IRSS) in the mid-1960s. The ICSS was a subcom- especially among men but also among a growing mittee of the International Council of Sport Sci- number of women. Some people identify with ence and Physical Education and the International teams and athletes so closely that what happens in Sociological Association, and it sponsored the publi-

2986 SPORT cation of the IRSS. Other publications in the 1960s cation and kinesiology, sport studies, and cultural and 1970s provided examples of the research and studies departments. This has made the field unique conceptual issues discussed by scholars who claimed because many of these scholars have realized that an affiliation with the sociology of sport (Kenyon to maintain the field they must engage each other 1969; Krotee 1979; Lüschen 1970). In addition to despite differences in the research questions they meeting at the annual conferences of the ICSS ask and the theoretical perspectives and method- beginning in the mid-1960s, many scholars in the ologies they use. sociology of sport also met at the annual confer- Mainstream sociology has been slow at the ences of the North American Society for the Soci- institutional level to acknowledge the growing so- ology of Sport (NASSS). This organization was cial and cultural significance of sports and sports founded in 1978. It has sponsored conferences participation. The tendency among sociologists to every year since then, and its membership has give priority to studies of work over studies of play, been as high as 326 in 1998. In 1984, the Sociology of sports, or leisure accounts for much of this discipli- Sport Journal was published under the sponsorship nary inertia. Furthermore, sports have been seen of the NASSS. by many sociologists as nonserious, nonproductive Although the sociology of sport involves schol- dimensions of society and culture that do not ars from many countries and has its foundations in merit scholarly attention. Consequently, the soci- traditional academic disciplines, its early growth ology of sport has continued to exist on the fringes was fueled partly by the radical and reform-ori- of sociology, and studying sports generally does ented work of social activists trained in a variety of not forward to a scholar’s career in sociology social sciences. That work attracted the attention departments. For example, in 1998–1999, only of a number of young scholars in both sociology 149 (1.3 percent) of the 11,247 members of the and physical education. For example, in U.S. uni- American Sociological Association (ASA) declared versities, many courses devoted to the analysis of ‘‘Leisure/Sport/Recreation’’ as one of their three sport in society in the 1970s highlighted sport as a major areas of interest, and over half those schol- social institution, but many also used sports as a ars focused primarily on leisure rather than sports. focal point for critical analyses of U.S. society as a Only thirty-seven ASA members identified ‘‘Lei- whole. Objections to the war in Vietnam inspired sure/Sports Recreation’’ as their primary research analyses of autocratic and militaristic forms of and/or teaching topic (0.3 percent of ASA mem- social organization in sports and other spheres of bers), and only two Canadian and two U.S. sociol- social life. Critiques of capitalism were tied to ogy departments offer a graduate program in the research on the role of competition in social life sociology of sport, according to the 1998 Guide to and the rise of highly competitive youth and inter- Graduate Departments of Sociology. At the 1998 scholastic sports. Concern with high rates of ag- annual ASA meeting, there were approximately gression and violence in society was tied to an 3,800 presenters and copresenters, and only 20 analysis of contact sports that emphasize the physi- dealt with sport-related topics in their presenta- cal domination of opponents. Analyses of racial tions; only 2 of the 525 sessions were devoted to and civil rights issues were tied to discussions of the sociology of sport. Patterns are similar in racism in sports and to issues that precipitated the Canada, Great Britain, and Australia (Rowe et boycott of the 1968 Mexico City Olympic Games al. 1997). by some black American athletes (Edwards 1969). In physical education and kinesiology, the Analyses of gender relations were inspired by the primary focus of most scholars has been on motor widespread failure of U.S. high schools and univer- learning, exercise physiology, biomechanics, and sities to comply with Title IX legislation that, among physical performance rather than the social di- other things, mandated gender equity in all sport mensions of sports (see Sage 1997). Social and programs sponsored by schools that received fed- cultural issues have not been given a high priority eral funds. in the discipline except when research has had Today, those who are dedicated to studying practical implications for those who teach physical sports as social and cultural phenomena constitute education, coach athletes, or administer sport pro- a small but active, diverse, and steadily expanding grams. As the legitimacy and role of physical edu- collection of scholars from sociology, physical edu- cation departments have been questioned in many

2987 SPORT universities, the scholars in those departments 30,000 university students take courses in the ‘‘sport have been slow to embrace the frequently critical in society’’ category. analyses of sports done by those who use sociologi- Complicating the issue of future growth is the cal theories and perspectives. Therefore, studying fact that scholars in this field regularly disagree sports as social phenomena has not earned many about how to ‘‘do’’ the sociology of sport. Some scholars high status among their peers in physical prefer to see themselves as scientific experts who education and kinesiology departments. However, do research on questions of organization and effi- the majority of sociology of sport scholars with ciency, while others prefer to see themselves as doctorates have earned their degrees and now facilitators or even agents of cultural transforma- have options in departments of physical education tion whose research gives a voice to and empowers or kinesiology and departments of sport studies people who lack resources or have been pushed to and human movement studies. the margins of society. This and other disagree- There have been noteworthy indications of ments raise important questions about the pro- change. For example, there are a number of jour- duction and use of scientific knowledge, and many nals devoted to social analyses of sports (Sociology scholars in the sociology of sport are debating of Sport Journal, International Review for the Sociology those questions. As in sociology as a whole, the of Sport, Journal of Sport & Social Issues, Culture, sociology of sport is now a site for theoretical and Sport, Society). Many mainstream journals in sociol- paradigmatic debates that some scholars fear will ogy and physical education now accept and pub- fragment the field and subvert the maintenance of lish research that uses sociological perspectives to an institutionalized professional community (Ingham study sports. National and regional professional and Donnelly 1997). Of course, this is a challenge associations in sociology and physical education in faced in many disciplines and their associated many countries sponsor regular sessions in the professional organizations. sociology of sport at their annual conferences. Annual conferences also are held by a number of CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL ISSUES national and regional sociology of sport associa- tions around the world, including those in Japan, Through the mid-1980s, most research in the soci- Korea, and Brazil as well as the countries of North ology of sport was based on two assumptions. America and Europe. The International Sociology First, sport was assumed to be a social institution of Sport Association (ISSA, formerly the ICSS) similar to other major social institutions (Lüschen holds annual conferences and meets regularly with and Sage 1981). Second, sports were assumed to the International Sociological Association. Atten- be institutionalized competitive activities that in- dance at many of these conferences has been volve physical exertion and the use of physical consistent, and the quality of the programs has skills by individuals motivated by a combination of been impressive. The existence of such organiza- personal enjoyment and external rewards (Coakley tional endorsement and support, along with con- 1990). These conceptual assumptions identified tinued growth in the pervasiveness and visibility of the focus of the sociology of sport and placed sports in society, suggests that the discipline will theory and research on sports within the tradi- continue to grow. tional parameters of sociological theory and research. Among other indications of growth, articles in Theory and research based on these assump- the Sociology of Sport Journal are cited regularly in tions were informative. However, many scholars in social science literature. Scholars in the field are the field came to realize that when analytic atten- recognized as ‘‘public intellectuals’’ by journalists tion is focused on institutionalized and competi- and reporters associated with the mass media. tive activities, there is a tendency to overlook the Quotes and references to sociology of sport re- lives of people who have neither the resources to search appear increasingly in the popular print formally organize their physical activities nor the and electronic media. Amazon.com, the world’s desire to make them competitive. Scholars be- major Internet bookseller, listed over 260 books in came sensitive to the possibility that this tendency its ‘‘Sociology of Sport’’ reference category in can reinforce the ideologies and forms of social March 1999. Most important, major publishers organization that have disadvantaged certain cate- such as McGraw-Hill estimate that every year nearly gories and collections of people in contemporary

2988 SPORT societies (Coakley 1998). This encouraged some tural adaptations to change in society. The connec- scholars to ask critical questions about sports as tions between sports and other major social insti- contested activities in societies. Consequently, their tutions and between sports and the satisfaction of research has come to focus more on the connec- social system needs were the major topics of tions between sports and systems of power and concern. privilege and the changes needed to involve more people in the determination of what sports can Those who used conflict theories viewed sports and should be in society. as an expression of class conflict and market forces and a structure linked to societal and state institu- These scholars used an alternative approach tions. Their work was inspired by various interpre- to defining sports that revolved around two ques- tations of Marxist theory and research focused tions: What gets to count as a sport in a group or generally on connections between capitalist forms society? and Whose sports count the most? These of production and consumption and social behav- questions forced them to focus more directly on iors in sports and on the ways in which sports the social and cultural contexts in which ideas are promote an ideological consciousness that is con- formed about physical activities and the social sistent with the needs and interests of capital. processes that privilege some forms of physical Specifically, they studied the role of sports in activities. Those who have used this approach also processes of alienation, capitalist expansion, na- note numerous cultural differences in how people tionalism and militarism, and racism and sexism identify sports and include them in their lives. In (Brohm 1978; Hoch 1972). cultures that emphasize cooperative relationships, the idea that people should compete for rewards Figurational, or ‘‘process,’’ sociology was and may be defined as disruptive, if not immoral, and continues to be inspired by the work of Elias (Elias for people in cultures that emphasize competition, 1978; Elias and Dunning 1986; Jarvie and Maguire physical activities and games that have no winners 1994). Figurational sociologists have focused on may seem pointless. These cultural differences are issues of interdependence and interaction in so- important because there is no universal agree- cial life and have identified historical linkages ment about the meaning, purpose, and organiza- between the structure of interpersonal conduct tion of sports. Similarly, there is no general agree- and the overall structure of society. Unlike other ment about who will participate in sports, the theoretical approaches, figurational sociology tra- circumstances in which participation will occur, or ditionally has given a high priority to the study of who will sponsor sports or the reasons for sponsor- sport. Figurational analyses have emphasized sports ship. It is now assumed widely by scholars who as a sphere of social life in which the dichotomies study sports that these factors have varied over between seriousness and pleasure, work and lei- time from group to group and society to society sure, economic and noneconomic phenomena, and that sociological research should focus on the and mind and body can be shown to be false and struggle over whose ideas about sports become misleading. Before the mid-1980s, research done dominant at any particular time in particular groups or societies. This in turn has highlighted issues of by figurational sociologists focused primarily on culture and power relations in theory and research the historical development of modern sport and in the sociology of sport. the interrelated historical processes of state forma- tion, functional democratization, and expanding Before the mid-1980s, most research and con- networks of international interdependencies. Their ceptual discussions in the sociology of sport were best known early work focused on linkages be- inspired or informed by structural functionalist tween the emergence of modern sports and the theories and conflict theories (Lüschen and Sage dynamics of civilizing processes, especially those 1981; Coakley 1990), and in parts of western Eu- associated with the control of violence in society rope, figurational sociology was used by some (Elias and Dunning 1986). scholars who studied sports (see Dunning 1992). Those with structural functionalist perspectives Since the mid-1980s, the sociology of sport has often focused on questions about sports and issues been characterized by theoretical and methodo- of socialization and character development, social logical diversity. Fewer scholars use general theo- integration, achievement motivation, and struc- ries of social life such as structural functionalism

2989 SPORT and conflict theories. The theories more often REFERENCES used are various forms of critical theories, in- Brohm, Jean-Marie 1978 Sport—A Prison of Measured cluding feminist theories and hegemony theory; Time, trans. I. Frasier. London: Ink Links. also used are interpretive sociology (especially Coakley, J. 1990 Sport in Society: Issues and Controversies, symbolic interactionism), cultural studies perspec- (4th ed.). St. Louis: Mosby. tives, and various forms of poststructuralism (Rail ———, 1998 Sport in Society: Issues and Controversies, 6th 1998). Figurational sociology still is widely used, ed. New York: McGraw-Hill. especially by scholars outside North America. A ———, and P. Donnelly, eds. 1999 Inside Sports. Lon- few scholars have done research informed by the don: Routledge. reflexive sociology of Pierre Bourdieu (Laberge and Sankoff 1988; Wacquant 1995a, 1995b) and ——— eds. 2000 Handbook of Sport and Society. Lon- the structuration theory of Anthony Giddens don: Sage. (Gruneau 1999). Donnelly, P. 2000 ‘‘Interpretive Approaches to the Soci- ology of Sport.’’ In J. Coakley and E. Dunning. eds., Methodological approaches also vary. Quanti- Handbook of Sport and Society. London: Sage. tative data and statistical analyses remain popular, Dunning, E., ed. 1971 The Sociology of Sport. London: Cass. although various qualitative methods and interpretive analyses have become increasingly popular, if not ——— 1992 ‘‘Figurational Sociology and the Sociology of Sport: Some Concluding Remarks.’’ In E. Dun- the dominant research approaches in the field ning, and C. Rojek, eds., Sport and Leisure in the (Donnelly 2000). Ethnography and in-depth inter- Civilizing Process. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. viewing, along with textual and discourse analysis, have emerged as common methodologies among Edwards, H. 1969 The Revolt of the Black Athlete. New York: Free Press. many scholars studying sports and sport participa- tion (Coakley and Donnelly 1999). Quantitative Elias, N. 1978 The Civilizing Process, vol. 1: The History of methods have been used most often to study issues Manners. Oxford, UK: Blackwell. and questions related to sport participation pat- ———, and E. Dunning, eds. 1986 Quest for Excitement: terns, the attitudinal and behavioral correlates of Sport and Leisure in the Civilizing Process. Oxford, UK: participation, and the distribution of sports-re- Blackwell. lated resources in society. Both quantitative and Gramsci, A. 1971 Selections from the Prison Notebooks, interpretive methods have been used to study trans. and ed. Q. Hoare and G. Smith. New York: questions and issues related to socialization, iden- International Publishers. tity, sexuality, subcultures, the body, pain and Gruneau. R. 1999 Class, Sports, and Social Development. injury, disability, deviance, violence, emotions, the Champaign, Ill. Human Kinetics. media, gender relations, homophobia, race and Guttmann, A. 1978 From Ritual to Record: The Nature of ethnic relations, new and alternative sports forms, Modern Sports. New York: Columbia University Press. and ideological formation and transformation ——— 1994 Games and Empires: Modern Sports and Cul- (Coakley and Dunning 2000). tural Imperialism. New York: Columbia University Press. Hoch, P. 1972 Rip Off the Big Game: The Exploitation of FINAL NOTE Sports by the Power Elite. Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor. Huizinga, J. 1955 Homo Ludens: A Study of the Play Sociologists study sports because they are promi- Element in Culture. Boston: Beacon Press. nent and socially significant cultural practices in contemporary societies. The sociology of sport Ingham, A. G., and P. Donnelly 1997 ‘‘A Sociology of North American Sociology of Sport: Disunity in Unity, contains an active, diverse, and slowly expanding 1965–1996.’’ Sociology of Sport Journal 14(4):362–418. collection of scholars united by professional or- ganizations and academic journals. Continued Jarvie, G., and J. Maguire 1994 Sport and Leisure in Social growth of the field depends on whether these Thought. London: Routledge. scholars continue to do research that makes mean- Kenyon, G. S., ed. 1969 Aspects of Contemporary Sport ingful contributions to the way people live their Sociology. Chicago: Athletic Institute. lives and recognized and visible contributions to Krotee, M., ed. 1979 The Dimensions of Sport Sociology. knowledge in sociology as a whole. West Point, N.Y.: Leisure Press.

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Laberge, S., and D. Sankoff 1988 ‘‘Physical Activities, higher crime rate? Which country has lower mor- Body Habitus and Lifestyles.’’ In J. Harvey and H. tality? Which ethnic group is more likely to coreside Cantelon eds., Not Just a Game: Essays in Canadian with elderly family members? In making these Sport Sociology. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press. comparisons, one usually calculates a summary Lever, J., and S. Wheeler 1993 ‘‘Mass Media and the measure: crimes per capita, crude death rate, or Experience of Sport.’’ Communication Research the proportion of elders living with family mem- 20(1):299–313. bers. However, any two groups of people are likely Loy, J. W., G. S. and Kenyon, eds. 1969 Sport, Culture, to differ along several dimensions, such as age, and Society. London: Collier-Macmillan. educational level, race, and income. These dimen- sions, or factors, also may be related to the event Lüschen. G. ed. 1970 The Cross-Cultural Analysis of Sport and Games. Champaign, Ill. Stipes. being explored. As a result, the summary measure to some extent reflects the compositional differ- ———, and G. H. Sage 1981 ‘‘Sport in Sociological ences in the groups being studied. Perspective.’’ In G. Lüschen and G. H. Sage, eds., Handbook of Social Science of Sport. Champaign, Ill. Stipes. Standardization historically has been a central Rail, G., ed. 1998 Sport and Postmodern Times. Albany: aspect of demographic methods (Bogue 1969; State University of New York Press. Hinde 1998; Murdock and Ellis 1991; Shryock and Siegel 1980), but its importance extends beyond Rowe, D., J. McKay, and G. Lawrence 1997 ‘‘Out of that use to a way of thinking about summary or the Shadows: The Critical Sociology of Sport in Australia, 1986–1996.’’ Sociology of Sport Journal aggregate measures. While offering the advantage 14(4):340–361. of conciseness, aggregate measures mask underly- ing compositional differences, and the use of stan- Sage, G. H. 1997 ‘‘Physical Education, Sociology, and dardization represents an acknowledgment that Sociology of Sport: Points of Intersection.’’ Sociology population characteristics influence the rate at of Sport Journal 14(4):317–339. which events occur in a population. Summary ——— 1998. Power and Ideology in American Sport. Cham- indicators are very useful; they provide a single paign, Ill. Human Kinetics. number for comparison rather than a whole series Wacquant, L. J. D. 1995a ‘‘The Pugilistic Point of View: of numbers, and they are easily calculated. How- How Boxers Feel about Their Trade.’’ Theory and ever, comparisons among population groups or Society 24:489–535. among subgroups in a population should account ——— 1995b ‘‘Pugs at Work: Bodily Capital and Bodily for the differing compositional makeup of those Labour among Professional Boxers.’’ Body & Society groups. Demographers have been led to stan- 1(1):65–93. dardization for several reasons. First, there is a natural desire to make comparisons between groups JAY COAKLEY along demographic indicators: crude death rates, JANET LEVER crude birthrates, marriage rates, and employment, among others. Standardization allows these com- parisons to reflect differences in the underlying processes, rather than being confounded by the STANDARDIZATION effects of composition. Standardization procedures can accommodate the effects of a single factor or Standardization is a technique used in comparing many factors, leaving the technique bounded only indicators from two or more populations. The by the available data. Standardization also allows goal of the standardization procedure is to control the estimation of indicators for groups for which for compositional differences between these groups data are incomplete or of poor quality. that may influence the indicator that is being examined. This method allows a researcher to Many demographic measures are affected by determine the extent to which differences in the the composition of the population, particularly rates of events between populations are due to the age distribution. Age composition is especially differences in population characteristics. Often critical in considering crude death rates, since sociologists ask questions, that require compari- mortality rates have a very distinctive age-specific sons between groups of people: Which city has a pattern: high at very young and very old ages.

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Populations with a large proportion of persons in factor, the crude rates will partly reflect this com- those age groups experience a large number of positional variation rather than only a difference deaths, regardless of age-specific rates of mortal- in the rate at which the event is occurring. If the ity. Two populations with identical sets of age- populations being compared are standardized with specific rates of mortality but different age distri- respect to the factor, any remaining difference butions will have different crude death rates. The between the crude rates can be attributed to a true removal of the ‘‘interference’’ of age distribution difference in rates of occurrence. If the difference from the summary measure—the crude death in the crude rate disappears, one can conclude rate—is the goal of the standardization procedure. that the compositional variation rather than a In the rest of this article, the standardization pro- difference in the underlying rates of occurrence cedure will be explained using mortality rates, and led to a difference in the crude of events. then several other examples of standardization To understand the rationale of standardization, will be presented. it is necessary to recognize that in essence, the The first step in a comparison is to calculate a crude rate is a weighted average of a set of factor- crude rate or proportion. Crude rates or propor- specific rates, where the weights are the distribu- tions are calculated by the formula tion of the factor in the population. Thinking in this manner, one can rewrite the crude rate as E CR = (1) e p P ∑ a a CR = (2) p a P where E refers to the number of events of interest in the population during the time period and P where pa is the population in group a and ea is the refers to the population during that period. If the number of events occurring in group a. The sum population is measured at the middle of the year of all ea equals the total number of events, E, and and the events occur throughout the year, this the sum of all pa equals the total population, P. proportion can be interpreted as a rate. In cases Note that this equation has two components. The where this proportion is small, for instance, mor- first, ea/pa, represents the group-specific rate of tality rates, the crude rate commonly is multiplied events or the group-specific proportion, which by 1,000 and reported as the number of events per sometimes is expressed as ma. The second compo-

1,000 people. nent of the rate calculation, pa/P, represents the proportion of the population in each of the a Crude rates or proportions are used to repre- groups. These are the two series of elements needed sent a variety of characteristics of a population. to apply the direct standardization technique. Us- These rates have an advantage over a comparison ing this notation, the crude rate can be rewritten as of absolute numbers, since they account for differ- ences in size between two populations. Obviously, pa CR = ∑m . (3) in a comparison of the annual number of homicides a P in Chicago versus that in Seattle, one must account for the fact that the population of Chicago is 2.8 When the formula for the crude rate is written in million people compared to about one-half mil- this manner, it is easy to see how the composition lion in Seattle. Similarly, comparing the number of of the population, that is, its distribution among deaths in the United States (over 2 million) to the a groups, affects the crude rate. If the group- those in Sweden (about 90,000) in 1994 would be specific rate ma is high when the proportion of the unreasonable without knowing that the popula- population in that group, pa/P, is large, more tion of the United States is three times that events will be observed in the total population of Sweden. than will be observed if pa/P is small. Similarly, if m is small when p /P is small, few events will occur. Despite the advantage of crude rates over a a absolute numbers, crude rates are influenced by A comparison of the crude death rates in the composition of the populations being com- Sweden and the United States provides an exam- pared. If the event of interest varies by some factor ple of the use of standardization. Sweden has one and the two populations have varying levels of that of the world’s highest life expectancies at birth,

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s s approximately 76 years for men and 81.4 years for dard population, p a/P . The first term in the crude women in 1994. The crude death rate of Sweden, rate calculation remains the factor-specific rate in however, was about 10.4 deaths per 1,000 in that the population of interest, population j. year. In contrast, life expectancy at birth in the United States was 72.2 years for mens and 78.8 Returning to the example of the United States years for women in 1993, and the crude death rate and Sweden, using the age distribution of the was about 8.6 deaths per 1,000 in that year (United United States as the standard distribution and Nations 1997). It seems natural to expect that the computing a standardized crude death rate for country with the longest life expectancy would Sweden by applying the age-specific death rates of also have the lowest crude death rate, so what Sweden yields a standardized crude death rate of accounts for this discrepancy? To understand the 7.6 deaths per 1,000 for Sweden. Instead of being reason for this difference in the crude rates, it is higher than the crude death rate in the United necessary to observe the differing age distribu- States, Sweden’s crude death rate falls below that tions of the two populations. In the United States of the United States. At least part of the difference about 13 percent of the population is over age of in the crude rates therefore is due to Sweden’s 65; while in Sweden over 17 percent of people are older population rather than to a difference in age- over that age. Since death rates are highest in this specific death rates. In general, populations with a age range, the larger proportion of the Swedish relatively old age distribution tend to have higher population in old age creates more deaths, even crude death rates than do populations with similar with lower age-specific death rates. Standardiza- age-specific mortality patterns, since death rates tion demonstrates the extent to which these differ- are higher at older ages. ences in age distribution account for the differ- The data demands for direct standardization, ence in the crude death rate. while not overwhelming, can be difficult to meet if As was mentioned above, this method of stan- there is limited information on factor-specific rates dardization—direct standardization—requires a in one of the populations of interest. For example, standard population distribution and a set of fac- in many studies of mortality in less developed tor-specific rates for the populations being stud- countries or in a historical perspective, informa- ied. Direct standardization uses this standard popu- tion on age-specific death rates may be missing or lation to calculate new standardized crude rates unreliable. In these cases, an alternative method for the populations of interest. In this case, the referred to as indirect standardization can be used. population distribution of the standard popula- Indirect standardization requires knowledge only tion replaces the observed population distribu- of the composition of the population and the total tion. Since each population’s crude rate will be number of events of interest. Direct standardization calculated with the same distribution, the effect of involves the application of population-specific sets the compositional differences will be eliminated of rates to a standard population; conversely, indi- and each population will have the same composi- rect standardization involves the application of a tion. To apply direct standardization, the formula standard set of rates to individual population dis- tributions. In indirect standardization, a set of j ps ∑ e a . a standard rates is applied to the population and the DSR = j s (4) p a P expected number of events is compared to the actual number. This standardizing ratio is esti- j is used, where e a represents the number of events mated by the formula j occurring in group a in population j, p a represents s j the population size of group a in population j, p a E SR = ∑ s j (5) represents the number of people in group a in the m a p a standard population s, and Ps represents the stan- dard population. Comparing equations (2) and (4) where Ej is the actual number of events in the s shows the similarities. The second term in equa- population j, m a is the factor-specific rate in the j tion (2), the compositional distribution of the standard population s, and p a is the number of

population of interest, pa/P, has been replaced people in population j who are in group a. The with the compositional distribution of the stan- denominator of the ratio calculates the number of

2993 STANDARDIZATION

events that would be expected in population j if the choice of standard should be made to mini- the factor-specific rates of the standard population mize the effects of that choice on the results. were applied to the population. When the event of interest is death, this ratio often is referred to as Using one of the populations being studied the standardized mortality ratio. To obtain the eliminates the need to standardize that population new indirectly standardized crude rate, this stan- and often makes the explication of comparisons dardizing ratio is multiplied by the crude rate for easier. For instance, in comparing crime rates the standard population: across several cities, choosing one city as the basis for comparison may be appropriate. When com- s ISR = SR • CR (6) parisons are made of a population over time, it is standard procedure to choose a distribution that is where CRs is the crude rate in the standard popula- representative of the middle of the time period. tion. These indirectly standardized crude rates For instance, in a study of mortality change be- then can be compared to each other. Obviously, tween 1950 and 1990 in the United States, it would when the standardizing ratio is greater than 1.0, be appropriate to use the 1970 census for the the ISR will be larger than the crude rate for the standard age distribution. A drawback to using standard population, and when the standardizing one of the study populations as the standard, ratio is less than 1.0, the ISR will be smaller than however, can be that the population chosen has an the standard population’s crude rate. unusual distribution of factors. This unusual dis- tribution may skew the summary measures in a Indirect standardization does not control for way that is inconsistent or difficult to interpret. composition as well as the direct standardization Also, choosing one of the populations as a stan- method does but should yield similar results in dard can carry implications that this distribution is terms of direction and magnitude. Returning to the ‘‘ideal’’ or ‘‘correct’’ distribution and may the example of Sweden and the United States, the place interpretational burdens on the results. actual number of recorded deaths in Sweden would be greater than the observed number if U.S. age- Using an average of the populations elimi- specific death rates were applied to the Swedish nates the problem of setting one population as the population’s age distribution. The resulting stan- ideal and ameliorates the problem of unusual dardized mortality ratio would be 0.912, and when distributions. A comparison of racial differences that was multiplied by the crude rate for the in mortality in the United States, for example, United States, the ISR for Sweden would be 7.8, might use the age distribution of the total U.S. very similar to the result obtained through direct population, an unweighted average of the distribu- standardization. tion of each racial group, as the standard. This choice eliminates the assumption that any one When indirect standardization is employed, population has a preferred distribution and allows there is no choice to be made about the standard for meaningful comparisons among groups. The population; this method is used when only one use of an aggregate population as the standard is population distribution is available. The choice of encountered frequently in comparisons of sub- the standard population for direct standardization groups within a national population. should be considered carefully, but within reason- able bounds the choice of standard should not A third choice is to pick a population com- alter the conclusions radically. Researchers gener- pletely exogenous to the study as a standard. This ally are interested in the direction and approxi- choice most often involves an artificial population mate size of differences between the groups, and that is representative of a standard pattern of these values are preserved with the choice of any of factor distributions. Several sources of standard a number of reasonable standard populations. populations exist. In the case of age, Coale and There are three general choices for the standard: Demeny’s (1983) set of regional model life tables use one of the populations being studied, use an contains sets of age distributions typical of a vari- average of the populations, or use a population ety of mortality levels and patterns. The use of an outside those being studied. Each of these choices external standard eliminates any value judgments has advantages and disadvantages. Theoretically, associated with the choice of standard. An exter-

2994 STANDARDIZATION nal standard also can be chosen to minimize or creases to 63.5. While this is still a decline com- eliminate extreme distributions of factors. The pared to 1960, the magnitude of the change is external standard also provides a way of compar- much less. The difference in the proportion mar- ing very diverse populations. Again, the choice of ried is due largely to a difference between 1960 standard should match the populations being stud- and 1975 in the proportion of women just over the ied as closely as possible to minimize the effect of age of 15, the baby boomers, who were young that choice on the results. teenage women who had not yet married. An exogenous standard also might be em- Standardization can be used to control for ployed as a way to simulate the effects of a variety characteristics other than age. Suppose, for in- of changes in population composition on the crude stance, one is comparing the health status of two rate. This use of the standardization technique different groups: elderly white Americans and highlights the underlying logic of the procedure elderly African-Americans. If we compare the pro- by using the method to investigate the extent to portion of each group in poor health, we find that which compositional chances influence aggregate 34 percent of elderly whites and 50 percent of comparisons. Here the technique is used as a elderly African-Americans report their health as methodological device to explore the effects of fair or poor. However, we know that health status changes. For instance, a researcher might be inter- varies by education and that the educational distri- ested in the effects on average wages of changing butions of these two groups differ. Among elderly occupational structures among men and women. whites, about 12 percent have fewer than eight A testable hypothesis could be that as women years of school, compared to 39 percent of elderly approach men in terms of occupational distribu- African-Americans. Clearly, since lower levels of tion, the gender gap in wages will disappear. If a education are associated with poorer health and variety of simulated occupational structures are elderly African-Americans have lower levels of applied to a set of gender- and occupation-specific educational attainment, some of the difference in wage rates, the effect of occupational structure on observed health status between the groups can be the wage gap can be examined. expected to result from the different educational Since standardization developed in the field compositions. of demography, most applications involve the study It is desirable to compare these two groups of demographic phenomena. The example of the without the influence of education. Using the United States and Sweden involved comparisons educational distribution of the elderly white popu- of mortality rates. However, standardization is lation as a standard and applying the observed used widely in other areas as well. For example, the education-specific rates of poor health among eld- U.S. Census Bureau routinely reports the distribu- erly African-Americans, one obtains an overall tion of the American population aged 15 and proportion of 42 percent in poor health, com- older among marital states, and historical com- pared to the unstandardized proportion of 50 parisons of this distribution are used to examine percent. Thus, if the African-American older popu- changes in marital behavior over time. However, lation had an educational distribution similar to the age composition of the population can greatly that of the more highly educated white elderly influence the distribution among marital states, population, the expected health status of older particularly when the proportion of the popula- African-Americans would improve. tion in the age range of 15 to 25 years is very large. In 1960, 65.6 percent of women aged 15 and older Lichter and Eggebeen (1994) used stan- were married compared to 60.4 percent of simi- dardization techniques to examine the effects of larly aged women in 1975 (United States Bureau of parental employment on rates of child poverty. In the Census 1976). At first glance, these compari- their work these researchers use direct stan- sons seem to signal a retreat from marriage: A dardization techniques in two different ways. In smaller proportion of women was married in 1975 the first, they simulate the effects of a variety of than in 1960. However, when the age distribution assumptions about parental employment patterns of the population is standardized to the 1960 on children’s poverty rates. This is an illustration population, the proportion married in 1975 in- of using an ‘‘exogenous’’ or artificial population

2995 STATE, THE distribution as a standard population. By changing ing researchers to explore the effects of a variety of the employment distribution of the parents of compositional changes on a summary indicator. children in poverty, they determine that only mod- Researchers should bear in mind, however, that est declines in child poverty would result from the results of standardization are merely artifi- increasing those levels of employment. Their sec- cially constructed indicators; they do not repre- ond application of standardization compares the sent a real population or circumstance. poverty rates of black children obtained by using the employment distribution of white parents as the standard to the rates directly observed. In this REFERENCES case, they have chosen one of the study popula- Bogue, Donald J. 1969 Principles of Demography. New tions as the standard and are interested in the York: Wiley. extent to which differences in child poverty be- Coale, Ansely J., and Paul Demeny 1983 Regional Model tween blacks and whites are determined by factors Life Tables and Stable Populations, 2nd ed. New York: other than parental employment distributions. They Academic Press. find in fact that parental employment differences Himes, Christine L., Dennis P. Hogan, and David J. among female-headed families account for a sub- Eggebeen 1996 ‘‘Living Arrangements of Minority stantial portion of the observed differences in Elders.’’ Journal of Gerontology: Social Sciences child poverty. 51B:S42–S48. Standardization can control for more than Hinde, Andrew 1998 Demographic Methods. New York: one factor at a time and can be applied to more Oxford University Press. than two groups. Himes et al. (1996) standardize Lichter, Daniel T., and David J. Eggebeen 1994 ‘‘The for age, sex, and marital status in an examination Effect of Parental Employment on Child Poverty.’’ of the living arrangements of minority elderly in Journal of Marriage and the Family 56:633–645. the United States. Living arrangements are known Murdock, Steve H., and David R. Ellis 1991 Applied to be different for men and women, for married Demography: An Introduction to Basic Concepts, Methods, and unmarried, and for younger and older elderly. and Data. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press. These factors—age, sex, and marital status—also are known to vary across racial and ethnic sub- Shryock, Henry S., and Jacob S. Siegel 1980. The Methods groups. Therefore, the observed differences in and Materials of Demography, 4th printing (rev.). Wash- ington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. living arrangements are likely to be due in part to these underlying characteristics rather than being United Nations 1997 Demographic Yearbook 1995. New a reflection of differences in attitudes or beliefs. York: United Nations. Standardization allows a comparison among groups United States Bureau of the Census 1976 Social Indica- without the influence of these compositional dif- tors 1976. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Print- ferences. In this research, the compositional distri- ing Office. bution of the entire United States with respect to age, sex, and marital status was chosen as the CHRISTINE L. HIMES standard. In this analysis, the standardization pro- cedure had the greatest effect on comparisons of the African-American population and much smaller effects on the white, non-Hispanic, Hispanic, Asian, STATE, THE and Native American populations. The term ‘‘state’’ denotes the complex of organiza- Standardization is widely used in a variety of tions, personnel, regulations, and practices through sociological inquiries. While it originated in demo- which political power is exercised in a territory. In graphic analyses, it can be applied to a variety of simple societies organized as bands of families, as questions in which a researcher wants to deter- tribes, or as chiefdoms, political power is not mine the extent to which compositional differ- separated from power relationships rooted in kin- ences in population groups account for observed ship structures or religion. Those societies also differences in summary measures. Standardiza- lack organizations and specialized personnel (be- tion is also useful as a simulation technique, allow- yond the chief) for exercising political authority

2996 STATE, THE and therefore have no real states. The state emerged such conflicts usually can be settled through the only with the development of more complex socie- arbitration of respected family members or elders, ties, either cities or tribal confederations, which but in larger groups or groups in which much formed the bases for city-states, monarchies, and interaction occurs among nonkin, those conflicts empires. Monarchies and empires in turn have produce demands for justice that require a more given way to liberal states, modernizing dictator- broadly recognized form of mediation. Individu- ships, and one-party states as the most widespread als who are particularly skilled at mediating such current forms of states. conflicts, who gain a reputation for wisdom and justice, can acquire the role of a specialist in The ‘‘state’’ is a rather abstract term. Over settling conflicts. In addition, every group of hu- time and space, the concrete organizational forms, man beings faces external threats from wild ani- the kinds of personnel, the specific laws and regu- mals, the weather, and other human groups. Indi- lations, and the practices of states have varied viduals who are particularly skilled at coordinating greatly with the historical development of societies actions within a group for the purposes of attack, and across different cultures and regions. The hunting, and defense can gain a reputation that modern nation-state is a very particular kind of translates into a calling as a specialist in coordinat- state that developed in Europe in the eighteenth ing group actions to meet threats. and nineteenth centuries and currently is spread- ing across the world (Poggi 1990). However, like The functions of mediation to produce inter- other forms of the state, this organizational form is nal justice and of coordination to deal with exter- likely to have its day and then fade; already various nal threats are distinct; indeed Native American kinds of supranational and international bodies tribes sometimes had a ‘‘peace chief’’ and a ‘‘war have begun to take over some of the political chief’’ who specialized in those functions. Modern power formerly monopolized by nation-states. societies have legal-judicial systems and executive- military systems that show a similar division of The basis of the state is political power. This functions. However, these functions tended to article examines the roots of that power and then merge because in both cases it was necessary to explores the various forms taken by states from have mechanisms to compel compliance with the their beginnings to the present day. arbitration decisions of the mediator or the action directives of the coordinator. Once a society devel- POLITICAL POWER ops regular means to compel compliance with those decisions and directives (generally armed All forms of power involve the ability of powerholders warriors closely attached to or under the direct to coerce others into giving up their property, supervision of the mediator or coordinator), that their free choice of action, and even their lives. society is on its way to developing a state. Political Political power, as opposed to economic power power is thus the authority given to a recognized (based on money or other forms of wealth), relig- leader (whether judge or general) to compel com- ious power (based on relationships to transcen- pliance with his or her decisions. dent forces), family power (based on sex, seniority, Political power, however, is a two-edged sword. and kin relationships), and pure coercion (based On the one hand, the power of the leader must be on brute force), is rooted in the recognition of the sufficient to ensure that arbitration is enforced rightful authority of the ruler (Weber 1968). That and that the coordination of military, hunting, or authority stems from the demands within a society building activities is effective. The larger a society for specialists with the ability to mediate and is, the more complex its economy is, the stronger coordinate. its enemies are, and the more threatening and Any group of human beings in regular interac- varied its environment is, the greater are the tasks tion among themselves is prone to conflict over facing the state. Thus, for a society to avoid tur- possessions, decisions regarding group actions (to moil and defend itself, it must grow in organiza- hunt or not, to camp here or there, to fight or flee tional size, complexity, and power along with the from a threat), and individual actions that give society of which it is a part. On the other hand, as offense (insults, injury, infidelity). In small groups, the leaders acquire control of larger and richer

2997 STATE, THE

organizations and larger and more powerful coer- expansion and became the nucleus of larger em- cive forces, there is a danger that that organiza- pires, such as Sumer, Akkad, Assyria, and the tional and coercive force will be used to enrich and empire of the Aztecs. serve the desires of the ruler, not to meet the City-states continued to emerge throughout demands for justice and protection of the popula- history, especially in periods of early settlement of tion (Mann 1986). new lands (such as the Greek city-states that spread The history of the state is thus a history of throughout the Mediterranean in the second mil- balancing acts and often of overreaching. State lennium B.C.) or after the breakup of large empires rulers frequently use their organization and au- (as occurred in Italy and along the Rhine in Ger- thority to expand their power and wealth. Some many after the collapse of Charlemagne’s empire rulers invest heavily in conquest, acquiring power in the ninth century A.D.). The legacy of these city- over new regions and peoples by brute force and states is that they experimented with a wide array then setting up organizations and laws to acquire of state forms. At various times, the Greek and and enforce political authority. Other rulers have Roman city-states of the eighth through fourth sought to distinguish themselves primarily as centuries B.C.—including Athens, Sparta, Thebes, lawgivers or (e.g., King Solomon) paragons of Corinth, and Rome—were ruled by a single mon- justice. Still others have simply taken their power arch, pairs of kings (or consuls), oligarchies of the as given and abused it. Sometimes they gain might- wealthy or well-born aristocrats, and popular as- ily from such abuse, but at other times—under semblies. The modern forms of democracy and very particular conditions—they may become the monarchy can be traced back to the Greek and object of elite revolts or popular revolutions. Roman city-states of that period. However, city- states generally did not survive in any area for For sociologists, the key to understanding the more than a few centuries before being swallowed state is knowledge about the shifting relationships up by large territorial empires. between state rulers, their organizations and re- sources, and their societies. Much of the history of Those large territorial empires became the the development of state forms comes from the dominant form of the state in much of the world competition between rulers seeking to extend their for the next 5,000 years, from roughly 3000 B.C. to control of political organizations and coercive force A.D. 1900 (Eisenstadt 1963). In the Middle East, the and elite and popular groups seeking to limit or major empires included of Sumer, Akkad, Egypt, channel political authority into socially acceptable Assyria, Babylonia, and Persia and the Hellenistic goals and actions. empires founded by the generals of Alexander the Great. These empires were followed by the Roman Empire, the Byzantine Empire, and the Islamic CITY-STATES, EMPIRES, AND FEUDALISM empires founded by the followers of Mohammed. These empires were followed by the vast empires Although cities and states initially may have devel- of the Mongols and the Turks, the last of which was oped independently, with both gradually moving the Ottoman Empire, which ruled large portions forward between 8000 and 3000 B.C., by the third of north Africa, the Middle East, and southeastern millennium B.C., the conjunction between urbani- Europe and lasted until 1923. In Europe, after the zation and state making was firmly established in fall of the Roman Empire there followed the em- the Middle East. Elsewhere—in sub-Saharan Af- pires of Charlemagne and his sons. That empire rica and southeast Asia (especially Java and Cam- left as a legacy the Holy Roman Empire, which bodia)—states and even empires developed with- eventually evolved into the Austro-Hungarian Em- out true cities; those states operated through dense pire, which survived until 1918. After roughly A.D. clusters of villages that often centered on great 1500, much of eastern Europe and central Asia temple complexes. By contrast, in the Middle East was under the control of the Russian Empire, and the New World, large cities grew up around which lasted until 1917. In China and India, large the temple complexes that served as the headquar- empires emerged in the third and fourth centuries ters and ceremonial centers of the new states. B.C. In China, the Qin and Han dynasties initiated Several of those city-states had great success in a pattern of imperial rule that lasted until the birth

2998 STATE, THE of the Chinese Republic in 1911; in India, the may be many lords and many vassals, with some Maurya and Gupta dynasties briefly unified the vassals dispensing fiefs and thus becoming lords subcontinent and were followed by the Mughal themselves. In this sense, feudalism is not a state, Empire, which lasted until India came under Brit- for no centralized administration has full control ish domination in the eighteenth century. of the territory. However, if a single lord manages to emerge as dominant over all the other lords and In Africa, there also were large Empires, in- vassals in a territory and is able to expand his own cluding the Aksum Empire in Ethiopia which was household and personal administration to exert (founded around 300 B.C. and whose successor his will throughout the territory, one can then empires and dynasties lasted until 1974), the Ghana speak of a state, which usually is described as a Empire and Mali Empire in west Africa, Great kingdom or monarchy. Kingdoms were known Zimbabwe and Mutapa in southern Africa, and the throughout the world and generally appear in Zulu Empire, which ruled over much of southeast- periods in which large empires have broken down ern Africa until it was defeated by the British in the or before they are established. In most of the late nineteenth century. In the Americas, three world, empires continued to reestablish themselves, major indigenous empires developed: the Maya often building on the strongest kingdom in a and the Aztecs in what is today Mexico and the region. However, in western and central Europe, Incas centered in modern-day Peru. After defeat- ing the Aztecs and Incas in the sixteenth century, no empire ever reestablished lasting control over Spain established an empire in the Americas ex- the area that had been controlled by the Romans. tending from Chile to California that it ruled for Instead, the period of feudalism in Europe (roughly nearly 300 years. A.D. 600 through 1300) was followed by many centuries in which a number of competing king- The vast majority of these empires were con- doms controlled major portions of the European quest empires in which strong imperial centers continent. acquired territory, troops, and resources to build ever-larger empires and thus conquer ever more territory. However, many imperial rulers also were ABSOLUTISM AND BUREAUCRATIC- famous lawgivers renowned for establishing jus- AUTHORITARIAN STATES tice and order in their empires; they included The early empires and kingdoms all had rudimen- Hammurabi of Babylonia, Justinian of Rome, and tary administrations and relatively undifferenti- Suleyman the Magnificent of the Ottoman Em- ated elites. That is, the officers of the state were pire. Their lawcodes were established not to give mainly family members of the ruler or personal ‘‘rights’’ to subjects but to produce order by mak- favorites appointed at the ruler’s pleasure; many ing a clear list of crimes and the penalties that were also high-ranking officials in the church. would be imposed. They gained much of their income from the con- Though powerful, these empires were not trol of personal properties or privileges granted by immune to decay and disintegration. Even the the ruler. The mingling of state and church was longest-lived empires, such as those of Egypt and based on a strong connection between religious China, had periods of civil war and broke up into and state power; there was usually an official state multiple states. Population growth that created religion that supported the state and was in turn pressure on the capacity of the land to yield taxes, supported by the ruler. military defeat by powerful neighbors, and con- By around the sixteenth century A.D., how- flicts among elite factions could all produce disor- ever, most of the kingdoms and empires of Europe ganization and decay of the imperial state adminis- and Asia had begun to develop into more imper- tration. In times of decay, a locally based form of sonal and bureaucratic states. State offices were rule known as feudalism often arose. fixed in a ‘‘table of ranks,’’ and officers were Feudalism in the strict sense is a pattern of expected to undergo rigorous academic training allegiance by oath taking in which a lord gives to qualify for their positions. The number of state control of land (a ‘‘fief’’) to a vassal in return for a offices multiplied greatly, and while favorites still promise of service. This pattern may have one were chosen for key positions, an increasing num- dominant lord controlling many vassals, or there ber were chosen and promoted for their merit and

2999 STATE, THE services. States also began to diversify their sources ning into financial trouble, for population growth of income. Most early empires relied on various was reducing the surplus available for taxation forms of tribute collection or taxes paid ‘‘in kind,’’ and the rapid growth of commerce was shifting such as set amounts of grain, cloth, or labor serv- more resources into areas where traditional tax ices. In contrast, by the sixteenth century, most collection was weak, leaving more resources in states had begun to specify and collect taxes in the hands of merchants, local landowners, and cash, with which they paid regular salaries to state urban and regional elites. Toward the end of officials. In those states, subjects still had few rights and no participation in politics; rulers re- those two periods—roughly 1580–1660 and 1770– mained absolute in authority. However, those states 1860—conflicts between state rulers and elites became ‘‘bureaucratic-authoritarian’’ in the sense over the rulers’ prerogatives and resources trig- that authority increasingly was exercised through gered worldwide waves of revolutions and rebel- uniform rules enforced by bureaucratic officials lions in kingdoms and empires; these included the rather than through local and customary practices English, American, and French revolutions, the enforced by fairly autonomous local notables. anti-Habsburg revolts, and the revolutions of 1848 Dependence on cash meant that many states in Europe; the collapse of the Ming Empire and also placed a greater emphasis on trade and on the Taiping rebellion in China; and thejanissary, taxes on commerce as an alternative to taxes on Balkan, and Egyptian revolts in the Ottoman Em- land. For some states (e.g., the Netherlands and pire (Goldstone 1991). Great Britain), taxes on trade and industry soon exceeded revenues from traditional land taxes (Tilly 1990). In the period 1500–1900, the promo- REVOLUTIONS, NATIONALISM, AND tion of trade and commerce led to a vast expansion NATION-STATES of long-distance trade, both ocean-borne and land- based, across the globe. European kingdoms, sty- Those revolutions and rebellions all involved popu- mied in creating empires in Europe, created them lar uprisings and elite rebellions against the ruler overseas. Seeking natural resources and new mar- and loyal elements of the state but had different kets, European states (and later Japan) invested in outcomes in different areas. In most societies, the colonies and overseas companies and administra- tions to control them in the Americas, Africa, elites were deeply frightened by popular uprisings India, southeastern Asia, Korea, and along the and sought to reestablish state power more firmly Chinese coast. by tightening the reins of state power and enforc- ing allegiance to the state-sponsored religion. This While this period remained one of kingdoms was the case in Catholic Spain, Italy, and Austria and empires, bureaucratic-authoritarian states faced under the Counter-Reformation; in Confucian two extensive periods of challenge. From the late sixteenth to the mid-seventeenth century and again China under the Qing dynasty; and in the Islamic from the late eighteenth to the mid-nineteenth Ottoman Empire. However, in England 1689, Amer- century, all of Eurasia experienced several trends ica in 1776, and France in 1789, the elites were that reshaped states. First, in those two periods more concerned that excessive state power would the population grew dramatically, doubling or damage their positions and fuel future revolu- more, while in other periods the population de- tions. Reviving ideas and institutions from the clined or was stable. These periods of population days of democratic Greece and republican Rome, growth were also periods of rising prices as a result they attempted to place limits on state power and of more extensive commerce and a rising de- reserve specific rights to elites and even to ordi- mand for basic goods. Pay to laborers and avail- nary workers and peasants. Those limits and rights able land for peasants, however, declined as the population grew faster than did the agricultural were codified in a variety of documents, including economy. Population growth also led to factional ‘‘declarations of rights’’, and especially in constitu- conflicts among elite groups competing for con- tions that became the basis for state power. Those trol of state offices and to greater demands on constitutions marked a distinctively modern turn state administrations. However, states were run- in the history of state. Previously, state authority

3000 STATE, THE had always rested on coercion and demands for to expel the Austro-Hungarians and unify Italy the dispensation of order and been supported by under Italian rule in the 1860s; and the Serb religious belief and tradition, but from the age of liberation movement that helped start World War constitutions, the legitimacy of state authority rested I. Nationalist sentiments also fueled revolts in on whether the ruler abided by the limits in the Ireland throughout the nineteenth and twentieth constitution and recognized the rights of the elites centuries; the Chinese Republican Revolution of and popular groups that had established that 1911; the anticolonial revolutions in India, Alge- constitution. ria, Indonesia, and Vietnam after World War II; and a host of other anticolonial revolts in Africa Constitutions meant that a new relationship and Asia. was forged between the state and the population of the territory it ruled. Under empires, the state Nationalism fostered the ideal that states should established order and most people were simply be ‘‘national’’ states, reflecting the identity and economic producers, not political actors. By con- promoting the aspirations of their inhabitants as a trast, under constitutions, the people, or at least united community rooted in shared traditions and those involved in creating and establishing consti- culture (Anderson 1991). In fact, to comply with tutional rule, were the ultimate controllers and this ideal, many traditions had to be invented and beneficiaries of state power. This new relationship national languages had to be created. Even today, led to new demands by various groups. it often is ambiguous whether a given nation-state reflects a nation (Is there is British nation or only One demand was for greater and more regu- English, Welsh, and Scottish nations plus portions lar political participation by groups that had been of Scot-settled Ireland sharing the state of Great excluded: religious and ethnic minority groups, Britain?). However, the ideal of the nation-state women, and the poor. Though frequently resisted spread widely, even to older states, so that it by elites and state rulers, in many areas those became expected that modern nation-states would groups gained elite allies and acquired rights to have a national language, a national flag and an- regular political participation, most notably through them, national systems of schooling and commu- voting (Reuschemeyer et al. 1992). States where nications (newspapers, radio, and television), na- voting rights are widespread and the state’s power tional systems of transportation (highways, railways, over its subjects has significant limits are com- and airlines), and a national army. monly described as democratic or ‘‘liberal’’ states. By the late nineteenth century, most of the states Nonetheless, since almost all existing states in Europe west of Russia and in North and South included members of more than one ethnic, lin- America were liberal states. guistic, or cultural group within their boundaries, most nation-states inevitably failed to satisfy to a Another demand came from professionals, greater or lesser degree the aspirations of subnational merchants, and sometimes military officers who groups, which in turn often developed their own lived under empires and wanted to take control of nationalist ambitions. A large number of the vio- their positions and territories under something lent conflicts in the world in recent years are the like the relationship that prevailed in constitu- result of nationalist movements within nation-states, tional regimes, where the state was identified as an such as the Chechens in Russia, the Basques in instrument of the people rather than the reverse. Spain, the Kurds in Turkey, the Uighurs in China, Those elites argued that every ethnic group should and the Albanian Kosovars in Yugoslavia. be entitled to its ‘‘own’’ state and its own rulers. The resulting ideology was known as ‘‘national- While nationalism seemed poised to bring ism’’ (Calhoun 1998), and it spread widely through- more liberal, constitutional states into being, things out the world. Nationalism fueled the revolutions did not develop that way. The defeat of many early of 1830 in Poland and Greece; those of 1848 in nationalist movements led nationalist leaders to Hungary, Germany, Italy, and Romania; the effort conclude that above all else, a people needed a

3001 STATE, THE strong state to protect them from control by oth- conditions that followed military defeat or eco- ers, whether multinational empires or other na- nomic crises, modern dictatorships emerged. Some tions. As a result, many nationalist movements of those dictatorships, such as those of Adolph gave rise to authoritarian, populist dictatorships. Hitler and his Nazi Party in Germany and Benito Those dictatorships often promulgated constitu- Mussolini and his Fascist Party in Italy, did not tions and claimed to draw their legitimacy—in the outlast their founders. However, in Russia and modern fashion—from their service to and identi- China, Communist parties took on a dominant life fication with the people of the territories they of their own, and those countries became one- ruled, but in fact they operated in as absolute a party states in which everything of economic, mili- manner as any older imperial state, only now they tary, and political importance was controlled by were backed by the latest industrial and military the party-state. In other countries, notably in Af- technology. Thus, while nationalism was destroy- rica (e.g., Nigeria), Latin America, and eastern ing the old traditional empires and replacing them Asia (e.g., Korea and Indonesia), military person- with modern states, those modern states were nel seized power and held on for periods ranging following divergent paths into democracy and from years to generations. For most of the twenti- dictatorship. eth century, such modern one-party and military dictatorships, all professing nationalist ideals and even staging (controlled) popular elections, con- DEMOCRACIES AND DICTATORSHIPS trolled the vast majority of the states and peoples of the world. The history of the state in the twentieth century has largely been one of a struggle between democ- In the last two decades of the twentieth cen- racies and dictatorships. In the liberal states over tury, however, the majority of those one-party the course of the twentieth century, the range of states and military dictatorships collapsed (Walder citizen rights has been expanding, the participa- 1995; Goldstone et al. 1991). Their extensive con- tion in politics of ordinary citizens (through rallies, trol of the economy stifled innovation and encour- financial contributions, petitions, and voting) has aged corruption, leading their revenues to fall well grown, and the obligations of the state to support below those of the leading liberal states. Within its citizens (the modern ‘‘welfare state’’) have been dictatorial states, even the elites looked on the far extended. A major result of these patterns is that greater material wealth and personal freedom of women, the working class, and the poor are far their counterparts in liberal states with envy. Ef- more closely integrated into political life in liberal forts at reform in one-party and military states thus states as voters and direct recipients of state ac- quickly turned into movements to establish liberal tions than ever before (O’Conner et. al, 1999). To regimes. As a result, for the first time in history, it accommodate and channel this political participa- appears that humankind will enter a new millen- tion, most liberal states have a number of political nium with a majority of its nations and popula- parties that organize and control the competition tions living under liberal constitutional states for political power. At the end of the twentieth (Huntington 1991). century, as a result of growing state obligations, the personnel and budget of modern liberal states has swollen to the point where state expenditures BEYOND THE NATION-STATE make up one-quarter to one-half of the entire While the twentieth century has closed with the national product of their societies. national, liberal state seemingly triumphant, there However, the model of the liberal state did not is no assurance that this form of state will endure. triumph in every place where empires collapsed. Constitutional states often have been overthrown In many regions, spurred by nationalist sentiment by dictatorships, both military and populist, when and the failure of liberal states to provide eco- they encounter severe military or economic set- nomic and military security under the chaotic backs. The Great Depression led a host of democ-

3002 STATISTICAL GRAPHICS racies to collapse into dictatorships, and struggles Huntington, Samuel P. 1991 The Third Wave: Democrati- with economic development led many Latin Ameri- zation in the Late Twentieth Century. Norman: Okla- can and African states into communist takeovers homa University Press. and military coups in the 1960s and 1970s. In most Mann, Michael 1986 The Sources of Social Power. Cam- of the world outside Europe and North America, bridge, U.K: Cambridge University Press. liberal states are not firmly established and may be O’Conner, Julia S, Ann Shola Orloff, and Sheila Shaver vulnerable if another major economic trauma 1999 States, Markets, Families: Gender, Liberalism, and sweeps the globe. Thus, the past threats to the Social Policy in Australia, Canada, Great Britain, and the continuance of liberal states may reemerge. United States. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. In addition, new threats to the primacy of the Poggi, Gianfranco 1990 The State: Its Nature, Develop- nation-state have arisen in the form of suprana- ment, and Prospects. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univer- tional organizations with genuine sovereignty and sity Press. military power. The most notable of these organi- Rueschemeyer, Dietrich, Evelyn Huber Stephens, and zations are NATO (a military alliance with a uni- John D. Stephens 1992 Capitalist Development and fied command embracing the forces of most Euro- Democracy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. pean nations and the United States) and the Tilly, Charles 1990 Coercion, Capital, and European States, European Union (a supranational body ruled by AD 990–1990. Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwell. representatives from most European nations with Walder, Andrew 1995 The Waning of the Communist taxing and legislative authority over certain as- State. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of Cali- pects of its member states). A variety of coopera- fornia Press. tive multinational organizations established by Weber, Max 1968 Economy and Society, edited by Guenther treaty, such as the United Nations, the Interna- Roth and Claus Wittich. New York: Bedminster. tional Monetary Fund, the International Court of Justice, and various environmental commissions and human rights organizations, also have im- JACK A. GOLDSTONE pinged on state sovereignty. The future may see still greater transfers of state power to such supra- national bodies as the problems of establishing STATISTICAL GRAPHICS human rights, safeguarding the global environ- ment, and maintaining stable and sound financial Statistical graphs present data and the results of institutions may grow beyond the capacity of any statistical analysis, assist in the analysis of data, and single state or ad hoc arrangement of states to occasionally are used to facilitate statistical compu- resolve. tation. Presentation graphs include the familiar bar graph, pie chart, line graph, scatterplot, and statistical map. Data analysis employs these graphi- REFERENCES cal forms as well as others. Computational graphs Anderson, Benedict 1991 Imagined Communities. Lon- (‘‘nomographs’’) sometimes display data but usu- don: Verso. ally show theoretical quantities such as power Calhoun, Craig 1998 Nationalism. Minneapolis: Univer- curves for determining sample size. Computational sity of Minnesota Press. graphs are convenient when statistical tables would be unwieldy, but computer programs are even Eisenstadt, S. N. 1963 The Political Systems of Empires. London: Macmillan. more convenient, and so nomographs are used with decreasing frequency. This article empha- Goldstone, Jack A. 1991 Revolution and Rebellion in the sizes the role of graphs in data analysis, although Early Modern World. Berkeley: University of Califor- many of the considerations raised here also apply nia Press. to graphical presentation. ———, Ted Robert Gurr, and Farrokh Moshiri 1991 Revolutions of the Late Twentieth Century. Boulder, Although it generally is recognized that the Colo.: Westview. pictorial representation of information is a par-

3003 STATISTICAL GRAPHICS

Graph Area (Fraction of Total) 0.0 0.05 0.10 0.15 0.20 0.25 0.30 0.35 J GEOPHYS RES: PHYS J APPL POLYM SCI: CHEM J EXP BIOL: BIO J CHEM (FARADAY TRANS): CHEM J APPL PHYSICS: PHYS JEEE COMM RADAR SIG: ENG BELL SYST TECH J: ENG LIFE SCIENCES: BIO J PHYS CHEM: CHEM JEEE TRANS COMMUN: ENG J CLIN INVESTIGATION: MED J PHYSICS (C): PHYS PROC R SOC (SER B): BIO SCIENTIFIC AM: GEN PHYS REV (LETT): PHYS J EXP MED: MED J AM CHEM SOC: CHEM PHYS REV (A): PHYS NATURE (LONDON): GEN PROFESS GEOGR: GEOG LANCET: MED SCIENCE (REPORTS): GEN IBM J RES DEVELOP: ENG NEW ENG J MED: MED ANN AS AM GEOGR: GEOG GEOGR J: GEOG GEOGR REV: GEOG SCIENCE (ARTICLES): GEN CELL: BIO

J R STAT SOC (SER C): PSYC J AM STST AS (APPLIC): STAT COMPUT GRA IM PROC: COMP J AM STAT AS (THEORY): STAT COMPUTER J: COMP AM MATH MO: MATH COMMUN ACM: COMP BIOMETIKA: STAT COMPUTER: COMP ANN STATIST: MATH T AM MATH SOC: MATH

PERCEPT PSYCHOPHYS: STAT J EXP PSYCHOL: PSYC BR J PSYCHOL: PSYC AM EDUC RES: EDUC AM ECON REV: ECON BELL J ECON: ECON J POLIT ECON: ECON EDUC RES: EDUC ECONOMETRICA: ECON REV ECON STAT: ECON

AM J SOCIOL: SOC SOCIAL MATHEMATICAL NATURAL AM SOCIOL REV: SOC SOCIAL FORCES: SOC REV EDUC RES: EDUC BR J SOCIOL: SOC OXFORD REV EDUC: EDUC J SOC PSYCHOL: PSYC

0.0 0.05 0.10 0.15 0.20 0.25 0.30 0.35 Graph Area (Fraction of Total)

Figure 1. Dot graph showing the fractional area devoted to graphs in fifty-seven journals in the natural, mathematical, and social sciences. Four sociology journals appear near the bottom of the graph. To construct the graph, fifty articles were sampled from each journal in 1980 and 1981.

SOURCE: Reprinted from Cleveland (1984) with the permission of the American Statistical Association.

3004 STATISTICAL GRAPHICS ticularly effective mode of communication, statis- Among many individuals’ contributions to this tical graphs seldom appear in sociological publica- evolution, the work of William Playfair at the turn tions. Figure 1, from Cleveland (1984), shows the of the nineteenth century is of particular impor- relative space devoted to graphs in leading scien- tance. First, Playfair either invented or popular- tific publications, including four sociology jour- ized several common graphical forms, including nals. Sociology, of course, is not a wholly quantita- the line graph, the bar graph, the pie chart, and the tive discipline. Nevertheless, even a cursory circle chart (in which areas of circles represent examination of publications in the field reveals quantities). Second, Playfair employed statistical that sociologists much more frequently report graphs to display social and economic data. Figure numerical information in tabular than in graphical 2a, from Playfair’s 1786 Commercial and Political form. Informal observation also suggests that soci- Atlas, is a time series line graph of imports to and ologists usually analyze numerical data without the exports from England in the period 1771–1782. In assistance of statistical graphs, a situation that may the original graph, the space between the two be changing. curves is colored green when the balance of trade favors England (i.e., when the curve for exports is above that for imports) and red when the balance HISTORY favors England’s trading partners. Of the forty-two graphs in Playfair’s atlas, all but one depict time Broadly construed, graphic communication dates series. The sole exception is a bar graph of imports to the cave paintings of human prehistory and to to and exports from Scotland (Figure 2b), the data the earliest forms of writing, which were pictorial for which were available only for the year 1780– or semipictorial. The first diagrams to communi- 1781, precluding the construction of time series cate quantitative information—about location and plots. Playfair’s 1801 Statistical Breviary included a distance—were maps: Egyptian cartographers em- wider variety of graphical forms. ployed coordinate systems in maps prepared 5,000 years ago, and cartography remains a relatively The first half of the nineteenth century was a well developed area of graphical representation. period of innovation in and dissemination of sta- Musical notation, which charts pitch as a function tistical graphics, particularly in England and France. of time, also has an ancient origin and illustrates The ogive (cumulative frequency curve), the histo- the spatial display of essentially nonspatial infor- gram, the contour map, and graphs employing mation. Rectilinear coordinate graphs are so fa- logarithmic and polar coordinates all appeared miliar that it is easy to lose sight of the radical before 1850. Later in the century, the British abstraction required to represent diverse quanti- scientist Sir Francis Galton exploited an analogy to ties, such as pitch, as distances along an axis. contour maps in his determination of the bivari- ate–normal correlation surface, illustrating the role In the seventeenth century, the French mathe- of graphs in discovery. matician and philosopher René Descartes estab- lished the relationship between algebraic equa- The nineteenth-century enthusiasm for graphic tions and curves in a rectilinear coordinate space. representation of data produced many memora- The graphical representation of functions is not ble and high-quality statistical graphs, such as those logically necessary for the display of empirical data of Playfair, Florence Nightingale, E. J. Marey, and as points in space, and there are isolated examples Charles Joseph Minard (several of which are repro- before Descartes of statistical graphs that employ duced in Tufte 1983). The same enthusiasm pro- abstract coordinate systems. Nevertheless, Des- duced early abuses, however, including the graph cartes’s analytic geometry no doubt provided the from M. G. Mulhall’s 1892 Dictionary of Statistics impetus for the development of statistical graph- shown in Figure 3: The heights of the triangles ics, and the most common forms of statistical indicate the accumulated wealth of each country, graphs evolved slowly over the subsequent three but their areas are wildly disproportionate to the and a half centuries. quantities represented, conveying a misleading

3005 STATISTICAL GRAPHICS

Figure 2a impression of the data. Furthermore, the horizon- curve. The remainder of the book, however, con- tal arrangement of the countries bears no relation- tains many numerical tables but just five additional ship to the purpose of the graph and apparently figures, none of which presents empirical informa- was done for artistic effect: It would be more tion. Fisher’s 1935 The Design of Experiments in- natural to order the countries by wealth. Many cludes just three graphs, all of which are theoretical. modern graphs have similar problems, a situation The rebirth of interest in statistical graphics that has motivated a substantial literature of graphic may be traced to John W. Tukey’s work on explora- criticism (such as the works by Schmidt, Tufte, and tory data analysis, beginning in the 1960s and Wainer discussed below). culminating in the publication of his text on this The evolution of statistical graphics paralleled subject in 1977. Tukey’s coworkers and students, the general growth of statistical science well into most importantly the group at Bell Laboratories the twentieth century. This relationship changed and its successors associated with William S. Cleve- radically in the 1930s as statisticians such as R. A. land, continue to contribute to the modern devel- Fisher emphasized the development of procedures opment of statistical graphics (see, in particular, for statistical inference. Fisher’s influential Statisti- Chambers et al. 1983; Cleveland 1993, 1994). Fur- cal Methods for Research Workers, first published in ther information on the history of statistical graph- 1925, includes a brief chapter on ‘‘diagrams’’; this ics can be found in Funkhouser (1937), Tufte chapter incorporates line graphs, scatterplots, and (1983), and Beninger and Robyn (1978), the last of a histogram with a superimposed normal-density which contains a useful chronology and bibliography.

3006 STATISTICAL GRAPHICS

Figure 2b. Two graphs from Playfair’s 1786 Commercial and Political Atlas: (a) A time series line graph showing imports to and exports from England, 1771–1782. (b) A bar graph showing imports to and exports from Scotland for the year 1780–1781. The originals are in color.

SOURCE: Photographs courtesy of the William Clements Library, University of Michigan, Richard W. Ryan, curator of books.

GRAPHIC STANDARDS graph) and eliminate ‘‘chartjunk’’ (extraneous graphical elements). After several abortive efforts, the International Statistical Congresses held in Europe in the nine- Disagreements such as this are due partly to teenth century abandoned the attempt to formu- the lack of systematic data on graphical perception late graphical standards. Since that time, many (a situation that is improving), partly to differ- authors have proposed standards and principles ences in style and taste, and partly to the absence for the construction of statistical graphs, but con- of adequate general theories of graph construc- sensus on these matters remains elusive. Schmidt tion and perception (although there have been (1983, p. 17), for example, suggests that grid lines attempts, such as Bertin 1973). Also, good graphi- should always appear on rectilinear line graphs, cal display depends on the purposes for which a graph is drawn and on particular characteristics of while Tufte (1983, p. 112) maintains that grids the data, factors that are difficult to specify in ‘‘should usually be muted or completely sup- advance and in a general manner. pressed,’’ an instance of his more general princi- ple that good graphs maximize the ‘‘dataink ratio’’ Huff (1954, chap. 5), for example, argues that (the amount of ink devoted to the display of data scales displaying ratio quantities should always as a proportion of all the ink used to draw the start at zero to avoid exaggerating the magnitude

3007 STATISTICAL GRAPHICS

Figure 3. A modified bar graph from Mulhall’s 1892 Dictionary of Statistics, substituting triangles with unequal bases for equal-width rectangular bars. The height of each triangle represents accumulated national wealth in 1888. The original is in color.

SOURCE: Photograph by University of Michigan Photographic Services.

of differences between data values. This principle, as Tufte (1983, 1990, 1997), Schmidt, and Wainer, however, often disguises patterns in data that are offer a great deal of uncontroversially sound ad- revealed clearly by graphical magnification. Con- vice. In a tongue-in-cheek essay (reprinted in Wainer sider Figure 4, a and b, which shows the relative 1997: chap. 1), Wainer enumerates twelve rules to value of the Canadian and U.S. dollars in the eight help the reader ‘‘display data badly.’’ Several of weeks surrounding the June 23, 1990, deadline for these rules are illustrated in Figure 5a, which the ratification of the ill-fated ‘‘Meech Lake’’ amend- appeared in the Miami Herald in 1984: ‘‘Rule 7, ment to the Canadian constitution. This period Emphasize the trivial (ignore the important)’’; ‘‘Rule was widely interpreted, both domestically and 11, More is murkier: (a) more decimal places and abroad, as one of constitutional crisis and uncer- (b) more dimensions’’; and ‘‘Rule 12, If it has been tainty for Canada. Because in the short term the done well in the past, think of a new way to do it.’’ Canadian dollar traditionally trades in a narrow The graph in Figure 5a is meant to show the range against the U.S. dollar, Figure 4a is essen- presumably negative relationship between the suc- tially uninformative, while Figure 4b reveals that cess of the twenty-six major league baseball teams the Canadian dollar fell slightly as the Meech in the 1984 season and the average salaries paid to deadline approached and rose afterward. the players on those teams. The lengths of the bars Despite some areas of disagreement, com- represent average players’ salaries, while the teams’ mentators on the design of statistical graphs, such records of wins and losses are hidden in parenthe-

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100 86.5 80

86.0 60

40 85.5

20 85.0 Canadian Dollar (U.S. Cents) Canadian Dollar (U.S. Canadian Dollar (U.S. Cents) Canadian Dollar (U.S. 0 May 29 June 12 June 26 July 10 May 29 June 12 June 26 July 10 Date Date (a) (b)

Figure 4. The relative value of the Canadian and U.S. dollar in an eight-week period in 1990 surrounding the failure of the Meech Lake amendment to the Canadian constitution. (a) Beginning the vertical axis at zero. Note that the upper end point of one is arbitrary, since the Canadian dollar can (at least in theory) trade above par with the U.S. dollar. (b) Scaling the vertical axis to accommodate the range of the data. The vertical line in each graph is drawn at the June 23 deadline for ratifying the Meech Lake accord.

SOURCE: Daily foreign exchange quotations in the New York Times. ses within the bars, making it essentially impossi- relative accuracy of ten elementary perceptual ble to tell whether the two variables are related—os- tasks that extract quantitative information from tensibly the point of the graph. The bars are drawn graphs, as represented schematically in Figure 6. in three-dimensional perspective, apparently for Ranked in order of decreasing average accuracy, artistic effect, but the result is that the quantities these tasks involve judgment of position along a represented are slightly distorted: For example, common scale; position along nonaligned scales; the average salary of the New York Yankees, length, direction, or angle; area; volume or curva- $458,544, appears to be about $410,000. A stan- ture; and shading or color saturation. Similarly, dard representation of these data appears in the Spence (reported in Spence and Lewandowsky scatterplot in Figure 5b, revealing a slight positive 1990) has shown in an experiment that categorical relationship between salary and success. information differentiating points on a scatterplot is encoded most effectively by colors and least effectively by confusable letters (e.g., E, F, H); RESEARCH ON GRAPHIC PERCEPTION other coding devices, such as different shapes (circles, squares, triangles), degrees of fill, and The earliest psychophysical research on percep- discriminable letters (H, Q, X), were intermediate tion of graphs, conducted in the 1920s, focused on in effectiveness. the relative merits of pie charts and bar charts for displaying percentage data and was inconclusive. Cleveland (1993) demonstrates that slope judg- More recently, statisticians and psychologists have ments are most accurate for angles close to forty- undertaken systematic experimentation on graphi- five degrees and least accurate for angles near zero cal perception. Spence and Lewandowsky (1990) or ninety degrees. Cleveland therefore suggests review the literature in this area up to 1990. that the aspect ratio of graphs (the relative lengths of the axes) be set so that average slopes are close Cleveland and McGill (1984), for example, to forty-five degrees, a procedure he terms ‘‘bank- conducted a series of experiments to ascertain the ing to forty-five degrees.’’ This process is illus-

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65 DET

60 CHC

SD NYM 55 TOR BOS NYY STL BAL 50 MIN PHI HOUATL CAL LA MON OAK CLE PIT Winning Percentage 45 SEA CHW TEX CIN MIL 40 SF 150 200 250 300 350 400 450 Average Salary ($1,000s)

Figure 5b. Major League Baseball salaries and team success in the 1984 season. (a) As depicted in the Miami Herald. The lengths of the bars (slightly distorted) represent the average salaries paid to players from each team; the teams’ won–lost records appear in parentheses within the bars. The apparent point of the graph is that there is a negative relationship between salaries and success. (b) The same data in standard scatterplot. The line on the plot, derived from a logistic regression of wins on average salaries, indicates a weak positive relationship between salaries and success.

ple of which appears in Figure 1. Similarly, Cleve- land and McGill (1984) suggest the replacement of quantitative statistical maps that use shading or hue (e.g., Figure 8a) with maps that employ framed rectangles (Figure 8b), which exploit the more accurate judgment of position along nonaligned scales. Despite the inferiority of Figure 8a for judging differences in murder rates among the states, however, this map more clearly reveals regional variations in rates, illustrating the princi- Figure 5a ple that the purpose for which a graph is drawn should influence its design.

The effectiveness of statistical graphs is rooted trated in Figure 7. Both graphs in this figure plot in the remarkable ability of people to apprehend, the same data, but the periodic pattern of the data process, and remember pictorial information. The is nearly impossible to discern in Figure 7a be- human visual system, however, is subject to distor- cause the average slope of the curve is too steep. tion and illusion, processes that can affect the Cleveland and his colleagues have designed perception of graphs. Good graphical design can new graphical forms that apply these and similar minimize and counteract the limitations of human findings by encoding important information through vision. In Figure 9, for example, it appears that the the employment of accurately judged graphic ele- difference between the hypothetical import and ments. One such form is the dot graph, an exam- export series is changing when this difference

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(a) POSITION POSITION NON- LENGTH COMMON SCALE ALIGNED SCALE 1.0 10 10 10 5 0 0.5 0 0

DIRECTION ANGLE AREA Y 0.0

–0.5

VOLUME CURVATURE SHADING –1.0

0 20 40 60 80 X (b) 1.0 Y COLOR SATURATION –1.0 020406080 X Figure 6. Ten elementary perceptual tasks for decoding quantitative information from Figure 7. Two scatterplots of the same data. Five statistical graphs. hundred X-values were randomly generated in the SOURCE: Reprinted from Cleveland and McGill (1984) with the interval [0,25π], and Y=sin X. The periodic pattern permission of the American Statistical Association. of the data is clear in (b), where the aspect ratio of the plot is adjusted so that the average slope of the curve is not too steep, but not in panel (a). actually is constant (cf., Playfair’s time series graph in Figure 2a). The source of the illusion is the tendency to attend to the least distance between The four simple data sets in Figure 10, from the two curves rather than to the vertical distance. Anscombe (1973) and dubbed ‘‘Anscombe’s quar- Thus, an alternative is to graph the difference tet’’ by Tufte (1983), illustrate this point well. All between the two curves—the balance of trade— four data sets yield the same linear least-squares directly (cf. Figure 12, b and c, below), exploiting outputs when regression lines are fitted to the the relatively accurate judgment of position along data, including the regression intercept and slope, a common scale, or to show vertical lines between coefficient standard errors, the standard error of the import and export curves, employing the some- the regression (i.e., the standard deviation of the what less accurate judgment of position along residuals), and the correlation, but—significantly—not nonaligned scales. residuals. Although the data are contrived, the four graphs tell very different imaginary stories: GRAPHS IN DATA ANALYSIS The least-squares regression line accurately sum- marizes the tendency of y to increase with x in Statistical graphs should play a central role in the Figure 10a. In contrast, the data in Figure 10b analysis of data, a common prescription that is clearly indicate a curvilinear relationship between most often honored in the breach. Graphs, unlike y and x, a relationship the linear regression does numerical summaries of data, facilitate the per- not capture. In Figure 10c, one point is out of line ception of general patterns and often reveal unu- with the rest and distorts the regression. Perhaps sual, anomalous, or unexpected features of the the outlying point represents an error in recording data—characteristics that might compromise a nu- the data or a y-value that is influenced by factors merical summary. other than x. In Figure 10d, the ability to fit a line

3011 STATISTICAL GRAPHICS

Murder Rates, 1978

Five representative shadings

1.2 4.9 8.5 12.1 15.8

Rates per 100,000 population

= 0 = 4 = 8 = 12 = 16

Figure 8. Statistical maps of state murder rates in 1978 employing (a) shading and (b) framed rectangles.

SOURCE: Reprinted from Cleveland and McGill (1984) with the permission of the American Statistical Association.

3012 STATISTICAL GRAPHICS

Trade 15 15

10 10

y 5 5

0 0 0 51015 20 0 5101520 Imports (a)x (b) x 15 15 Exports 10 10

y 5 5

0 0 Time 0 51015 20 0 5101520 (c) (d) Figure 9. Despite appearances, the vertical separation between the curves for imports and exports is constant. Figure 10. The four data sets have the same linear The ‘‘data’’ are contrived. least-squares regression, including the regression coefficients, their standard errors, the correlation between the variables, and the standard error of the and the line’s specific location depend on the regression. presence of a single point. SOURCE: Redrawn from Anscombe (1973) with the permission Diverse graphical forms are adapted to differ- of the American Statistical Association. ent purposes in data analysis. Many important applications appear in the figures below, roughly in order of increasing complexity, including graphs arbitrary location of the bins. Figure 11c is a stem- for displaying univariate distributions, bivariate and-leaf display, a type of histogram (from Tukey) relationships, diagnostic quantities in regression that records the data values directly in the bars of analysis, and multivariate data. the graph, thus permitting the recovery of the original data. Here, for example, the values given Particularly useful for graphically screening as 1:2 represent infant mortality rates of 12 data are methods for displaying the distributions per 1,000. of quantitative variables. Several univariate dis- plays of the distribution of infant mortality rates Figure 11d is a kernel density estimate, or for 201 countries are shown in Figure 11, using smoothed histogram, a display that corrects both data compiled by the United Nations. the roughness of the traditional histogram and its dependence on the arbitrary choice of bin loca- Figure 11a is a traditional histogram of the tion. For any value x of infant mortality, the height infant mortality data, a frequency bar graph formed by dissecting the range of infant mortality into of the kernel estimate is class intervals or ‘‘bins’’ and then counting the 1 n xx−  number of observations in each bin; the vertical fxˆ()= ∑K  i  (1) nh  h  axis of the histogram is scaled in percent. Figure i=1 11b shows an alternative histogram that differs from Figure 11a only in the origin of the bin where n is the number of observations (here, 201); χ χ χ system (the bars are shifted five units to the left). the observations themselves are 1, 2,... , n, h is These graphs demonstrate that the impression the ‘‘window’’ half-width for the kernel estimate, conveyed by a histogram depends partly on the analogous to bin width for a histogram; and K is

3013 STATISTICAL GRAPHICS

40 50

40 30

30 20 20

10 Percent of Nations Percent of Nations Percent 10

0 0 0 50 100 150 200 0 50 100 150 200 Infant Mortality per 1,000 Infant Mortality per 1,000 (a) (b)

0 : 23455555556666666677777777777788888999999 1 : 000011222222333344444555566778888999 0.015 2 : 00112223333444455556669 3 : 00012334455777889999 4 : 012344456889 5 : 11246667888 6 : 012455568 0.010 7 : 122347788 8 : 00222456669 9 : 025678

10 : 234677 Density 11 : 023445 0.005 12 : 2445 13 : 25 14 : 29 15 : 34 16 : 9 0.0 0 50 100 150 200 Infant Mortality per 1,000 (c) (d)

Sierra Leone 150 Liberia Afghanistan 150 Mali

100 100

50 50 Infant Mortality per 1,000 Infant Mortality per 1,000

0.0 0.0 –3 –2 –1021 3 Normal Quantiles (e) (f)

Figure 11. Six univariate displays of the distribution of infant mortality rates in 201 nations. The histograms (a) and (b) both have bins of width ten, but the bars of (b) are five units to the left of those of (a). A stem-and-leaf display is shown in (c), a kernel density estimate in (d), a boxplot in (e), and a normal quantile comparision plot in (f).

SOURCE: United Nations, http://www.un.org/Depts/unsd/social/main.htm. STATISTICAL GRAPHICS

some probability–density function, such as the peared earlier in this article: bar graphs (Figure unit-normal density, ensuring that the total area 2b), dot graphs (Figure 1), and line graphs such as under the kernel estimate is one. A univariate time series plots (Figures 2a and 4). Parallel boxplots scatterplot — another form of distributional dis- are often informative in comparing the distribu- play giving the location of each observation — is tion of a quantitative variable across several cate- shown at the bottom of Figure 11d. gories. Scatterplots (as in Figure 10) are invaluable for examining the relationship between two quan- Figure 11e, a ‘‘boxplot’’ of the infant mortality titative variables. Other data-analytic graphs adapt data (a graphic form also from Tukey), summa- these forms. rizes a variety of important distributional informa- tion. The box is drawn between the first and third In graphing quantitative data, it is sometimes quartiles and therefore encloses the central half of advantageous to transform variables. Logarithms, the data. A line within the box marks the position the most common form of transformation, often of the median. The whiskers extend either to the clarify data that extend over two or more orders of most extreme data value (as on the bottom) or to magnitude (i.e., a factor of 100 or more) and are the most extreme nonoutlying data value (as on natural for problems in which ratios of data values, the top). Four outlying data values are represented rather than their differences, are of central interest. individually. The compactness of the boxplot sug- gests its use as a component of more complex Consider Figure 12, which shows the size of displays; boxplots may be drawn in the margins of the Canadian and U.S. populations for census a scatterplot to show the distribution of each years between 1790 and 1990 in the United States variable, for example. and between 1851 and 1991 in Canada. The data are graphed on the original scale in Figure 12a and Figure 11f shows a normal quantile compari- on the log scale in Figure 12b. Because the Cana- son plot for the infant mortality data. As the name dian population is much smaller than that of the implies, this graph compares the ordered data United States, it is difficult to discern the Canadian with corresponding quantiles of the unit-normal data in Figure 12a. Moreover, Figure 12b shows distribution. By convention, the ith largest infant more clearly departures from a constant rate of χ mortality rate, denoted (i), has Pi = (i - 1/2)/n population growth, represented by linear increase proportion of the data below it. The correspond- on the log scale, and permits a direct comparison ≤ ing normal quantile is zi, located so that Pr (Z zi) = of the growth rates in the two countries. These Pi, where Z follows the unit-normal distribution. If rates were quite similar, with the U.S. population X is normally distributed with mean µ and stan- roughly ten times as large as the Canadian popula- σ dard deviation , then within the bounds of sam- tion throughout the past century and a half. Figure > σ pling error, x(i) µ + zi. Departure from a linear 10c, however, which graphs the difference be- pattern therefore indicates nonnormality. The line tween the two curves in Figure 10b (i.e., the log shown in Figure 11f passes through the quartiles population ratio), reveals that the United States of X and Z. The positive skew of the infant mortal- was growing more rapidly than Canada was before ity rates is reflected in the tendency of the plotted 1900 and more slowly afterward. points to lie above the fitted line in both tails of the distribution. Graphs also can assist in statistical modeling. Least-squares regression analysis, for example, While the skewness of the infant mortality which fits the model data is apparent in all the displays, the possibly multimodal grouping of the data is clearest in the Yxxx=+ββ + β ++... β + ε (2) kernel density estimate. The normal quantile com- iiikkii01122 parison plot, in contrast, retains the greatest reso- makes strong assumptions about the structure of lution in the tails of the distribution, where data the data, including assumptions of linearity, equal are sparse; these are the regions that often are error variance, normality of errors, and indepen- problematic for numerical summaries of data such dence. Here Yi is the dependent variable score for as means and regression surfaces. χ χ χ the ith of n observations; 1i, 2i,... , ki, are inde- ε Many useful graphs display relationships be- pendent variables; i, is an unobserved error that is tween variables, including several forms that ap- assumed to be normally distributed with zero ex-

3015 STATISTICAL GRAPHICS

pectation and constant variance σ2, independent 250 of the x’s and the other errors; and the ß’s are regression parameters, which are to be estimated 200 U.S. along with the error variance from the data.

150 Graphs of quantities derived from the fitted regression model often prove crucial in determin- 100 ing the adequacy of the model. Figure 13, for example, plots a measure of leverage in the regres- 50 sion (the ‘‘hat values’’ h ) against a measure of Canada i discrepancy (the ‘‘studentized residuals’’ ti). Lever- 0 age represents the degree to which individual 1800 1850 1900 1950 observations can affect the fitted regression, while Year discrepancy represents the degree to which each (a) observation departs from the pattern suggested by the rest of the data. Actual influence on the esti- U.S. mated regression coefficients is a product of lever- age and discrepancy and is displayed on the graph 100 by Cook’s Dii, represented by the areas of the 50 plotted circles. The data for this graph are drawn from Duncan’s (1961) regression of the rated pres- Canada tige of forty-five occupations on the educational 10 and income levels of the occupations. The plot suggests that two of the data points (the occupa- Population (millions)Population 5 (millions) Population tions ‘‘minister’’ and ‘‘conductor’’) may unduly affect the fitted regression. 1800 1850 1900 1950 Figure 14 is a scatterplot of residuals against Year (b) fitted Y-values,

Ybbxbxˆ =+ + ++K bx (3) 1.15 iiikki01122

where the b’s are sample estimates of the corre- 1.10 sponding ß’s. If the error variance is constant as assumed, the variation of the residuals should not change systematically with the fitted values. The 1.05 data for Figure 14 are drawn from work by Ornstein (1976) relating the number of interlocking direc-

Population (millions) Population 1.00 torate and executive positions maintained by 248 dominant Canadian corporations to characteristics of the firms. The plot reveals that the variation of 1860 1880 1900 1920 1940 1960 1980 the residuals appears to increase with the level of Year (c) the fitted values, casting doubt on the assumption of constant error variance.

Figure 12. Canadian and U.S. population figures Figure 15 shows a partial residual (also called a are plotted directly in (a) and on a log scale in (b). component plus residual) plot for the relationship The difference between the two log series is between occupational prestige and income, a diag- shown in (c). nostic useful for detecting nonlinearity in regres- sion. The plot is for a regression of the rated SOURCE: Canada Yearbook 1994 and Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1994. prestige of 102 Canadian occupations on the gen- der composition, income level, and educational level of the occupations (see Fox and Suschnigg

3016 STATISTICAL GRAPHICS

minister 30 3 20 2 10 1 RR_engineer 0 0 –10 Residuals –1 conductor Studentized Residual –20 –2 reporter –30

0.05 0.10 0.15 0.20 0.25 020406080 Fitted Values Hat Value

Figure 13. Influence plot for Duncan’s regression of the Figure 14. Plot of residuals by fitted values for rated prestige of forty-five occupations on their income Ornstein’s regression on interlocks maintained by and educational levels. The hat values measure the 248 dominant Canadian corporations on the leverage of the observations in the regression, while the characteristics of the firms. The manner in which the studentized residuals measure their discrepancy. The points line up diagonally at the lower left of the plotted circles have area proportional to Cook’s D, graph is due to the lower limit of zero for the a summary measure of influence on the regression dependent variable. coefficients. Horizontal lines are drawn at plus and SOURCE: Personal communication from M. Ornstein. minus 2; in well-behaved data, only about 5 percent of studentized residuals should be outside these lines. Vertical lines are drawn at two and three times the average hat Cleveland (1994) called locally weighted scatterplot value; hat values greater than two or three times the smoothing (‘‘lowess’’). Lowess (also called ‘‘loess,’’ average are noteworthy. Observations that have relatively for local regression) fits n robust regression lines to large residuals or leverages are identified on the plot. the data, with the ith such line emphasizing obser- χ χ vations whose -values are closest to i. The lowess

fitted value for the ith observation, ŷi, comes from χ 1989). The partial residuals are formed as e1i = b1 1i the ith such regression. Here x and y simply de-

+ ei, where b1 is the fitted income coefficient in the note the horizontal and vertical variables in the χ linear regression, 1i is the average income of plot. The curve plotted on Figure 15 connects the χ incumbents of occupation i, and ei is the regres- points ( i,ŷi). Lowess is one of many methods of sion residual. The nonlinear pattern of the data, nonparametric regression analysis, including meth- which is apparent in the graph, suggests modifica- ods for multiple regression, described, for exam- tion of the regression model. Similar displays are ple, in Hastie and Tibshirani (1990) and Fox (forth- available for generalized linear models such as coming a and b). Because there is no explicit logistic regression. Further information on the equation for a nonparametric regression, the re- role of graphics in regression diagnostics can be sults are most naturally displayed graphically. found in Atkinson (1985), Fox (1991, 1997), and Cook and Weisberg (1994). Scatterplots for discrete data may be enhanced by paradoxically adding a small amount of random Scatterplots are sometimes difficult to inter- noise to the data to separate the points in the plot. pret because of visual noise, uneven distribution Cleveland (1994) calls this process ‘‘jittering.’’ An of the data, or discreteness of the data values. example is shown in Figure 16a, which plots scores Visually ambiguous plots often can be enhanced on a vocabulary test against years of education; the by smoothing the relationship between the vari- corresponding jittered plot (Figure 16b) reduces ables, as in Figure 15. The curve drawn through the overplotting of points, making the relationship this plot was determined by a procedure from much clearer and revealing other characteristics

3017 STATISTICAL GRAPHICS

The regression curve shown in each scatterplot was determined by the lowess procedure de- scribed above. 20 A limitation of the scatterplot matrix is that it 10 displays only the marginal relationships between the variables, while conditional (or partial) relation- 0 ships are more often the focus of multivariate statistical analysis. This limitation sometimes can –10 be overcome, however, by highlighting individual Partial Residual Partial observations or groups of observations and follow- –20 ing them across the several plots (see the discus- 0 5,000 10,000 15,000 20,000 25,000 sion of ‘‘brushing’’ in Cleveland 1994). These meth- Average Income ods are most effective when they are implemented as part of an interactive computer system for graphic data analysis. Figure 15. Partial residual (component+residual) plot for income in the regression of occupational One approach to displaying conditional rela- prestige on the gender composition and income and tionships is to focus on the relationship between education levels of 102 Canadian occupations in the dependent variable and each independent 1971. The broken line gives the linear least- variable fixing the other independent variable (or squares fit, while the solid line shows the lowess variables) to particular, possibly overlapping ranges (nonparametric regression) fit to the data. of values. A nonparametric regression smooth

SOURCE: Fox and Suschnigg (1989). then can be fitted to each partial scatterplot. Cleve- land (1993) calls this kind of display a ‘‘condition- ing plot’’ or ‘‘coplot.’’ The strategy breaks down, of the data, such as the concentration of points at however, when there are more than two or three twelve years of education. independent variables, or when the number of observations is small. Because graphs commonly are drawn on two- dimensional media such as paper and computer Many of the most useful graphical techniques screens, the display of multivariate data is intrinsi- for multivariate data rely on two-dimensional pro- cally more difficult than that of univariate or bi- jections of the multivariate scatterplot of the data. variate data. One solution to the problems posed A statistical model fitted to the data often deter- by multivariate graphic representation is to record mines these projections. An example of a display additional information on a two-dimensional plot. employing projection of higher-dimensional data Symbols such as letters, shapes, degrees of fill, and is the partial residual plot shown in Figure 15. color may be used to encode categorical informa- Another common application of this principle is tion on a scatterplot, for example (see Figure 19, the similarly named but distinct partial regression below). Similarly, there are many schemes for (or added-variable) plot. Here the dependent vari- representing additional quantitative information, able (Y) and one independent variable in the multi- as shown in Figures 8 and 13. ple regression model (say, x1) are each regressed on the other independent variables in the model χ χ A scatterplot matrix is the direct graphic ana- (i.e., 2, . . . , k), producing two sets of residuals χ logue of a correlation matrix, displaying the bivari- (which may be denoted y(1) and (1)). A scatterplot χ ate relationship between each pair of a set of of the residuals (that is, y(1) versus (1)) is frequently quantitative variables and thus providing a quick useful in revealing high-leverage and influential overview of the data. In contrast to a correlation observations. Implementation on modern desktop matrix, however, a scatterplot matrix can reveal computers, which can exploit color, shading, per- nonlinear relationships, outlying data, and so on. spective, motion, and interactivity, permits the The scatterpiot matrix in Figure 17 is for rates of effective extension of projections to three dimen- seven different categories of crime in the thirty sions (see Monette 1990; Cook and Weisberg 1994; largest U.S. cities (excluding Chicago) in 1996. Cook 1998).

3018 STATISTICAL GRAPHICS

10 10

8 8

6 6

4 4 Words Correct Words Correct Words 2 2

0 0

0 5 1015 20 0 5 1015 20 Education (years) Education (years) (a) (b)

Figure 16. Randomly ‘‘jittering’’ a scatterplot to clarify discrete data. The original plot in (a) shows the relationship between score on a ten-item vocabulary test and years of education. The same data are graphed in (b) with a small random quantity added the each horizontal and vertical coordinate. Both graphs show the least- squares regression line.

SOURCE: 1989 General Social Survey, National Opinion Research Center.

When there are relatively few observations THE PRESENT AND FUTURE OF and each is of separate interest, it is possible to STATISTICAL GRAPHICS display multivariate data by constructing parallel geometric figures for the individual observations. Computers have revolutionized the practice of Some feature of the figure encodes the value of statistical graphics much as they earlier revolution- each variable. One such display, called a ‘‘star ized numerical statistics. Computers relieve the plot,’’ is shown in Figure 18 for the U.S. cities data analyst of the tedium of drawing graphs by crime rate data. The cities are arranged in order of hand and make possible displays—such as lowess increasing general crime rate. scatterplot smoothing, kernel density estimation, Other common and essentially similar schemes and dynamic graphs—that previously were im- include ‘‘trees’’ (the branches of which represent practical or impossible. All the graphs in this the variables), faces (whose features encode the article, with the exception of several from other variables), and small bar graphs (in which each bar sources, were prepared with widely available statis- displays a variable). None of these graphs is par- tical software (most with S-Plus, the graphical and ticularly easy to read, but judicious ordering of other capabilities of which are ably described by observations and encoding of variables sometimes Venables and Ripley 1997). Virtually all general can suggest natural clusterings of the data or statistical computer packages provide facilities for similarities between observations. Note in Figure drawing standard statistical graphs, and many pro- 18, for example, that Oklahoma City and Jackson- vide specialized forms as well. ville have roughly similar ‘‘patterns’’ of crime, even though the rates for Oklahoma City are Dynamic and interactive statistical graphics, generally higher. If similarities among the observa- only a decade ago the province of high-perform- tions are of central interest, however, it may be ance graphics workstations and specialized soft- better to address the issue directly by means of ware, are now available on inexpensive desktop clustering or ordination (also called multidimen- computers. Figure 19 illustrates the application of sional scaling); see, e.g., Hartigan (1975), and Cook and Weisberg’s (1999) state-of-the-art Arc Kruskal and Wish (1978). package to Duncan’s occupational prestige data.

3019 STATISTICAL GRAPHICS

4060 80 120 200 600 1000 2000 4000 6000

Murder 20 40 60

Rape

Robbery 200 1200 40 80 120 Assault 600

Burglary 500

Larceny 2000 5000 200

Auto Theft 500 2000 3500 1500 2500 800 1400 20 40 60200 600 1000 5001500 2500 500 1500 2500 3500

Figure 17. Scatterplot matrix for the rates of seven categories of crime in the thirty largest U.S. cities in 1996 (Chicago is omitted because of missing data). The rate labeled ‘‘Murder’’ represents both murder and manslaughter. The line shown in each panel is a lowess scatterplot smooth.

SOURCE: Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1998.

Arc, programmed in Tierney’s (1990) Lisp-Stat sta- REFERENCES tistical computing environment, is freely avail- Anscombe, Frank J. 1973 ‘‘Graphs in Statistical Analy- able software that runs on Windows computers, sis.’’ American Statistician 27:17–22. Macintoshes, and Unix workstations. Standard sta- Atkinson, A. C. 1985 Plots, Transformations, and Regres- tistical packages such as SAS and SPSS are gradu- sion: An Introduction to Graphical Methods of Diagnostic ally acquiring these capabilities as well. Regression Analysis. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press. The other edge of the computing sword cuts Beninger, James R., and Dorothy L. Robyn 1978 ‘‘Quan- in the direction of ugly, poorly constructed graphs titative Graphics in Statistics: A Brief History.’’ Ameri- that obfuscate rather than clarify data: Modern can Statistician 32:1–11. software facilitates the production of competent (if not beautiful) statistical graphs. Nevertheless, a Bertin, Jacques 1973 Semiologie graphique, 2nd ed. data analyst armed with a ‘‘presentation graphics’’ Paris: Mouton. package can, with little effort or thought and less Chambers, J. M., William S. Cleveland, Beat Kleiner, taste, produce elaborate, difficult to read, and and Paul A. Tukey 1983 Graphical Methods for Data misleading graphs. Analysis. Belmont Calif.: Wadsworth.

3020 STATISTICAL GRAPHICS

Las Vegas New York San Diego Denver Los Angeles

Honolulu San Jose Philadelphia El Paso Cleveland

San Francisco Houston Austin Milwaukee Boston

Fort Worth San Antonio Jacksonville Dallas Columbus

Phoenix Charlotte Seattle New Orleans Memphis

Nashville Washington Detroit Baltimore Oklahoma City

Robbery

Assault Rape

Murder

Burglary Auto Theft

Larceny

Figure 18. Star plot of rates of seven categories of crime in the thirty largest U.S. cities (Chicago is omitted because of missing data). The plot employs polar coordinates to represent each observation: Angles (the ‘‘points’’ of the star) encode variables, while distance from the origin (the center of the star) encodes the value of each variable. The crime rates were scaled (by range) before the graph was constructed. A key to the points of the star is shown at the bottom of the graph: ‘‘Murder’’ represents both murder and manslaughter.

SOURCE: Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1998.

3021 STATISTICAL GRAPHICS

Figure 19. Modern statistical computer graphics: Cook and Weisberg’s Arc. The window in the foreground contains a rotating three-dimensional scatterplot of Duncan’s occupational prestige data. The points in the plot are marked by type of occupation; a regression plane and residuals to the plane also are shown. Several occupations have been identified with a mouse. (The mouse cursor currently points at the occupation ‘‘minister.’’) To the left and bottom of the window, a variety of controls for manipulating the plot appear. The small window at the bottom left of the screen contains the names of the observations; note that this window is linked to the three-dimensional scatterplot. At the upper left, partly hidden, is a window containing a scatterplot matrix of the data, which also is linked to the other windows. Plot controls for this graph include power-transformation sidebars at the left of the window.

Cleveland, William S. 1984 ‘‘Graphs in Scientific Publi- ———, and Sanford Weisberg 1994 An Introduction to cations.’’ American Statistician 38:261–269. Regression Graphics. New York: Wiley. ——— 1993 Visualizing Data. Summit N.J.: Hobart Press. ——— 1999 Applied Regression Including Computing and Graphics. New York: Wiley. ——— 1994 The Elements of Graphing Data, rev. ed. Summit N.J.: Hobart Press. Duncan, Otis Dudley 1961 ‘‘A Socioeconomic Index for All Occupations.’’ In Albert J. Reiss, Jr., Otis Dudley ———, and Robert McGill 1984 ‘‘Graphical Perception: Duncan, Paul K. Hatt, and Cecil C. North, eds., Theory, Experimentation, and Application to the Occupations and Social Status. New York: Free Press. Development of Graphical Methods.’’ Journal of the American Statistical Association 79:531–554. Fox, John 1991 Regression Diagnostics. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage. Cook, R. Dennis 1998 Regression Graphics: Ideas for Study- ing Regressions through Graphics. New York: Wiley.

3022 STATISTICAL INFERENCE

——— 1997 Applied Regression Analysis, Linear Models, Wainer, Howard 1997. Visual Revelations: Graphical Tales and Related Methods. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage. of Fate and Deception from Napoleon Bonaparte to Ross ——— forthcoming (a) Nonparametric Simple Regression: Perot. New York: Springer-Verlag. Scatterplot Smoothing. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage. ——— forthcoming (b) Multiple and Generalized JOHN FOX Nonparametric Regression. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage. ———, and Carole Suschnigg 1989 ‘‘A Note on Gender and the Prestige of Occupations.’’ Canadian Journal STATISTICAL INFERENCE of Sociology 14:353–360. Funkhouser, H. Gray 1937 ‘‘Historical Development of Making an inference involves drawing a general the Graphical Representation of Statistical Data.’’ conclusion from specific observations. People do Osiris 3:267–404. this every day. Upon arising in the morning, one Hartigan, John A. 1975 Clustering Algorithms. New observes that the sun is shining and that the day York: Wiley. will be nice. The news reports the arrest of a military veteran for child abuse, and a listener Hastie, Trevor J., and Robert J. Tibshirani 1990 General- infers that military veterans have special adjust- ized Additive Models. London: Chapman and Hall. ment problems. Statistical inference is a way of Huff, Darrell 1954 How to Lie with Statistics. New formalizing the process of drawing general conclu- York: Norton. sions from limited information. It is a way of Kruskal, Joseph B., and Myron Wish 1978 Multidimen- stating the degree of confidence one has in mak- sional Scaling. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage. ing an inference by using probability theory. Statis- Monette, Georges 1990 ‘‘Geometry of Multiple Regres- tically based research allows people to move be- sion and Interactive 3-D Graphics.’’ In John Fox and yond speculation. J. Scott Long, eds., Modern Methods of Data Analysis. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage. Suppose a sociologist interviews two husbands. Josh, whose wife is employed, does 50 percent of Ornstein, Michael D. 1976 ‘‘The Boards and Executives the household chores; Frank, whose wife does not of the Largest Canadian Corporations: Size, Compo- work for pay, does 10 percent. Should the sociolo- sition, and Interlocks.’’ Canadian Journal of Sociology 1:411–437. gist infer that husbands do more housework when their wives are employed? No. This difference Schmidt, Calvin F. 1983 Graphics: Design Principles and could happen by chance with only two cases. How- Practices. New York: Wiley. ever, what if 500 randomly selected husbands with Spence, Ian, and Stephan Lewandowsky 1990 ‘‘Graphi- employed wives average 50 percent of the chores cal Perception.’’ In John Fox and J. Scott Long, eds., and randomly selected husbands with nonemployed Modern Methods of Data Analysis. Newbury Park, wives average 10 percent? Since this difference is Calif.: Sage. not likely to occur by chance, the sociologist infers Tierney, Luke 1990. Lisp-Stat: An Object-Oriented Environ- that husbands do more housework when their ment for Statistical Computing and Dynamic Graphics. wives are employed for pay. New York: Wiley. Tufte, Edward R. 1983 The Visual Display of Quantitative Researchers perform statistical inferences in Information. Cheshire, Conn.: Graphics Press. three different ways. Assume that 60 percent of the respondents to a survey say they will vote for ——— 1990 Envisoning Information. Cheshire, Conn.: Marie Chavez. The traditional hypothesis testing ap- Graphics Press. proach infers that Chavez will win the election if ——— 1997 Visual Explanations: Images and Quantities, chance processes would account for the result (60 Evidence and Narrative. Cheshire, Conn.: Graph- percent support in this survey) with less than some ics Press. a priori specified statistical significance level. For Tukey, John W. 1977 Exploratory Data Analysis. Reading, example, if random chance could account for the Mass.: Addison-Wesley. result fewer than five times in a hundred, one Venables, W. N., and B. D. Ripley 1997 Modern Applied would say the results are statistically significant. Statistics with S-PLUS, 2nd ed. New York: Springer-Verlag. Statistical significance levels are called the alpha

3023 STATISTICAL INFERENCE

α (e.g., = .05 for the 5 percent level). If Chavez Step 1: State a hypotheses (H1) in terms of would get 60 percent support in a sample of the statistical parameters (characteristics such as means, size selected less than 5 percent of the time by correlations, proportions) of the population: chance, one would infer that she will win. The researcher picked the 5 percent level of signifi- H1: P(vote for the candidate) < .50. [Read: cance before doing the survey. (The test, including The mean for mothers with daughters is not the α level, must be planned before one looks at the equal to the mean for mothers with sons.] findings.) If one would get this result 6 percent of H2: µ mothers with daughters ≠ µ mothers the time by chance, there is no inference. Note with sons. [Read: The means for mothers that not making the inference means just that: One with daughters is not equal to the mean for does not infer that Chavez’s opponent will win. mothers with sons.] A second strategy involves stating the likeli- H3: ρ < 0.0. [Read: The popluation correla- hood of the result occurring by chance without an a tion ρ (rho) between internal political priori level of significance. This strategy reports efficacy and voting is greater than zero.] the result (60 percent of the sample supported H2 says that the means are different but does not Chavez) and the probability of getting that result specify the direction of the difference. This is a by chance, say, .042. This gives readers the free- two-tail hypothesis, meaning that it can be signifi- dom to make their inferences using whatever level cant in either direction. In contrast, H1 and H2 of significance they wish. Sam Jones, using the .01 signify the direction of the difference and are level (α = .01) in the traditional approach would called one-tail hypotheses. see that the results do not meet his criterion. He would not conclude that Chavez will win. Mara These three hypotheses are not directly test- Jabar, using the .05 level, would conclude that able because each involves a range of values. Step 2 Chavez would win. states a null hypothesis, which the researcher usu- ally wishes to reject, that has a specific value. The third strategy places a confidence interval around a result. For example, a researcher may be H10: P(vote for the candidate) = .50. 95 percent confident that Chavez will get between H2 : µ mothers with daughters = µ mothers 55 percent and 65 percent of the votes. Since the 0 with sons. entire interval—55 percent to 65 percent—is ρ enough for a victory, that is, is greater than 50 H30: = 0. percent one infers that Chavez will win. An important difference between one-tail and Each approach has an element of risk attached two-tail tests may have crossed the reader;s mind. to the inference. That risk is the probability of Consider H10. If 40 percent of the sample sup- getting the result by chance alone. Sociologists ported the candidate, one fails to reject H10 be- tend to pick low probabilities (e.g., .05, .01, and cause the result was in the direction opposite of even .001), because they do not want to conclude that of the one-tail hypothesis. In contrast, whether that something is true when it is at all likely to have mothers with daughters have a higher or lower occurred by chance. mean attitude toward abortion than do mothers

with sons, one proceeds to test H20 because a difference in either direction could be significant. TRADITIONAL TESTS OF SIGNIFICANCE Step 3 states the a priori level of significance. Traditional tests of significance involve six steps. Sociologists usually use the .05 level. With large Three examples are used here to illustrate these samples, they sometimes use the .01 or .001 level. steps: (1) A candidate will win an election, (2) This paper uses the .05 level (α = .05). If the result mothers with at least one daughter will have differ- would occur in fewer than 5 percent (correspond- ent views on abortion than will mothers with only ing to the .05 level) of the samples if the null sons, and (3) the greater a person’s internal politi- hypothesis were true in the population, the null cal efficacy is, the more likely that person is to vote. hypothesis is rejected in favor of the main hypothesis.

3024 STATISTICAL INFERENCE

Suppose the sample correlation between in- exceeds the critical value, one rejects the null ternal political efficacy and voting is .56 and this hypothesis and makes the inference to accept the would occur in fewer than 5 percent of the samples main hypothesis. If the computed test statistic this size if the population correlation were 0 (as does not exceed the critical value, one fails to

specified in H30). One rejects the null hypothesis, reject the null hypothesis and make no inference.

H30, and accepts the main hypothesis, H3, that the variables are correlated in the population. What if Example of Six Steps Applied to H1. A ran- the sample correlation were .13 and a correlation dom sample of 200 voters shows 60 percent of this large would occur in 25 percent of the samples them supporting the candidate. Having stated the from a population in which the true correlation main hypothesis (step 1) and the null hypothesis were 0? Because 25 percent exceeds the a priori (step 2), step 3 selects an a priori significance level α significance level of 5 percent, the null hypothesis at = .05, since this is the conventional level. Step 4 is not rejected. One cannot infer that the variables selects the test statistic and its critical level. To test are correlated in the population. Simultaneously, a single percentage, a z test is used (standard the results do not prove that the population corre- textbooks on social statistics discuss how to select lation is .00, simply that it could be that value. the appropriate tests statistics; see Agresti and Finlay 1996; Loether and McTavish 1993; Raymondo selects a test statistic and its critical Step 4 1999; Vaughan 1997). Since the hypothesis is one- value. Common test statistics include z, t, F, and χ2 tail, the critical value is 1.645 (see Figure 1). (chi-square). The critical value is the value the test statistic must exceed to be significant at the level The fifth step computes the formula for the specified in step 3. For example, using a one-tail test statistic: hypothesis, a z must exceed 1.645 to be significant at the .05 level. Using a two-tail hypothesis, a z, pp− z = s must exceed 1.96 to be significant at the .05 level. pq χ2 For t, F, and , determining the critical value is n more complicated because one needs to know the wherep is the proportion in the sample degrees of freedom. A formal understanding of s p is the proportion in the population degrees of freedom is beyond the scope of this article, but an example will give the reader an under H 0 intuitive idea. If the mean of five cases is 4 and four qp is 1− of the cases have values of 1, 4, 5, and 2, the last n is the number of people in the sample. case must have a value of 8 (it is the only value for Thus, the fifth case that will give a mean of 4, since 1 + 4 + ..65− 5 + 2 + x = 20, only if x = 8 and 20/5 = 4). Thus, there z = are n − 1 degrees of freedom. Most test statistics (.5× . 5 )/ 200 have different distributions for each number of z = 2. 828 degrees of freedom.

Figure 1 illustrates the z distribution. Under The sixth step makes the decision to reject the the z distribution, an absolute value of greater than null hypothesis, since the difference is in the pre- 1.96 will occur by chance only 5 percent of the dicted direction and 2.828 > 1.645. The statistical time. By chance a z > 1.96 occurs 2.5 percent of the inference is that the candidate will win the election. time and a z < − 1.96 occurs 2.5 percent of the time. Thus, 1.96 is the critical z-score for a two-tail .05 level test. The critical z-score for a one-tail test at REPORTING THE PROBABILITY LEVEL the .05 level is 1.645 or − 1.645, depending on the direction specified in the main hypothesis. Many sociological researchers do not use the tradi- tional null hypothesis model. Instead, they report Step 5 computes the test statistic. An example the probability of the result. This way, a reader appears below. knows the probability (say, .042 or .058) rather Step 6 decides whether to reject or fail to reject than the significant versus not significant status. the null hypothesis. If the computed test statistic Reporting the probability level removes the ‘‘magic

3025 STATISTICAL INFERENCE

–4 –3 –2 –1 0 1 2 3 4 z-score –1.96 1.96 –1.645 1.645

Figure 1. Normal deviate (z) distribution. of the level of significance.’’ A result that is signifi- (.002) are more compelling than are results that cant at the .058 level is not categorically different could happen five times in 100 (.05). from one that is significant at the .042 level. Where Since journal editors want to keep papers the traditional null hypothesis approach says that short and studies often include many tests of the first of these results is not significant and the significance, reporting probabilities is far more second is, reporting the probability tells the reader efficient than going through the six-step process that there is only a small difference in the degree outlined above. The researcher must go through of confidence attached to the two results. Critics of these steps, but the paper merely reports the this strategy argue that the reader may adjust the probability for each test and places an asterisk significance level post hoc; that is, the reader may along those which are significant at the .05 level. raise or lower the level of significance after seeing Some researchers place a single asterisk for results the results. It also is argued that it is the researcher, significant at the .05 level, two asterisks for results not the reader, who is the person testing the significant at the .01 level, and three asterisks for hypotheses; therefore, the researcher is responsi- results significant at the .001 level. ble for selecting an a priori level of significance.

The strategy of reporting the probability is illustrated for H1. Using the tabled values or func- CONFIDENCE INTERVALS tions in standard statistical packages, the one-tail Rather than reporting the significance of a result, probability of a z = 2.828 is .002. The researcher this approach puts a confidence interval around reports that the candidate had 60 percent of the the result. This provides additional information in vote in the sample and that the probability of terms of the width of the confidence interval. getting that much support by chance is .002. This provides more information than does simply say- Using a confidence interval, a person con- ing that it is significant at the .05 level. Results that structs a range of values such that he or she is 95 could happen only twice in 1,000 times by chance percent confident (some use a 99 percent confi-

3026 STATISTICAL INFERENCE

dence interval) that the range contains the popula- cent of the vote or a landslide with the upper limit tion parameter. The confidence interval uses a indicating 66.9 percent of the vote. If the sample two-tail approach on the assumption that the popu- were four times as large, n = 800, the confidence lation value can be either above or below the interval would be half as wide (.565–.635) and sample value. would give a better fix on the outcome. For the election example, H1, the confidence interval is COMPUTATION OF TESTS AND CONFIDENCE INTERVALS pq pz± sa/2 n Table 1 presents formulas for some common tests of significance and their corresponding confidence wherez is the two-tail critical value for the a/2 intervals where appropriate. These are only a sam- alpha level ple of the tests that are commonly used, but they ps is the proportion in the sample cover means, differences of means, proportions, p is the proportion in the population differences of proportions, contingency tables,

under H 0 and correlations. Not included are a variety of qp is 1− multivariate tests for analysis of variance, regres- sion, path analysis, and structural equation mod- n is the number of people in the sample els. The formulas shown in Table 1 are elaborated ..55× in most standard statistics textbooks (Agresti and =±..6196 200 Finlay 1996; Blalock 1979; Bohrnstedt and Knoke 1998: Loether and McTavish 1993; Raymondo =±...6 1 96 × 03535 1999; Vaughan 1997). =±..6 0693

upper limit .669 LOGIC OF STATISTICAL INFERENCE lower limit .531 A formal treatment of the logic of statistical infer- ence is beyond the scope of this article; the follow- The researcher is 95 percent confident that the ing is a simplified description. Suppose one wants interval, .531 to .669, contains the true population to know whether a telephone survey can be thought proportion. The focus is on the confidence level of as a random sample. From current census infor- (.95) for a result rather than the low likelihood of mation, suppose the mean, µ, income of the com- σ the null hypothesis (.05) used in the traditional munity is $31,800 and the standard deviation, , is null hypothesis testing approach. $12,000. A graph of the complete census enumera- tion appears in Panel A of Figure 2. The fact that The confidence interval has more information there are a few very wealthy people skews the value than do the first two approaches. Since the distribution.

value specified in the null hypothesis (H0: P = .50) is not in the confidence interval, the result is statisti- A telephone survey included interviews with cally significant at the .05 level. Note that a 95 1,000 households. If it is random, its sample mean and standard deviation should be close to the percent confidence level corresponds to a .05 level σ of significance and that a 99 percent confidence population parameters, µ and , respectively. As- interval corresponds to a .01 level of significance. sume that the sample has a mean of $33,200 and a standard deviation of $10,500. To distinguish these Whenever the value specified by the null hypothe- sample statistics from the population parameters, sis is not in the confidence interval, the result is call them M and s. The sample distribution ap- statistically significant. More important, the confi- pears in Panel B by Figure 2. Note that it is similar dence interval provides an estimate of the range of to the population distribution but is not as smooth. possible values for the population. With 200 cases and 60 percent support, there is confidence that One cannot decide whether the sample could the candidate will win, although it may be a close be random by looking at Panels A and B. The election with the lower limit indicating 53.1 per- distributions are different, but this difference might

3027 STATISTICAL INFERENCE

Common Tests of Significance Formulas

What is Being Test Large-Scale

Tested? H1 H0 Statistic Confidence Interval µ > χµ = χ ± σ / Single mean against 1-tail: t with n – 1 degrees Mtα / 2 n value specified as χ 2-tail: µ ≠ χ of freedom in H M − χ o t = sn/ Single proportion 1-tail: P > χ P = χ PQ Ps−χ ± ≠ χ z = Pzs α / 2 against value 2-tail: P n χ PQ/ N specified as in Ho −±σ Difference between 1-tail: µ > µ µ = µ t with n + n MMt122α / MM− 1 2 1 2 1 1 σ 12 two means 2-tail: µ ≠ µ degrees of freedom: where − is defined as 1 2 MM1 2 MM− the denominator of the t- test = 12, t in the cell to the immediate s2()11+ left nn12 where s2 = −+−2 2 ()()nsns111122 +− nn122 − −±σ Difference between 1-tail: P > P P = P Ps Ps Ps Ps zα / − 1 2 1 2 z = 12 12σ 2Ps1 Ps2 two proportions 2-tail: P ≠ P nn+ where − is defined as 1 2 PQ 12 Ps12 Ps nn12 the numerator of the z- test in the cell to the immediate left

Significance of The level on one No dependencyΣ(FF− )2 Not applicable χ 2 = oe contingency table variable depends between the F on the level on the variables e second variable

Single correlation 1-tail ρ > 0 ρ = 0 F with 1 and n – 2 Complex, since it is not 2-tail ρ ≠ 0 degrees of freedom: symmetrical rn2()− 2 F = 1− r 2

Table 1

have occurred by chance. Statistical inference is greatly disproportionate share of poor families; accomplished by introducing two theoretical dis- this is not likely by chance with a random sample tributions: the sampling distribution of the mean with n = 1,000. For a sample to have a mean of, say, and the z-distribution of the normal deviate. A $115,000, it would have to have a greatly dispro- theoretical distribution is different from the popu- portionate share of rich families. In contrast, with lation and sample distributions in that a theoreti- a sample of just two individuals, one would not be cal distribution is mathematically derived; it is not surprised if the first person had an income of observed directly. $11,000 and the second had an income of $115,000. Sampling Distribution of the Mean. Suppose The larger the samples are, the more stable that instead of taking a single random sample of the mean is from one sample to the next. With 1,000 people, one took two such samples and determined the mean of each one. With 1,000 only 20 people in the first and second samples, the cases, it is likely that the two samples would have means may vary a lot, but with 100,000 people in means that were close together but not the same. both samples, the means should be almost identi- For instance, the mean of the second sample might cal. Mathematically, it is possible to derive a distri- be $30,200. These means, $33,200 and $30,200, bution of the means of all possible samples of a are pretty close to each other. For a sample to have given n even though only a single sample is ob- a mean of, say $11,000, it would have to include a served. It can be shown that the mean of the

3028 STATISTICAL INFERENCE

Panel A: Population distribution Panel B: Sample distribution

Population mean is $31,800 Population standard deviation Sample mean is $33,200 is $12,000 Sample standard deviation is $10,500

–50 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 –50 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 Income (in thousands) Income (in thousands)

Panel C: Sampling distribution of Mean (n = 100 and n = 1,000) Panel D: Normal (z) distribution

n =100 n =1,000

26 28 30 32 34 36 –4 –3 –2 –1 0 1 2 3 4 Income (in thousands) z-score

Figure 2. Four distributions used in statistical inference: (A) population distribution; (B) sample distribution; sampling distribution for n=100 and n=1,000; and (D) normal deviate (z) distributions sampling distribution of means is the population size, it will be normally distributed even though mean and that the standard deviation of the sam- the population and sample distributions are skewed. pling distribution of the means is the population One gets a general idea of how the sample did standard deviation divided by the square root of by seeing where the sample mean falls along the the sample size. The standard deviation of the sampling distribution of the mean. Using Panel C mean is called the standard error of the mean: for n = 1,000, the sample M = $33,200 is a long way σ from the population mean. Very few samples with Standard error of the mean (SEM)= σ = M n n = 1,000 would have means this far way from the population mean. Thus, one infers that the sample This is an important derivation in statistical mean probably is based on a nonrandom sample. theory. Panel C shows the sampling distribution of Using the distribution in Panel C for the smaller the mean when the sample size is n = 1,000. It also sample size, n = 100, the sample M = $33,200 is not shows the sampling distribution of the mean for n so unusual. With 100 cases, one should not be = 100. A remarkable property of the sampling surprised to get a sample mean this far from the distribution of the mean is that with a large sample population mean.

3029 STATISTICAL INFERENCE

Being able to compare the sample mean to the MULTIPLE TESTS OF SIGNIFICANCE population mean by using the sampling distribu- tion is remarkable, but statistical theory allows The logic of statistical inference applies to testing a more precision. One can transform the values in single hypothesis. Since most studies include mul- the sampling distribution of the mean to a distri- tiple tests, interpreting results can become ex- bution of a test statistic. The appropriate test tremely complex. If a researcher conducts 100 statistic is the distribution of the normal deviate, tests, 5 of them should yield results that are statisti- cally significant at the .05 level by chance. There- or z-distribution. It can be shown that fore, a study that includes many tests may find M − µ some ‘‘interesting’’ results that appear statistically z = significant but that really are an artifact of the σ/ n number of tests conducted. If the z-value were computed for the mean of all Sociologists pay less attention to ‘‘adjusting possible samples taken at random from the popu- the error rate’’ than do those in most other scien- lation, it would be distributed as shown in Panel D tific fields. A conservative approach is to divide the of Figure 2. It will be normal, have a mean of zero, Type I error by the number of tests conducted. and have a variance of 1. This is known as the Dunn multiple comparison test, based on the Bonferroni inequality. For ex- Where is M = $33,200 under the distribution ample, instead of doing nine tests at the .05 level, of the normal deviate using the sample size of n = each test is done at the .05/9 = .006 level. To be 1,000? Its z-score using the above formula is viewed as statistically significant at the .05 level, each specific test must be significant at the .006 level. 33,, 200− 31 800 z = 12,/, 000 1 000 There are many specialized multiple compari- son procedures, depending on whether the tests = 3. 689 are planned before the study starts or after the Using tabled values for the normal deviate, the results are known. Brown and Melamed (1990) probability of a random sample of 1,000 cases describe these procedures. from a population with a mean of $31,800 having a sample mean of $33,200 is less than .001. Thus, it is POWER AND TYPE I AND TYPE II ERRORS extremely unlikely that the sample is purely random. To this point, only one type of probability has been With the same sample mean but with a sample considered. Sociologists use statistical inference to of only 100 people, minimize the chance of accepting a main hypothe- sis that is false in the population. They reject the 33,, 200− 31 800 z = null hypothesis only if the chances of it’s being 12,/ 000 100 true in the population are very small, say, α = .05. = 1. 167 Still, by minimizing the chances of this error, sociologists increase the chance of failing to reject Using tabled values for a two-tail test, the probabil- the null hypothesis when it should be rejected. ity of getting the sample mean this far from the Table 2 illustrates these two types of error. population mean with a sample of 100 people is α .250. One should not infer that the sample is Type I, or , error is the probability of reject- nonrandom, since these results could happen 25 ing H0 falsely, that is, the error of deciding that H1 percent of the time by chance. is right when H0 is true in the population. If one were testing whether a new program reduced drug

The four distributions can be described for abuse among pregnant women, the H1 would be

any sample statistic one wants to test (means, that the program did this and the H0 would be that differences of means, proportions, differences of the program was no better than the existing one. proportions, correlations, etc). While many of the Type I error should be minimized because it would calculations will be more complex, their logic is be wrong to change programs when the new pro- identical. gram was no better than the existing one. Type I

3030 STATISTICAL INFERENCE

Type I (α) and Type II (β) Errors adding cases exposes additional people to that True Situation in the risk. An example of this would be a study that Population exposed subjects to a new drug treatment pro- Decision Made by the H0, the null H1, the main gram that might create more problems than it Researcher hypothesis, hypothesis, solved. A larger sample will expose more people to is true is true these risks. αβ Ho, the null hypothesis is true 1 – Since Type I and Type II errors are inversely H , the main hypothesis is true α 1 – β r related, raising α reduces ß thus increasing the power of the test. However, sociologists are hesi- α Table 2 tant to raise since doing so increases the chance of deciding something is important when it is not important. With a small sample, using a small α error has been described as ‘‘the chances of discov- level such as .001 means there is a great risk of ß ering things that aren’t so’’ (Cohen 1990, p. 1304). error. Many small-scale studies have a Type II The focus on Type I error reflects a conservative error of over .50. This is common in research areas view among scientists. Type I error guards against that rely on small samples. For example, a review of one volume of the Journal of Abnormal Psychology doing something new (as specified by H1) when it is not going to be helpful. (this journal includes many small-sample studies) found that those studies average Type II error of Type II, or ß, error is the probability of failing .56 (Cohen 1990). This means the psychologist to reject H0 when H1 is true in the population. If had inadequate power to reject the null hypothesis

one failed to reject the null hypothesis that the new when H1 was true. When H1 was true, the chance of

program was no better (H0) when it was truly rejecting H0 (i.e., power) was worse than that re- better (H1), one would put newborn children at sulting from flipping a coin. needless risk. Type II error is the chance of missing Some areas that rely on small samples because something new (as specified by H1) when it really would be helpful. of the cost of gathering data or to minimize the potential risk to subjects require researchers to Power is 1 − ß. Power measures the likelihood plan their sample sizes to balance α, power, sample of rejecting the null hypothesis when the alterna- size, and the minimum size of effect that is theo- tive hypothesis is true. Thus, if there is a real effect retically important. For example, if a correlation in the population, a study that has a power of .80 of .1 is substantively significant, a power of .80 is can reject the null hypothesis with a likelihood of important, and an α = .01 is desired, a very large .80. The power of a statistical test is measured by sample is required. If a correlation is substantively how likely it is to do what one usually wants to do: and theoretically important only if it is over .5, a demonstrate support for the main hypothesis when much smaller sample is adequate. Procedures for the main hypothesis is true. Using the example of a doing a power analysis are available in Cohen treatment for drug abuse among pregnant women, (1988); see also Murphy and Myous (1998). the power of a test is the ability to demonstrate that the program is effective if this is really true. Power analysis is less important for many so- ciological studies that have large samples. With a Power can be increased. First, get a larger large sample, it is possible to use a conservative α sample. The larger the sample, the more power to error rate and still have sufficient power to reject find results that exist in the population. Second, the null hypothesis when H is true. Therefore, increase the α level. Rather than using the .01 level 1 sociologists pay less attention to ß error and power of significance, a researcher can pick the .05 or than do researchers in fields such as medicine and even the .10. The larger α is, the more powerful psychology. When a sociologist has a sample of the test is in its ability to reject the null hypothesis 10,000 cases, the power is over .90 that he or she when the alternative is true. will detect a very small effect as statistically signifi- There are problems with both approaches. cant. When tests are extremely powerful to detect Increasing sample size makes the study more costly. small effects, researchers must focus on the sub- If there are risks to the subjects who participate, stantive significance of the effects. A correlation of

3031 STATISTICAL INFERENCE

.07 may be significant at the .05 level with 10,000 of a test to show statistical significance approaches cases, but that correlation is substantively trivial. 1.0, or 100 percent. This means that any correla- tion that is this strong in the population can be shown to be statistically significant with a small sample. STATISTICAL AND SUBSTANTIVE SIGNIFICANCE What happens when the correlation in the population is weak? Suppose the true correlation Some researchers and many readers confuse sta- in the population is .2. A sample with 500 cases tistical significance with substantive significance. almost certainly will produce a sample correlation Statistical inference does not ensure substantive that is statistically significant, since the power is significance, that is, ensure that the result is impor- approaching 1.0. Many sociological studies have tant. A correlation of .1 shows a weak relationship 500 or more cases and produce results showing between two variables whether it is statistically that substantively weak relationships, ρ = .2, are significant or not. With a sample of 100 cases, this statistically significant. Figure 3 shows that even if correlation will not be statistically significant; with a sample of 10,000 cases, it will be statistically the population correlation is just .1, a sample of significant. The smaller sample shows a weak rela- 1,000 cases has the power to show a sample result tionship that might be a zero relationship in the that is statistically significant. Thus, any time a population. The larger sample shows a weak rela- sample is 1,000 or larger, one has to be especially tionship that is all but certainly a weak relationship careful to avoid confusing statistical and substan- in the population, although it is not zero. In this tive significance. case, the statistical significance allows one to be The guidelines for distinguishing between sta- confident that the relationship in the population is tistical and substantive significance are direct but substantively weak. often are ignored by researchers: Whenever a person reads that a result is statis- 1. If a result is not statistically significant, tically significant, he or she is confident that there regardless of its size in the sample, one is some relationship. The next step is to decide should be reluctant to generalize it to the whether it is substantively significant or substantively population. weak. Power analysis is one way to make this decision. One can illustrate this process by testing 2. If a result is statistically significant in the the significance of a correlation. A population sample, this means that one can generalize correlation of .1 is considered weak, a population it to the population but does not indi- correlation of .3 is considered moderate, and a cate whether it is a weak or a strong population correlation of .5 or more is considered relationship. strong. In other words, if a correlation is statisti- 3. If a result is statistically significant and cally significant but .1 or lower, one has to recog- strong in the sample, one can both nize that this is a weak relationship—it is statisti- generalize it to the population and assert cally significant but substantively weak. It is just as that it is substantively significant. important to explain to the readers that the rela- tionship is substantively weak as it is to report that 4. If a result is statistically significant and it is statistically significant. By contrast, if a sample weak in the sample, one can both general- correlation is .5 and is statistically significant, one ize it to the population and assert that it is can say the relationship is both statistically and substantively weak in the population. substantively significant. This reasoning applies to any test of significance. Figure 3 shows power curves for testing the If a researcher found that girls have an average significance of a correlation. These curves illus- score of 100.2 on verbal skills and boys have an trate the need to be sensitive to both statistical average score of 99.8, with girls and boys having a significance and substantive significance. The curve standard deviation of 10, one would think this as a on the extreme left shows the power of a test to very weak relationship. If one constructed a histo- show that a sample correlation, r, is statistically gram for both girls and boys, one would find them significant when the population correlation, ρ (rho), almost identical. This difference is not substantively is .5. With a sample size of around 100, the power significant. However, if there was a sufficiently

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1

0.9

0.8 ρ = .5 0.7

ρ = .3 0.6

0.5 Power ρ = .2 0.4

0.3

0.2

ρ = .1 0.1

0 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800 900 1,000 Sample Size

Figure 3. Power of test of r, α = .05 large sample of girls and boys, say, n = 10,000, it Other researchers may use the entire popula- could be shown that the difference is statistically tion. If one wants to know if male faculty members significant. The statistical significance means that are paid more than female faculty members at a there is some difference, that the means for girls particular university, one may check the payroll and boys are not identical. It is necessary to use for every faculty member. There is no sample— judgment, however, to determine that the differ- one has the entire population. What is the role of ence is substantively trivial. An abuse of statistical statistical inference in this instance? inference that can be committed by sociologists Many researchers would use a test of signifi- who do large-scale research is to confuse statistical cance in both cases, although the formal logic of and substantive significance. statistical inference is violated. They are taking a ‘‘what if’’ approach. If the results they find could NONRANDOM SAMPLES AND have occurred by a random process, they are less STATISTICAL INFERENCE confident in their results than they would be if the results were statistically significant. Economists Very few researchers use true random samples. and demographers often report statistical infer- Sometimes researchers use convenience sampling. ence results when they have the entire population. An example is a social psychologist who has every For example, if one examines the unemployment student in a class participate in an experiment. rates of blacks and whites over a ten-year period, The students in this class are not a random sample one may find that the black rate is about twice the of the general population or even of students in a white rate. If one does a test of significance, it is university. Should statistical inference be used here? unclear what the population is to which one wants

3033 STATISTICAL METHODS to generalize. A ten-year period is not a random Blalock, Hubert M., Jr. 1979 Social Statistics. New York: selection of all years. The rationale for doing McGraw-Hill. statistical inference with population data and Bohrnstedt, George W., and David Knoke 1988 Statistics nonprobability samples is to see if the results could for Social Data Analysis, 2nd ed. Itasca, Ill.: F.E. have been attributed to a chance process. Peakcock. Brown, Steven R., and Lawrence E. Melamed 1990 A related problem is that most surveys use Experimental Design and Analysis. Newbury Park, complex sample designs rather than strictly ran- Calif.: Sage. dom designs. A stratified sample or a clustered sample may be used to increase efficiency or re- Cohen, Jacob 1988 Statistical Power Analysis for the Behav- ioral Sciences, 2nd ed. Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum. duce the cost of a survey. For example, a study might take a random sample of 20 high schools ——— 1990 ‘‘Things I Have Learned (So Far).’’ Ameri- from a state and then interview 100 students from can Psychologist 45:1304–1312. each of those schools. This survey will have 2,000 Loether, Herman J., and Donald G. McTavish 1993 students but will not be a random sample because Descriptive and Inferential Statistics. New York: Allyn the 100 students from each school will be more and Bacon. similar to each other than to 100 randomly se- Murphy, Kelvin R., and Brentt Myous, eds. 1998 Statisti- lected students. For instance, the 100 students cal Power Analysis: A Simple and Graphic Model for from a school in a ghetto may mostly have minor- Traditional and Modern Hypothesis Tests. Hillsdale, ity status and mostly be from families that have a N.J.: Erlbaum. low income in a population with a high proportion Raymondo, James 1999 Statistical Analysis in the Social of single-parent families. By contrast, 100 students Sciences. New York: McGraw-Hill. from a school in an affluent suburb may be dispro- Vaughan, Eva D. 1997 Statistics: Tools for Understanding portionately white and middle class. Data in Behavioral Sciences. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. The standard statistical inference procedures discussed here that are used in most introductory ALAN C. ACOCK statistics texts and in computer programs such as SAS and SPSS assume random sampling. When a different sampling design is used, such as a cluster design, a stratified sample, or a longitudinal de- STATISTICAL METHODS sign, the test of significance will be biased. In most In the 1960s, the introduction, acceptance, and cases, the test of significance will underestimate application of multivariate statistical methods trans- the standard errors and thus overestimate the test formed quantitative sociological research. Regres- statistic (z, t, F). The extent to which this occurs is sion methods from biometrics and economics; known as the ‘‘design effect.’’ The most typical factor analysis from psychology; stochastic model- design effect is greater than 1.0, meaning that the ing from engineering, biometrics, and statistics; computed test statistic is larger than it should be. and methods for contingency table analysis from Specialized programs allow researchers to esti- sociology and statistics were developed and com- mate design effects and incorporate them in the bined to provide a rich variety of statistical meth- computation of the test statistics. The most widely ods. Along with the introduction of these tech- used of these procedures are WesVar, which is niques came the institutionalization of quantitative available from SPSS, and SUDAAN, a stand-alone methods. In 1961, the American Sociological As- program. Neither program has been widely used sociation (ASA) approved the Section on Method- by sociologists, but their use should increase in ology as a result of efforts organized by Robert the future. McGinnis and Albert Reiss. The ASA’s yearbook, Sociological Methodology, first appeared in 1969 un- der the editorship of Edgar F. Borgatta and George REFERENCES W. Bohrnstedt. Those editors went on to establish Agresti, Alan, and Barbara Finlay 1996 Statistical Meth- the quarterly journal Sociological Methods and Re- ods for the Social Sciences. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Pren- search in 1972. During this period, the National tice-Hall. Institute of Mental Health began funding training

3034 STATISTICAL METHODS

programs that included rigorous training in quan- for social scientists (Nie et al. 1975). In addition to titative methods. these general-purpose programs, many special- ized programs appeared that were essential for the This article traces the development of statisti- methods discussed below. At the same time, con- cal methods in sociology since 1960. Regression, tinuing advances in computer hardware increased factor analysis, stochastic modeling, and contin- the availability of computing by orders of magni- gency table analysis are discussed as the core meth- tude, facilitating the adoption of new statistical ods that were available or were introduced by the methods. early 1960s. The development of additional meth- ods through the enhancement and combination of these methods is then considered. The discussion DEVELOPMENTS IN SOCIOLOGY emphasizes statistical methods for causal model- ing; consequently, methods for data reduction It is within the context of developments in mathe- (e.g., cluster analysis, smallest space analysis), for- matical statistics, sophisticated applications in other mal modeling, and network analysis are not fields, and rapid advances in computing that ma- considered. jor changes occurred in quantitative sociological research. Four major methods serve as the corner- stones for later developments: regression, factor THE BROADER CONTEXT analysis, stochastic processes, and contingency ta- ble analysis. By the end of the 1950s, the central ideas of mathematical statistics that emerged from the work Regression Analysis and Structural Equation of R. A. Fisher and Karl Pearson were firmly Models. Regression analysis is used to estimate the established. Works such as Fisher’s Statistical Meth- effects of a set of independent variables on one or ods for Research Workers (1925), Kendall’s Advanced more dependent variables. It is arguably the most Theory of Statistics (1943, 1946), Cramér’s Mathe- commonly applied statistical method in the social matical Methods of Statistics (1946), Wilks’s Mathe- sciences. Before 1960, this method was relatively matical Statistics (1944), Lehman’s Testing Statisti- unknown to sociologists. It was not treated in cal Hypotheses (1959), Scheffé’s The Analysis of standard texts and was rarely seen in the leading Variance (1959), and Doob’s Stochastic Processes sociological journals. The key notions of multiple (1953) systematized the key results of mathematical regression were introduced to sociologists in statistics and provided the foundation for develop- Blalock’s Social Statistics (1960). The generaliza- ments in applied statistics for decades to come. By tion of regression to systems of equations and the the start of the 1960s, multivariate methods were accompanying notion of causal analysis began with applied routinely in psychology, economics, and Blalock’s Causal Inferences in Nonexperimental Re- the biological sciences. Applied treatments were search (1964) and Duncan’s ‘‘Path Analysis: Socio- available in works such as Snedecor’s Statistical logical Examples’’ (1966). Blalock’s work was heav- Methods (1937), Wold’s Demand Analysis (Wold and ily influenced by the economist Simon’s work on Juréen, 1953), Anderson’s An Introduction to correlation and causality (Simon 1957) and the Multivariate Statistical Analysis (1958), Simon’s Mod- economist Wold’s work on simultaneous equation els of Man (1957), Thurstone’s Multiple-Factor Analy- systems (Wold and Juréen 1953). Duncan’s work sis (1947), and Finney’s Probit Analysis (1952). added the influence of the geneticist Wright’s work in path analysis (Wright 1934). The accept- These methods are computationally intensive, ance of these methods by sociologists required a and their routine application depended on devel- substantive application that demonstrated how opments in computing. BMD (Biomedical Com- regression could contribute to the understanding puting Programs) was perhaps the first widely of fundamental sociological questions. In this case, available statistical package, appearing in 1961 the question was the determination of occupa- (Dixon et al. 1981). SPSS (Statistical Package for tional standing and the specific work was the the Social Sciences) appeared in 1970 as a result of substantively and methodologically influential The efforts by a group of political scientists at Stanford American Occupational Structure by Blau and Dun- to develop a general statistical package specifically can (1967), a work unsurpassed in its integration

3035 STATISTICAL METHODS

of method and substance. Numerous applications publication of Coleman’s Introduction to Mathe- of regression and path analysis soon followed. The matical Sociology (1964) and Bartholomew’s Sto- diversity of influences, problems, and approaches chastic Models for Social Processes (1967). These books that resulted from Blalock and Duncan’s work is presented an array of models that were custom- shown in Blalock’s reader Causal Models in the ized for specific social phenomena. While these Social Sciences (1971), which became the handbook models had great potential, applications were rare of quantitative methods in the 1970s. because of the great mathematical sophistication of the models and the lack of general-purpose Regression models have been extended in software for estimating the models. Nonetheless, many ways. Bielby and Hauser (1977) have re- the influence of these methods on the develop- viewed developments involving systems of equa- ment of other techniques was great. For example, tions. Regression methods for time series analysis Markov chain models for social mobility had an and forecasting (often called Box-Jenkins models) important influence on the development of were given their classic treatment in Box and loglinear models. Jenkins’s Time Series Analysis (1970). Regression diagnostics have provided tools for exploring char- Contingency Table Analysis and Loglinear acteristics of the data set that is to be analyzed. Models. Methods for categorical data were the Methods for identifying outlying and influential fourth influence on quantitative methods. The observations have been developed (Belsley et al. analysis of contingency tables has a long tradition 1980), along with major advances in classic prob- in sociology. Lazarsfeld’s work on elaboration analy- lems such as heteroscedasticity (White 1980) and sis and panel analysis had a major influence on the specification (Hausman 1978). All these exten- way research was done at the start of the 1960s sions have been finding their way into sociological (Lazarsfeld and Rosenberg 1955). While these practice. methods provided useful tools for analyzing cate- gorical data and especially survey data, they were Factor Analysis. Factor analysis, a technique nonstatistical in the sense that issues of estimation developed by psychometricians, was the second and hypothesis testing generally were ignored. major influence on quantitative sociological meth- Important statistical advances for measures of as- ods. Factor analysis is based on the idea that the sociation in two-way tables were made in a series of covariation among a larger set of observed variables papers by Goodman and Kruskal that appeared can be reduced to the covariation among a smaller during the 1950s and 1960s (Goodman and Kruskal set of unobserved or latent variables. By 1960, this 1979). In the 1960s, nonstatistical methods for method was well known and applications appeared analyzing contingency tables were replaced by the in most major sociology journals. Statistical and loglinear model. This model made the statistical computational advances in applying maximum- analysis of multiway tables possible. Early develop- likelihood estimation to the factor model ( Jöreskog ments are found in papers by Birch (1963) and 1969) were essential for the development of the Goodman (1964). The development of the general covariance structure model discussed below. model was completed largely through the efforts of Frederick Mosteller, Stephen E. Fienberg, Stochastic Processes. Stochastic models were Yvonne M. M. Bishop, Shelby Haberman, and Leo the third influence on the development of quanti- A. Goodman, which were summarized in Bishop tative sociological methods. Stochastic processes et al.’s Discrete Multivariate Analysis (1975). Appli- model the change in a variable over time in cases cations in sociology appeared shortly after Goodman’s where a chance process governs the change. Exam- (1972) didactic presentation and the introduction ples of stochastic processes include change in of ECTA (Fay and Goodman 1974), a program for occupational status over a career (Blumen et al. loglinear analysis. Since that time, the model has 1955), friendship patterns, preference for job loca- been extended to specific types of variables (e.g., tions (Coleman 1964), and the distribution of ordinal), more complex structures (e.g., associa- racial disturbances (Spilerman 1971). While the tion models), and particular substantive problems mathematical and statistical details for many sto- (e.g., networks) (see Agresti [1990] for a treatment chastic models had been worked out by 1960, they of recent developments). As with regression mod- were relatively unknown to sociologists until the els, many early applications appeared in the area

3036 STATISTICAL METHODS of stratification research. Indeed, many develop- Arminger [1995] for a discussion of these and ments in loglinear analysis were motivated by sub- other extensions). stantive problems encountered in sociology and Event History Analysis. Many sociological related fields. problems deal with the occurrence of an event. For example, does a divorce occur? When is one ADDITIONAL METHODS job given up for another? In such problems, the outcome to be explained is the time when the From these roots in regression, factor analysis, event occurred. While it is possible to analyze such stochastic processes, and contingency table analy- data with regression, that method is flawed in two sis, a wide variety of methods emerged that are basic respects. First, event data often are censored. now applied frequently by sociologists. Notions That is, for some members of the sample the event from these four areas were combined and ex- being predicted may not have occurred, and con- tended to produce new methods. The remainder sequently a specific time for the event is missing. of this article considers the major methods that Even assuming that the censored time is a large resulted. number to reflect the fact that the event has not occurred, this will misrepresent cases in which the Covariance Structure Models. The covariance event occurred shortly after the end of the study. If structure model is a combination of the factor and one assigns a number equal to the time when the regression models. While the factor model al- data collection ends or excludes those for whom lowed imperfect multiple indicators to be used to the event has not occurred, the time of the event extract a more accurately measured latent vari- will be underestimated. Standard regression can- able, it did not allow the modeling of causal rela- not deal adequately with censoring problems. Sec- tions among the factors. The regression model, ond, the regression model generally assumes that conversely, did not allow imperfect measurement the errors in predicting the outcome are normally and multiple indicators. The covariance structure distributed, which is generally unrealistic for event model resulted from the merger of the structural data. Statistical methods for dealing with these or causal component of the regression model with problems began to appear in the 1950s and were the measurement component of the factor model. introduced to sociologists in substantive papers With this model, it is possible to specify that each examining social mobility (Spilerman 1972; Sorensen latent variable has one or more imperfectly mea- 1975; Tuma 1976). Applications of these methods sured observed indicators and that a causal rela- were encouraged by the publication in 1976 of tionship exists among the latent variables. Applica- Tuma’s program RATE for event history analysis tions of such a model became practical after the (Tuma and Crockford 1976). Since that time, event computational breakthroughs made by Jöreskog, history analysis has become a major form of analy- who published LISREL (linear structural relations) sis and an area in which sociologists have made in 1972 ( Jöreskog and van Thillo 1972). The im- substantial contributions (see Allison [1995] and portance of this program is reflected by the use of Petersen [1995] for reviews of these methods). the phrase ‘‘LISREL models’’ to refer to this area. Categorical and Limited Dependent Variables. Initially, the model was based on analyzing the If the dependent variable is binary, nominal, ordi- covariances among observed variables, and this nal, count, or censored, the usual assumptions of gave rise to the name ‘‘covariance structure analy- the regression model are violated and estimates sis.’’ Extensions of the model since 1973 have are biased. Some of these cases can be handled by made use of additional types of information as the the methods discussed above. Event history analy- model has been enhanced to deal with multiple sis deals with certain types of censored variables; groups, noninterval observed variables, and esti- loglinear analysis deals with binary, nominal, count, mation with less restrictive assumptions. These and ordinal variables when the independent vari- extensions have led to alternative names for these ables are all nominal. Many other cases exist that methods, such as ‘‘mean and covariance structure require additional methods. These methods are models’’ and, more recently, ‘‘structural equation called quantal response models or models for modeling’’ (see Bollen [1989] and Browne and categorical, limited, or qualitative dependent vari-

3037 STATISTICAL METHODS ables. Since the types of dependent variables ana- lyzing’’ nominal data. While many methods were lyzed by these methods occur frequently in the developed, latent structure analysis has emerged social sciences, they have received a great deal of as the most popular. Lazarsfeld coined the term attention by econometricians and sociologists (see ‘‘latent structure analysis’’ to refer to techniques Maddala [1983] and Long [1997] for reviews of for extracting latent variables from observed vari- these models and Cameron and Trivedi [1998] on ables obtained from survey research. The specific count models). techniques depend on the characteristics of the observed and latent variables. If both are continu- Perhaps the simplest of these methods is logit ous, the method is called factor analysis, as was analysis, in which the dependent variable is binary discussed above. If both are discrete, the method is or nominal with a combination of interval and called latent class analysis. If the factors are con- nominal independent variables. Logit analysis was tinuous but the observed data are discrete, the introduced to sociologists by Theil (1970). Probit method is termed latent trait analysis. If the factors analysis is a related technique that is based on are discrete but the data are continuous, the method slightly different assumptions. McKelvey and Zavoina is termed latent profile analysis. The classic pre- (1975) extend the logit and probit models to ordi- sentation of these methods is presented in Lazarsfeld nal outcomes. A particularly important type of and Henry’s Latent Structure Analysis (1968). Al- limited dependent variable occurs when the sam- though these developments were important and ple is selected nonrandomly. For example, in panel their methodological concerns were clearly socio- studies, cases that do not respond to each wave logical, these ideas had few applications during the may be dropped from the analysis. If those who do next twenty years. While the programs ECTA, not respond to each wave differ nonrandomly RATE, and LISREL stimulated applications of the from those who do respond (e.g., those who are loglinear, event history, and covariance structure lost because of moving may differ from those who models, respectively, the lack of software for latent do not move), the resulting sample is not repre- structure analysis inhibited its use. This changed sentative. To use an example from a review article with Goodman’s (1974) algorithms for estimation by Berk (1983), in cases of domestic violence, and Clogg’s (1977) program MLLSA for estimat- police may write a report only if the violence ing the models. Substantive applications began exceeds some minimum level, and the resulting appearing in the 1980s, and the entire area of sample is biased to exclude cases with lower levels latent structure analysis has become a major focus of violence. Regression estimates based on this of statistical work. sample will be biased. Heckman’s (1979) influen- tial paper stimulated the development of sample Multilevel and Panel Models. In most of the selection models, which were introduced to soci- models discussed here, observations are assumed ologists by Berk (1983). These and many other to be independent. This assumption can be vio- models for limited dependent variables are ex- lated for many reasons. For example, in panel tremely well suited to sociological problems. With data, the same individual is measured at multiple the increasing availability of software for these time points, and in studies of schools, all the models, their use is becoming more common than children in each classroom may be included in the even that of the standard regression model. sample. Observations in a single classroom or for the same person over time tend to be more similar Latent Structure Analysis. The objective of than are independent observations. The problems latent structure analysis is the same as that of caused by the lack of independence are addressed factor analysis: to explain covariation among a by a variety of related methods that gained rapid larger number of observed variables in terms of a acceptance beginning in the 1980s, when practical smaller number of latent variables. The difference issue of estimation were solved. When the focus is is that factor analysis applies to interval-level ob- on clustering with social groups (such as schools), served and latent variables, whereas latent struc- the methods are known variously as hierarchical ture analysis applies to observed data that are models, random coefficient models, and multilevel noninterval. As part of the American soldier study, methods. When the focus is on clustering with Paul F. Lazarsfeld, Sam Stouffer, Louis Guttman, panel data, the methods are referred to as models and others developed techniques for ‘‘factor ana- for cross-section and time series data, or simply

3038 STATISTICAL METHODS panel analysis. The terms ‘‘fixed and random ef- ing) and others combines the structural compo- fects models’’ and ‘‘covariance component mod- nent of the regression model, latent variables from els’’ also are used. (See Hsiao [1995] for a review of factor and latent structure models, hierarchical panel models for continuous outcomes and Hamerle modeling, and characteristics of limited variables and Ronning [1995] for panel models for categori- into a single model. The development of Mplus cal outcomes. Bryk and Raudenbush [1992] review (Muthén and Muthén 1998) makes routine appli- hierarchical linear models.) cation of this general model feasible. Computer-Intensive Methods. The availabil- ity of cheap computing has led to the rapid devel- CONCLUSIONS opment and application of computer-intensive methods that will change the way data are analyzed The introduction of structural equation models in over the next decade. Methods of resampling, the 1960s changed the way sociologists viewed such as the bootstrap and the jackknife, allow data and viewed the social world. Statistical devel- practical solutions to previously intractable prob- opments in areas such as econometrics, biometrics, lems of statistical inference (Efron and Tibshirani and psychometrics were imported directly into 1993). This is done by recomputing a test statistic sociology. At the same time, other methods were perhaps 1,000 times, using artificially constructed developed by sociologists to deal with substantive data sets. Computational algorithms for Bayesian problems of concern to sociology. A necessary analysis replace difficult or impossible algebraic condition for these changes was the steady decline derivations with computer-intensive simulation in the cost of computing, the development of methods, such as the Markov chain algorithm, the efficient numerical algorithms, and the availability Gibbs sampler, and the Metropolis algorithm of specialized software. Without developments in (Gelman et al. 1995). Related developments have computing, these methods would be of little use to occurred in the treatment of missing data, with substantive researchers. As the power of desktop applications of the EM algorithm and Markov computers grows and the ease and flexibility of chain Monte Carlo techniques (Schafer 1997). statistical packages increase, the application of sophisticated statistical methods has become more Other Developments. The methods discussed accessible to the average researcher than the card above represent the major developments in statis- sorter was for constructing contingency tables in tical methods in sociology since the 1960s. With the 1950s and 1960s. As computing power contin- the rapid development of mathematical statistics ues to develop, new and promising methods are and advances in computing, new methods have appearing with each issue of the journals in this area. continued to appear. Major advances have been made in the treatment of missing data (Little and Acceptance of these methods has not been Rubin 1987). Developments in statistical graph- universal or without costs. Critiques of the applica- ics (Cleveland 1985) are reflected in the increas- tion of quantitative methods have been written ing number of graphics appearing in sociological by both sympathetic (Lieberson 1985; Duncan journals. Methods that require less restrictive 1984) and unsympathetic (Coser 1975) sociolo- distributional assumptions and are less sensitive gists as well as statisticians (Freedman 1987) and to errors in the data being analyzed are now econometricians (Leamer 1983). While these cri- computationally feasible. Robust methods have tiques have made practitioners rethink their ap- been developed that are insensitive to small depar- proaches, the developments in quantitative meth- tures from the underlying assumptions (Rousseeuw ods that took shape in the 1960s will continue to and Leroy 1987). Resampling methods (e.g., boot- influence sociological practice for decades to come. strap methods) allow estimation of standard er- rors and confidence intervals when the underlying distributional assumptions (e.g., normality) are REFERENCES unrealistic or the formulas for computing stan- Agresti, Alan 1990 Categorical Data Analysis. New dard errors are intractable by letting the observed York: Wiley. data assume the role of the underlying population Allison, Paul D. 1995 Survival Analysis Using the SAS® (Stine 1990). Recent work by Muthén (forthcom- System: A Practical Guide. Cary, NC: SAS Institute.

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Anderson, T. W. 1958 An Introduction to Multivariate Cameron, A. Colin, and Pravin K. Trivedi 1998 Regres- Statistical Analysis. New York: Wiley. sion Analysis of Count Data. New York: Cambridge University Press. Bartholomew, D. J. 1967 Stochastic Models for Social Processes. New York: Wiley. Cleveland, William S. 1985 The Elements of Graphing Data. Monterey, Calif.: Wadsworth. Belsley, David A., Edwin Kuh, and Roy E. Welsch 1980 Regression Diagnostics: Identifying Influential Data and Clogg, Clifford C. 1977 MLLSA: Maximum Likelihood Sources of Collinearity. New York: Wiley. Latent Structure Analysis. State College: Pennsylvania State University. Berk, R. A. 1983 ‘‘An Introduction to Sample Selection Bias in Sociological Data.’’ American Sociological Re- Coleman, James S. 1964 Introduction to Mathematical view 48:386–398. Sociology. Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. Bielby, William T., and Robert M. Hauser 1977 ‘‘Struc- Coser, Lewis F. 1975 ‘‘Presidential Address: Two Meth- tural Equation Models.’’ Annual Review of Sociology. ods in Search of Substance.’’ American Sociological 3:137–161. Review 40:691–700. Birch, M. W. 1963. ‘‘Maximum Likelihood in Three- Cramér, Harald 1946 Mathematical Methods of Statistics. Way Contingency Tables.’’ Journal of the Royal Statisti- Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. cal Society Series B 27:220–233. Dixon, W. J. chief ed. 1981 BMD Statistical Software. Bishop, Y. M. M., S. E. Fienberg, and P. W. Holland 1975 Berkeley: University of California Press. Discrete Multivariate Analysis: Theory and Practice. Cam- Doob, J. L. 1953. Stochastic Processes. New York: Wiley. bridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Duncan, Otis Dudley 1966 ‘‘Path Analysis: Sociological Blalock, Hubert M., Jr. 1960 Social Statistics. New York: Examples.’’ American Journal of Sociology 72:1–16. McGraw-Hill. ——— 1984 Notes on Social Measurement: Historical and ——— 1964. Causal Inferences in Nonexperimental Re- Critical. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. search. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Efron, Bradley, and Robert J. Tibshirani 1993 An Intro- ———, 1971 Causal Models in the Social Sciences. Chi- duction to the Bootstrap. New York: Chapman and Hall. cago: Aldine. Fay, Robert, and Leo A. Goodman 1974 ECTA: Everyman’s Blau, Peter M., and Otis Dudley Duncan 1967 The Contingency Table Analysis. American Occupational Structure. New York: Wiley. Finney, D. J. 1952 Probit Analysis, 2nd ed. Cambridge, Blumen, I., M. Kogan, and P. J. McCarthy 1955 Indus- UK: Cambridge University Press. trial Mobility of Labor as a Probability Process. Cornell Fisher, R. A. 1925 Statistical Methods for Research Workers. Studies of Industrial and Labor Relations, vol. 6. Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd. Ithaca, N.Y. Cornell University Press. Freedman, David A. 1987 ‘‘As Others See Us: A Case Bollen, Kenneth A. 1989 Structural Equations with Latent Study in Path Analysis.’’ Journal of Educational Statis- Variables. New York: Wiley. tics 12:101–128. Borgatta, Edgar F., and George W. Bohrnstedt, eds. Gelman, Andrew, John B. Carlin, Hal S. Stern, and 1969 Sociological Methodology. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Donald B. Rubin 1995 Bayesian Data Analysis. New ———, eds. 1972 Sociological Methods and Research. Bev- York: Chapman and Hall. erly Hills, Calif.: Sage. Goodman, Leo A. 1964 ‘‘Simple Methods of Analyzing Box, George E. P., and Gwilym M. Jenkins 1970 Time Three-Factor Interaction in Contingency Tables.’’ Series Analysis. San Francisco: Holden-Day. Journal of the American Statistical Association 58:319–352. Browne, Michael W., and Gerhard Arminger 1995 ‘‘Speci- ——— 1972. ‘‘A Modified Multiple Regression Ap- fication and Estimation of Mean- and Covariance- proach to the Analysis of Dichotomous Variables.’’ Structure Models.’’ In Gerhard Arminger, Clifford American Sociological Review 37:28–46. C. Clogg, and Michael E. Sobel, eds., Handbook of ——— 1974 ‘‘The Analysis of Systems of Qualitative Statistical Modeling for the Social and Behavioral Sci- Variables When Some of the Variables Are ences. New York: Plenum. Unobservable. Part I: A Modified Latent Structure Bryk, Anthony S., and Stephen W. Raudenbush 1992 Approach.’’ American Journal of Sociology 79:1179–1259. Hierarchical Linear Models: Applications and Data Analy- ———, and William H. Kruskal 1979 Measures of Associa- sis Methods. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage. tion for Cross Classification. New York: Springer-Verlag.

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Hamerle, Alfred, and Gerd Ronning 1995 ‘‘Panel Analy- cal and Continuous Latent Variables: New Opportu- sis for Qualitative Variables.’’ In Gerhard Arminger, nities for Latent Class/Latent Growth Modeling.’’ In Clifford C. Clogg, and Michael E. Sobel, eds., Hand- A. Sayer and L. Collins, eds., New Methods for the book of Statistical Modeling for the Social and Behavioral Analysis of Change. Washington D.C.: APA. Sciences. New York: Plenum. Muthén, Linda K., and Bengt O. Muthén 1998 Mplus: Hausman, J. A. 1978 ‘‘‘Specification Tests in Economet- The Comprehensive Modeling Program for Applied Re- rics.’’ Econometrica 46:1251–1272. searchers. Los Angeles: Muthén & Muthén. Heckman, James J. 1979 ‘‘Sample Selection Bias as a Nie, Norman H., C. Hadlai Hull, Jean G. Jenkins, Karin Specification Error.’’ Econometrica 47:153–161. Steinbrenner, and Dale H. Bent 1975 Statistical Pack- age for the Social Sciences, 2nd ed. New York: Mc- Hsiao, Cheng 1995 ‘‘Panel Analysis for Metric Data.’’ In Graw-Hill. Gerhard Arminger, Clifford C. Clogg, and Michael E. Sobel, eds., Handbook of Statistical Modeling for the Petersen, Trond 1995 ‘‘Analysis of Event Histories.’’ In Social and Behavioral Sciences. New York: Plenum. Gerhard Arminger, Clifford C. Clogg, and Michael E. Sobel, eds., Handbook of Statistical Modeling for the Jöreskog, Karl G. 1969 ‘‘A General Approach to Con- Social and Behavioral Sciences. New York: Plenum. firmatory Maximum Likelihood Factor Analysis.’’ Psychometrika 34:183–202. Rousseeuw, Peter J., and Annick M. Leroy 1987 Robust Regression and Outlier Detection. New York: Wiley. ———, and Marielle van Thillo 1972 LISREL: A General Schafer, J. L. 1997 Analysis of Incomplete Multivariate Computer Program for Estimating a Linear Structural Data. New York: Chapman and Hall. Equation System Involving Multiple Indicators of Unmea- sured Variables. Princeton, N.J.: Educational Testing Scheffé, H. 1959 The Analysis of Variance. New York: Wiley. Service. Simon, Herbert 1957 Models of Man. New York: Wiley. Kendall, Maurice G. 1943 Advanced Theory of Statistics, Snedecor, George W. 1937 Statistical Methods. Ames: vol. 1. London: Griffin. Iowa State University Press. ——— 1946. Advanced Theory of Statistics, vol. 2. Lon- Sorensen, Aage 1975 ‘‘The Structure of Intragenerational don: Griffin. Mobility.’’ American Sociological Review 40:456–471. Lazarsfeld, Paul F., and Neil W. Henry 1968 Latent Spilerman, Seymour 1971 ‘‘The Causes of Racial Distur- Structure Analysis. New York: Houghton Mifflin. bances: Tests of an Explanation.’’ American Sociologi- ———, and Morris Rosenberg, eds. 1955 The Language cal Review 36:427–442. of Social Research. New York: Free Press. ——— 1972 ‘‘The Analysis of Mobility Processes by the Introduction of Independent Variables Into a Markov Leamer, Edward E. 1983 ‘‘Let’s Take the Con Out of Chain.’’ American Sociological Review 37:277–294. Econometrics.’’ American Economic Review 73:31–43. Stine, Robert 1990 ‘‘An Introduction to Bootstrap Meth- Lehmann, E. L. 1959 Testing Statistical Hypotheses. New ods.’’ In John Fox and J. Scott Long, eds., Modern York: Wiley. Methods of Data Analysis. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage. Lieberson, Stanley 1985 Making It Count: The Improve- Theil, H. 1970 ‘‘On the Estimation of Relationships ment of Social Research and Theory. Berkeley: Univer- Involving Qualitative Variables.’’ American Journal of sity of California. Sociology 76:103–154. Little, Roderick J. A., and Donald B. Rubin 1987 Statisti- Thurstone, L. L. 1947 Multiple-Factor Analysis. Chicago: cal Analysis with Missing Data. New York: Wiley. University of Chicago Press. Long, J. Scott 1997 Regression Models for Categorical and Tuma, Nancy B. 1976 ‘‘Rewards, Resources, and the Limited Dependent Variables. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage. Rate of Mobility.’’ American Sociological Review Maddala, G. S. 1983 Limited-Dependent and Qualitative 41:338–360. Variables in Econometrics. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge ———, and D. Crockford 1976 Invoking RATE. Center University Press. for the Study of Welfare Policy. Menlo Park, Calif.: McKelvey, Richard D., and William Zavoina 1975 ‘‘A Stanford Research Institute. Statistical Model for the Analysis of Ordinal Level White, Halbert 1980 ‘‘A Heteroskedasticity-Consistent Dependent Variables.’’ Journal of Mathematical Sociol- Covariance Matrix and a Direct Test for Hetero- ogy 4:103–120. skedasticity.’’ Econometrica 48:817–838. Muthén, Bengt O. 1998 ‘‘Second- Generation Structural Wilks, S. S. 1944 Mathematical Statistics. Princeton, N.J.: Equation Modeling with a Combination of Categori- Princeton University Press

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Wold, Herman, and Lars Juréen 1953 Demand Analysis. natural ordering of occupations exists in terms of New York: Wiley. relative status. For many kinds of research, how- Wright, Sewall 1934 ‘‘The Method of Path Coefficients.’’ ever, especially the study of status attainment, it is Annals of Mathematical Statistics 5:161–215. desirable to arrange occupations into some sort of status hierarchy, that is, a hierarchy of the relative socioeconomic advantage enjoyed by people in J. SCOTT LONG different occupations. Duncan created such an ordering of occupations for the categories of the 1950 U.S. Census classification by taking the STATUS ATTAINMENT weighted average of the education and income of typical incumbents, with the weights chosen to Status attainment is the process by which individu- maximize the association between the resulting als attain positions in the system of social stratifi- socioeconomic status scale and the relative pres- cation in a society. If one thinks of social stratificat- tige of occupations as measured by popular evalua- ion as referring to the rewards society offers and tions. He was able to do this because prestige and the resources individuals use to obtain those re- socioeconomic status are very highly correlated: wards, education, occupation, and income are the Occupations that have high socioeconomic status key factors. The amount and kind of education (that is, that require a great deal of education and people attain determine the kinds of jobs they get. pay well) also tend to have high prestige, and jobs The kind of work people do is the main determi- that require little education and pay poorly tend to nant of their income. Moreover, the education, have low prestige. occupation, and income of parents largely deter- mine the kinds of advantages or disadvantages Second, Duncan introduced path analysis into they create for their children. Sociologists usually sociology. Path analysis is a way of statistically think of education, occupation, and income as the representing the relative strength of different rela- main aspects of socioeconomic status, and the tionships between variables, both direct and indi- study of status attainment is therefore the study of rect. For example, it is known that educated peo- how these attributes of people are related both ple tend to earn more than do uneducated people, within and across generations. but it is not clear whether this is the case simply because they have jobs of higher status or whether, among those who have jobs of similar status, the ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FIELD better educated earn more than do the less well educated. Path analysis provides a way of answer- As a distinctive area of research, status-attainment ing this question: Even among people doing the research had its origins in the work of Otis Dudley same sort of work, the better educated tend to Duncan in the 1960s. Duncan (1961) reconceptualized earn more. the study of intergenerational occupational mobil- ity—which is concerned with the degree and pat- tern of association between the kinds of work SUBSTANTIVE ISSUES done by parents and offspring (in practice, fathers and sons)—as the study of the factors that deter- Four central issues have dominated research on mine who gets what sort of job, with the father’s status attainment. The first issue is the extent of occupation being only one of several determining ‘‘social reproduction,’’ the tendency for class and factors. Other researchers extended Duncan’s find- socioeconomic status position to be perpetuated, ings to take account of the factors that determine or ‘‘reproduced,’’ from generation to generation. how much schooling people get and how much A value assumption underlies this question. ‘‘Open’’ money they make. societies, that is, societies with low rates of social reproduction or, to put it differently, high rates of Duncan’s conceptual reformulation was ac- intergenerational social mobility, are regarded as companied by two important technical innovations. desirable since they are assumed to have relatively The first was the creation of a socioeconomic high equality of opportunity and to emphasize status scale for occupations. Unlike education and ‘‘achievement’’ rather than ‘‘ascription’’ as the income, occupation has no intrinsic metric: No basis for socioeconomic success.

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The second issue is the factors other than the account, the connection is not much stronger; at status of parents that affect education, occupation, most, about one-third of the variability in educa- and income. Of course, some factors may be corre- tional attainment can be attributed to the status of lated with the status of parents and also may have the family one comes from. The rest is due to an independent effect. For example, there is a factors unrelated to social origins. modest negative correlation between socioeco- Other Factors. Apart from the social status of nomic status and fertility—high-status people tend parents, the main factors that affect educational to have fewer children—and there is also a ten- attainment are intelligence, the number of siblings dency for people from large families not to go as (as was noted above, all else being equal, people far in school as people from small families do. from large families get less schooling), family sta- Thus, part of the reason the children of high-status bility (those from nonintact families, people whose people go further in school is that such people parents have divorced or died—one or both— go have smaller families. However, it is also true that less far in school), the influence of ‘‘significant at any given level of parental status (e.g., for fami- others’’ (family members, friends, and teachers), lies where both parents are college-educated pro- and academic performance (the better people do fessionals), people from smaller families go fur- in school, the longer they continue to go to school). ther in school. Therefore, the number of siblings has an independent effect on educational attain- The question naturally arises as to why and ment apart from its correlation with parental sta- how origin status and these other factors affect tus. Sorting out such effects is facilitated by the educational attainment. In a country such as the application of path analysis. United States, where education up to the college level is free, parental wealth has relatively little The third issue is the extent to which there are effect on whether people stay in school. This claim sex and racial (or ethnic) differences in patterns of is supported by the observation that the effect of status attainment. With respect to gender, the social origins on educational attainment declines questions are: Do men and women from similar with each successive educational transition. That social origins go equally far in school? Do equally is, social origins have a stronger influence on qualified men and women get jobs of equal status? whether people graduate from high school than Are women paid as well as men doing similar on whether high school graduates go on to college work? The same set of questions is asked with and an even weaker influence on the graduation respect to differences between racial and eth- chances of those who begin college. If parental nic groups. wealth is not important, what is? The fourth issue is whether the process of There are two underlying factors: ‘‘Human status attainment operates the same way in differ- capital’’ (sometimes called ‘‘cultural capital’’) is ent countries or in the same country in different the most important, but ‘‘social capital’’ is involved historical periods. What follows is a summary of as well. Human capital refers to the knowledge, what is known about each of these four issues with skills, and motivations of individuals. The basic respect to educational attainment, occupational argument here is that growing up in a high-status attainment, and income attainment. family enhances one’s human capital and that those with high human capital do better in school EDUCATION and therefore gain more education, which of course further enhances their human capital. The idea is Reproduction. In regard to the extent of educa- that children who grow up in well-educated fami- tional reproduction, the evidence in the United lies or professional families learn the kinds of skills States in the late twentieth century is clear: Amer- and acquire the kinds of motivations that enable ica is an ‘‘open’’ society. Educational attainment them to do well in school. There are many books in (how far people go in school) is only weakly de- such houses, and there are often computers. School- pendent on parental status. Only about 20 percent work is familiar to these children because it is the of the variability in years of school completed can same sort of thing they find at home. be attributed to the level of education attained by one’s father or mother. When several different Social capital refers to the social connections family background characteristics are taken into people have with others. Here the idea is that

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people are strongly influenced by the company tween these values This was a direct consequence they keep. Young people whose friends drop out of government policies that created separate and of high school are more likely to drop out of high unequal school systems for South Africa’s four school themselves than are others whose friends ‘‘official’’ racial groups. have a social background and academic perform- ance level that encourage educational attainment. Cross-Cultural and Cross-Temporal Varia- Similarly, those whose friends go to college are tions. Differences between countries in the educa- more likely to go themselves than are others whose tional attainment process are due both to general friends go to work after high school, and those factors such as the level of industrialization and to whose teachers encourage them to continue their specific differences in the way education is organ- education are more likely to do so than are others ized. In general, in places were the level of educa- whose records are just as good. Since people with tional inequality in the parents’ generation is high, high-status origins tend to live in neighborhoods educational attainment is more dependent on so- with others of similar origins, they tend to have cial origins than it is in countries where the level of greater social capital than do those with low-status educational inequality in the parents’ generation origins. is low. This is a consequence of the effect of human capital acquired at home. In a country such as the Sex and Racial Differences. In the United United States, where janitors have about ten years States, there is little difference in the average of school and high school teachers have about amount of education attained by men and women, sixteen, the son of a janitor will be able to compete but more men than women tend to be very well in school much more effectively with the son of a educated or very poorly educated; that is, more high school teacher than is the case in a society men than women graduate from college, but more such as India where high school teachers also have men than women drop out of high school. How- about sixteen years of schooling but janitors have ever, the effect of social origins and other factors no schooling at all and are illiterate. Second, in on educational attainment is very similar for men highly industrialized countries schooling is less and women. Race and ethnicity are a different dependent on social origins than it is in less indus- story. Blacks are substantially less well educated trialized countries, in part because schooling tends than are whites and those of other races. In part, to be free in industrialized countries. Third, in this is the case because the parents of blacks are countries where the state provides not only free poorly educated. However, blacks are also less able education but financial subsidies to students, as to convert whatever advantage they do have into a has been done in eastern Europe and in some corresponding advantage for their children. In western European countries, education tends to particular, blacks do not go as far in school as be less dependent on social origins than it is in would be predicted from their parents’ status. The countries without such subsidies. sharp difference between blacks and other groups is a continuing legacy of slavery. While there are There is a worldwide trend for educational differences in the educational attainment levels of attainment to become less ‘‘ascriptive’’ over time. other ethnic groups, those differences are largely That is, in almost all countries-educational attain- the result of differences among those groups in ment has become less and less dependent on social the average status of parents. origins throughout most of the twentieth century. The reason for this is straightforward. As was In nations such as South Africa, where until mentioned above, the effect of social origins on 1994 racial distinctions were embedded in law and the probability that people will move from one social institutions (as in the American South be- level of education to the next declines with each fore 1964), racial differences in educational attain- higher level of education. Therefore, since the ment are much larger than they are in the United average level of educational attainment has been States. Whereas in the United States in 1990 whites steadily increasing in most countries, it follows averaged 13.1 years of schooling and blacks aver- that more and more people are in educational aged 12.3 years, a difference of 0.8 year in South categories where social origins matter relatively little. Africa in 1991 whites averaged 10.0 years of school- ing and blacks averaged 4.5 years, a difference of An important distinction in educational sys- 5.5 years, with the other racial groups falling be- tems is that between divided and unitary systems.

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In the United States, there is, with only modest those with the same amount of schooling who exceptions, a single path to educational attain- were educated before or after the Cultural Revolution. ment: primary school, to secondary school, to college or university, to graduate or professional school. Students achieve a certain level of educa- OCCUPATIONAL STATUS tion and then leave school to take up other pur- Reproduction. Like educational status, occupa- suits. Thus, years of schooling is a very good tional status is only weakly related to social origins. indicator of educational attainment. In Europe However, it is somewhat harder to pin this down and elsewhere, schooling tends to be divided into than is true for education since, unlike education, parallel tracks. In particular, a distinction is made which is completed by most people early in life, between academic and vocational tracks, begin- occupational status may vary over the life course, ning in secondary school. Thus, in Europe, educa- as people change jobs. The convention in most tional attainment must be measured not only by research on occupational attainment therefore is the amount of schooling but by the type of school- to restrict the analysis to men (since women not ing a student has. In general, academic credentials only change jobs but move in and out of the labor have more value in the labor market than do force for marriage or childbearing) and to com- vocational credentials in that they lead to jobs with pare the occupations held by men at the time they higher status and higher income. are interviewed with the occupations of their fa- Among nations at a similar level of economic thers when the interviewed men were teenagers, development, there often are substantial varia- usually age 14. The relationship between fathers’ tions in the dependence of education on social and sons’ occupational statuses turns out to be origins. For example, in the 1970—the latest pe- even weaker than the relationship between par- riod for which there are systematic comparative ents’ and offspring’s educational attainment. Thus, data—55 percent of French male university gradu- with respect to occupational statuses as well as ates were the sons of managers or professionals, educational attainment, America is an open society. while in Great Britain this was true of only 35 Other Factors. In the analysis of occupational percent. In general, at every selection point, so- attainment, an important issue has been to assess cial origins mattered more in France than they the relative importance of social origins (mea- in Great Britain. In this sense, one can say that sured by the father’s occupational status) and edu- the British educational system was (and probably cation as determinants of men’s occupational sta- still is) substantially more egalitarian than the tus. The ratio of these two effects has been taken as French system. an indicator of the degree of societal openness. In Finally, particular historical events can have a the United States and most industrial societies, major impact on educational attainment. For ex- education is by far the most important determi- ample, the 1966–1977 Cultural Revolution in China nant of occupational status, while the direct effect caused massive disruptions in almost all aspects of of a father’s occupational status is very limited. In social life. Secondary schools were closed from the past, many people directly inherited their oc- 1966 to 1968; universities were closed until 1972 cupational position from their parents (for exam- and, when they reopened, accepted students on ple, the sons of farmers were likely to take over the basis of political status rather than academic their fathers’ farms, the sons of shopkeepers to merit until 1977. The results were twofold. First, take over their fathers’ shops, and so on), but in the educational advantage of high-status origins— modern societies such as the United States, where particularly growing up in a professional fam- people tend to work in large organizations, most ily—were very reduced substantially for those who jobs cannot be inherited directly. Instead, occupa- would have entered secondary school or university tional status inheritance, insofar as it occurs at all, during that period. Second, the quality of educa- results mainly from the children of high-status tion declined because even when the schools re- people going further in school and those going mained open, they were devoted largely to politi- further in school attaining better jobs. However, cal indoctrination rather than conventional studies. since, as was shown above, education is largely The evidence indicates that those educated during independent of social origins, the results is that the Cultural Revolution read less well than do education serves mainly as a vehicle of social mo-

3045 STATUS ATTAINMENT bility rather than a mechanism of social reproduc- historical circumstances, at least in industrialized tion or status inheritance. societies and probably in nonindustrialized socie- ties as well. That is, the relative chances that, say, Sex and Racial Differences. The most striking the son of a professional and the son of a laborer difference between men and women is that most will become professionals, rather than skilled work- men work most of the time once they complete ers, appear to be essentially similar in all societies. their schooling, whereas the work lives of many women are interrupted for childbearing and child Despite the commonality in intergenerational rearing. However, the labor-force participation mobility patterns, there are substantial national rates or women and men are converging in the variations in the strength of the linkage between United States as more women remain in the labor schooling and career beginnings. In general, there force even when their children are very young. In is a tighter connection between education and the general, men and women work at jobs of equal status of one’s first job in countries, such as Ger- status, although the specific jobs held by men and many and Switzerland, where there are separate women are very different. Most managers, skilled vocational and academic tracks and assignment to and unskilled manual workers, and farm workers one or the other is made early and where voca- are men; most clerical and service workers are tional secondary education provides occupation- women; and professional, sales, and semiskilled specific skills than there is in countries, such as manual jobs tend to be performed by both men Great Britain, Japan, and the United States, where and women. The sex segregation of the labor force neither condition holds. Japan is, however, a spe- has important implications for income differences cial case. Japanese secondary schools and universi- between men and women, as is discussed below. ties are highly stratified on the basis of prestige. Blacks tend to work at lower-status occupa- Schools have close connections with large business tions than do whites and others. In part this is due firms and are able to place their students there. to their lower levels of educational attainment, but Students from the best schools go to the best firms, in part it is due to the fact that black are not able to where they are trained by being rotated through a obtain jobs as good as those which can be obtained series of jobs. Thus, there is very tight schooling– by equally well-educated members of other groups. first job connection in Japan, but of a kind not well Again, as in the case of education, differences in captured by the association between the amount occupational status among nonblack ethnic groups of schooling and the prestige of the first job. are largely attributable to differences in educa- There are also national differences in the sen- tional attainment. sitivity of career opportunities to the expansion or Cross-Cultural and Cross-Temporal Varia- contraction of the economy, depending on institu- tions. In highly industrialized societies and in tional differences, particularly in welfare state poli- relatively egalitarian societies, there is little direct cies and labor market structures. In the United transmission of occupational status from one gen- States, for example, rates of job mobility show eration to the next; in those societies, occupational great sensitivity to structural change and to the transmission is largely indirect, occurring through labor market resources of individual workers, education. In less industrialized and less egalitar- whereas in the Netherlands, jobs are largely insu- ian societies, the importance of the father’s occu- lated from structural forces. pation as a determinant of occupational status Finally, careers can be strongly affected by increases and the importance of education de- specific historical events. The collapse of commu- creases, although education always remains more nism in eastern Europe in 1989 forced many politi- important than the father’s occupation even in the cal officials and administrators into early retire- least-developed societies. ment. However, since the political transformation Although the association between father’s and was accompanied by an economic collapse, with son’s occupational statuses has been declining the economies of many former communist coun- over time and is weaker in industrialized societies, tries shrinking by about one-third in the early the pattern of intergenerational occupational mo- 1990s, unemployment increased and many women bility appears to be largely invariant, with only and older workers left the labor force. At the same minor variations across societies caused by specific time, there were substantial new opportunities,

3046 STATUS ATTAINMENT particularly in the newly emerging private sector inflation) is highly variable over the life cycle and, of the economy. Thus, there was a substantial for some workers—particularly those who are self- increase in occupational mobility, at least in the employed or whose jobs are dependent on the short run. weather—even from year to year. Moreover, age differences in earnings vary systematically for dif- As with education, the extent of reproduction of occupational status has been systematically de- ferent occupational groups. The earnings of pro- creasing over time in almost all societies. The fessionals tend to increase steadily over the course reasons for this are not clear. There may be a of their careers, while at the other extreme, the worldwide shift toward an emphasis on achieve- earnings of unskilled laborers do not change at all. ment as opposed to ascription, although the likeli- Thus, when they first start working, unskilled la- hood that a shift in value orientations could have borers earn as much as or more than do profes- such a large and systematic effect does not seem sionals just beginning their careers, but by the time great. More likely, the systematic increase in the they near retirement, professionals earn several average level of education in almost all countries is times as much as laborers of the same age earn. responsible, since it is known that the association Incomes are also highly variable from place to between fathers’ and sons’ occupational statuses palace, reflecting differences in the cost of living, decreases for those who have obtained higher and even within cities, different firms pay different levels of education. wages or salaries for the same job. All these factors make individual variations in income rather unpredictable. INCOME Other Factors. Unlike parental education and Reproduction. Little is known about the extent of occupational status, which affect educational at- income reproduction because it is very difficult to tainment but have little direct effect on occupa- measure income in the parents’ generation. Most tional attainment or income, parental income di- data used in intergenerational analyses are ob- rectly affects the income of offspring even when tained by asking people to report on their parent’s education and occupational attainment are taken characteristics. While people tend to know how into account. In fact, parental income is nearly as much schooling their parents had and what sort of important as occupational status in determining work their fathers were doing when the respon- income and is more important than education. dents were teenagers, few people have a very good Apparently, there is a propensity to earn money, idea of what their parents’ income were. However, and this propensity is transmitted from generation one major study has obtained such information: a to generation. Whether this reflects differences in study of the graduating class of 1957 from Wiscon- sin high schools conducted by Sewell and Hauser values that transmitted from parents to their chil- (1975). This cohort of graduates has been followed dren—with some people choosing jobs on the up in a number of surveys over the years, so that basis of how well they pay and others choosing jobs information has become available about its mem- on the basis of their intrinsic interest, how secure bers’ occupations and incomes at various stages they are, and so on—or in another factor is after completing school. In addition, with careful not known. arrangements to guard confidentiality, the research- Other factors that affect income even when ers were able to obtain information from the parental education and the respondent’s own edu- Wisconsin Department of Taxation and the Social cation and occupational status are taken into ac- Security Administration regarding the incomes of count include ability, the quality of the college the parents at the time the students were in high attended, and the kind of work people do. Doctors school. These data suggest that the intergenera- earn more than professors do even though the tional transmission of income is even weaker than jobs are of similar status, and garbage collectors is true for education or occupation. Other ways of earn more than ditch diggers earn. There is an indirectly estimating this relationship yield similar extensive, although inconclusive, literature on dif- results. ferences in earnings across industrial sectors, and One possible reason for this is that income there is some evidence that earnings are higher in (measured in real dollars, that is, adjusted for more strongly unionized occupations and industries.

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Sex and Racial Differences. Gender is the big status, there is little or no difference in earnings story here. In the United States, among full-time among women of all races. year-round workers, women earn about 60 per- Cross-Cultural and Cross-Temporal Varia- cent of what men earn, and this ratio has remained tions. While international comparisons of the de- essentially unchanged since the 1950s. Of the 40 terminants of personal or family income are scarce, percent gender difference, about 20 percent can probably because of the difficulty in measuring be accounted for by the greater work experience income in a comparable way across countries, of men, differences in the kinds of education differences in the distribution of income across received, and similar factors. The other 20 percent nations and over time are well established. Income is due in part to the fact that the jobs performed inequality is related to the level of economic devel- mainly by women tend to pay less than do the jobs opment in a curvilinear way: It is low for the least performed mainly by men even though many of developed nations, where most people are peas- these jobs are similar with respect to the skill ants; high for nations at medium levels of develop- required, the effort involved, and the responsibil- ment, which often display large regional differ- ity entailed, and in part to the fact that women ences as a result of uneven economic development; tend to earn less than do men in the same occupa- and low for the most developed nations, where a tions. This state of affairs is possible because of the combination of tax and welfare policies tends to extreme gender segregation of the labor force. ensure that most of the population enjoys at least a Most jobs tend to be performed either mostly by moderately adequate standard of living and constrains men or mostly by women, with relatively few jobs opportunities to become extremely rich. Because open to both sexes. of restrictions on the accumulation of private prop- One consequence of this is that, at least in the erty in communist regimes, income inequality tends United States, poverty is concentrated in female- to be smaller than it is in capitalist nations at a headed households, especially where there are corresponding level of economic development. young children present. Not only do women in Finally, rampant inflation, such as that which oc- such situations find it difficult to work because of curred in eastern Europe after the collapse of their child care responsibilities, even when they do communism, may cause dramatic reversals of for- work, their earnings tend to be low. Thus, the total tune, impoverishing those on fixed incomes, such income of such households is often below the as government employees and pensioners, and poverty line. enriching sellers of goods and services whose prices keep pace with inflation. In the United States, racial differences in in- come are somewhat smaller than gender differ- ences and have been declining steadily for the last REFERENCES half century, as has occupational segregation by Allmendinger, Jutta 1989 ‘‘Educational Systems and race. There is little evidence that the racial compo- Labor Market Outcomes.’’ European Sociological Re- sition of jobs affects their pay levels. Instead, racial view 5:231–250. differences in income are attributable both to the Blau, Peter, and Otis Dudley Duncan 1957 The American fact that many blacks tend to be less educated and Occupational Structure. New York: Wiley. to work at lower-status jobs than most whites and Deng, Zhong, and Donald J. Treiman 1997 ‘‘The Impact others and to the fact that blacks get a lower return of the Cultural Revolution on Trends in Educational on their education and occupational status than Attainment in the People’s Republic of China.’’ Ameri- do whites and others. Interestingly, there appears can Journal of Sociology 103:391–428. to be an across-the-board difference between the DiPrete, Thomas A., Paul M. de Graaf, Ruud Laijkx, earnings of black and other males at any given Michael Tåhlin, and Hans-Peter Blossfeld 1997 level of education, occupational status, and so ‘‘Collectivist versus Individualist Mobility Regimes? forth. However, the racial difference in the earn- Structural Change and Job Mobility in Four Coun- ings of women is somewhat more complicated. At tries.’’ American Journal of Sociology 103:318–358. low levels of education and occupational status, Duncan, Otis Dudley 1961 ‘‘A Socioeconomic Index for black women earn much less than do other women, All Occupations,’’ In Albert J. Reiss, Jr., ed., Occupa- but at high levels of education and occupational tions and Social Structure. New York: Free Press.

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Erikson, Robert, and John H. Goldthorpe 1992 The ———, and Kam-Bor Yip 1989 ‘‘Educational and Occu- Constant Flux: A Study of Class Mobility in Industrial pational Attainment in 21 Countries.’’ In Melvin L. Societies. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Kohn, ed., Cross-National Research in Sociology. Newbury Featherman, David L., and Robert M. Hauser, 1978 Park, Calif.: Sage. Opportunity and Change. New York: Academic Press. ———, Matthew McKeever, and Eva Fodor 1996 ‘‘Ra- Ganzeboom, Harry B. G., Ruud Luijkx, and Donald J. cial Differences in Occupational Status and Income Treiman 1989 ‘‘Intergenerational Class Mobility in in South Africa, 1980 and 1991.’’ Demography Comparative Perspective.’’ Research in Social Stratifi- 33:111–132. cation and Mobility 8:3–84. ———, and Donald J. Treiman 1993 ‘‘Preliminary Re- DONALD J. TREIMAN sults on Educational Expansion and Educational Achievement in Comparative Perspective.’’ In Henk A. Becker and Piet L. J. Hermkens, eds., Solidarity of Generations: Demographic, Economic and Social Change, STATUS INCONGRUENCE and Its Consequences. Amsterdam, thesis. The phenomenon sociologists call ‘‘status ———, ———, and Wout C. Ultee 1990 ‘‘Comparative incongruence’’ has equivalents in many languages. Intergenerational Stratification Research: Three Gen- Expressions such as ‘‘nouveau riche,’’ ‘‘déclassé,’’ erations and Beyond.’’ Annual Review of Sociology ‘‘roturier’’ and ‘‘parvenu’’ show that people in many 17:277–302. societies perceive the incongruence between vari- Hout, Michael 1988 ‘‘More Universalism, Less Struc- ous statuses. The popular dictum ‘‘the heart on the tural Mobility: The American Occupational Struc- left, the pocket on the right’’ expresses this ture in the 1980s.’’ American Journal of Sociology incongruence between positions and feelings. 93:1358–1400. Mare, Robert D. 1980 ‘‘Social Background and School As a sociological concept, status incongruence Continuation Decisions.’’ Journal of the American Sta- is relatively recent. It was devised some time after tistical Association 75:295–305. the adoption of the notion of ‘‘status,’’ following Müller, Walter, and Wolfgang Karle 1993 ‘‘Social Selec- the discovery of Max Weber’s writings on this tion in Educational Systems in Europe.’’ European subject by American sociologists in the late 1930s. Sociological Review 9:1–24. In the 1950s, some twelve articles were published on ‘‘status inconsistency,’’ most of them in the Roos, Patricia A. 1985 Gender and Work: A Comparative Analysis of Industrial Societies. Albany: State University American Sociological Review. Those articles had a of New York Press. cumulative effect. At a certain point in the 1960s, it was felt that the debate on this topic had be- Rosenbaum, James E., and Takehiko Kariya 1991 ‘‘Do come saturated. In the absence of more empirical School Achievements Affect the Early Jobs of High School Graduates in the United States and Japan?’’ evidence, the theoretical discussion on status Sociology of Education 64:78–95. incongruence stagnated, but in the meantime the concept had been diffused in textbooks and Sewell, William H., and Robert M. Hauser 1975 Educa- tion, Occupation, and Earnings: Achievement in the Early compendiums. Career. New York: Academic Press. After a period of neglect, the concept of status Shavit, Yossi, and Hans-Peter Blossfeld, eds., 1993 Per- inconsistency has been reinvigorated over the last sistent Inequality: Changing Educational Attainment in two decades as sociologists on both sides of the Thirteen Countries. Boulder, Colo.: Westview. Atlantic have acknowledged a ‘‘decline of social ———, and Walter Müller, eds., 1998 From School to classes.’’ However despite the fact that the idea of Work: A Comparative Study of Educational Qualifica- social class has been dethroned, social inequalities tions and Occupational Destinations. Oxford, UK: persist. Clarendon. The concept of status incongruence is a com- Treiman, Donald J. 1998. ‘‘Results from the Survey of ‘Social Stratification in Eastern Europe after 1989’: panion of the theory of cross-pressure. The first What We Have Learned and What We Need to Find article focusing directly on status incongruence Out.’’ In Transformation Processes in Eastern Europe, appeared in the same year (1944) as The People’s 1997, proceedings of an NWO workshop, Amster- Choice by Lazarsfeld, Berelson, and McPhee. The dam, March. The Hague: NWO. two notions nevertheless remain distinct in the

3049 STATUS INCONGRUENCE sociological literature because they respond to inconsistency of a person’s status based on various different analytic needs. criteria is a better predictor of social behavior than is the level of status based on a single criterion. The incidence of status incongruence increases in times of social upheaval, such as the period of the Weimar Republic, the economic depression in FROM SOCIAL CLASS TO STATUS the United States in the early 1930s, and that in INCONSISTENCY Russia after the implosion of the Soviet regime. In the two decades before the French Revolution of Status incongruence is generated by gaps in in- 1789, the incidence of status incongruence was come, occupation, education, and ethnic origin particularly high. and other inconsistencies between a person’s so- cial position in one domain and that person’s In emphasing the revolutionary potential of relatively lower status in another dimension. Sta- downward mobility, which he called the tus incongruence can be found in census results by ‘‘proletarization of middle classes,’’ Marx paid cross-tabulating indicators such as education, in- little attention to upward mobility and the effects come, professional hierarchical position, qualifi- of status incongruence. That neglect has been cation, and racial origin. There is a logical relation- considered by some scholars to be one of his more ship between the spread of status incongruencies glaring errors (Lopreato and Hazelrigg, 1972 p. and the weakening of social class consciousness. 445). In contemporary sociological literature, the notion of status incongruence is related to role Status inconsistency has become an essential theory, rational theory, the theory of relative dep- aspect of social stratification in contemporary rivation, and the theory of social movements. postindustrial society. It has been exacerbated by This article considers only advanced Western the growth of the middle classes and the decline of societies, partly because the empirical evidence on the peasantry and the industrial working class. status incongruence is available primarily for those Vertical mobility is the main source of status dis- countries and partly because social mobility and its crepancy. Most studies of social mobility have impact on status incongruence are a less wide- focused on upward mobility, particularly during spread phenomenon in developing countries. the postwar period of economic development, but in more recent times, downward mobility has be- come equally important. Today, social mobility STATUS INCONSISTENCY AS A consists mostly in what Lipset and Zetterberg (1956, CORRECTION OF WEAK CORRELATIONS p. 563) called ‘‘the interchange of ranks.’’ For every upward move, there must be a downward For a long time in sociological research, corre- move. What was then only a hypothesis has been lation between levels of social stratifications and confirmed empirically: ‘‘[S]ome proportion of the other variables were rarely as significant as ex- children of the middle class fall in socio-economic pected in light of the hypotheses and theoreti- status; some do not have the abilities to complete cal frameworks that had been adopted. Even when higher education or to get along in a bureaucratic the rudimentary dichotomy of manual and hierarchy, and fall by the wayside. Whatever the nonmanual was abandoned and more categories reason that some persons of middle class origin were taken into consideration, the empirical re- move downward, they leave room for others of sults did not provide satisfactory explanations. lower-class background to rise’’ (p. 570). Today, Even when class as a rigid and restricted concept millions of Europeans and Americans born into was largely replaced by the dimension of occupa- the middle classes are in such incongruent situa- tional status, the research strategy was not im- tions. The downward move can be intragenerational proved. Certainly, the emphasis on status groups or intergenerational. is one of Weber and Pareto’s chief corrections of Marx’s theory (Lopreato and Hazelrigg 1972, p. Another source of status incongruence is lib- 83). Nevertheless, an essential approach was miss- eration from primary social groups, particularly ing until the 1950s, that of status inconsistency, religious communities and families. More and more, which marked an advance in sociological thinking. through schooling, individual achievement negates It has been demonstrated that the consistency or the constraints of family background. For this

3050 STATUS INCONGRUENCE reason, status inconsistency is a fertile ground for postindustrial society in search of productivity individualistic tendencies. replaces people with machines, producing a new kind of educated proletariat that was born into the The concept of status inconsistency raises the middle class. In western Europe in the last decade concept of status crystallization, which was pro- (except in Germany), one of every four or five posed by Lenski (1954) as a nonvertical dimension young people under age 25 was unemployed, and of social status. Strong or weak status crystalliza- others were pushed down into ‘‘degraded’’ jobs. tion refers to the degree of incongruence or coher- ence of a person’s ranking according to various Those who accept jobs beneath their abilities, criteria. A strong status crystallization implies that ‘‘degraded jobs,’’ represent one of the most fre- a person is rated consistently on all important quent varieties of status incongruence, a ‘‘reserve criteria, whether the rating is high or low. Today, a army’’ of alienated people. large part of the population in Western societies The ethnic achiever is a new variety in western finds itself in a situation of weak status crystalliza- Europe and an old one in the United States. Status tion. Solid social class can exist only if the majority inconsistency can be found among ethnic and of the population experiences strong status racial minorities in Great Britain, France, Ger- crystallization. many, Belgium, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and One of the most visible varieties of status Austria. Immigrants of European origin in Europe incongruence occurs among schoolteachers, who are integrated and assimilated in a single genera- are more numerous today than were workers in tion, with the best example being the eight million the heavy industry plants four decades ago. For French citizens of Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, many teachers there is a serious gap between the Polish, or Armenian origins. The children of these level of their education and their role in society European immigrants are not normally in a posi- and income level. The left-wing orientation of tion of status inconsistency. When language is most teachers in European countries can be ex- combined with ethnicity and religion, as with im- plained in terms of status incongruence, rather migrants from the southern rim of the Mediterra- than class. Even some college professors experi- nean, the integration process takes two genera- ence this incongruence. tions and the younger generation often experiences status incongruence. When skin color skin is con- If one compares status incongruence today sidered, the difficulties of integration are com- and in the past, two important categories have pounded. Many immigrants from southern Asia become prominent over the last two decades: the and Africa feel excluded from the host society. ‘‘intellectual proletarian’’ and the ‘‘ethnic achiever’’ (as opposed to the ‘‘skidder’’). Nevertheless, a substantial minority are economically well integrated, and many climb the income lad- The spread of education in most advanced der. They are ethnic achievers, more than com- societies has highlighted the need of postindustrial pletely assimilated immigrants. They are deeply economies for highly educated people. Today, rooted in status incongruences. two-thirds of people aged 18 are still in school. At the end of their college years, most of them do not In Europe, these two varieties of status find a job that corresponds to their expectations in incongruence contrast with a social category of terms of intellectual and economic rewards. It is in status crystallization at the bottom of society. Ac- this category of the population—young educated cording to a recent survey by the Organization for people ‘‘with diplomas in their pockets’’—that the Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), rate of unemployment is the highest in most west almost one-fourth of the adult population in West- European countries. This overabundance of gradu- ern advanced societies is functionally semi-illiter- ates results from the incapacity of a highly techno- ate and coexists with a high proportion of func- logical society to absorb them in ‘‘interesting’’ tionally overeducated younger adults. Strong status occupations, with the existing jobs being protected crystallization arises from the fact that these semi- by unions. This imbalance between the level of illiterates are also those who receive the lowest education, the quality of the job, and the amount salaries and perform the most menial work, and of income generates status incongruences for the large majority of them are of non-European ‘‘overeducated’’ young people. An advanced origin. The status crystallization that occurs in

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Europe has a similar and more deeply ingrained cities (including Lenski’s 1954 and 1966 studies). counterpart in the United States. It is misleading to generalize from a series of local monographs that do not represent a truly national sample: ‘‘Consistency theory seeks to show that MINORITY STATUS AND STATUS predictable effects result from the combination or INCONGRUENCE interaction of statuses, and that these effects differ In many studies of electoral behavior (which are from the effects of several independent variables’’ preferred because of the availability of statistics), (Rossides 1976, p. 87). However, in practice it is particularly those conducted by means of survey difficult to weigh the importance of each variable research, the issue of social context has been in the social context. In one case, it may be a neglected. Only the characteristics of individuals question of race; in another, income; and in still are taken into consideration, while the parameters another, professional position. Extrapolated at na- of the social milieu are ignored. With some nota- tional level, these variables conceal important varia- ble exceptions, too many sociologists have forgot- tions across local social contexts. ten that the behavior of people is conditioned by their social context. This mistake has been de- STATUS INCONGRUENCE AND nounced by the German sociologist Scheuch (1969) INDIVIDUALISM as the ‘‘individualistic fallacy,’’ a complement to the ‘‘ecological fallacy.’’ The direct consequence Most frequently, status inconsistency refers to in- of ‘‘individualistic research’’ is the dismissal of the dividuals, not to collectivities. Incongruence of notion of a ‘‘minority’’ in spite of the fact that its status is a characteristic of a relationship between importance has been demonstrated repeatedly. individuals. When an individual cannot raise the Examples are found in the contrasting behaviors lower factors of the incongruence, he or she tends of the same ‘‘unidimensional category,’’ whether to avoid people who react to them (Malewski 1963, they are a frustrated minority or a dominant ma- p. 306). He or she makes an individual move. If an jority. Examples include Irish Catholics who vote individual can raise the lower factor, ‘‘he has a for the leftist party in Britain versus ‘‘good’’ Catho- natural tendency to think of himself in terms of lics who vote conservative in France or Catholics that status or rank which is highest, and to expect in Germany who vote for the Christian demo- others to do the same, [but] others, who come in cratic party and industrial workers who live in contact with him, have a vested interest in doing densely populated working-class areas versus the just the opposite, that is, in treating him in terms same kind of workers who live in middle-class of the lowest status or rank’’ (Lenski 1966, p. 87). districts. These notions of ‘‘minority context’’ and Even in this case, the relationship is between indi- ‘‘majoritarian context’’ are directly related to the viduals. Vertical mobility separates ascending indi- issue of status incongruence, because in many viduals from nonmobile peers who remain in their places minorities live in a more or less hostile status of origin. A high rate of individual upward environment. In such cases, three concepts are mobility breaks the unity of the social class by involved: status incongruence, minority complex, effectively promoting certain people and generat- and cross-pressure. ing in the minds of others expectations of moving out of the class and into a better one. As Dahrendorf Contradictory propositions have been sug- has noted, a high rate of upward mobility favors gested concerning the political effects of upward individualism to the detriment of class consciousness. and downward mobility in terms of status incongruence. According to some scholars, up- However, high rates of downward mobility ward mobility favors a conservative orientation, may have the opposite effect, favoring, as Marx and downward mobility a liberal-leftist tendency. emphasized, the spread of class consciousness. In Others scholars have arrived at the opposite con- that case, the tendency is not to leave the group clusion. This confusing situation can be explained but to identify oneself with others in the same by the neglect of the social context by those who situation of incongruence of status. In some social extrapolate at the national level the results ob- contexts that aggregate individuals, such as large tained at the local level. Most studies of status factories, mines, railways, working-class suburbs, incongruence have been conducted in individual and ghettos in large cities, the phenomenon of

3052 STATUS INCONGRUENCE individual status incongruence blooms into a col- These three factors have a cumulative effect lective social consciousness and a ‘‘minority complex.’’ on the proportion of people who experience incongruence of status.

CONFIGURATIONS OF STATUS INCONGRUENCES STATUS INCONGRUENCE AT THE ELITE LEVEL The amount of status inconsistencies depends on the configuration of three dimensions that may be What is missing in Pareto’s ‘‘circulation of elites’’ dichotomized for analytic purposes. is the concept of status incongruence. This is surprising in the writings of someone who empha- 1. Culturally homogeneous societies versus sized the importance of upward and downward heterogeneous societies. In recent dec- social mobility. If the concept of status incongruence ades, immigration in Western countries was applied to the highest levels of society, elite has differed from that of former times. In studies would be enhanced. The psychological most cases, immigrants coming from West- portrait of some of the world’s most famous paint- ern Europe to the United States and ers could be better understood in the light of Canada require only two generations for status inconsistency. The biographies of masters complete assimilation into the dominant such as Michelangelo, Bellini, Bosch, Goya, van culture. More recent immigrants in West- Gogh, and Toulouse Lautrec could be enriched by ern countries came from the southern rim an interpretation in terms of status incongruence. of the Mediterranean and Africa. Not only Many novelists, including Dostoievsky, Tolstoy, are their distinctive characteristics are not Stendhal, Balzac, de Lampedusa, Proust, and only religious and linguistic, they also Dumas, have analyzed the psychological aspects of differ in skin color. Their integration status inconsistency even if they have not used that requests more than two generations, and sociological term. One of the main themes of The many of them manifest a preference for Red and the Black and The Leopard is status inconsis- multiculturalism, that is, for a recognition tency. The most common case is that of the rich and institutionalization of ethnic diversity. man’s daughter who becomes enamored of a young Such diversity is currently a source of man of lower status. No sociologist has explored status inconsistencies but may have differ- the hundreds of cases of status incongruence de- ent effects in the future. scribed by famous writers, starting with Shake- speare’s Romeo and Juliet. 2. Segmented versus fluid societies. Hetero- geneous countries may be segmented or The concept of status incongruence should be fluid. Segmented societies are divided into applied even to saints. The best analyses of the religious or linguistic communities, as in personality of the evangelist Paul have been writ- Belgium and Northern Ireland, or into ten by theologians and religious historians, who ‘‘pillars,’’ as in the Netherlands until the have used the notion of status inconsistency middle of 1980s (Lijphart 1977). In these implicitly. The subtitle of Dieter Hilbrand’s Saul- societies, there is little room for ethnic Paul: A Double Life is significant. Baslez insists on status inconsistency. By contrast, in fluid the status incongruence of Saint Paul: Born as a societies, the crossing of vertical and Roman citizen but at the periphery, in Syria; he transversal cleavages is relatively common was a stranger in Ephesus; a polyglot Jew, an and generates incongruences. apostate, and the son of a Pharisiee, he was re- jected as a missionary in many communities. Paul 3. High versus low vertical mobility. Another accumulated many incongruencies. Moses, as the dichotomy is related to the amount of nephew of the pharaoh, and Muhammad, as the vertical social mobility on the economic poor husband of a rich wife, are examples of status scale, which may be relatively high or inconsistencies. relatively low. The fact that high vertical mobility, either upward or downward, The use of the concept of status incongruence increases the frequency of incongruence is appropriate for a better understanding of politi- of statuses is well established. cal leaders from Spartacus to Robespierre and

3053 STATUS INCONGRUENCE from Trotsky to Castro. There are numerous ex- Projections of demographic trends suggest amples of the status incongruence of athletes, that Western societies are becoming increasingly clergymen, businessmen, politicians: poets, and diversified along a noneconomic axis and that the movie stars, but this notion has been insufficiently amount of status incongruence nourished by eth- used to explain the metamorphosis of labor lead- nic and racial characteristics will increase. ers. The concept could even be applied to sociolo- A mountain of statistics has been collected gists for a better understanding of the theories and showing that objective inequality and social con- motivations of scholars such as Pareto, Michels, sciousness explain only a relatively small part of Veblen, Sorokin, Mills, and Lazarsfeld. the variance in studies of social stratification. What must be added is an interpretation in terms of THE RELEVANCE OF STATUS status congruence–incongruence. INCONGRUENCE TODAY

The incidence of status incongruence in advanced REFERENCES societies today is many times higher than it was in Barber, Bernard 1957 Social Stratification. New York: earlier generations. This upsurge is a result of Harcourt Brace. increasing upward and downward economic mo- Bendix, Reinhard, and Seymour M. Lipset, eds. 1966 bility, the increasing ethnic heterogeneity of West- Class, Status, and Power. Free Press. ern societies (as a consequence of massive non- European immigration), and a better perception Bourdieu, Pierre 1978 ‘‘Classement, Déclassement, Reclassement.’’ Actes de la Recherche in Sciences of inequalities and the spread of ‘‘multiculturalism’’ Sociales 24:2–22. as opposed to the doctrine of the melting pot, particularly among the so-called second genera- Clark, T. N., and S. M. Lipset 1991 ‘‘Are Social Classes tion, which is composed of the sons and daughters Dying?’’ International Sociology 6(4):397–410. of immigrants. Dogan, Mattei 1995 ‘‘Erosion of Class Voting and of the Religious Vote in Western Europe.’’ International Four decades ago, status incongruence was Social Science Journal 146:525–538. usually a question of an imbalance between educa- ——— 1999 ‘‘Marginality.’’ In Encyclopedia of Creativity, tion, income, occupation, religion, and gender. vol. I. London: Academic Press. Today it originates primarly in ethnic and racial intermingling. Religious differences have become Esping-Andersen, Costa 1992 ‘‘Post-Industrial Class Struc- less prominent. tures: An Analytical Framework,’’ working paper, Madrid: Juan March Institute. In most Western societies on both sides at the Goldthorpe, John H. 1996 ‘‘Class Analysis and the Atlantic, a homogeneous majority no longer ex- Reorientation of Class Theory.’’ British Journal of ists. Any conceivable majority is necessarily com- Sociology 47(3):481–505. posed of multiple minorities of all kinds. An ad- Feagin, Joe 1997 ‘‘The Future of U.S. Society in the Era vanced society is a multidimensional society that of Racism, Group Segregation and Demographic includes many parallel hierarchies. The political Revolution.’’ The Heritage and Future of Sociology in the game consists precisely in building coalitions of North American Region. International Sociological minorities to crystallize a temporary and unstable Association. political-electoral majority. In almost all these coun- Lenski Gerhard E. 1954 ‘‘Status Crystallization: A Non- tries, the leftist party has become the party of Vertical Dimension of Social Status.’’ American Socio- amalgamated minorities, of those who experience logical Review 19:405–413. frustrations generated by status incongruences ——— 1966 Power and Privilege. New York: McGraw-Hill. and the psychological complex of belonging to a minority. In the United States, the electorate of Lijphart, Arend 1977 Democracy in Plural Societies. New the Democratic Party is much more ethnically Haven, Conn.: Yale Universtity Press. heterogeneous than is its adversary. It is a con- Lipset, S. M., and R. Bendix 1959 Social Mobility in glomerate of minorities. In France, the leftist coali- Industrial Society. University of California Press. tion has officially adopted the label ‘‘plural major- ——— and H. Zetterberg 1956 ‘‘A Theory of Social ity.’’ Without the concept of status incongruence, Mobility.’’ In Reinhard Bendix and Seymour M. Lipset, it would be difficult to explain its electoral success. eds., Class, Status, and Power. New York: Free Press.

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Lopreato, Joseph, and Lawrence Hazelrigg 1972 Class, 1962; Srole 1975), the Sterling County studies by Conflict, and Mobility. San Francisco: Chandler. the Leightons and their colleagues (A. H. Leighton Malewski, Andrej 1963 ‘‘The Degree of Status Incongruence 1959; C. C. Hughes et al. 1960; D. Leighton et al. and its Effects.’’ In Reinhard Bendix and Seymour M. 1963) and the British studies by Brown and his Lipset, eds., Class, Status, and Power. New York: associates (Brown and Harris, 1978). Each study Free Press. illuminates the linkage between social conditions Paugam, S. 1994 La Disqualification Sociale: Essai sur la and distress and advances theories, hypotheses Nouvelle Pauvreté. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. and empirical evidence in the specification of the Rossides, Daniel 1976 The American Class System. Boston: relationships. Houghton-Mifflin. A parallel theoretical development has also Scheuch, Erwin 1969 ‘‘Social Context and Individual taken place, over the past thirty-five years, in the Behavior.’’ in M. Dogan and S. Rokkan, eds., Quanti- formulation of the life stress paradigm in social tative Ecological Analysis in the Social Sciences. Cam- psychiatry. The birth of this paradigm can be bridge, Mass.: M. I. T. Press. dated to the work of Hans Selye (1956) whose Thelat, Claude 1982 Tel Père, Tel Fils: Position Sociale et study of the undifferentiated response (physio- Origine Familiale. Paris: Dunod. logical and psychological) that is generated by Turner, Frederick 1992 Social Mobility and Political Atti- diverse external stimuli (stressors) linked socio- tudes. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers. logical constructs to the internal individualistic Wilenski, Harold L., and Hugh Edwards 1959 ‘‘The responses made by individuals to their environ- Skidders: Ideological Adjustments of Downwardly ment. This stress-distress model provided impetus Mobile Workers.’’ American Sociological Review for a convergence between the earlier sociological 24:215–231. concerns with consequences of social integration and the physiological modeling of internal re- MATTEI DOGAN sponses to the external environment. The stress research enterprise gained further momentum when Holmes and Rahe, and subse- STEREOTYPES quently other researchers, developed measures of life experiences that require social adjustments, See Attitudes; Discrimination; Prejudice. known as inventories of life events (Holmes and Rahe 1967; Dohrenwend and Dohrenwend 1974, 1981; Myers and Pepper 1972). The life events STRESS schedules provide a convenient instrument that can be applied to a wide range of populations and NOTE: Although the following article has not been revised for administered with ease. The instrument has shown a this edition of the Encyclopedia, the substantive coverage is currently appropriate. The editors have provided a list of high degree of validity and reliability relative to recent works at the end of the article to facilitate research and many measures of distress across populations and exploration of the topic. time lags. The theoretical interest in social epidemiology, In general, the research shows that life stressors, the study of effects of social conditions on the as measured by the life events schedules, exert a diffusion of distress and diseases in the popula- significant but moderate influence on mental and tion, can be traced to Durkheim’s study of suicide physical well-being. In a simple zero-order correla- in 1897 (1951). Since then, theory and research tion, the relationship between life stressors and have elaborated on the associations among the well-being (e.g., depressive symptoms) ranges be- various forms of social integration and psychiatric tween .25 and .40 (Rabkin and Struening 1976). disorder. Among the classic works are Faris and This figure is somewhat less for physical health Dunham’s study of the ecology of mental disor- (House 1981; Wallston et al. 1987; Ensel 1986). ders in urban areas (1939), Hollingshead and The magnitude of this relationship seems to hold Redlick’s research on social class and mental ill- up when other factors are taken into account (e.g., ness in New Haven (1958), the midtown Manhat- general socioeconomic status measures; age; gen- tan studies (Srole et al. 1962; Langner and Michael der; psychological resources such as self-esteem,

3055 STRESS personal competence, and locus of control; physi- and McLeod 1985; Lin, Dean, and Ensel 1986; cal health; and prior mental state). Berkman 1985; Cohen and Wills 1985; House, Umberson, and Landis 1988). Coping has also received substantial research attention and been MODIFICATIONS AND EXTENSIONS–THE found to be an effective mediator (Pearlin et al, MEDIATION PROCESSES 1981; Wheaton 1983, 1989; Lazarus and Folkman Modifications of the stressors-distress paradigm 1984). This type of research has served as the have taken several directions. In one direction, the prototype for the sociopsychological study of stress conceptualization of stress as undifferentiated re- in the 1980s (Pearlin, 1989). Emphasis has been sponse has been modified so that the nature of placed on the mechanisms by which social re- stressors entails further specification. For exam- sources, provided or called upon in the presence ple, in the analysis of life events, desirability, con- of a stressor, operate to alter the effect of the trollability, and importance are identified as di- stressor (House, Umberson, and Landis 1988; mensions exerting differential effects on distress Kessler, Price, and Wortman 1985; Thoits 1985). (Thoits 1981; Tausig 1986). Research has shown that when only self-perceived undesirable life events DEVELOPMENT OF INTEGRATIVE AND are considered, the effect of the stressor instru- TIME-LAGGED MODELS ment on distress increases marginally but signifi- cantly. It has also been shown that when items While conceptual analysis and research attention pertaining to psychological states (sleeping and have been given to life stress, resources (social eating problems) or illnesses are deleted, the mag- support and coping), and psychological stress for nitude of its effect is only marginally reduced their potential effects on health and mental health, (Ensel and Tausig 1982; Tausig 1982, 1986). only recently have specific proposals emerged in integrating these elements into a coherent theo- Conceptualization and operationalization of retical framework. Dohrenwend and Dohrenwend stressors have also been extended to include role (1981) summarized various formulations of life strains (Pearlin and Schooler 1978) and daily has- stress processes involving stressors (life events) sles (Lazarus and Folkman 1984). Generally speak- and the psychological and social contexts in which ing, these stressors have demonstrated consistent they occurred. These formulations were synthe- but moderate effects on mental health, with zero- sized into six hypotheses, each of which was shown order correlations with various measures of men- to provide viable conceptual linkages between tal health ranging from .15 to .35. stressors (life events) and health outcomes and to Another direction focuses attention on fac- have received some empirical support. The hy- tors mediating or buffering the stressors-distress potheses in these models share two common fea- relationship. Researchers have identified three ma- tures: (1) The ultimate dependent variable is ad- jor components involved in the stress process: verse health or adverse health change rather than stressors, mediating factors, and outcome vari- mental health problems or disorders, and (2) each ables. Pearlin et al. (1981) viewed these constructs hypothesis delineates and explains the possible as multifaceted. Mediators consist of both external empirical association between life events and health. coping resources (i.e., social support) and internal Some of the hypotheses affirm the primary role of coping resources (i.e., mastery and self-esteem). life events as causing health problems, while oth- Outcome factors consist of psychological and physi- ers incorporate mediating factors to explain health cal symptomatology. problems. The Dohrenwends (1974) proposed that these hypotheses should be examined together for Social support, for example, has been consid- their relative merits. Golden and Dohrenwend ered a major candidate variable, and the cumula- (1981) outlined the analytic requirements for test- tive evidence is that it exerts both direct and ing these causal hypotheses. indirect effects on mental health (Cobb 1976; Cassel 1974, 1976; Nuckolls, Cassel, and Kaplan Further elaboration of these hypotheses formed 1972; Dean and Lin 1977; Lin et al 1979; Turner the basis of an integrative life stress paradigm in 1981; Barrera and Ainlay 1983; Aneshensel and which stressors and resources in three environ- Huba 1984; Sarason and Sarason 1985; Kessler ments—social, psychological, and physiological—

3056 STRESS are considered as the factors impinging on well- able life events—that is, in addition to stressors being (Lin and Ensel 1989). This model specifies affecting physical illnesses, physical illness also has the enhancing (resources) and detrimental (stress- the potential to bring about the occurrence of ing) forces in each environment. These stressors stressors. In such a synthesized paradigm, stressors and resources in the three environments interact embedded in social structure (e.g., role strains and in affecting one’s physical and mental health. Em- problems) interact with illness behavior and ill- pirical evidence suggests that social resources tend nesses. These interactions are mediated by coping to mediate the stress process involving mental and social support. health, whereas psychological resources are more prominent in mediating the process involving physi- Finally, growing attention has been given to cal health. the need for studying the stress process over time (Wheaton 1989). Not only have there been con- Another integrative attempt incorporates cerns with causal interpretations of cross-sectional multidisciplinary and multilevel variables in the data, but more importantly, a call for longer lags in study of life stress. For example, Lazarus and the panel design to capture the stress process in Folkman (1984) and Trumbull and Appley (1986) the life course more realistically (Thoits 1982). have conceptualized cognitive mechanisms involved Some of the earlier panel studies, such as the in the stress process. Lazarus and Folkman pro- midtown Manhattan study (Srole and Fischer 1978), posed a model in which three levels of analysis the Kansas City study (Pearlin et al. 1981), the New (social, psychological, and physiological) are con- Haven study (Myers, Lindenthal, and Pepper 1975), ducted to understand the antecedent, mediating, and the Cleveland GAO study (Haug and Folmar and immediate as well as long-term effects on 1986) have all made significant contributions to distress. Trumbull and Appley (1986) proposed understanding the stress process in urban commu- the simultaneous assessment of the physiologi- nities. More current efforts, incorporating prevail- cal system, psychological system, and social sys- ing models and variables, would substantially add tem functioning. These functionings have both to the knowledge about stress in the life course. intrasystem and intersystem reciprocal relation- Current panel studies, such as those mounted by ships and exert joint effects on distress. In the later Aneshensel in Southern California; House and his paradigms, emphasis has been placed on personal- associates on a national sample; Berkman in New ity factors and coping skills. Additionally, the im- Haven; Murrell in Kentucky; and Lin, Dean, and portance of linking social, psychological, and physi- Ensel in upstate New York have the potential to cal factors in the study of the stress process has expand research programs into investigations of been noted. Causal antecedents of both depres- the life-course process of stress. sive and physical symptomatology are viewed as coming from social, psychological, and physiologi- (SEE ALSO: Mental Illness and Mental Disorders; Personality cal sources and are hypothesized to be mediated Theories) by a variety of coping factors and perceived social support. Pearlin and Aneshensel have proposed a syn- REFERENCES thesized paradigm (Pearlin 1989; Pearlin and Aneshensel, Carol S. 1992 ‘‘Social Stress: Theory and Aneshensel 1986) in which health behaviors and Research.’’ Annual Review of Sociology 18:15–38. illness behaviors have been incorporated into the Aneshensel, C. S., and G.J. Huba 1984 ‘‘An Integrative basic stress process and in which equal attention Causal Model of the Antecedents and Consequences has been given to the potential mediating and of Depression over One Year.’’ In James R. Greenley, moderating roles of social and psychological re- ed., Research in Community and Mental Health. Green- sources. Thus, in addition to mediating the effect wich, Conn.: JAI Press. of stressors on illness outcomes, coping and social Avison, William R. and Ian H Gotlib (eds.) 1994 Stress support are viewed as having the potential to and Mental Health: Contemporary Issues and Prospects mediate health and illness behaviors. An impor- for the Future. New York: Plenum Press. tant element of this synthesizing paradigm is the Barrera, M., and S. L. Ainlay 1983 ‘‘The Structure of recognition that physical illness creates life prob- Social Support: A Conceptual and Empirical Analy- lems that are reflected in an increase in undesir- sis.’’ Journal of Community Psychology 11:133–143.

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Berkman 1985 ‘‘The Relationship of Social Networks George, Linda K. 1993 ‘‘Sociological Perspectives on and Social Support to Morbidity and Mortality.’’ In S. Life Transitions.’’ Annual Review of Sociology 19:353–373. Cohen and S. L. Syme, eds., Social Support and Health. Golden, R. R., and B. S. Dohrenwend 1981 ‘‘Teating New York: Academic Press. Hypotheses about the Life Stress Process: A Path Brown, G. W., and T. Harris 1978 Social Origins of Analytic Method for Testing Causal Hypotheses.’’ In Depression: A study of Psychiatric Disorder in Women. B. S. Dohrenwend and B. P. Dohrenwend, eds., New York: The Free Press. Stressful Life Events: Their Nature and Effects. NY: Prodist. Cassel, J. 1974 ‘‘An Epidemiological Perspective of Psychosocial Factors in Disease Etiology.’’ American Gotlib, Ian H. and Blair Wheaton, eds. 1997 Stress and Journal of Public Health 64:1040–1043. Adversity over the Life Course: Trajectories and Turning Points. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press ——— 1976 ‘‘The Contribution of the Social Environ- ment to Host Resistance.’’ American Journal of Haug, M. R., and S. J. Folmar 1986 ‘‘Longevity, Gender, Epidemiology 104:107–123. and Life Quality.’’ Journal of Health and Social Behav- ior 27:332–346. Cobb, S. 1976 ‘‘Social Support as a Moderator of Life Hollingshead, August, and Fredrick Redlick 1958 Social Stress.’’ Psychosomatic Medicine 38:300–314. Class and Mental Illness. New York: Wiley. Cohen, S., and T. A. Wills 1985 ‘‘Stress, Social Support, Holmes, T., and R. Rahe 1967 ‘‘The Social Readjust- and the Buffering Hypothesis.’’ Psychological Bulletin ment Rating Scale.’’ Journal of Psychosomatic Research 98(2):310–357 11:213–218. Coyne, James C. and Geraldine Downey 1991 ‘‘Social House, James S. 1981 Work Stress and Social Support. Factors and Psychopathology: Stress, Social Support, Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley. and Coping Processes.’’ Annual Review of Psychology 42:401–425. ———, Karl R. Landis, and Debra Umberson 1988 ‘‘Social Relationships and Health.’’ Science 241 ( July Dean, Alfred, and Nan Lin 1977 ‘‘The Stress Buffering 29):540–545. Role of Social Support.’’ Journal of Nervous and Men- ——— 1988 ‘‘Structures and Processes of Social Sup- tal Disease 165(2):403–13. port.’’ Annual Review of Sociology 14:293–318. Dohrenwend, B. S., and B. P. Dohrenwend 1974 Stressful Hughes, C. C., M. A. Tremblay, et al. 1960 People of Cove Life Events: Their Nature and Effect. New York: Wiley. and Woodlot, vol. 2 of the Sterling County Study. New ——— 1981 ‘‘Life Stress and Illness: Formulation of the York: Basic Books. Issues.’’ In B. S. Dohrenwend and B. P. Dohrenwend, Kessler, R. C., and J. McLeod 1985 ‘‘Sex Differences in eds., Stressful Life Events: Their Nature and Effects. New Vulnerability to Undesirable Life Events.’’ American York: Prodist. Sociological Review 49 (5):620–631. Durkheim, Emile 1951 Suicide. Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press. Kessler, R. C., R. H. Price, and C. B. Wortman 1985 Ensel, Walter M. 1986 ‘‘Measuring Depression: The ‘‘Social Factors in Psychopathology: Stress, Social CES-D scale.’’ In Nan Lin, Alfred Dean, and Walter Support, and Coping Processes.’’ Annual Review of M. Ensel, eds., Social Support, Life Events, and Depres- Psychology 36:531–572. sion. Orlando, Fla.: Academic Press. Langner, T. S., and S. T. Michael 1962 Life Stress and ———, and Mark Tausig 1982 ‘‘The Social Context of Mental Health. New York: The Free Press. Undesirable Life Events.’’ Presented October 11– Lazarus, Richard S. 1991 ‘‘Psychological Stress in the 12 at the National Conference on Social Stress, Workplace.’’ Journal of Social Behavior and Personal- DurHam, N.H. ity 7:1–13. ——— and Nan Lin 1991 ‘‘The Life Stress Paradigm ———, and S. Folkman 1984 Stress, Appraisal, and Cop- and Psychological Distress.’’ Journal of Health and ing. New York: Springer. Social Behavior 32:321–341. Leighton, A. H. 1959 My Name Is Legion. New York: Faris, Robert E. K., and H. Warren Dunham 1939 Basic Books. Mental Disorders in Urban Areas. Chicago: University Leighton, D. C., et al. 1963 The Character of Danger. New of Chicago Press. York: Basic Books. Fernandez, Maria E., Elizabeth J. Mutran, and Donald C. Lin, Nan, Alfred Dean, and Walter M. Ensel 1986 Social Reitzes 1998 ‘‘Moderating the Effects of Stress on Support, Life Events, and Depression. Orlando, Fla.: Depressive Symptoms.’’ Research on Aging 20:163–182. Academic Press.

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Lin, Nan, and Walter M. Ensel 1989 ‘‘Life Stress and ——— 1986 ‘‘Measuring Life Events.’’ In Nan Lin, Health: Stressors and Resources.’’ American Sociologi- Alfred Dean, and Walter M. Ensel, eds., Social Sup- cal Review 54:382–399. port, Life Events, and Depression. Orlando, Fla.: Aca- demic Press. Lin, Nan, Ronald Simeone, Walter M. Ensel, and Wen Kuo 1979 ‘‘Social Support, Stressful Life Events, and Thoits, Peggy A. 1981 ‘‘Undesirable Life Events and Illness: A Model and an Empirical Test.’’ Journal of Psychophysiological Distress: A Problem of Opera- Health and Social Behavior 20 (1):108–119. tional Confounding.’’ American Sociological Review 46 (1):97–109. Myers, J. K., and M.P. Pepper 1972 ‘‘Life Events and Mental Status: A Longitudinal Study.’’ Journal of ——— 1982 ‘‘Conceptual, Methodological, and Theo- Health and Social Behavior 13:398–406. retical Problems in Studying Social Support as a Buffer Against Life Stress.’’ Journal of Health and Myers, J. K., J. J. Lindenthal, and M. P. Pepper 1975 Social Behavior 24:145–159. ‘‘Life Events, Social Integration, and Psychiatric Symptomatology.’’ Journal of Health and Social Behav- ——— 1985 ‘‘Social Support Processes and Psychologi- ior 16:421–429. cal Well-being: Theoretical Possibilities.’’ In I. G. Sarason and B. R. Sarason, eds., Social Support: The- Nuckolls, C. G., J. Cassel, and B. H. Kaplan 1972 ory, Research, and Application. The Hague: Martinus- ‘‘Psychosocial Assets, Life Crises, and the Prognosis Nijhoff. of Pregnancy.’’ American Journal of Epidemiology 95:431–441. ——— 1995 ‘‘Stress, Coping, and Social Support Proc- esses: Where Are We? What Next?’’ Journal of Health Pearlin, L. I. 1989 ‘‘The Sociological Study of Stress.’’ and Social Behavior, extra issue: 53–79. Journal of Health and Social Behavior 30:241–256. Tijhuis, M. A. R., H. D. Flap, M. Foets, and P. P. ———, and C. Aneshensel 1986 ‘‘Coping and Social Groenewegen 1995, ‘‘Social Support and Stressful Supports: Their Function and Applications.’’ In L. Events in Two Dimensions: Life Events and Illness as Aiken and D. Mechanic, eds., Applications of Social an Event.’’ Social Science and Medicine 40:1513–1526. Science in Clinical Medicine and Health. New Brunswick, Trumbull, R., and M. H. Appley 1986 ‘‘A Conceptual N.J.: Rutgers University Press. Model for the Examination of Stress Dynamics.’’ In ———, M. A. Lieberman, E.G. Menaghan, and J. T. M. H. Appley and R. Trumbull, eds., Dynamics of Mullan 1981 ‘‘The Stress Process.’’ Journal of Health Stress: Physiological, Psychological, and Social Perspec- and Social Behavior 22:337–356. tives. New York: Plenum. ———, and C. Schooler 1978 ‘‘The Structure of Cop- Turner, R. J. 1981 ‘‘Social Support as a Contingency in ing.’’ Journal of Health and Social Behavior 19 (1):2–21. Psychological Well-being.’’ Journal of Health and So- cial Behavior 22:357–367. Rabkin, J. G., and E. L. Struening 1976 ‘‘Life Events, Stress, and Illness.’’ Science 194:1013–1020. Uhlenhuth, E. H., et al. 1982 ‘‘Symptom Checklist Syndromes in the General Population: Correlations Sarason, I. G., and B. R. Sarason 1985 Social Support: with Psychotherapeutic Drug Use.’’ Archives of Gen- Theory, Research, and Application. The Hague: Martinus- eral Psychiatry 40:1167–1173. Nijhoff. Unger, Jennifer B., C. Anderson Johnson, and Gary Scheck, Christine L., Angelo J. Kinicki, and Jeannette A. Marks 1997 ‘‘Functional Decline in the Elderly: Evi- Davy 1995 ‘‘A Longitudinal Study of a Multivariate dence for Direct and Stress-Buffering Protective Ef- Model of the Stress Process Using Structural Equa- fects of Social Interactions and Physical Activity.’’ tions Modeling.’’ Human Relations 48:1481–1510. Annals of Behavioral Medicine 19:152–160. Seyle, Hans 1956 The Stress of Life. New York: Mc- Wallston, B. S., et al. 1987 ‘‘Social Support and Physical Graw-Hill. Health.’’ Health Psychology 2 (4):367–391. Srole, L. 1975. ‘‘Measurements and Classification in Wheaton, B. 1983 ‘‘Stress, Personal Coping Resources, Sociopsychiatric Epidemiology: Midtown Manhattan and Psychiatric Symptoms: An Investigation of Inter- Study I (1954) and Midtown Manhattan Restudy II active Models.’’ Journal of Health and Social Behavior (1974).’’ Journal of Health and Social Behavior 16: 347–364. 24:208–229. ———, T. S. Langner, S. T. Michael, et al. 1962 The ——— 1989 ‘‘Life Transitions, Role Histories, and Men- Midtown Manhattan Study. New York: McGraw-Hill. tal Health.’’ American Sociological Review 2:209–223. Tausig, Mark 1982 ‘‘Measuring Life Events.’’ Journal of Health and Social Behavior 23 (March):52–64. NAN LIN

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STRIKES tressed by material rewards and social approval. See Labor Movements and Unions; Industrial 2. Both the process of aging from birth to Sociology. death and social structures related to age are subject to change. The aging process is not the same for all cohorts, since STRUCTURAL EQUATIONS members of each cohort (those born in the same period) grow up and grow older See Causal Inference Models; Correlation and under unique social, political, and environ- Regression Analysis; Multiple Indicator Models. mental circumstances. For example, co- horts of people born around the begin- ning of the twentieth century differ from STRUCTURAL LAG those born a half century later in level of education, exposure to illness, size of the The concept of structural lag originally was sug- family, job skills, the likelihood of being gested by the observation that in the late twentieth married and divorced, and attitudes and century there was a discrepancy between the grow- worldviews. Cohorts born at the end of ing number of older healthy people and the mean- the twentieth century will differ from their ingful roles available to them. This simple empiri- predecessors in still other ways. For cal observation is only one instance of a more example, the birth weight of newborns in general phenomenon: a mismatch between the the 1980s and 1990s was greater than that numbers and kinds of people of a given age and of babies born in earlier times, and this existing patterns in the social structures into which undoubtedly will influence the way that people must fit. This mismatch occurs because members of those cohorts develop. Fur- changes in people’s lives and changes in social ther, as the more recent cohorts grow up, structures typically are not synchronic. When so- it is likely that they will to benefit from cial structures fail to adapt to new cohorts with new medical advances. Age patterns in characteristics different from those of previous social structures have changed as well. To cohorts, there is a situation of structural lag (Riley cite two examples, schools have raised the et al. 1994). school-leaving age, and government and corporate policies have encouraged a PREMISES ABOUT AGE AND SOCIETY decline in the typical age of retirement. 3. Changes in patterns of aging and in social How and why structural lags emerge and how they structures affect each other; they are are dealt with can be better understood by interdependent. As an example, by alter- considerating the underlying principles of age as ing long-standing employment practices, both an individual and a social phenomenon and restructuring, downsizing, and mergers of its relationship to social change. large firms in the United States have led 1. Age not only is a characteristic of people to a shift in the work lives of employees. but is built into social structures in the Thus, compared to previous cohorts of form of criteria for entering or leaving workers, fewer workers now can look social roles, expectations about behavior forward to lifetime employment in one in those roles, and resources and rewards firm; many have to make multiple career for role performance. Formal and infor- changes, and some have to make do with mal rules govern the age at which children temporary and part-time employment at enter and stay in school, age patterns in some time in their working lives. In turn, the family such as the appropriate age at new patterns of careers over the life first marriage, and age of entry into and course are likely to have an impact retirement from the work force. Age on societal institutions. Firms are likely norms influence behavior and orientations to reduce their commitment to training in these roles, and conformity is but- workers, with educational institutions as-

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suming greater responsibility for training percent of Americans now live to age 65, almost and retraining. three times the proportion at the beginning of the While changing aging processes and century. These changes are in large part the result social structures affect each other, the two of public and private health care measures that processes of change are distinct, with each reduced infant mortality decades ago, increasing following its own dynamics. The aging the proportion of individuals who could survive to process, while varying across cohorts, has the later years. Reductions in infant and child a distinct rhythm, as people are born and mortality were followed by reductions in death then proceed through childhood, adoles- rates among older people, partly as a result of cence, adulthood, and old age. Social public health and scientific and medical inno- structures do not have a similar rhythm. vations and partly because of healthy practices in The economy has ups and downs; political diet and exercise undertaken by individuals. In- shifts follow their own paths; and cataclys- deed, old people at the end of the twentieth cen- mic events such as wars, depressions, tury are a relatively healthy lot. Most report that famines, and epidemics affect all social they have no disabilities; even among those over institutions. Consequently, in any period age 85, about 40 percent report being able to there is likely to be a poor fit between function in daily life (Rowe and Kahn 1998). Thus, lives and structures: an imbalance between not only are more people growing old, they are what people of given ages have to offer, aging well. what they need and expect in their lives, and their motivations versus what social Social institutions have been slow to accom- structures can accommodate or demand. modate to the needs of this new kind of older population, a lag that represents not only lost 4. Lags can occur in either direction. Some- opportunities for the old but a loss of the produc- times people’s lives lag behind changes in tive capabilities of older people to society. Con- social structures. For example, many older sider the organization of work and retirement. people may be reluctant to learn and use Although 65 is the age of eligibility for full Social new technologies, or adolescents may not Security benefits, most people in recent years have be motivated to take the science courses been retiring before that age. This pattern of early that will prepare them for technological retirement was facilitated by Social Security regu- changes. At the end of the twentieth lations, devised in an earlier period, that exact century, however, a key form of imbalance little or no cost for retiring before age 65. On their is the lag of social structures behind part, many employing organizations, driven by changes in people’s lives. As the examples changing personnel requirements, offer financial discussed below indicate, structural lag is incentives for early retirement. Also, in the proc- pervasive, affecting people of all ages and ess of restructuring their firms or merging with many social institutions. others, employers let many long-term employees go, many of whom retired early rather than face STRUCTURAL LAG AT THE MILLENNIUM the uncertainties of the job market. If they are assured of financial security in retirement, some A focus on the fit or misfit between people and workers welcome the opportunity to retire early, structures in three major age strata shows how perhaps because of their health or because of the these principles play themselves out and how struc- onerous or stultifying nature of their jobs. Never- tural lags have emerged. theless, surveys find that a sizable proportion of The Old. The increase in the number and older workers prefer not to sever their ties to the proportion of older people in the twentieth cen- labor force completely (Burkhauser and Quinn tury is a dramatic example of a change in people’s 1994). However, few firms permit workers to con- lives that has posed numerous problems for socie- tinue at their old jobs under the more flexible tal institutions. By the end of the century people working conditions many workers prefer. Avail- 65 years old and over represented 13 percent of able part-time or temporary jobs typically have the U.S. population compared to about 4 percent few, if any, of the benefits of workers’ former at the beginning of the century. More than 70 employment, and the pay is generally low. The

3061 STRUCTURAL LAG result is that many older workers withdraw from tions of poverty. Experiencing poverty as infants the labor force completely—often unwillingly. Em- and young children (zero to 5 years of age) affects ploying organizations thus lose the benefits that people’s subsequent educational achievement and experienced workers can bring to their firms. employability (Duncan, et al. 1998). The increase in single-parent families thus does not bode well Paid employment is not the only way older for the future of their young offspring, many of workers can make productive contributions to whom will not be prepared to fill the roles avail- society. A sizable minority of older people do able in a technologically advanced and constantly volunteer work that has social value—in religious, changing society. charitable, and civic organizations, for example. Structural lag and resistance to new ideas and There has also been a marked increase in values consistent with a changed society may ex- families where both the father and the mother plain why more older persons do not volunteer. work outside the home. Unless they have high Volunteer organizations often do not have recruit- incomes, dual-earner families, share with single- ing mechanisms to draw on the large pool of parent families the problem of finding adequate potential older volunteers. With respect to societal child care arrangements. A small proportion of values, volunteer work is not accorded the same mothers cope with both work and taking care of respect as paid employment (Kahn 1994). children, and a similarly small percentage of fa- thers care for children while mothers work away Societal institutions are lagging behind the from the home. In some cases, grandparents or needs of an unfortunate sector of the older popu- other relatives care for children outside the chil- lation: those in poor health who need support. dren’s home. The well off can afford paid baby- Especially among the oldest old, there is a need for sitters, and about one-quarter of preschoolers of long-term care either in the home or in a nursing working mothers are in some form of organized facility, but affordable arrangements for such care day care. Many of these facilities, however, have are inadequate. As a result some older people are been judged unsafe or unsanitary and do not offer not getting the care they need, and the burden for a warm and intellectually stimulating environment. caring for them falls on their elderly spouses or their middle-aged offspring or other relatives. In While the long-term outcome of these new such ways, structural lag in care institutions affects socialization environments for infants and chil- both the old and the middle-aged. Unless there are dren cannot be known yet, social structures out- relevant structural changes in these care institu- side the family clearly are not filling the gaps tions and/or government programs to shore them created by changed family arrangements. Most up, there will be problems for the baby boom important, there has been no institutionalization cohorts when they reach their later years. They will of satisfactory nonparental child care arrangements; have fewer kin available to provide the needed social structures outside the family are lagging support, since the baby boom cohorts were fol- behind changes in children’s lives and changes in lowed by relatively small cohorts. the family. Children. Children’s lives also have changed There is also a gap between the lives of school- dramatically; today they have vastly different grow- age children and social structures. Consider insti- ing up experiences than did earlier cohorts. As a tutions of public education. Among the many consequence, children now differ from their prede- undertakings of public schools at the end of the cessors in attitudes, capabilities, motivations, be- twentieth century, there are two major tasks: edu- haviors, and the choices they make. These disposi- cating students raised in changed family environ- tions will affect their paths of future development: ments and preparing those students for a changed their school careers, job choices and opportuni- society in which people increasingly will need the ties, and marriage and family decisions. ability to adapt to continual changes and more jobs will require high levels of conceptual thinking. One development that has altered the lives of children has been the increase in single-parent By and large, experimental programs and vari- families. On average, these families are poorer ous changes in schools notwithstanding, schools than two-parent families, and there are long-term are falling behind in meeting these challenges. For consequences for children raised under condi- example, many teachers have inadequate knowl-

3062 STRUCTURAL LAG edge of subject matter; curricula often lag behind CLOSING THE GAP: PRESSURES FOR new knowledge and are too often shaped by the CHANGE nature of national or statewide tests; frequently there is administrative inertia and resistance to The gap between structures and the lives of the change; and students often are not challenged individuals in those structures creates tensions, sufficiently in terms of, for example, the amount inefficiencies, and other problems that are potent and nature of homework. These patterns militate stimuli for change in both people and structures. against the goal of inculcating the kinds of think- Whatever the constraints, social structures tend to ing and other skills that will be needed in the next respond to these forces. decades, when today’s students will enter the labor Social Structural Responses. Social structural force and take on adult responsibilities. responses to an increase in cohort size—a key Adults. Structural lags affecting the old and source of pressure on structures—are illustrative. the young have an impact on people in their Beginning in midcentury, the pressure on social middle years. It is those people years who must institutions came from the unexpectedly large num- undertake the care of the young and the old when ber of people in the baby boom cohorts, whose there are no alternatives, but it is precisely when large size created a lag in structures at every life people are in their prime years that they have stage. As Waring (1976) shows, social institutions heightened job and career responsibilities. Social coped with these large cohorts in myriad ways. structures are lagging in providing arrangements— When the baby boom cohorts were newborns, such as flexible hours or flexible workplace set- hospitals reduced the typical length of stay of new tings and respite care from social agencies—that mothers and their babies to accommodate the would ease the multiple burdens of those with flood of new births. When the baby boomers career and family care responsibilities. entered school, new schools were built and younger It is not only work organizations and social teachers were hired to compensate for the teacher agencies that are not helping workers undertake shortage. In their college years, educational re- their multiple responsibilities: Family structures quirements were extended, with the result that are not adapting to the new realities either. It is entry into the labor force was delayed, helping to women who typically bear the brunt of multiple prevent a labor glut. These changes generally came burdens of work and family care. While most piecemeal, but many of them, such as shorter married women with children work outside the maternal hospital stays, have turned out to be home, they still have the main responsibility for long-lasting. tasks in the home. More husbands—when they are present—are ‘‘helping’’ with household work than As the number of old people has increased was the case in earlier times, but the norm of equal and as the baby boomers approach old age, there sharing has not been institutionalized. There is a are signs that social institutions are making further gap between the changed lives of women and the changes. Indeed, as the changes made in many way most families are structured. different institutional settings accumulate, new social meanings of age may arise. Age barriers to Class, Gender, and Race Differences. There entry into a broad range of social roles are being are differences within the several age strata (layers relaxed and even breakingdown. For individuals of people who differ in age and confront struc- this means increased opportunities to intersperse tures differentially appropriate for particular ages) periods of education, work, family time, and lei- in the degree of fit between changed people and sure over the life course, unlike the more rigid changed institutions. The match or mismatch be- pattern of education in youth, work in adulthood, tween people of given ages and institutions often and retirement and leisure in old age that has been depends on the gender, ethnicity, race, or class of the typical shape of the life course (Riley et al. the people involved. 1999). Within institutions, as more roles become Thus, the impact of structural lag is uneven. In available to people of all ages, cross-age interac- some instances it is the most disadvantaged seg- tions are likely to increase. Also, the pool of hu- ments of the different age strata that are most man capital available to varied social institutions likely to feel the brunt of the lag. will no longer be limited by rigid age norms.

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Mechanisms of Change. Changes, whether forces that eased household burdens, facilitated piecemeal or encompassing, do not come about control of family size, and introduced workplace automatically. A number of processes operate sin- technologies that women could manage efficiently. gly or in combination to bring about change. However, it was individual women who made the decision to enter and remain in the labor force Actions of policymakers. Some individuals and after marriage. As they did so, norms for women’s agencies are in a good position to make and labor force participation changed. Early in the implement policy—government officials and com- century the typical married woman did not hold a pany executives, for example—because they have job outside the home and was not expected to, but an overview of their organizations and can pro- as increasing numbers of women sought employ- pose or institute policies that will reduce the gap ment, it became acceptable for them to work for between people and structures. pay. At the end of the twentieth century, not only One of the portents of more flexible age crite- are high proportions of single and married women ria has been the opening up of colleges and in the labor force, it is expected that women will universities to older students. Educational admin- have paying jobs regardless of their marital status. istrators have played an important role in this This norm was embodied in welfare legislation in development. They saw an opportunity to expand the 1990s: Poor women were given time limits for the pool of prospective students and felt a respon- welfare payments to support them and their de- sibility to offer access to their schools to older pendent children. After that deadline, they were people. They have devised special degree pro- expected to be self-supporting. grams for older people along with a wide range of Among older people at terminal stages of the nondegree classes. On a less formal level, other life course, another set of norms has been forming organizational leaders have developed elder hos- (Riley 1990). Older people have been pressing for tel programs that give older people a chance to new norms that will help them avoid a prolonged, combine education and recreation, programs that painful process of dying, provide palliative care, have expanded beyond college settings and be- and give them more control of the way they die. yond the United States. New norms for the dying process and arrange- Undoubtedly, these policy initiatives were in- ments to implement them are being put in place. fluenced by the actions of older people who were Hospice care that eschews heroic measures for seeking avenues for enriching their lives or for those near death has been more widely accepted, filling in gaps in their education. Indeed, people more people are writing living wills detailing mea- inside social structures often act as agents of change, sures to be taken near the end, and hospitals have sometimes engaging in purposeful action with been forming medical ethics committees to deal others and sometimes acting independently, as in with these issues. The ‘‘right to die’’ movement has the case of cohort norm formation, another mecha- gained power and, with it, some of the structural nism of change. changes it supports. However, this movement has taken on a new cast as it has focused more on Cohort norm formation. As formulated by Riley improving caretaking arrangements than on the (1978), cohort norm formation is a process that psychosocial needs of patients (see ‘‘Death and occurs when the members of a cohort, reacting Dying’’ in this encyclopedia). independently but in like fashion to changes in society, create new patterns of behavior and atti- What started out as individual but uncoordinated tudes. These changes often spread to the succeed- responses of numerous older people and others ing cohorts, contributing to the establishment of concerned about unacceptable practices in the new norms. American way of dying—an example of cohort norm formation—have taken on the shape of a The centurylong increase in women’s labor social movement, a more organized effort to change force participation is a prime example of this customary practices. process. Since the early decades of the twentieth century, in successive cohorts, increasing propor- Social movements. Social movements have played tions of women have worked outside the home. a role in effecting many age-related changes. These They were, of course, responding to broad social movements take several forms. They may involve

3064 STRUCTURAL LAG organized groups exerting pressure for change or from inheritances made possible by the financial may entail collective actions that arise more spon- security afforded to the old by Social Security taneously. Whether organized or not, they bring pensions. In short, the inevitability of growing old issues of concern to public attention. Sometimes and the intergenerational bonds and exchanges their actions lead to conflicts with groups that have within the family are powerful deterrents to con- different interests and agendas. flicts between the young and the old (Foner 1974). Organized social movements encompassing Obstacles to Change. Changing age-related large segments particular age strata have emerged components of social structures does not necessar- relatively infrequently. Most noteworthy was the ily proceed smoothly. Long-held values, institu- Townsend movement in the 1930s, which organ- tional rigidities, and the possible costs involved ized older people to work for a publicly supported create impediments to effective change. pension program for the elderly in the United Proposals to make lifelong education a real- States. At its height it had organized groups in ity—not only educational opportunities for the old almost every state. It played a role in the eventual but also time off for retraining and sabbaticals for enactment of Social Security legislation. educational enrichment among those of working Although broad-based movements involving age—may seem simple to implement. However, age-related issues are difficult to organize, more many employers perceive that giving time off for limited movements for structural change crop up. sabbaticals is costly and often see no payoff from In the recent past there has been the ‘‘right to die’’ retraining mature workers when newly trained movement with its shifting emphases, as noted and cheaper young workers are available. above, and organizations focusing on the prob- More equal sharing of household and child lems of older women. At the other end of the age care responsibilities by young and middle-aged spectrum there is a children’s rights movement married adults can be thwarted by entrenched concerned particularly about neglected children. values about the appropriate roles of men and women. By bringing problems to public attention and by lobbying policymakers directly, these social move- Giving sick and dying patients increased au- ments are able to stimulate at least piecemeal tonomy in regard to their care does not comport changes. with common practices such as rigid scheduling and beliefs of physicians and authorities in medi- At times, social movements can trigger con- cal institutions that patients do not have the pro- flict among age strata. In the 1980s, for example, fessional expertise needed to deal with their illness. some pressure groups attempted to pit younger people against the old with dire predictions of Unintended Consequences. Such obstacles intergenerational conflict in the future. Those notwithstanding, change does occur, but some- groups argued that the elderly receive undue ad- times it has unforeseen results. For example, the vantages from U.S. government programs and spread of hospices that provide relief and pallia- tive care for near-death patients has been a wel- that younger adults are unfairly burdened with come alternative for people who do not want supporting those programs. Such age conflicts heroic—and often painful and expensive—mea- have not emerged, however, and challenges from sures. However, as the number of hospices and younger adults that might provide the impetus for their patients has increased in the United States, changes in government policies seem unlikely. federal regulatory agencies have found themselves The cross-age support for Social Security suggests hard put to monitor them and fraud has increased why this is so. Younger adults want to maintain the (New York Times 1998). Social Security program to safeguard their own future as well as to protect their parents’ present New norms about extending the work life will status. Apart from affection for their parents, self- give healthy and eager older workers productive interest is involved. Without publicly supported roles while at the same time addressing certain pensions, those under age 65 would have to bear problems of the financial viability of the Social an increased financial burden to support their Security system. However, these new norms could elderly parents. Moreover, many adults under age undermine the right to retirement, discrediting 65 benefit indirectly from gifts and ultimately those who are unable to work or those who need a

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rest after long years of toil. Further, an increase in contrast, the analysts of structural lag consider the number of older workers in the labor market changing lives and changing social structures as looking for good part-time jobs could lead to interdependent, with no claim for the priority of competition with young and female workers also one over the other. looking for such jobs. One result could be de- Others also have proposed that inconsisten- pressed wages in this sector of the labor market. cies in social structures create pressures for social Viewed in their particulars, changes in social change. For example, Marx and Engels (1848) structures do not always neatly adjust social institu- discussed contradictions within capitalism, and tions to the changed lives of people. The change Merton (1938, 1957) analyzed the disjunction be- may be only partial, some changes may work out tween culturally defined goals and socially differ- well for some people but not for others, and new ential access to the opportunity structure for achiev- problems may emerge, calling for additional changes. ing those goals, but these theories differ from the Viewed in the long run, however, structural lag analysis of structural lag in a number of ways. turns out to be a frequently unrecognized but For Marx, change has its source in a funda- powerful force for change. mental contradiction of capitalism between pri- vate ownership of the means of production and STRUCTURAL LAG AND THEORIES the social nature of the production process, a OF CHANGE contradiction that results in the exploitation of wage laborers employed by and dependent on The concept of structural lag as a force for change capitalist employers. As workers struggle to im- has a ring of familiarity. Many analysts have put prove their working conditions, their actions lead forth theories about discrepancies among the sev- to fundamental change in the social relations of eral parts of the society that press for change. production. However, Marx’s analysis of capitalist contradictions focuses on the crucial role of the Perhaps the idea seemingly most similar to productive sphere, whereas the analysis of struc- structural lag is Ogburn’s (1932) concept of ‘‘cul- tural lag does not give preeminence to any particu- tural lag.’’ Ogburn conceived of culture as com- lar institution. Structural lag can and does occur in plex, consisting of interdependent parts. There is all societal structures, and pressures for change the material culture with its technology, raw mate- can emanate from all of them. Nor is social conflict rials, manufactured products, and the like, and the the major mechanism of social change posited in nonmaterial culture that includes folkways, mores, the theory of structural lag, where, as was noted social institutions, beliefs, laws, and governments. above, other mechanisms of change are generally Ogburn thought that changes in the nonmaterial more important. culture generally were dependent on changes in the material culture and often lagged behind In Merton’s theory, the disjunction between changes in the material culture, hence the notion goals and means leads to several modes of deviant of cultural lag. adaptation, of which one, ‘‘rebellion’’, clearly au- gurs social change. In rebellion, one segment of While Ogburn’s concept of culture includes the population rejects both goals and means as many of the same components of social structure socially defined and seeks to replace them with a posited in the theory of structural lag, his ap- ‘‘greatly modified social structure’’ (Merton 1957, proach to social change differs from the analysis of p. 155). Thus, this theory suggests a mechanism structural lag in a number of ways. Ogburn’s em- for changing the existing cultural and social struc- phasis is on the relationship among elements in ture. It is not concerned with the continuous entry the culture. The theory of structural lag introduces into society of new cohorts whose changing lives the lack of fit between people and structures. More- confront social structures with the need for change, over, not only are changes in the lives of people a central focus of the theory of structural lag. not synchronized with changes in social structures, people act as agents of change in trying to align In summary, the theory of structural lag, while structures with their changing lives. A related dif- rooted in the special qualities of age and aging as ference is that Ogburn views the motive power of social phenomena—seemingly a narrow focus—is change as residing in the material culture. By a broad theory that links age and aging to both

3066 STUDENT MOVEMENTS social structures and social change. In its structural ful Opportunities in Work, Family, and Leisure. New aspects, it views age as a key element with which York: Wiley. social structures must cope. From a dynamic per- Rowe, John W. and Robert L. Kahn 1998 Successful spective, it sees social forces bringing about change Aging. New York: Pantheon. in people’s lives, with those changing lives in turn Waring, Joan 1976 ‘‘Social Replenishment and Social causing pressure for changes in social structures. Change: The Problem of Disordered Cohort Flow.’’ Structural lag thus is both a consequence of social In Anne Foner, ed., Age in Society. Beverly Hills, change and an impetus for further change. Calif.: Sage.

ANNE FONER REFERENCES Burkhauser, Richard V., and Joseph F. Quinn 1994 ‘‘Changing Policy Signals.’’ In Matilda White Riley, Robert L. Kahn, and Anne Foner, eds., Age and STUDENT MOVEMENTS Structural Lag: Society’s Failure to Provide Meaningful Opportunities in Work, Family, and Leisure. New Student movements generally are thought of col- York: Wiley. lege student movements. These young adult move- Duncan, Greg, J. W. Jean Yeung, Jeanne Brooks-Gunn, ments have a long history in widely differing socie- and Judith R. Smith 1998 ‘‘How Much Does Child- ties. Some have been characterized as direct student hood Poverty Affect the Life Chances of Children?’’ redress of situational grievances, such as the seven- American Sociological Review 63:406–423. teenth-century sacking of the English Jesuit Col- Foner, Anne 1974 ‘‘Age Stratification and Age Conflicts lege of La Fleche to protest a rigid, strained regi- in Political Life.’’ American Sociological Review 39:187–196. men and the student protests led by African- American and Hispanic students on over a hun- Kahn, Robert L. 1994 ‘‘Opportunities, Aspirations, and Goodness of Fit,’’ In Matilda White Riley, Robert L. dred campuses in the 1980s and 1990s to protest Kahn, and Anne Foner, eds., Age and Structural Lag: cutbacks in governmental aid and scholarships for Society’s Failure to Provide Meaningful Opportunities in lower-income students. Other student protest move- Work, Family, and Leisure. New York: Wiley. ments have been related to larger social move- Marx, Karl, and Frederich Engels. (1848) 1978 ‘‘Mani- ments. Examples are evident over time and space, festo of the Communist Party.’’ In R. Tucker, ed., The including the nineteenth-century Russian revolu- Marx-Engels Reader, 2nd ed. New York: Norton. tionary student movement, the American civil rights and antiwar student movements of the 1930s and Merton, Robert K. 1938 ‘‘Social Structure and Anomie.’’ 1960s, the 1970s Greek student Polytechnic pro- American Sociological Review 3:672–682. test that precipitated the downfall of that country’s ——— 1957 ‘‘Social Structure and Anomie,’’ In Social military dictatorship, and the ill-fated Chinese Theory and Social Structure. Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. Tianenmen Square democratic movement in the New York Times, May 10, 1998. ‘‘Hospice Boom Is Giving late 1980s. Rise to New Fraud’’ by Douglas Frantz, pp. 1, 8. Student movements have the potential to gen- Ogburn, William F. 1932 Social Change. New York: Viking. erate major social change in the context of under- Riley, John, Jr. 1990 ‘‘Death and Dying.’’ In E. Borgatta lying economic, demographic, and other social and M. Borgatta, eds., The Encyclopedia of Sociology. forces. This makes student movement a strategic New York: Macmillan. factor in assessing the nature of some consequen- Riley, Matilda White 1978 ‘‘Aging, Social Change, and tial social change developments in society. The the Power of Ideas.’’ Daedalus 107:39–52. recent history of the United States exemplifies this ———, Anne Foner, and John W. Riley, Jr. 1999 ‘‘The idea. The far-reaching Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Aging and Society Paradigm: From Generation to public shift from support of to opposition to the Generation.’’ In Vern L. Bengtson and K. Warner Vietnam War, and the pressure to diversify college Schaie, eds., Handbook of Theories of Aging. New York: student bodies and curricula racially and ethni- Springer. cally all involved student protest–induced changes ———, Robert L. Kahn, and Anne Foner, eds. 1994. Age that have affected the lives of people throughout and Structural Lag: Society’s Failure to Provide Meaning- American society and influenced student move-

3067 STUDENT MOVEMENTS ments in other societies, as movements in other Minnesota, the economy was strong and played no societies have influenced American students. discernible role. Key factors were the intense na- tional political conflict between Republicans and Other examples of consequential student pro- Democrats over President Clinton’s sexual scan- test movements extend back a millennium or more. dal, charges of obstruction of justice, and partisan What is different about contemporary student controversy over a presidential impeachment. This movements is the combination of their frequency induced many students and other young people to and their consequences for social change in soci- change allegiance from the established national ety. This is a reflection of the central role of formal parties to a reform party candidate. In Indonesia, education in economic and social stability and the Asian economic crisis of 1998 played a key role development in both advanced technological and in the protest activity of students demanding a developing societies. more democratic government and more equitable The massive growth of higher education, with economic opportunities. the concomitant potential for student movements, In terms of real or potential effects on the is evident from the change in the proportion of direction of society, it is not only that college young adults in their late teens and early twenties students represent a high proportion of influential attending college. Before World War II, even in future economic, political, and social leaders. The the advanced industrial nations of Japan, the United growth of colleges since the middle of the twenti- States, and Canada, as well as in Great Britain and eth century is also an international reflection of western Europe, less than 10 percent of the young the general public’s and democratic and authori- adult age cohort attended college. The figure was tarian regimes’ recognition of the importance of less than 1 percent in emerging, often formerly the educational training of students. This training colonial, developing nations. In contrast, by the represents a key element in the future of various late twentieth century, close to half of young adults societies in the modern cybernetic economic era. were in college in advanced technological socie- ties, and the fastest growing student body in devel- There has been extensive research on what oping countries had become collegiate. Overall, motivates consequential proportions of students instead of a few hundred or a few thousand stu- to engage in protest movements. There is irony in dents, major state universities in the United States the fact that students represent a relatively privi- now generally have between 20,000 and 40,000 or leged and prospectively influential group in soci- more students, with long-established private uni- ety. These characteristics generally are associated versities typically having over 10,000. Similarly, with support for the established social order, yet large national universities such as those in Beijing, students are often in the activist forefront of pro- Tehran, Madrid, Mexico City, and Moscow have test movements aimed at changing that order. student bodies larger than those of the largest U.S. This seeming contradiction has been addressed state universities. in intergenerational conflict terms since the time The growth of public education generally, and of Socrates and Plato. In sociology, Mannheim collegiate education in particular, has placed young (1952) addressed specific attention to this phe- adult students in a strategic position in respect to nomenon as part of his concern with the sociology the potential of protest movements to induce so- of knowledge. Building on Mannheim’s analyses, cial change. Prototypical examples at the end of Feuer (1969) holds that the need for the emerging the twentieth century range from the student pro- young to replace older adults in societies gener- tests that keyed the unexpected election of the ates inherent intergenerational conflict that crys- former professional wrestler Jesse Ventura to the tallizes in increasingly influential collegiate settings. governorship of Minnesota and the overthrow of In this context, it is held that students act out the authoritarian Suharto regime after over thirty their traditional intergenerational conflicts in a years in Indonesia, the fourth most populous na- setting that is particularly conducive to challeng- tion in the world. ing the older generation. Colleges, and to a lesser The precipitating causes of these student pro- extent primary and secondary schools, remove test activities were very different. In the case of students from familial and kinship settings. While

3068 STUDENT MOVEMENTS faculty members present an adult schooling influ- American students in the civil rights movements of ence, in the increasingly large school settings, the 1960s, working for more openings and sup- students are placed in a peer-related situation port for African-Americans, who had long been removed from both direct familial influences and excluded from equal higher educational opportunity. the later pressures of occupational positions. However, immediate self-interest does not ex- This relatively separated, peer-influenced life plain the active involvement of most participants pattern is evident in the precipitating protest ac- in student movements to support disadvantaged tions of many student movements. Most sociologi- minority and low-income groups. This is seen in cal research has dealt with student participation in protest actions such as extensive involvement in major protest movements involving civil rights, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Commit- environmental protection, war, and other momen- tee and other American civil rights organizations tous public issues. However, a review of the stu- in the 1960s and the 1989 student effort to estab- dent movement literature demonstrates that often lish democracy in China. In this respect, students the early motivation for student protest against tend to activate parental ideals and values that are university administrators and more general socie- perceived to be falling short in their implementa- tal authorities has been related to specific student- tion (Davies 1969). What has become evident in experienced grievances over American-based situa- the extensive empirical research on student move- tional concerns such as poor dormitory food in the ment participants since the 1960s is that the con- 1950s and concerns among Italian and Chinese flict of generations thesis advanced by Mannheim, students in the 1960s and 1980s that growing Feuer, and others is less a conflict of generations numbers of college graduates were unemployed than an active attempt among the student genera- or were receiving lower pay than were undegreed tion to realize the values to which they have been manual laborers (Altbach and Peterson 1971; socialized by the parental generation. Lipset 1971). Rather than challenging the values of the pa- Immediate student self-interest also can be rental generation, student activists generally sup- seen in respect to student participation in larger port those values and work to see them actualized social movements. This has been evident in re- (DeMartini 1985). A case in point is the back- spect to direct student concerns about conscrip- ground characteristics of students who were active tion and being forced into combat situations. The in the politically liberal SDS, which was strongly 1860s Harvard University economic and social against the Vietnam War, and that of those in the elite student anticonscription protests during the politically conservative Young Americans for Free- Civil War helped precipitate congressional modifi- dom (YAF), which was strongly supportive of that cation of who was subject to the draft. Those with war. As Lipset (1971) reports, SDS students were several hundred dollars were allowed to commute mostly from high-status Protestant homes where their draft status to the next young man called up secular, liberal values prevailed. In contrast, but in who could not afford to commute being drafted. intergenerational concurrence, YAF student activ- This was a central factor in the poor nonstudent ists generally were drawn from strongly religiously Irish Catholic, conscription riots of 1863 in New observant and conservative homes in lower mid- York City that left several hundred dead. dle-class and working-class settings. Another ex- ample of this intergenerational confluence is Bell’s Similar immediate self-interest was a part of (1968) documentation that the largest proportion the American Student Union antiwar movement of white student activists in the Congress of Racial before World War II in the 1930s as well as the Equality (CORE) were Jewish and were actively anti–Vietnam War movement led by the Students expressing their home-based familial values in sup- for a Democratic Society (SDS) in the 1960s. These port of minority rights. student protests partially reflected general public disagreement about war support, but the most Student movement concerns with actualizing common precipitating thread was immediate stu- ideals have been a dynamic aspect of those move- dent interest. A particularly clear case of student ments. The national student Free Speech Move- self-interest was the high involvement of African- ment in 1964 was precipitated by University of

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California at Berkeley students who protested a REFERENCES specific ban on allowing a CORE civil-rights-infor- Altbach, Philip G., and Patti Peterson 1971 ‘‘Before mation table on the campus in an open mall area. Berkeley: Historical Perspectives on American Stu- While a relatively small number of students were dent Activism.’’ Annals of the American Academy of actively involved with the CORE table, a large Political and Social Science 395:1–14. majority of students, first at Berkeley and then Bell, Inge Powell 1968 CORE and the Strategy of Non- nationally, supported the First Amendment right Violence. New York: Random House. of open expression, leading to the larger Free Davies, James C. 1969 ‘‘The J-Curve of Rising Expecta- Speech Movement (Altbach and Peterson 1971). tions and Declining Satisfactions as a Cause of Some Great Revolutions and Contained Rebellions.’’ In H. Protest movements generally are time-delim- Graham and T. Gurr, eds., Violence in America. New ited. Given the relatively short age dimensions of York: Bantam. student status, student movements tend to have DeMartini, Joseph R. 1985 ‘‘Change Agents and Gen- even shorter time spans. Even with time and lead- erational Relationships: A Reevaluation of Mannheim’s ership delimitations, student movements are suffi- Problem of Generations.’’ Social Forces 64:1–16. ciently common and consequential that more sys- Feuer, Lewis S. 1969 The Conflict of Generations: The tematic research is needed on not only who the Character and Significance of Student Movements. New student protestors are but also where they go after York: Basic Books. a student activist movement ends. Research is Lipset, Seymour M. 1971 Rebellion in the University. beginning to ascertain the extent to which former Boston: Little, Brown. student protest activists’ ideas and behaviors con- Mannheim, Karl 1952 Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge. tinue to reflect their protest values. New York: Oxford University Press. It is clear that most student activists enter into Sherkat, Darren E., and T. Jean Blocker 1997 ‘‘Explain- business and professional, high-socioeconomic-sta- ing the Political and Personal Consequences of Pro- tus positions. What is not as clear is the extent test.’’ Social Forces 75:1049–1076. to which they continue to adhere to the values and related issues that motivated them to engage LEONARD GORDON in student movements. Research in this area of student movements is suggestive of long-term consequences. SUBURBANIZATION An analysis over time of 1960s student protest Suburbanization is one aspect of the more general activists and nonactivists indicates that protest process of the expansion and spatial reorganiza- values continue to influence social, economic, and tion of metropolitan settlements. Settled areas political behavior. Well over a decade after their that are beyond the historical boundaries of what civil rights and anti–Vietnam War activity, former have been considered cities but still are clearly activists continued to be more change-oriented functionally linked to the cities or may not be than average, and given the nature of their pro- considered suburban. What is suburban is a mat- tests, they were more liberal on issues of civil rights ter of social definition. For example, when small and civil liberties. Their orientation was to support cities are enveloped by the expansion of larger more than did nonactivists government action to cities, at what point should they be considered address a wide range of social problems and sup- suburbs, if they should be called suburbs at all? As port specific policies such as abortion rights and some cities extend their boundaries outward, will affirmative action for minorities’ and women’s the newly settled areas not be considered subur- educational and employment opportunities (Sherkat ban if they are within the new boundaries? and Blocker 1997). Further research may demon- Many researchers in the United States have strate additional social change consequences on chosen to adopt conventions established by the society long after specific student movements U.S. Bureau of the Census. The term ‘‘suburban’’ have ended. refers to the portion of a metropolitan area that is not in the central city. This definition depends on (SEE ALSO: Protest Movements; Social Movements) what is defined as metropolitan and central city,

3070 SUBURBANIZATION and those definitions change over the years. Such and they hinge in part on the importance of changes are not simply technical adjustments; they political boundaries and the political process. The respond (among other criteria) to assumptions main lines of explanation reflect two broader cur- about what cities and suburbs are. For example, as rents in sociological theory: Structural functional- many U.S. ‘‘suburbs’’ have become employment ism is found in the guise of human ecology and centers in the last two decades, altering traditional neoclassical economics, and variants of Marxian patterns of commuting to work, Census Bureau and Weberian theory have been described as the scientists have adjusted the definition of ‘‘central ‘‘new’’ urban theory. city’’ to include some of those peripheral areas. Ecologists and many urban economists con- For many purposes, it may be preferable to ceptualize suburbanization as a process of decen- avoid these categories altogether. ‘‘Suburban’’ may tralization, as is reflected in Burgess’s (1967) con- be intended to reflect distance from the city cen- centric-zone model of the metropolis. Burgess ter, recency of development, residential density, accepted the postulate of central place theory that or commuting patterns—all of which can be mea- the point of highest interaction and most valued sured directly. The main substantive rationale for land is naturally at the core of the central business accepting definitions tied to the juridical bounda- district. The central point is most accessible to all ries of cities is to emphasize the differences be- other locations in the metropolis, a feature that is tween cities and suburbs (and among suburbs) especially valuable for commercial firms. At the that are related to municipal governance. An im- fringes of the business district, where land is held portant class of issues revolves around disparities for future commercial development, low-income in public resources: In what parts of the metropo- and immigrant households can compete success- lis are taxes higher, where are better schools avail- fully for space, though only at high residential able, where is police protection greater? What are densities. Peripheral areas, by contrast, are most the effects of these differences on the opportuni- valued by more affluent households, particularly ties available to people who live in different parts those with children and a preference for more of the metropolis? Another dimension concerns spacious surroundings. local politics: How do localities establish land use and budget policies, and what are the effects of The key to this approach is its acceptance of a those policies on growth? competitive land market as the principal mecha- nism through which locational decisions are reached. Because many suburban residents have worked More specific hypotheses are drawn from theories in central cities while paying taxes in the suburbs, about people’s preferences and willingness (and John Kasarda has described the city–suburb rela- ability) to pay for particular locations or structural tionship in terms of ‘‘exploitation.’’ Political scien- changes (e.g., elevators, transportation technol- tists in particular have studied this issue in terms of ogy, and the need for space of manufacturers) that arguments for the reform of structures of metro- affect the value of a central location. Many re- politan governance. The normative implications searchers have focused on gradients linking dis- of their arguments have explicit ideological under- tance from the center to various compositional pinnings. Some, such as Dennis Judd, emphasize characteristics of neighborhoods: population den- the value of equality of life chances and interpret sity (Treadway 1969), household composition differences between cities and suburbs as dispari- (Guest 1972), and socioeconomic status (Choldin ties; others (public choice theorists such as Elinor and Hanson 1982). Comparatively little research Ostrom) emphasize freedom of choice and inter- has been conducted on the preferences of resi- pret differences as opportunities for the exercise dents or the factors that lead them to select one of choice. location or another. Sociologists on the whole have been less will- Other sociologists have argued that growth ing to be proponents of metropolitan solutions patterns result from conscious policies and spe- and have shown more interest in the causes than in cific institutional interventions in the land and the consequences of suburbanization. Neverthe- housing markets. Representative of this view is the less, there are differences in theoretical perspec- study done by Checkoway (1980), who emphasizes tive that closely parallel those in political science, the role of federal housing programs and institu-

3071 SUBURBANIZATION tional support for large-scale residential builders where there is great variation in economic func- in the suburbanization process of the 1950s. The tion, class and racial composition, and other char- move to suburbs, he argues, was contingent on the acteristics of suburbs. alternatives offered to consumers. The redlining of inner-city neighborhoods by the Federal Hous- Research from an ecological perspective has ing Administration, its preference for large new stressed a comparison between the older, larger, subdivisions, and its explicit discrimination against denser cities of the North and the more recently minority home buyers are among the major forces growing cities of the South and West. The princi- structuring these alternatives. pal consistent findings have been that (1) the pattern of low central city relative to suburban There have been few studies of the housing social status is more pronounced in older metro- market from an institutional perspective, although politan regions but that (2) controlling for metro- the restructuring of real estate financing and the politan age, there appears to be a universal gener- emergence of new linkages between large-scale alization of this pattern over time (Guest and developers and finance capital have begun to at- Nelson 1978). These sociologists propose that sub- tract attention. More consideration has been given urbs have natural advantages over central cities. to the explicitly political aspects of land develop- For example, their housing stock is newer, their ment (Logan and Molotch 1987). Following Hunter land is less expensive, and they are more accessible (1953), who believed that growth questions are the to freeways and airports. The socioeconomic dif- ‘‘big issue’’ in local politics, later studies found that ferences between cities and suburbs reflect those the most powerful voices in local politics are the advantages. proponents of growth and urban redevelopment and, in this sense, that a city is a growth machine. Others argue that disparities are generated primarily by political structures that allocate zon- In applying this model to suburbs, most ob- ing control and responsibility for public services to servers portray suburban municipalities as ‘‘exclu- local governments and require those governments sionary.’’ Suburban municipalities have long used to finance services from local sources such as taxes zoning to influence the location and composition on real property. They propose that the typical of land development. Since environmentalism fragmentation of metropolitan government cre- emerged as a formidable political movement in ates the incentive and opportunity for suburbs to the early 1970s, it has become commonplace to pursue exclusionary growth policies (Danielson 1976). hear about localities that exercise their power to Seeking to test these theories, Logan and preserve open space and historic sites by imposing Schneider (1982) found greater disparities in met- restraints or even moratoriums on new develop- ropolitan areas where central cities were less able ment. The ‘‘no-growth movement’’ is a direct ex- to grow through annexation (thus where suburban tension of earlier exclusionary zoning policies. municipal governments were more autonomous) and where localities were more reliant on local SOCIOECONOMIC DIFFERENCES property taxes (hence had greater incentive to BETWEEN CITIES AND SUBURBS pursue exclusionary policies). They also found a significant racial dimension: Greater disparities These two theoretical perspectives can be illus- were evident in both 1960 and 1970 in metropoli- trated through their application to research on tan areas in the North with a larger proportion of socioeconomic differences between cities and sub- black residents. (This did not hold for the South urbs. It is well known that central cities in most and West, however.) This disparity is due both to metropolitan regions have a less affluent residen- the concentration of lower-income blacks in cen- tial population than do the surrounding suburbs. tral cities and to a greater propensity of higher- There is much debate, however, whether this class status whites to live in suburbs in those metropoli- segregation between cities and their suburbs rep- tan areas. This finding is reinforced by Frey (see resents a natural sorting out of social classes through Frey and Speare 1988; Shihadeh and Ousey 1996), the private market or whether its causes are politi- who reported that the central-city proportion of cal and institutional. Similar debate surrounds the black residents is a significant predictor of white phenomenon of differentiation within suburbia, flight, independent of other causes.

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If suburbs follow exclusionary growth poli- were surrounded by successive waves of new sub- cies, it seems counterintuitive that suburbs experi- divisions. Those metaphors are no longer appro- enced much more rapid growth than did cities in priate. Since the late l950s, the bulk of new manu- the postwar decades. The findings on city–suburb facturing and trade employment in the metropolis disparities, of course, indicate that exclusion has has been located in small and middle-sized cities in selective effects. Nevertheless, it is surprising that the suburban ring (Berry and Kasarda 1977, chap. in a study of northern California cities, Baldassare 13). Downtown department stores compete with and Protash (1982), found that communities with new suburban shopping malls. The highly devel- more restrictive planning controls actually had oped expressway network around central cities higher rates of population growth in the 1970s. frees manufacturing plants to take advantage of Similarly, Logan and Zhou (1989) found that sub- the lower land prices and taxes and the superior urban growth controls had little, if any, impact on access to the skilled workforce offered by the development patterns (population growth, socio- suburbs. For the period 1963–1977, in the largest economic status, and racial composition). In their twenty-five metropolitan areas, total manufactur- view, the exclusionary policies of suburbs may be ing employment in central cities declined by about more apparent than real. The more visible actions, 700,000 (19 percent), while their suburbs gained such as growth moratoriums, often are intended 1.1 million jobs (36 percent). At the same time, to blunt criticisms by residents concerned with total central-city retail and wholesale employment problems arising from rapid development. Unfor- was stagnant (dropping by 100,000). Trade em- tunately, few studies have looked in depth at the ployment in the suburbs increased 1.8 million (or political process within suburbs; there is as little 110 percent) in that period. Thus, total employ- direct evidence on the role of local politics as there ment growth in the suburbs outpaced the growth is on the operation of the land market. Most of population (Logan and Golden 1986). This is research from both the ecological and the politi- the heart of the phenomenon popularized by cal-institutional perspectives has inferred the proc- Garreau (1991) as the creation of ‘‘Edge City.’’ esses for controlling growth from evidence about How has suburbanization of employment af- the outcomes. fected suburban communities? According to microeconomic and ecological models, locational SUBURBANIZATION OF EMPLOYMENT choices by employers reflect the balance of costs and benefits of competing sites. New employment A central problem for early studies of suburban maintains old patterns because the cost–benefit communities was to identify the patterns of func- equation is typically stable, including important tional specialization among them. It was recog- considerations such as location relative to workforce, nized that older industrial satellites coexisted with suppliers, markets, and the local infrastructure. In dormitory towns in the fringe areas around central the terms commonly used by urban sociologists, cities. Both were suburban in the sense that they this means that communities find their ‘‘ecological were integrated into a metropolitan economy domi- niche.’’ Stahura’s (1982) finding of marked persist- nated by the central city. Their own economic role ence in manufacturing and trade employment in and the nature of the populations they housed suburbs from 1960 to 1972 supports this expecta- were quite distinct, however. The greatest popula- tion. Once it has ‘‘crystallized,’’ the functional tion gains in the 1950s occurred in residential specialization of communities changes only under suburbs, communities that were wealthier, younger, conditions of major shifts in the needs of firms. newer, and less densely settled than the towns on the fringes of the region that had higher concen- In this view, to the extent that changes occur, they follow a natural life cycle (Hoover and Vernon trations of employment. Schnore (see Schnore 1962). Residential suburbs in the inner ring, near and Winsborough 1972) distinguished ‘‘suburbs’’ the central city, tend over time to undergo two from ‘‘satellites’’ to acknowledge these different related transformations: to higher population den- origins. sity and a conversion to nonresidential develop- The metaphors of suburbs and satellites re- ment and to a lower socioeconomic status. Thus, flected the reality of early postwar suburbanization, inner suburbs that gain employment are—like a period when established towns and small cities older satellites—less affluent than residential suburbs.

3073 SUBURBANIZATION

By contrast, those who emphasize the politics This phenomenon has encouraged research- of land development suggest very different conclu- ers to study suburbanization as a mirror on the sions. A growing number of suburbs perceive social mobility of minorities. Consistent with clas- business and industry as a significant local re- sical ecological theory, suburbanization often has source. Once shunned by the higher-status sub- been portrayed broadly as a step toward assimila- urbs, they now contribute to property values and tion into the mainstream society and a sign of the the local tax base. Prestigious communities such as erosion of social boundaries. For European immi- Greenwich, Connecticut, and Palo Alto, Califor- grant groups after the turn of the century, residen- nia, house industrial parks and corporate head- tial decentralization appears to have been part of quarters. The ‘‘good climate for business’’ they the general process of assimilation (Guest 1980). offer includes public financing of new investments, extensive infrastructure (roads, utilities, parking, Past studies have found that suburbanization police and fire protection), and moderate taxes of Hispanics and Asians in a metropolitan area is (Logan and Molotch 1987). strongly associated with each group’s average in- come level (Massey and Denton 1987, pp. 819– Competition among suburbs introduces a new 820; see also Frey and Speare 1988, pp. 311–315). factor that has the potential to reshape suburban Further, again for Hispanics and Asians, Massey regions. Schneider (1989) reports that location of and Denton (1987) demonstrate that suburban manufacturing firms is affected by the strength of residence typically is associated with lower levels the local tax base, suggesting that wealthy suburbs of segregation and, accordingly, higher probabili- are advantaged in this competition. Logan and ties of contact with the Anglo majority. However, Golden (1986) find that newly developing subur- these and other authors report very different re- ban employment centers have higher socioeco- sults for blacks. Black suburbanization is unrelated nomic status, as well as stronger fiscal resources, to the average income level of blacks in the metro- than other suburbs; this is a reversal of the pattern politan area and does not result in higher inter- of the 1950s. group contact for blacks. The suburbanization process for blacks appears largely to be one of continued ghettoization (Farley 1970), as is indi- MINORITY SUBURBANIZATION cated by high and in some regions increasing levels The suburbanization process also increasingly in- of segregation and by the concentration of subur- volves minorities and immigrants, and the incor- ban blacks in communities with a high incidence poration of those groups into suburban areas has of social problems (e.g., high crime rates), high become an important topic for research on racial taxes, and underfunded social services (Logan and and ethnic relations. As Massey and Denton (1987) Schneider 1984; Reardon 1997). document, the rate of growth of nonwhites and These findings regarding black suburbanization Hispanics in metropolitan areas is far outstripping have been interpreted in terms of processes that the rate of growth of non-Hispanic whites. Much impede the free mobility of racial minorities: steer- of this growth is occurring in suburbs. During the ing by realtors, unequal access to mortgage credit, 1970s, for example, the number of blacks in the exclusionary zoning, and neighbor hostility (Foley non-central-city parts of metropolitan areas in- 1973). Home ownership indeed may be one of the creased 70 percent compared with just 16 per- gatekeepers for suburban living. Stearns and Logan cent in central cities, and the number of other (1986) report that blacks were less likely to live in nonwhites in those locations shot up 150 percent suburban areas where higher proportions of the compared with approximately 70 percent in cen- housing stock were owner-occupied. tral cities. One reason for the rapidly increasing racial and ethnic diversity of suburbs may be that Further evidence is offered by Alba et al (1999), some new immigrant groups are bypassing central who based their conclusions on an analysis of cities and settling directly in suburbs. Equally im- individual-level data from the 1980 and 1990 cen- portant is the increasing suburbanization of older suses. They find that suburban residence is more racial and ethnic minorities, such as blacks (Frey likely among homeowners and persons of higher and Speare 1988). socioeconomic status. There are strong effects of

3074 SUBURBANIZATION family status (marriage and the presence of chil- tural assimilation variables seem not to be impor- dren in the household), but for many immigrant tant for Asians. groups, measures of cultural assimilation (English language use, nativity, and period of immigration) The results for blacks call attention to proc- have declining relevance for suburban location. esses of racial stratification. Even controlling for Assimilation traditionally has been a major part of many other individual characteristics, blacks live the suburbanization process for most groups, es- in suburbs with lower ownership and income lev- pecially those arising out of immigration, but large els than do non-Hispanic whites. Further, most pockets of relatively new immigrants have now human capital and assimilation variables have a appeared in the suburban ring. smaller payoff for blacks than they do for whites. The findings for Hispanics are supportive of the Parallel results are found for the racial and assimilation model in several respects. Hispanics ethnic sorting process within a suburban region gain more strongly than whites do from most (the New York–New Jersey suburban region, as human capital characteristics; therefore, at higher reported by Logan and Alba 1993; Alba and Logan levels of socioeconomic achievement and cultural 1993). Two sorts of analyses were conducted. First, assimilation, Hispanics come progressively closer members of different racial and ethnic groups to matching the community resources of whites. It were compared on the average characteristics of should be noted, however, that Hispanics begin the suburbs in which they resided. Second, regres- from a lower starting point and that black Hispan- sion models were estimated for members of each ics face a double disadvantage that is inconsistent major racial or ethnic group to predict several of with an assimilation perspective. these indicators of place advantages or community resources. LOOKING TO THE FUTURE There are important differences between whites, blacks, Hispanics, and Asians in regard to Suburbanization continues to be a key aspect of the kinds of suburbs in which they live. As some metropolitan growth and is perhaps of growing researchers have suspected, suburban Asians have importance in the global era (Muller 1997). The achieved access to relatively advantaged communi- political boundaries between cities and suburbs ties that are similar in most respects to those of accentuate interest in substantive issues of metro- suburban non-Hispanic whites. Hispanics in the politan inequality. They also create special oppor- New York region have not. Suburban Hispanic by tunities for theories of urbanization to go beyond and large live in communities that are about the economic models and incorporate an understand- same as black suburbs: communities with low aver- ing of the political process. Research on suburbani- age income levels and low rates of home owner- zation has been most successful in describing pat- ship and, perhaps more important, high crime terns of decentralization and spatial differentiation. rates (Alba et al. 1994). The movements of people and employment and the segregation among suburbs by social class, Is the disadvantage of blacks and Hispanics race, ethnicity, and family composition have been attributable to individual qualities of group mem- well documented. However, these patterns are bers, or do these groups face collective disadvan- broadly consistent with a variety of interpreta- tages? Analysis of individual characteristics that tions, ranging from those which assume a competi- may predict the quality of the suburb in which one tive land market (human ecology) to those which resides shows that the same location process does stress the institutional and political structuring of not apply equally to all minorities. The pattern for that market. whites, who are relatively advantaged in terms of access to community resources, lends clear sup- The principal gaps in knowledge concern the port to assimilation theory. Human capital and processes that are central to these alternative inter- indicators of cultural assimilation are strongly as- pretations. Few sociologists have directly studied sociated with access to higher-status suburbs. The the housing market from the perspective of either same can be said of Asians (who are relatively demand (how do people learn about the alterna- advantaged overall), with the exception that cul- tives, and how do they select among them?) or

3075 SUBURBANIZATION supply (how does the real estate sector operate, Foley, Donald 1973 ‘‘Institutional and Contextual Fac- how is racial and ethnic segmentation of the mar- tors Affecting the Housing Choices of Minority Resi- ket achieved, how is the complex of construction dents.’’ In Amos Hawley and Vincent Rock, eds., industries, developers, and financial institutions Segregation in Residential Areas. Washington, D.C.: tied to the rest of the economy?). Rarely have National Academy of Sciences. sociologists investigated government decisions (at Frey, William, and Alden Speare 1988 Regional and any level) that impinge on development from the Metropolitan Growth and Decline in the United States. point of view either of their effects or of the New York: Russell Sage Foundation. political process that led to them. Of course, these Garreau, Joel 1991 Edge City: Life on the New Frontier. observations are not specific to research on sub- New York: Doubleday. urbanization. It is important to bear in mind that Guest, Avery M. 1972 ‘‘Patterns of Family Location.’’ neither the theoretical issues nor the research Demography 9:159–171. strategies in this field distinguish suburbanization from other aspects of the urban process. ——— 1980 ‘‘The Suburbanization of Ethnic Groups.’’ Sociology and Social Research 64:497–513. ———, and G. Nelson 1978 ‘‘Central City/Suburban (SEE ALSO: Cities; Community; Urbanization) Status Differences: Fifty Years of Change.’’ Sociologi- cal Quarterly 19:723. REFERENCES Hoover, Edgar, and Raymond Vernon 1962 Anatomy of a Alba, Richard and John R. Logan 1993 ‘‘Minority Prox- Metropolis. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday. imity to Whites in Suburbs: An Individual-Level Analy- Hunter, Floyd 1953 Community Power Structure. Chapel sis of Segregation’’ American Journal of Sociology Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 98:1388–1427. Liska, Allen, John R. Logan, and Paul Bellair 1998 ‘‘Race ———, ———, and Paul Bellair 1994 ‘‘Living with and Violent Crime in the Suburbs.’’ American Socio- Crime: The Implications of Racial and Ethnic Differ- logical Review 63:27–38. ences in Suburban Location’’ Social Forces 73:395–434. Logan, John R. and Richard Alba 1993 ‘‘Locational ———, ———, Brian Stults, Gilbert Marzan, and Returns to Human Capital: Minority Access to Sub- Wenquan Zhang 1999 ‘‘Immigrant Groups and Sub- urban Community Resources.’’ Demography 30:243–268. urbs: A Reexamination of Suburbanization and Spa- tial Assimilation.’’ American Sociological Review ———, and Reid Golden 1986 ‘‘Suburbs and Satellites: 64:446–460. Two Decades of Change.’’ American Sociological Re- view 51:430–437. Baldassare, Mark, and William Protash 1982 ‘‘Growth Controls, Population Growth, and Community Satis- ———, and Harvey L. Molotch 1987 Urban Fortunes: The faction.’’ American Sociological Review 47:339–346. Political Economy of Place. Berkeley: University of Berry, Brian, and John Kasarda 1977 Contemporary Ur- California Press. ban Ecology. New York: Macmillan. ———, and Mark Schneider 1982 ‘‘Governmental Or- Burgess, Ernest W. 1967 ‘‘The Growth of the City.’’ In ganization and City-Suburb Income Inequality, 1960– R. E. Park, E. W. Burgess, and R. D. McKenzie, eds., 1970.’’ Urban Affairs Quarterly 17:303–318. The City. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ——— 1984 ‘‘Racial Segregation and Racial Change in Checkoway, Barry l980 ‘‘Large Builders, Federal Hous- American Suburbs: 1970–1980.’’ American Journal of ing Programmes, and Postwar Suburbanization.’’ In- Sociology 89:874–888. ternational Journal of Urban and Regional Research 4:21–44. ———, and Min Zhou 1989 ‘‘Do Growth Controls Choldin, Harvey M., and Claudine Hanson 1982 ‘‘Status Control Growth?’’ American Sociological Review Shifts within the City.’’ American Sociological Review 54:461–471. 47:129–41. Massey, Douglas, and Nancy Denton 1987 ‘‘Trends in Danielson, Michael 1976 The Politics of Exclusion. New the Residential Segregation of Blacks, Hispanics, and York: Columbia University Press. Asians: 1970–1980.’’ American Sociological Review 52:802–825. Farley, Reynolds 1970 ‘‘The Changing Distribution of Negroes within Metropolitan Areas: The Emergence Muller, Peter O. 1997 ‘‘The Suburban Transformation of Black Suburbs.’’ American Journal of Sociology of the Globalizing American City.: Annals of the Ameri- 75:512–529. can Academy of Political and Social Science 551:44–58.

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Reardon, Kenneth M. 1997 ‘‘State and Local Revitalization • Seek a solution to their life Efforts in East St. Louis, Illinois.’’ Annals of the Ameri- problems by dying can Academy of Political and Social Science 551:235–247. • Want to cease consciousness Schneider, Mark 1989 The Competitive City: The Political Economy of Suburbia. Pittsburgh: University of Pitts- • Try to reduce intolerable burgh Press. psychological pain Schnore, Leo, and Hall Winsborough 1972 ‘‘Functional • Have frustrated psychological needs Classification and the Residential Location of Social • Feel helpless and hopeless Classes.’’ In Brian Berry, ed., City Classification Hand- book: Methods and Application. New York: Wiley. • Be ambivalent about dying Shihadeh, Edward S., and Graham C. Ousey 1996 ‘‘Met- • Be perceptually constricted and rigid ropolitan Expansion and Black Social Dislocation: thinkers The Link between Suburbanization and Center-City Crime.’’ Social Forces 75:649–666. • Manifest escape, egression, or fugue behaviors Stahura, John 1982 ‘‘Determinants of Suburban Job Change in Retailing, Wholesaling, Service, and Manu- • Communicate their intent to commit facturing Industries: 1960–1972.’’ Sociological Focus suicide or die 15:347–357. • Have lifelong self-destructive coping re- Stearns, Linda, and John Logan 1986 ‘‘The Racial Struc- sponses (sometimes called ‘‘suicidal turing of the Housing Market and Segregation in careers’’) Suburban Areas.’’ Social Forces 65:28–42. Completed suicides must be differentiated Treadway, Roy C. 1969 ‘‘Social Components of Metro- politan Population Densities.’’ Demography 6:55–74. from nonfatal suicide attempts, suicide ideation, and suicide talk or gestures. Sometimes one speaks Warner, Kee, and Harvey Molotch 1995 ‘‘Power to of self-injury, self-mutilation, accident proneness, Build: How Development Persists Despite Local Lim- failure to take needed medications, and the like— its.’’ Urban Affairs Review 30:378–406. where suicide intent cannot be demonstrated—as ‘‘parasuicide.’’ The most common self-destructive JOHN R. LOGAN behaviors are indirect, such as alcoholism, obesity, risky sports, and gambling. There are also mass suicides (as in Jonestown, Guyana, in 1978 and in SUICIDE Masada in A.D. 72–73) and murder suicides. Indi- vidual and social growth probably require some To many people, suicide—intentional self-murder—is degree of partial self-destruction. an asocial act of a private individual, yet sociology grew out of Durkheim’s argument ([1897] 1951) Although most suicides have much in com- that suicide rates are social facts and reflect varia- mon, suicide is not a single type of behavior. tion in social regulation and social interaction. Suicidology will not be an exact science until it The concept of suicide derives from the Latin sui specifies its dependent variable. The predictors or (‘‘of oneself’’) and cide (‘‘a killing’’). Shneidman causes of suicide vary immensely with the specific (1985) defines ‘‘suicide’’ as follows: ‘‘currently in type of suicidal outcome. Suicidologists tend to the Western world a conscious act of self-induced recognize three to six basic types of suicide, each annihilation best understood as a multidimen- with two or three of its own subtypes (Maris et al. sional malaise in a needful individual who defines 1992, chap. 4). For example, Durkheim ([1897] an issue for which suicide is perceived as the best 1951) thought all suicides were basically anomic, solution.’’ Several conceptual implications follow egoistic, altruistic, or fatalistic. Freud (1917 [1953]) from this definition. and Menninger (1938) argued that psychoanalyti- cally, all suicides were based on hate or revenge (a Although suicidal types vary, there are com- ‘‘wish to kill’’); on depression, melancholia, or mon traits that most suicides share to some extent. hopelessness (a ‘‘wish to die’’); or on guilt or (Shneidman 1985). Suicides tend to shame (a ‘‘wish to be killed’’). Baechler (1979)

3077 SUICIDE added ‘‘oblative’’ (i.e., sacrifice or transfiguration) Ten Leading Causes of Death in the and ‘‘ludic’’ (i.e., engaging in ordeals or risks and United States, games) suicidal types. 1996 (total of 2,314,690 deaths) Rate per No. of Deaths Rank Cause of Death 100,000 (all causes) EPIDEMIOLOGY, RATES, AND PREDICTORS 1 Disease of the heart 276.4 733,361 2 Malignant neoplasms 203.4 539,533 Suicide is a relatively rare event, averaging 1 to 3 in 10,000 in the general population per year. In 1996 3 Cerebrovascular disease 60.3 159,942 (the most recent year for which U. S. vital statistics 4 Chronic obstructive 40 106,027 are available), there were 31,130 suicides, account- pulmonary disease ing for about 1.5 percent of all deaths. This amounts 5 Accidents 35.8 94,943 to an overall suicide rate of 11.6 per 100,000. 6 Pnuemonia and influenza 31.6 83,727 Suicide is now the ninth leading cause of death, ranking just ahead of cirrhosis and other liver 7 Diabetes mellitus 23.3 61,767 disease deaths and just behind human immunode- 8 HIV infection 11.7 31,130 ficiency virus (HIV) deaths. Suicide also has been 9 Suicide 11.6 30,903 moving up the list of the leading causes of death in this century (Table 1). 10 Chronic liver disease 9.4 25,047 and cirrhosis Suicide rates in the United States vary consid- erably by sex, age, and race (Table 2). The highest Table 1 rates are consistently observed among white males, SOURCE: Data from U.S. National Center for Health Statistics, who constitute roughly 73 percent of all suicides. 1998. White females account for about 17 percent of all suicides. American blacks, especially females, rarely commit suicide (except for some young urban The second most common method among males males). Some scholars have argued that black sui- is hanging, and among females it is a drug or cides tend to be disguised as homicides or acci- medicine overdose. Females use a somewhat greater dents. In general, male suicides outnumber female variety of methods than males do. Suicide rates suicides three or four to one. Generally, suicide tend to be higher on Mondays and in the spring- rates gradually increase with age and then drop off time (Gabennesch 1988). at the very oldest ages. Female suicide rates tend to Prediction of suicide is a complicated process peak earlier than do those of males. Note in Table (Maris et al. 1992). As is the case with other rare 3 that from about 1967 to 1977, there was a events, suicide prediction generates many false significant increase in the suicide rate of 15- to 24- positives, such as identifying someone as a suicide year-olds and that suicide rates among the elderly when that person in fact is not a suicide. Correctly seem to be climbing again. identifying true suicides is referred to as ‘‘sensitiv- Typically, marrying and having children pro- ity,’’ and correctly identifying true nonsuicides is tect one against suicide. Usually suicide rates are called ‘‘specificity.’’ In a study using common pre- highest for widows, followed by the divorced and dictors (Table 5) Porkorny (1983) correctly pre- the never-married or single. Studies of suicide dicted fifteen of sixty-seven suicides among 4,800 rates by social class have been equivocal. Within psychiatric patients but also got 279 false positives. each broad census occupational category, there Table 5 lists fifteen major predictors of sui- are job types with high and low suicide rates. For cide. Single predictor variables seldom correctly example, psychiatrists have high suicide rates, but identify suicides. Most suicides have ‘‘comorbidity’’ pediatricians and surgeons have low rates. Operatives (i.e., several key predictors are involved), and spe- usually have low rates, but police officers typically cific predictors vary with the type of suicide and have high rates. other factors. Depressive disorders and alcohol- The predominant method of suicide for both ism are two of the major predictors of suicide. males and females in 1992 was firearms (Table 4). Robins (1981) found that about 45 percent of all

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Rates of Completed Suicide per 100,000 of sociology. The earliest known visual reference Population by Race and Gender, 1996 to suicide is Ajax falling on his sword (circa 540 Race and No. of Percent of Rate per B.C.). Of course, it is known that Socrates (about Gender Group Suicides Suicides 100,000 399 B.C.) drank hemlock. In the Judeo-Christian scriptures there were eleven men (and no women) White males 22,547 73 20.9 who died by suicide, most notably Samson, Judas, White females 5,309 17.1 4.8 and Saul. Common biblical motives for suicide Black males (1,389) (4.5) (11.4) were revenge, shame, and defeat in battle. Famous suicides in art history include paintings of Lucretia Black females (204) (0.8) (2.0) stabbing herself (after a rape), Dido, and work by Nonwhite males* 2,451 8.0 11.3 Edvard Munch and Andy Warhol. Nonwhite females* 596 1.9 2.5 Suicide varies with culture and ethnicity. Most Totals 30,903 100.0 11.6 cultures have at least some suicides. However, suicide is rare or absent among the Tiv of Nigeria, Table 2 Andaman islanders, and Australian aborigines and NOTE: *Includes American Indian, Chinese, Hawaiian, relatively infrequent among rural American blacks Japanese, Filipino, Other Asian or Pacific Islander, and Irish Roman Catholics. The highest suicide and Other. rates are found in Hungary, Germany, Austria, SOURCE: Data from Centers for Disease Control, 1998. Scandinavia, and Japan (Table 6). The lowest rates are found in several South American, Pacific Is- land, and predominantly Roman Catholic coun- completed suicides involved either depressed or tries, including Antigua, Jamaica, New Guinea, the alcoholic persons. Roughly 15 percent of all those Phillipines, Mexico, Italy, and Ireland. with depressive illness and 18 percent of all alco- holics eventually commit suicide. Repeated de- The sociological study of suicide started with pressive illness that leads to hopelessness is espe- Durkheim ([1897] 1951) and has continued to the cially suicidogenic. present day primarily in the research and publica- tions of the following sociologists: Short, (1954), Nonfatal suicide attempts, talk about suicide J.P. Gibbs (1964), J.T. Gibbs (1988), Douglas (1967), or dying, and explicit plans or preparations for Maris (1969, 1981), Phillips (1974), Phillips et al. dying or suicide all increase suicide risk. However, (1991), Stack (1982), Wasserman (1989), and for the paradigmatic suicide (older white males), Pescosolido and Georgianna (1989). It is impossi- 85 to 90 percent of these individuals make only ble in an encyclopedia article to do justice to the one fatal suicide attempt and seldom explicitly full account of the sociological study of suicide. communicate their suicidal intent or show up at For a more complete review, the reader is referred hospitals and clinics. Social isolation (e.g., having to Maris (1989). no close friends, living alone, being unemployed, being unmarried) and lack of social support are Durkheim ([1897] 1951) claimed that the sui- more common among suicides than among con- cide rate varied inverely with social integration trols. Suicide tends to run in families, and this and that suicide types were primarily ego-anomic. suggests both modeling and genetic influences. However, Durkheim did not operationally define ‘‘social integration.’’ Gibbs and Martin (1964) cre- Important biological and sociobiological predic- ated the concept of ‘‘status integration’’ to correct tors of suicide have been emerging, especially low this deficiency. They hypothesized that the less levels of central spinal fluid serotonin in the form frequently occupied status sets would lead to lower of 5-HIAA (Maris 1997). status integration and higher suicide rates. Putting it differently, they expected status integration and HISTORY, COMPARATIVE STUDIES, AND suicide rates to be negatively associated. In a large SOCIAL SUICIDOLOGISTS series of tests from 1964 to 1988, Gibbs confirmed his primary hypothesis only for occupational sta- The incidence and study of suicide have a long tuses, which Durkheim also had said were of cen- history and were fundamental to the development tral importance.

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Rates of Completed Suicide per 100,000 Population by Year and Age in the United States

YEAR Age* 1957 1967 1977 1987 1992

5–14 0.2 0.3 0.5 0.7 0.9 15–24 4.0 7.0 13.6 12.9 12.9 25–34 8.6 12.4 17.7 15.4 14.6 35–44 12.8 16.6 16.8 15.0 15.1 45–54 18.0 19.5 18.9 15.9 14.7 55–64 22.4 22.4 19.4 16.6 14.9 65–74 25.0 19.8 20.1 19.4 16.6 75–84 26.8 21.0 21.5 25.8 23.1 >85 26.3 22.7 17.3 22.1 21.9 Total 9.8 10.8 13.3 12.7 12.0

Table 3

NOTE: Suicide not reported for individuals under 5 years of age. SOURCE: Data from Centers for Disease Control, 1995.

Short (Henry and Short 1954) expanded variables. Instead, Maris focused on actual inter- Durkheim’s concept of external and constraining views (‘‘psychological autopsies’’) of the intimate social facts to include interaction with social psy- survivors of suicides (usually their spouses) and chological factors of ‘‘internal constraint’’ (such as compared those cases with control or comparison strict superego restraint) and frustration-aggres- groups of natural deaths and nonfatal suicide sion theory. Short reasoned that suicide rates would attempts. Maris claimed that suicides had long be highest when external restraint was low and ‘‘suicidal careers’’ involving complex mixes of bio- internal restraint was high and that homicide rates logical, social, and psychological factors. would be highest when internal restraint was low Phillips (1974) differed with Durkheim’s con- and external restraint was high. tention that suicides are not suggestible or conta- A vastly different sociological perspective on gious. In a pioneering paper in the American Socio- suicide originated with the work of logical Review, he demonstrated that front-page enthnomethodologist Douglas. Douglas, in the newspaper coverage of celebrity suicides was asso- tradition of Max Weber’s subjective meanings, ciated with a statistically significant rise in the argued that Durkheim’s reliance on official statis- national suicide rate seven to ten days after a tics (such as death certificates) as the data base for publicized suicide. The rise in the suicide rate was studying suicide was fundamentally mistaken (Doug- greater the longer the front-page coverage, greater las 1967). Instead, it is necessary to observe the in the region where the news account ran, and accounts or situated meanings of individuals who higher if the stimulus suicide and the person sup- are known to be suicidal, not rely on a third-party posedly copying the suicide were similar. In a long official such as a coroner or medical examiner who series of similar studies, Phillips et al. (1991) ex- is not a suicide and may use ad hoc criteria to panded and documented the suggestion effect for classify a death as a suicide. There are probably as other types of behavior and other groups. For many official statistics as there are officials. example, the contagion effect appears to be espe- cially powerful among teenagers. Nevertheless, Maris (1981) extended Durkheim’s empirical contagion accounts only for a 1 to 6 percent survey of suicidal behaviors, but not just by meas- increase over the normal expected suicide rates in uring macrosocial and demographic or structural a population.

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Percent of Completed Suicides in 1987 and Common Single Predictors of Suicide 1992 by Method and Gender 1. Depressive illness, mental disorder Gender Male Female 2. Alcoholism, drug abuse %% METHOD 1987 1992 1987 1992 3. Suicide ideation, talk, preparation, religion 4. Prior suicide attempts Firearms (E955.0–955.4) 64.0 65 39.8 39 5. Lethal methods Drugs/medications (E950.0–950.5) 5.2 – 25.0 – 6. Isolation, living alone, loss of support Hanging (E953.0) 13.5 16 9.4 14 7. Hopelessness, cognitive rigidity Carbon monoxide (E952.0–952.1) 9.6 – 12.6 – 8. Older white males Jumping from a high place (E957) 1.8 – 3.0 – 9. Modeling, suicide in the family, genetics Drowning (E954) 1.1 – 2.8 – 10. Work problems, economics, occupation Suffocation by plastic bag (E953.1) 0.4 – 1.8 – 11. Marital problems, family pathology Cutting/piercing instruments (E965) 1.3 1 1.4 1 12. Stress, life events Poisons (E950.6–950.9) 0.6 – 1.0 – 13. Anger, aggression, irritability, 5-HIAA Other* 2.5 18 3.2 45 14. Physical illness Totals 100.0 100.0 100.0 99.0 15. Repetition and comorbidity of factors 1–14, suicidal Table 4 careers NOTE: *Includes gases in domestic use (E951), other Table 5 specified and unspecified gases and vapors (E952.8–952.9), explosives (E955.5), unspecified firearms and explosives SOURCE: Maris et al. 1992, chap. 1. (E955.9), and other specified or unspecified means of hanging, strangulation, or suffocation (E953.8–953.9). SOURCE: Data from National Center for Health Statistics, 1995. cide (institutional Protestantism does not) and that Judaism has a small and inconsistent protec- tive effect. Those authors conclude that with disin- Phillips’s ideas about contagion dominated tegrating network ties, individuals who lack both the sociological study of suicide in the 1980s. integrative and regulative supports commit sui- Works by Stack (1982), Wasserman (1989), Kessler cide more often. and Strip (1984), and others have produced equivo- cal support for the role of suggestion in suicide (Diekstra et al. 1989). Wasserman (1989) feels that ISSUES AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS the business cycle and unemployment rates must be controlled for. Some have claimed that imita- Much of current sociological research on suicide tive effects are statistical artifacts. Most problem- appears myopic and sterile compared to the early atic is the fact that the theory of imitation in work of Durkheim, Douglas, and Garfinkel. Not suicide is underdeveloped. only is the scope of current research limited, there is very little theory and few book-length publica- The most recent sociologist to study suicide is tions. Almost no research mongraphs on the soci- the medical sociologist Pescosolido. She has claimed, ology of suicide were written in the 1980s. Highly contrary to Douglas, that the official statistics on focused scientific journal articles on imitation have suicide are acceptably reliable and, as Gibbs said predominated, but none of these papers have earlier, are the best basis available for a science of been able to establish whether suicides ever were suicide. Her latest paper (Pescosolido and Georgianna exposed to the original media stimulus. Since 1989) examined Durkheim’s claim that religious suicide does not concern only social relations, the involvement protects against suicide. Pescosolido study of suicide needs more interdisciplinary syn- and Georgianna find that Roman Catholicism and theses. The dependent variable (suicide) must in- evangelical Protestantism protect one against sui- clude comparisons with other types of death and

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Suicide Rates per 100,000 Population in 62 Suicide Rates per 100,000 Population in 62 Countries, 1980–1986 Countries, 1980–1986

COUNTRY RATE COUNTRY RATE

1. Hungary 45.3 36. Trinidad and Tobago 8.6 2. Federal Republic of Germany 43.1 37. Guadeloupe 7.9 3. Sri Lanka 29.0 38. Ireland 7.8 4. Austria 28.3 39. Italy 7.6 5. Denmark 27.8 40. Thailand 6.6 6. Finland 26.6 41. Argentina 6.3 7. Belgium 23.8 42. Chile 6.2 8. Switzerland 22.8 43. Spain 4.9 9. France 22.7 44. Venezuela 4.8 10. Suriname 21.6 45. Costa Rica 4.5

11. Japan 21.2 46. Ecuador 4.3 12. German Democratic Republic 19.0 47. Greece 4.1 13. Czechoslovakia 18.9 48. Martinique 3.7 14. Sweden 18.5 49. Colombia 2.9 15. Cuba 17.7 50. Mauritius 2.8 16. Bulgaria 16.3 51. Dominican Republic 2.4 17. Yugoslavia 16.1 52. Mexico 1.6 18. Norway 14.1 53. Panama 1.4 19. Luxemborg 13.9 54. Peru 1.4 20. Iceland 13.3 55. Philippines 0.5 21. Poland 13.0 56. Guatemala 0.5 22. Canada 12.9 57. Malta 0.3 23. Singapore 12.7 58. Nicaragua 0.2 24. United States 12.3 59. Papua New Guinea 0.2 25. Hong Kong 12.2 60. Jamaica 0.1 26. Australia 11.6 61. Egypt 0.1

27. Scotland 11.6 62. Antigua and Barbuda – 28. Netherlands 11.0 Table 6 29. El Salvador 10.8 SOURCE: World Health Organization data bank, latest year of 30. New Zealand 10.3 reporting as of July 1, 1988. 31. Puerto Rico 9.8 32. Uruguay 9.6 33. Northern Ireland 9.3 34. Portugal 9.2

35. England and Wales 8.9

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violence as well as more nonsocial predictor vari- (however, see the New York Times, February 8, ables (Holinger 1987). 1990, p. A18). Of course, the state must assure that the right to die does not become the obligation to A second issue concerns methods for studying die (e.g., for the aged). These issues are further suicide (Lann et al. 1989). There has never been a complicated by strong religious and moral beliefs. truly national sample survey of suicidal behaviors in the United States. Also, most suicide research is Should society help some people to die, and if retrospective and based on questionable vital sta- so, who and in what circumstances? All people tistics. More prospective or longitudinal research have to die, after all, so why not make dying free design are needed, with adequate sample sizes and from pain, as quick as is desired, and not mutilat- comparison or control groups. Models of suicidal ing or lonely? One cannot help thinking of what careers should be analyzed with specific and ap- has happened to assisted death at the other end of propriate statistical techniques such as logistic the life span, when help has not been available, in regression, log-linear procedures, and event or the case of abortion. Women often mutilate them- hazard analysis. Federal funds to do major re- selves and torture their fetuses by default. The search on suicide are in short supply, and this is same thing usually happens to suicides when they probably the major obstacle to the contemporary shoot themsleves in the head in a drunken stupor scientific study of suicide. in a lonely bedroom or hotel room. Obviously, Most studies of suicide are cross-sectional and many abortions and most suicides are not ‘‘good static. Future research should include more social deaths.’’ developmental designs (Blumenthal and Kupfer Euthanasia is not a unitary thing. It can be 1990). There is still very little solid knowledge active or passive, voluntary or involuntary, and about the social dynamics or ‘‘suicidal careers’’ of direct or indirect. A person can be against one eventual suicides (Maris 1990). For example, it is type of euthanasia but in favor of another. ‘‘Active well known that successful suicides tend to be euthanasia’’ is an act that kills, while ‘‘passive socially isolated at the time of death, but how they euthanasia’’ is the omission of an act, which results came to be that way is less well understood. Even in death. For example, passive or indirect euthana- after almost a hundred years of research the rela- sia could consist of ‘‘no-coding’’ terminal cancer tionship of suicide to social class, occupation, and or heart patients instead of resuscitating them or socioeconomic status is not clear. not doing cardiopulmonary resuscitation after a A major issue in the study of suicide is rational medical crisis. suicide, active euthanasia, the right to die, and ‘‘Voluntary euthanasia’’ is death in which the appropriate death. With a rapidly aging and more patient makes the decision (perhaps by drafting a secular population and the spread of the acquired living will), as opposed to ‘‘involuntary euthana- immune defiency (AIDS) virus, the American pub- sia,’’ in which someone other than the patient lic is demanding more information about and legal rights to voluntary assisted death (see the (e.g., if the patient is in a coma) decides (the case of Nico Speijer in the Netherlands in Diekstra patient’s family, a physician, or a nurse). et al. 1989). The right to die and assisted suicide ‘‘Direct euthanasia’’ occurs when death is the have been the focus of a few recent legal cases primary intended outcome, in contrast to ‘‘indi- (Humphry and Wickett 1986; Battin and Maris rect euthanasia,’’ in which death is a by-product, 1983). Rosewell Gilbert, an elderly man who was for example, of administering narcotics to manage sentenced to life imprisonment in Florida for the pain but secondarily causes respiratory failure. mercy killing of his sick wife, was pardoned by the governor of Florida (1990). However, in 1990, the All the types of euthanasia have asssociated U.S. Supreme Court (Cruzon v. the State of Missouri) problems. For example, active euthanasia consti- ruled that hospitals have the right to force-feed tutes murder in most states. It also violates a even brain-dead patients. The Hemlock Society physician’s Hippocratic oath (first do no harm) has been founded by Derek Humphry to assist and religious rules (does all life belong to God?) those who wish to end their own lives, make living and has practical ambiguities (when is a patient wills, or pass living will legislation in their states truly hopeless?).

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Passive euthanasia is often slow, painful, and sisted suicide for the terminally ill under highly expensive. For example, the comatose patient Karen controlled conditions. Anne Quinlan lived for ten years (she survived A few states have undertaken such reforms to even after the respirator was turned off) and seemed permit legal assisted death. For example, Initiative to grimace and gasp for breath. Her parents and 119 in the fall of 1991 in Washington and Proposi- their insurance company spent thousands of dol- tion 161 in the fall of 1992 in California would lars on what proved to be a hopeless case. The U.S. have provided ‘‘aid in dying’’ for a person if (1) two Supreme Court ruled in Cruzan (1990) that hospi- physicians certified that the person was within six tals cannot be forced to discontinue feeding coma- months of (natural) death (i.e., terminally ill), (2) tose patients. the person was conscious and competent, and (3) In a case in which the author served as an the person signed a voluntarily written request to expert, Elizabeth Bouvia, a quadriplegic cerebral die witnessed by two impartial, unrelated adults. palsy patient in California, sued to avoid being Both referenda failed by votes of about 45 percent force-fed as a noncomatose patient. Her intention in favor and 55 percent against. was to starve herself to death in the hospital. The Humphry waged a similar legal battle in Ore- California Supreme Court upheld Bouvia’s right gon, first as president of the Hemlock Society and to refuse treatment, but others called the court’s later as president of the Euthanasia Research and decision ‘‘legal suicide.’’ Guidance Organization (ERGO) and the Oregon A celebrated spokesperson for euthanasia in Right to Die organization. On November 4, 1994, the form of assisted suicide has been Derek Oregon became the first state to permit a doctor to Humphry, especially in his best-selling book Final prescribe lethal drugs expressly and explicitly to Exit (1996). Rational assisted suicide (Humphry assist in a suicide (see Ballot Measure 16). The assisted in his first wife’s death and in the death of National Right to Life Committee effectly blocked his father-in-law), even for the terminally ill within the enactment of this law until-1997, when the six months of death, has proved highly controver- measure passed overwhelmingly again. On March sial, particularly to Catholics and the religious 25, 1998, an Oregon woman in her mid-eighties right. Basically, Humphry has written a ‘‘how-to’’ stricken with cancer became the first known per- book on the practicalities of suicide for the son to die in the United States under a doctor- terminaly ill. assisted suicide law (most, if not all, of Dr. Jack Kervorkian’s assisted suicides have probably been His preferred rational suicide technique is to illegal). ingest four or five beta-blocker tablets and 40 to 60 100-mg tablets of a barbituate (perhaps in pudding Physician-assisted suicide has been practiced or Jell-O), taken with Dramamine (to settle the for some time in the Netherlands. On February 10, stomach), vodka (or one’s favorite whiskey), and a 1993, the Dutch Parliment voted 91 to 45 to allow plastic bag over the head loosely fixed by a rubber euthanasia. To be eligible for euthanasia or assist- band around the neck. Humphry recommends ed-suicide in the Netherlands, one must (1) act against guns (too messy), cyanide (too painful), voluntarily, (2) be mentally competent, (3) have a hanging (too graphic), jumping (one could land hopeless disease without prospect for improve- on another person), and other mutilating, violent, ment, (4) have a lasting longing (or persistent painful, or uncertain methods. wish) for death, (5) have assisting doctor consult at least one colleague, and (6) have written report One of the big questions about Final Exit is its drawn up afterward. potential abuses, for example, by young people with treatable, reversible depression. Having the The Dutch law opened the door for similar lethal methods for suicide described in such vivid, legislation in the United States, although the U.S. explicit details worries many people that suicide Supreme court seems to have closed that door will become too easy and thus often will be inap- shut in Washington and New York. Box 1 dis- propriate. Yet Humphry shows that it is hard to get cusses reviews of Dr. Herbert Hendin’s Seduced by help with self-deliverance without fear of penal- Death, which opposes physician-assisted death the ties. He argues that laws need to be changed to United States and the Netherlands. While the idea permit and specify procedures for physician-as- of legal assisted suicide will remain highly contro-

3084 SUICIDE versial and devisive, it is quite likely that bills about all those patients being forced to live similar to Oregon’s Measure 16 will pass in other and suffer without the patients’ consent? states in the next decade. A key issue will be Dr. Hendin is, after all, the former safeguards against abuses (for example, Hendin Executive Director and current Medical Direc- argues that physicians in the Netherlands have tor of the American Foundation for Suicide decided on their own in some cases to euthanize Prevention. What would really be news is if patients). Hendin came out in favor of physician-assisted death. Certainly, there are abuses of any policy. But is that enough of a reason to fail to assist THE DUTCH CASE fellow human beings in unremitting pain to The following are excerpts from reviews of Dr. die more easily? Death is one the most natural Herbert Hendin’s Seduced by Death, Doc- things there is and often is the only relief. tors, Patients, and the Dutch Cure (Norton One of the most controversial advocates of 1997). See Suicide and Life-Threatening physician-assisted suicide (‘‘medicide’’) has been Behavior 28:2, 1998. Dr. Kervorkian (Kevorkian 1991). Public aware- On June 26, 1997, the United States ness of assisted suicide and whether it is rational Supreme Court handed down a unanimous has foused largely on Kervorkian, the ‘‘suicide decision on physician-assisted suicide. All nine doctor.’’ As of early 1999, Kervorkian had assisted justices concurred that both New York and in over 100 suicides. Washington’s state bans on the practice should stand. Initially, with Janet Adkins, Kervorkian used a The picture [Hendin paints in the Nether- suicide machine, which he dubbed a ‘‘mercitron.’’ lands] is a frightening one of excessive reliance This machine provided a motor-driven, timed re- on the judgment of physicians, a consensual lease of three intravenous bottles; in succession, legal system that places support of the physi- they were (1) thiopental or sodium pentathol (an cian above individual patient rights in order anesthetic that produces rapid unconsciousness), to protect the euthanasia policy, the gradual (2) succinycholine (a muscle paralyzer like the extension of practice to include administration curare used in Africa use in poison darts to hunt of euthanasia without consent in a substantial monkeys), and (3) postassium chloride to stop the number of cases, and psychologically na- heart. The metcitron was turned on by the would- ive abuses of power in the doctor-patient be suicide. Because of malfunctions in the suicide relationship. machine, almost all of Kervorkian’s suicides after [For example:] Many patients come into Atkins were accomplished with a simple facial therapy with sometimes conscious but often mask hooked up to a hose and a carbon monoxide more unconscious fantasies that cast the cannister, with the carbon monoxide flow being therapist in the role of executioner . . . It may initiated by the suicide. For most nonnarcotic also play into the therapist’s illusion that if he users or addicts, 20 to 30 milligrams of intrave- cannot cure the patient, no one else can nous injected morphine would cause death. either.’’ (Seduced by Death, p. 57) Samuel Klagsburn, M.D., says of Hendin’s All of Kervorkian’s first clients were women, argument: ‘‘He is wrong . . . suffering needs to and most were single, divorced, or widowed. Al- be addressed as aggressively as possible in order most all were not terminally ill or at least probably to stop unnecessary suffering.’’ would not have died within six months. The toxi- Hendin claims that in the Netherlands, cology reports at autopsy (by Frederick Rieders; ‘‘despite legal sanction, 60% of [physician- the author spoke with Dr. Dragovic, the Oakland assisted suicide and death] cases are not County, Michigan, medical examiner to obtain reported, which makes regulation impossible.’’ these data) showed that only two of the eight Hendin goes on to argue that ‘‘a small but assisted suicides had detectable levels of antide- significant percentage of American doctors are pressants in their blood at the time of death. It now practicing assisted suicide, euthanasia, could be concluded that Kervorkian’s assisted sui- and the ending of patients’ lives without their cides were for the most part not being treated for consent.’’ But one also has to wonder: what depressive disorders.

3085 SUICIDE

Given Kervorkian’s zealous pursuit of active hospices that encourage the use classic painkilling euthanasia, one suspects that at least his early drinks such as Cicely Saunder’s ‘‘Brompton’s cock- assisted suicides were not adequately screened or tail’’ (a mixed drink of gin, Thorazine, cocaine, processed, for example, in accordance with the heroin, and sugar). It is also possible to block Dutch rules (above) or other safeguards. Strik- nerves or utilize sophisticated polypharmacy to ingly, Hugh Gale is reputed to have asked Kervorkian soften pain. to take off the carbon monoxide mask and termi- nate the dying process and perhaps was ignored by However, some pain is relatively intractable Kervorkian. (e.g., that from bone cancer, lung disease with pneumonia, congestive heart failure in which pa- It is difficult to be objective about assisted tients choke to death on their own fluids, gastroin- suicide. Paradoxically, Kevorkian may end up set- testinal obstructions, and amputation). A few phy- ting euthanasia and doctor-assisted suicide back sicians have made the ludricrous death-in-life several years. Not only has he lost (1991) his proposal to give hopeless terminally ill patients Michigan medical license (he was a pathologist) general anesthesia to control their pain. People do and been charged with murder (after videotaping always get well or feel better. Sometimes they just the dying of an assisted suicide for a television need to die, not be kept alive to suffer pointlessly. program), but Michigan and many other states Anyone deserves to be helped to die in such (including South Carolina) have introduced bills instances. to make previously legal assisted suicide a felony, with concurrent fines and imprisonment. REFERENCES These new laws may have a chilling effect on both active and passive euthanasia, even in the Baechler, Jean 1979 Suicides. New York: Basic Books. case of legitimate pain control (‘‘palliative care’’) Battin, Margaret P., and Ronald W. Maris, eds. 1983 previously offered to dying patients by physicians Suicide and Ethics. New York: Human Sciences Press. and nurses. For example, in Michigan it is now a Blumenthal, Susan J., and David J. Kupfer, eds. 1990. felony to assist a suicide. People who want self- Suicide over the Life Cycle: Risk Factor Assessment, and deliverance from their final pain and suffering will Treatment of Suicidal Patients. Washington, D.C.: Ameri- be more likely to mutilate themselves, die alone can Psychiatric Press. and disgraced, and feel generally abandoned in Diekstra, René F. W., Ronald W. Maris, Stephen Platt, their time of greatest need. Armin Schmidtke, and Gernot Sonneck, eds. 1989 Kervorkian needs to be separated from the Suicide and Its Prevention: The Role of Attitude and issue of assisted suicide. However, the issue of Imitation. Leiden: E.J. Brill. physician-assisted suicide or death itself is not silly Douglas, Jack D. 1967 The Social Meanings of Suicide. and transitory. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. Everyone has to die eventually, and many Durkheim, Emile. (1897) 1951 Suicide. New York: Free Press. people will suffer machine-prolonged debilitating illness and pain that diminishes the quality of their Freud, Sigmund (1917) 1953 ‘‘Mourning and Melancho- lives. Suicide and death and permanent annnihilation lia.’’ In Standard Edition of the Complete Works of of consciousness (if there is no afterlife) are effec- Sigmund Freud. London: Hogarth Press. tive means of pain control. This refers primarily to Gabennesch, Howard 1988 ‘‘When Promises Fail: A physical pain, but psychological pain also can be Theory of Temporal Fluctuations in Suicide.’’ Social excruciating. Pain cannot always be controlled Forces 67:129–145. short of death. Most narcotics risk respiratory Gibbs, Jack P., and W. T. Martin 1964 Status Integration death. Furthermore, narcotics often cause altered and Suicide. Eugene: University of Oregon Press. consciousness, nightmares, nausea, panic, long Gibbs, Jewelle Taylor, ed. 1988 Young, Black, and Male periods of disrupted consciousness and confu- in America: An Endangered Species. Dover, Mass.: sion, and addiction. Auburn House. Pain control technology is progressing rapidly Henry, Andrew F., and James F. Short 1954 Suicide and (e.g., spinal implant morphine pumps). There are Homicide. New York: Free Press.

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Holinger, Paul C. 1987 Violent Deaths in the United States: Stack, Stephen 1982 ‘‘Suicide: A Decade Review of the An Epidemiological Study of Suicide, Homicide, and Sociological Literature.’’ Deviant Behavior 4:41–66. Accidents. New York: Guilford. Wasserman, Ira M. 1989 ‘‘The Effects of War and Alco- Humphry, Derek 1996 Final Exit. New York: Dell. hol Consumption Patterns on Suicide: United States, ———, and Ann Wickett 1986 The Right to Die: Under- 1910–1933.’’ Social Forces 67:129–145. standing Euthanasia. New York: Harper & Row. RONALD W. MARIS Kessler, Ronald C., and H. Stripp 1984 ‘‘The Impact of Fictional Television Stories on U.S. Fatalities: A Rep- lication.’’ American Journal of Sociology 90:151–167. Kervorkian, Jack 1991 Prescription Medicine. Buffalo, SUPERNATURALISM N.Y.: Prometens. See Religious Orientations. Lann, Irma S., Eve K. Mościcki, and Ronald W. Maris, eds. 1989 Strategies for Studying Suicide and Suicidal Behavior. New York: Guilford. SURVEY RESEARCH Maris, Ronald W. 1969 Social Forces in Urban Suicide. Chicago: Dorsey. Survey research is the method most frequently used by sociologists to study American society and ——— 1981. Pathways to Suicide: A Survey of Self-Destruc- other large societies. Surveys allow sociologists to tive Behaviors. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univer- move from a relatively small sample of individuals sity Press. who are accessible as carriers of information about ——— 1989. ‘‘The Social Relations of Suicide.’’ In themselves and their society to the broad contours Douglas Jacobs and Herbert N. Brown, eds., Suicide, of a large population, such as its class structure Understanding and Responding: Harvard Medical School and dominant values. Surveys conform to the Perspectives, Madison, Conn.: International Universi- ties Press. major requirements of the scientific method by allowing a considerable (though by no means per- ——— 1990. The Developmental Perspective of Sui- fect) degree of objectivity in approach and allow- cide.’’ In Antoon Leenaars, ed., Life Span Perspectives ing tests of the reliability and validity of the infor- of Suicide. New York: Plenum. mation obtained. ——— 1997 ‘‘Suicide.’’ In Renato Pulbecco, ed., En- cyclopedia of Human Biology. Like many other important inventions, a sur- ———, Alan L. Berman, John T. Maltsberger, and vey is composed of several more or less indepen- Robert I. Yufit, eds. 1992 Assessment and Prediction of dent parts: sampling, questioning, and analysis of Suicide. New York: Guilford. data. The successful combination of those ele- ments early in the twentieth century gave birth to Menninger, Karl 1938 Man against Himself. New York: Harcourt, Brace. the method as it is known today. (Converse 1987 provides a history of the modern survey). Pescosolido, Bernice A., and Sharon Georgianna 1989 ‘‘Durkheim, Suicide, and Religion: Toward a Net- work Theory of Suicide.’’ American Sociological Review SAMPLING 54:33–48. The aspect of a survey that laypersons usually find Phillips, David P. 1974 ‘‘The Influence of Suggestion on the most mysterious is the assumption that a small Suicide.’’ American Sociological Review 39:340–354. sample of people (or other units, such as families Pokorny, Alex D. 1983 ‘‘Prediction of Suicide in Psychi- or firms) can be used to generalize about the much atric Patients.’’ Archives of General Psychiatry 40:249–257. larger population from which that sample is drawn. ———, Katherine Lesyna, and David T. Paight 1991 Thus, a sample of 1,500 adults might be drawn to ‘‘Suicide and the Media.’’ In Ronald W. Maris, et al., represent the population of approximately 200 eds., Assessment and Prediction of Suicide. New York: million Americans over age 18 in the year 2000. Guilford. The sample itself is then used to estimate the Robins, El: 1981 The Final Months. New York: Oxford extent to which numerical values calculated from University Press. it (for example, the percentage of the sample Shneidman, Edwin S. 1985 Definition of Suicide. New answering ‘‘married’’ to a question about marital York: Wiley Interscience. status) are likely to deviate from the values that

3087 SURVEY RESEARCH would have been obtained if the entire population theory and quite another to locate those people over age 18 had been surveyed. That estimate, and persuade them to cooperate in a social sur- referred to as ‘‘sampling error’’ (because it is due vey. To the extent that intended respondents are to having questioned only a sample, not the full missed, which is referred to as the problem of population), is even stranger from the standpoint nonresponse, the scientific character of the survey of common sense, much like pulling oneself up by is jeopardized. The degree of jeopardy (technically one’s own bootstraps. termed ‘‘bias’’) is a function of both the amount of nonresponse and the extent to which the Although a sample of only 1,500 may be needed nonrespondents differ from those who respond. to obtain a fairly good estimate for the entire U.S. If, for example, young black males are more likely adult population, this does not mean that a much to be missed in survey samples than are other smaller sample is equally adequate for, say, a city of groups in the population, as often happens, the only 100,000 population. It is the absolute size of results of the survey will not represent the entire the sample that primarily determines the precision population adequately. Serious survey investiga- of an estimate, not the proportion of the popula- tors spend a great deal of time and money to tion that is drawn for the sample—another reduce nonresponse to a minimum, and one mea- counterintuitive feature of sampling. This has two sure of the scientific adequacy of a survey report is important implications. First, a very small sample, the information provided about nonresponse. In for example, two or three hundred, is seldom addition, an active area of research on the survey useful for surveys, regardless of the size of the total method consists of studies both of the effects of population. Second, since it is often subparts of nonresponse and of possible ways to adjust for the sample, for example, blacks or whites, that are them. (for an introduction to sampling in social of primary interest in a survey report, it is the size surveys, see Kalton 1983; for a more extensive of each subpart that is crucial, not the size of the classic treatment, see Kish 1965). overall sample. Thus, a much larger total sample may be required when the goal is to look sepa- rately at particular demographic or social subgroups. QUESTIONS AND QUESTIONNAIRES

All the estimates discussed in this article de- Unlike sampling, the role of questions as a compo- pend on the use of probability sampling, which nent of surveys often is regarded as merely a implies that at crucial stages the respondents are matter of common sense. Asking questions is a selected by means of a random procedure. A part of all human interaction, and it is widely nonprobability sampling approach, such as the assumed that no special skill or experience is proverbial person-in-the-street set of interviews, needed to design a survey questionnaire. This is lacks scientific justification for generalizing to a true in the sense that questioning in surveys is larger population or estimating sampling error. seldom very different from questioning in ordi- Consumers of survey information need to be aware nary life but incorrect in the sense that many of the large differences in the quality of sampling precautions are needed in developing a question- that occur among organizations that claim to do naire for a general population and then interpret- surveys. It is not the case in this or other aspects of ing the answers. survey research that all published results merit equal confidence. Unfortunately, media presenta- Questionnaires can range from brief attempts tions of findings from surveys seldom provide the to obtain factual information (for example, the information needed to evaluate the method used number of rooms in a sample of dwelling units) or in gathering the data. simple attitudes (the leaning of the electorate to- ward a political candidate) to extensive explora- The theory of sampling is a part of mathe- tions of the respondents’ values and worldviews. matics, not sociology, but it is heavily relied on by Assuming that the questions have been framed sociologists and its implementation with real popu- with a serious purpose in mind—an assumption lations of people involves many nonmathematical not always warranted because surveys are some- problems that sociologists must try to solve. For times initiated with little purpose other than a example, it is one thing to select a sample of desire to ask some ‘‘interesting questions’’—there people according to the canons of mathematical are two important principles to bear in mind: one

3088 SURVEY RESEARCH about the development of the questions and the attitudes: Even a seemingly simple inquiry about other about the interpretation of the answers. the number of rooms in a home involves some- what arbitrary definitions of what is and is not to The first principle is the importance of carry- be counted as a room, and more than one question ing out as much pilot work and pretesting of the may have to be asked to obtain the information the questions as possible, because not even an experi- investigator is seeking. By the same token, care enced survey researcher can foresee all the diffi- must be taken not to overgeneralize the results culties and ambiguities a set of questions holds for from a single question, since different conclusions the respondents, especially when it is adminis- might be drawn if a differently framed question tered to a heterogeneous population such as that were the focus. Indeed, many apparent disagree- of the United States. For example, a frequently ments between two or more surveys disappear used question about whether ‘‘the lot of the aver- once one realizes that somewhat different ques- age person is getting worse’’ turned out on close tions had been asked by each even though the examination to confuse the respondents about the general topic (e.g., gun control) may look the same. meaning of ‘‘lot,’’—with some taking it to refer to housing lots. Of course, it is still useful to draw on Even when the substantive issue is kept con- expert consultation where possible and to become stant, seemingly minor differences in the order familiar with discussions of questionnaire design and wording of questions can change percentage in texts, especially the classic treatment by Payne distributions noticeably. Thus, a classic experi- (1951) and more recent expositions such as that by ment from the 1940s showed a large difference in Sudman and Bradburn (1987). the responses to a particular question depending on whether a certain behavior was said to be Pilot work can be done in a number of ways, ‘‘forbidden’’ rather than ‘‘not allowed’’: To the for example, by having a sample of respondents question, ‘‘Do you think the United States should think aloud while answering, by listening carefully forbid public speeches against democracy?’’ 54 to the reactions of experienced interviewers who percent said yes, [Forbid], but to the question, ‘‘Do have administered the questionnaire in its pretest you think the United States should allow public form, and, perhaps best of all, by having investiga- speeches against democracy?’’ 75 percent said no tors do a number of practice interviews. The dis- (do not allow). This is a distinction in wording that tinction between ‘‘pilot’’ and ‘‘pretest’’ question- would not make a practical difference in real life, naires is that the former refer to the earlier stages since not allowing a speech would have the same of questionnaire development and may involve consequence as forbidding it, yet the variation in relatively unstructured interviewing, while the lat- wording has a substantial effect on answers. Ex- ter are closer to ‘‘dress rehearsals’’ before the periments of this type, which are called ‘‘split- final survey. ballot experiments,’’ frequently are carried out by dividing a national sample of respondents in half The main principle in interpreting answers is and asking different versions of the question to to be skeptical of simple distributions of results each half on a random basis. If the overall sample often expressed in percentage form for a particu- is large enough, more than two variations can be lar question, for example, 65 percent ‘‘yes,’’ 30 tested at the same time, and in some case more percent ‘‘no,’’ 5 percent ‘‘don’t know.’’ For several complex ‘‘factorial designs’’ are employed to allow reasons, such absolute percentages suggest a mean- a larger number of variations (see Rossi and Nock ingfulness to response distributions that can be [1982] for examples of factorial surveys). misleading. For one thing, almost any important issue is really a cluster of subissues, each of which The proportion of people who answer ‘‘don’t can be asked about and may yield a different know’’ to a survey question also can vary substan- distribution of answers. Responses about the issue tially—by 25 percent or more—depending on the of ‘‘gun control’’ vary dramatically in the United extent to which that answer is explicitly legitimized States depending on the type of gun referred to, for respondents by mentioning it along with other the amount and method of control, and so forth. alternatives (‘‘yes,’’ ‘‘no,’’ ‘‘don’t know’’) or omit- No single percentage distribution or even two or ted. In other instances, the location of a question three distributions can capture all this variation, in a series of questions has been shown to affect nor are such problems confined to questions about answers even though the wording of the question

3089 SURVEY RESEARCH is not changed. For example, a widely used ques- entire population could be surveyed. In addition, tion about allowing legalized abortion in the case individual questions sometimes are combined into of a married woman who does not want more a larger index to decrease idiosyncratic effects children produces different answers depending resulting from any single item, and the construc- entirely on its position before or after a question tion of this type of index requires other prelimi- about abortion in the case of a defective fetus. nary types of statistical analysis. Thus, the context in which a question is asked can As an example of survey analysis, sociologists influence the answers people give. These and a often find important age differences in answers to large number of other experiments on the form, survey questions, but since age and education are wording, and context of survey questions are re- negatively associated in most countries—that is, ported by Schuman and Presser (1981) (see Tur- older people tend to have less education than do ner and Martin [1984] for several treatments of younger people—it is necessary to disentangle the survey questioning, as well as more recent volumes two factors in order to judge whether age is a by Schwarz and Sudman [1996] and Sudman et al. direct cause of responses or only a proxy for [1996] with a cognitive psychological emphasis). education. Moreover, age differences in responses to a question can represent changes resulting from ANALYSIS the aging process (which in turn may reflect physio- logical, social, or other developmental factors) or Although questioning samples of individuals may reflect experiences and influences from a particu- seem to capture the entire nature of a survey, a lar historical point in time (‘‘cohort effects’’). Steps further component is vital to sociologists: the logi- must be taken to distinguish these explanations cal and statistical analysis of the resulting data. from one another. At the same time, a survey Responses to survey questions do not speak for analyst must bear in mind and test the possibility themselves, and in most cases even the simple that a particular pattern of answers is due to distribution of percentages to a single question ‘‘chance’’ because of the existence of sampling error. calls for explicit or implicit comparison with an- Thus, the analysis of survey data can be quite other distribution, real or ideal. To report that 60 complex, well beyond, though not unrelated to, percent of a sample is satisfied with the actions of a the kinds of tables seen in newspaper and maga- particular leader may be grounds for either cheer- zine presentations of poll data. (The terms ‘‘poll’’ ing or booing. It depends on the level of satisfac- and ‘‘survey’’ are increasingly interchangeable, with tion typical for that leader at other times or for the main difference being academic and govern- other individuals or groups in comparable leader- mental preference for ‘‘survey’’ and media prefer- ship positions. Thus, reports of survey data should ence for ‘‘poll.’’) However, such thorough analysis include these types of comparisons whenever pos- is important if genuine insights into the meaning sible. This is why for sociologists the collection of a of answers are to be gained and misinterpretations set of answers is the beginning and not the end of a are to be avoided. (A comprehensive but relatively research analysis. nontechnical presentation of the logic of survey More generally, most answers take on clear analysis is provided by Rosenberg [1968]. Among meaning primarily when they are used in compari- the many introductory statistical texts, Agresti and sons across time (for example, responses of a Finlay [1997] leans in a survey analytic direction.) sample this year compared with responses of a sample from the same population five years ago), MODE OF ADMINISTRATION across social categories such as age and education, or across other types of classifications that are Although sampling, questioning, and analysis are meaningful for the problem being studied. More- the most fundamental components, decisions about over, since any such comparison may produce a the mode of administering a survey are also impor- difference that is due to chance factors because tant. A basic distinction can be made between self- only a sample was drawn rather than to a true administered surveys and those in which inter- difference between time points or social catego- viewers are used. If it is to be based on probability ries, statistical testing is essential to create confi- sampling of some sort, self-administration, usually dence that the difference would be found if the is carried out by mailing questionnaires to respon-

3090 SURVEY RESEARCH dents who have been selected through a random of the questionnaire to respondents to fill out procedure. For instance, a sample of sociologists themselves and even providing a separate sealed might be chosen by taking every twentieth name envelope to mail back to the survey headquarters, from an alphabetical listing of all regular members thus guaranteeing that the interviewer will not of the American Sociological Association, though read the answers. This strategy was used by Laumann with the recognition that any such listing would be et al. (1994) in a major national survey of sexual incomplete (e.g., not everyone with an advanced behavior, but no comparison with data obtained in degree in sociology belongs to the association). a more completely private setting was provided. The major advantage of mail surveys is their Tourangeau and Smith (1996) provide a different relatively low cost, which is limited to payments to type of evidence by showing that respondents who clerical employees, stamps, and perhaps financial answer directly into a computer appear more can- incentive for the respondents. One disadvantage did than do respondents who give answers to of mail surveys is that they traditionally have pro- interviewers. Recently, the Internet has been in- duced low response rates; many obtain only 25 vestigated as a vehicle for self-administered sur- percent or less of the target sample. However, veys, although there are formidable problems of Dillman (1978) argues that designing mail surveys sampling in such cases. in accordance with the principles of exchange theory Because of these difficulties, most surveys can yield response rates at or close to those of aimed at the general population employ interview- other modes of administration. Whether this is ers to locate respondents and administer a ques- true for a sample of the U.S. population remains in tionnaire. Traditionally, this has been done on a doubt for the reason given below, although Dillman face-to-face (sometimes called ‘‘personal’’) basis, has implemented some of his strategies in govern- with interviewers going to households, usually ment census-type surveys. It is clear from numer- after a letter of introduction has been mailed ous experiments that the use of two specific fea- describing the survey. The sample ordinarily is tures—monetary incentives (not necessarily large) drawn by using ‘‘area probability’’ methods: To provided in advance and follow-up ‘‘reminders’’— take a simple example, large units such as counties can almost always improve mail questionnaire re- may be drawn first on a random basis, then from sponse rates appreciably. However, another im- the selected counties smaller units such as blocks portant disadvantage of mail surveys in the United are drawn, and finally addresses on those blocks States is the absence of an available centralized are listed by interviewers and a randomly drawn national listing of households for drawing a sam- ple; because of this situation, it is difficult to say subset of the listed addresses is designated for the what response rate could be obtained from a actual sample, with introductory letters being sent nongovernmental national mail sample in this before interviewing is attempted. In practice, more country. than two levels would be used, and other technical steps involving ‘‘stratification’’ and ‘‘clustering’’ Mail surveys generally are used when there is a would be included to improve the efficiency of the prior list available, such as an organization’s mem- sampling and data collection. bership, and this practice may add the benefit of loyalty to the organization as a motive for respon- A major advantage of face-to-face interviewing dent cooperation. Other disadvantages of mail is the ability of the interviewer to find the target surveys are lack of control over exactly who an- respondent and persuade her or him to take part swers the questions (it may or may not be the in the interview. Face-to-face interviewing has other target respondent, assuming there is a single tar- advantages: Graphic aids can be used as part of a get), the order in which the questionnaire is filled questionnaire, interviewers can make observations out, and the unavailability of an interviewer for of a respondent’s ability to understand the ques- respondents who cannot read well or do not un- tions and of other behavior or characteristics of a derstand the questions. One compensating factor respondent, and unclear answers can be clarified. is the greater privacy afforded respondents, which The major disadvantage of face-to-face interview- may lead to more candor, although evidence of ing is its cost, since much of the time of interview- this is still limited. Sometimes similar privacy is ers is spent locating respondents (many are not at attempted an interview survey by giving a portion home on a first or second visit). For every actual

3091 SURVEY RESEARCH hour spent interviewing, five to ten hours may be Because speaking on the telephone seems so needed for travel and related effort. Furthermore, different from speaking face to face, survey face-to-face surveys require a great deal of total methodologists initially thought that the results field time, and when results are needed quickly, from the two types of survey administration might this is difficult to accomplish and may add more be very different. A number of experimental com- expense. Another disadvantage is the need for an parisons, however, have failed to find important extensive supervisory staff spread around the coun- differences, and those which do occur may have try, and yet another is that survey administrators more to do with different constraints on sampling must rely on the competence and integrity of (telephone surveys obviously miss the approxi- interviewers, who are almost always on their own mately 8 percent of the American households and unsupervised during interviews. This makes without telephones and produce somewhat higher standardization of the interviewing difficult. levels of refusal by the intended respondents). Thus, the remaining reasons for continuing face- Increasingly since the early 1970s, face-to-face to-face surveys have to do with the need for longer interviewing has been replaced by telephone inter- viewing, usually from a centralized location. Tele- interviews and special additions such as graphic phone surveys are considerably less expensive than demonstrations and response scales. (Groves [1989] face-to-face surveys, though the exact ratio is hard discusses evidence on telephone versus face-to- to estimate because they also are normally shorter, face survey differences, and Groves et al. [1988] usually under forty-five minutes in length; the present detailed accounts of methodological is- expense of locating people for face-to-face inter- sues involving telephone surveys.) views leads to hourlong or even lengthier inter- Face-to-face and telephone surveys share one views, since these usually are tolerated more read- important feature: the intermediate role of the ily by respondents who are interviewed in person. interviewer between the questionnaire and the Telephone surveys can be completed more rapidly respondent. Although this has many advantages, than can face-to-face surveys and have the addi- as was noted above, there is always the possibility tional advantage of allowing more direct supervi- that some behavior or characteristic of the inter- sion and monitoring of interviewers. The incorpo- viewer will affect responses. For example, as first ration of the computer directly into interviewing— shown by Hyman (1954) in an effort to study the known as computer-assisted telephone interview- interview process, a visible interviewer character- ing (CATI)—facilitates questionnaire formatting istic such as racial appearance can have dramatic and postinterview coding, and this increases flexi- effects on answers. This is probably the largest of bility and shortens total survey time. Still another all the effects discovered, no doubt because of the advantage of telephone surveys is the relative ease salience and tension that racial identification pro- of probability sampling: Essentially random com- duces in America, but the possibility of other binations of digits, ten at a time, can be created by complications from the interview process—and computer to sample any telephone number in the from the respondent’s assumption about the spon- United States (three-digit area code plus seven- sorship or aim of the survey—must be borne in digit number). There are a variety of practical mind. This is especially true when surveys are problems to be overcome (e.g., many of the result- attempted in societies in which the assumption of ing numbers are nonworking, account must be professional neutrality is less common than in the taken of multiple phones per household, and an- United States, and some recent failures by surveys swering machines and other devices often make it to predict elections probably are due to bias of difficult to reach real people), but techniques have this type. been developed that make such samples available and inexpensive to a degree that was never true of the area sampling required for face-to-face inter- THE SEQUENCE OF A SURVEY viewing. Perhaps the largest problem confronting survey research is the proliferation of telemarketing, Surveys should begin with one or more research which makes many potential respondents wary of problems that determine both the content of the phone calls and reluctant to devote time to a questionnaire and the design of the sample. The survey interview. two types of decisions should go hand in hand,

3092 SURVEY RESEARCH since each affects the other. A questionnaire that is have learned about substantial changes in some intended to focus on the attitudes of different attitudes, while in other areas there has been ethnic and racial groups makes sense only if the virtually no change (see Niemi et al. [1989] and population sampled and the design of the sample Page and Shapiro [1992] for examples of both will yield enough members of each group to pro- change and stability). An important variant on vide sufficient data for adequate analysis. In addi- such longitudinal research is the panel study, in tion, decisions must be made early with regard to which the same respondents are interviewed at the mode of administration of the survey—whether two or more points in time. This has certain advan- it will be conducted through self-administration or tages; for example, even where there is no change interviewing and, if the latter, whether in person, for the total sample in the distribution of re- by telephone, or in another way—since these sponses, there may be counterbalancing shifts that choices also influence what can be asked. Each can be best studied in this way. decision has its trade-offs in terms of quality, cost, and other important features of the research. Surveys are increasingly being carried out on a cross-national basis, allowing comparisons across After these planning decisions, the develop- societies, though usually with the additional obsta- ment of the questionnaire, the pretesting, and the cle of translation to be overcome. Even within the final field period take place. The resulting data framework of a single survey in one country, com- from closed, or fixed-choice, questions can be parisons across different types of samples can be entered directly in numerical form (e.g., 1 = yes, 2 = illuminating, for example, in an important early no, 3 = don’t know) into a computer file for study by Stouffer (1955) that administered the analysis. If open-ended questions—questions that same questionnaire to the general public and to a do not present fixed alternatives—are used and special sample of ‘‘community leaders’’ in order to the respondents’ answers have been recorded in compare their attitudes toward civil liberties. Fi- detail, an intermediate step is needed to code the nally, it is important to recognize that although the answers into categories. For example, a question survey method often is seen as entirely distinct that asks the respondents to name the most impor- from or even opposite to the experimental method, tant problems facing the country today might yield the two have been usefully wedded in a number of categories for ‘‘foreign affairs,’’ ‘‘inflation,’’ ‘‘ra- ways. Much of what is known about variations in cial problems,’’ and so forth, though the words survey responses caused by the form, wording, used by the respondents ordinarily would be more and context of the questions has been obtained by concrete. Finally, the data are analyzed in the form means of split-ballot experiments, while attempts of tables and statistical measures that can form the to study the effects of policy changes sometimes basis for a final report. have involved embedding surveys of attitudes and behaviors within larger experimental designs.

MODIFICATIONS AND EXTENSIONS OF THE SURVEY METHOD ETHICAL AND OTHER PROBLEMS

This discussion has concerned primarily the single As with other social science approaches to the cross-sectional or one-shot survey, but more in- empirical study of human beings, surveys raise formative designs are increasingly possible. The important ethical issues. The success of survey most obvious step now that surveys of the national sampling requires persuading individuals to do- population have been carried out for more than nate their time to being interviewed, usually with- half a century is to study change over time by out compensation, and to trust that their answers repeating the same questions at useful intervals. will be treated confidentially and used for pur- The General Social Survey (GSS) has replicated poses they would consider worthwhile. A related many attitude and factual questions on an annual issue is the extent to which respondents should be or biennial basis since 1972, and the National told in advance and in detail about the content and Election Study (NES) has done the same thing in aims of a questionnaire (the issue of ‘‘informed the political area on a biennial basis since the consent’’), especially when this might discourage 1950s. From these repeated surveys, sociologists their willingness to answer questions or affect the

3093 SURVEY RESEARCH kinds of answers they give (Singer 1993). The Kalton, Graham 1983 Introduction to Survey Sampling. purely professional or scientific goal of complet- Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage. ing the survey thus can conflict with the responsi- Kish, Leslie 1965 Survey Sampling. New York: Wiley. bility of survey investigators to the people who Laumann, Edward O., Robert T. Michael, John H. make surveys possible: the respondents. These are Gagnon, and Stuart Michaels 1994 The Social Organi- difficult issues, and there probably is no simple zation of Sexuality: Sexual Practices in the United States. overall solution. There is a need in each instance to Chicago: University of Chicago Press. take seriously wider ethical norms as well as pro- Niemi, Richard, John Mueller, and Tom W. Smith 1989 fessional or scientific goals. Trends in Public Opinion: A Compendium of Survey From within sociology, reliance on surveys has Data. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. been criticized on several grounds. Sociologists Page, Benjamin I., and Robert Y. Shapiro 1992 The committed to more qualitative approaches to study- Rational Public: Fifty Years of Trends in Americans’ ing social interaction often view surveys as sacrific- Policy Preferences. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ing richness of description and depth of under- Payne, Stanley L. 1951. The Art of Asking Questions. standing to obtain data amenable to quantitative Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. analysis. Sociologists concerned with larger social Rosenberg, Morris 1968. The Logic of Survey Analysis. structures sometimes regard the survey approach New York: Basic Books. as focusing too much on the individual level, neg- Rossi, Peter H., and Steven L. Nock, eds. 1982 Measuring lecting the network of relations and institutions of Social Judgments: The Factorial Survey Approach. Bev- societies. Finally, some see the dependence of erly Hills, Calif.: Sage. surveys on self-reporting as a limitation because of Schuman, Howard, and Michael P. Johnson 1976 ‘‘Atti- the presumed difference between what people say tudes and Behavior.’’ Annual Review of Sociology, vol. in interviews and how they behave outside the 2. Palo Alto, Calif.: Annual Reviews. interview situation (Schuman and Johnson 1976). ——— and Stanley Presser 1981 Questions and Answers Although there are partial answers to all these in Attitude Surveys: Experiments on Question Form, Word- criticisms, each has some merit, and those doing ing, and Context. New York: Academic Press. survey research need to maintain a self-critical Schwarz, Norbert, and Seymour Sudman, eds. 1996 stance toward their own approach. However, the Answering Questions: Methodology for Determining Cog- survey is the best-developed and most systematic nitive and Communicative Processes in Survey Research. method sociologists have to gather data. Equally San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. useful methods appropriate to other goals have Singer, Eleanor 1993 ‘‘Informed Consent in Surveys: A yet to be developed. Review of the Empirical Literature.’’ Journal of Offi- cial Statistics. 9:361–375.

REFERENCES Stouffer, Samuel A. 1955 Communism, Conformity, and Civil Liberties. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday. Agresti, Alan, and Barbara Finlay 1997 Statistical Meth- ods for the Social Sciences. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Sudman, Seymour, and Norman M. Bradburn 1987 Prentice Hall. Asking Questions: A Practical Guide to Question Design. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Converse, Jean M. 1987 Survey Research in the United States: Roots and Emergence, 1890–1960. Berkeley: Uni- ———,———, and Norbert Schwarz 1996 Thinking versity of California Press. About Answers: The Application of Cognitive Processes to Survey Methodology. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Dillman, Don A. 1978 Mail and Telephone Surveys: The Total Design Method. New York: Wiley. Tourangeau, Roger, and Tom W. Smith 1996 ‘‘Asking Sensitive Questions: The Impact of Data Collection Groves, Robert M. 1989 Survey Errors and Survey Costs. Mode, Question Format, and Question Content.’’ New York: Wiley. Public Opinion Quarterly 60:275–304. ——— Paul P. Biemer, Lars E. Lyberg, James T. Massey, Turner, Charles, and Elizabeth Martin, eds. 1984 Survey- William L. Nicholls II, and Joseph Waksberg 1988 ing Subjective Phenomena, 2 vols. New York: Russell Telephone Survey Methodology. New York: Wiley. Sage Foundation. Hyman, Herbert H. 1954 Interviewing in Social Research. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. HOWARD SCHUMAN

3094 SYMBOLIC INTERACTION THEORY

SYMBOLIC INTERACTION tion of society implicitly incorporates a view of the THEORY human being as ‘‘minded’’ and that ‘‘mindedness’’ as potentially reflexive. That is, people can and The term ‘‘symbolic interactionism’’ was invented sometimes do take themselves as the object of by Blumer (1937) to describe sociological and their own reflection, thus creating selves, and do social psychological ideas he presented as emanat- this from the standpoint of the others with whom ing directly from Mead, especially but not exclu- they interact. Selves are inherently social products, sively in Mind, Self, and Society (1934). ‘‘Symbolic although they involve more than reflected apprais- interaction theory’’ is a term that is related to those als of others in the immediate situation of interac- ideas, though not necessarily in the specific forms tion; in particular, selves involve persons as sub- presented by Blumer or Mead. jects responding to themselves as objects. Thinking takes place as an internal conversation that uses symbols that develop in the social process. Mind FUNDAMENTAL IMAGERY arises in both the evolutionary and individual senses The fundamental character of symbolic interactionist in response to problems (interruptions in the flow ideas is suggested by the theoretical proposition of activities) and involves formulating and select- that the self reflects society and organizes behavior ing from symbolically defined alternative courses and by related imagery that addresses the nature of action to resolve those problems. Choice is an of society and the human being, the nature of omnipresent reality in the human condition, and human action and interaction, and the relation- the content of choices is contained in the subjec- ship between society and the person. That imagery tive experience of persons as that experience de- begins with a vision of society as a web of commu- velops in and through the social process. nication: Society is interaction, the reciprocal in- Following from this imagery is a view of hu- fluence of persons who, as they relate, take into man beings, both collectively and individually, as account each other’s characteristics and actions, active and creative rather than simply responsive and interaction is communication. Interaction is to environmental stimuli. Since the environment ‘‘symbolic,’’ that is, conducted in terms of the of human action and interaction is symbolic; be- meanings persons develop in the course of their cause the symbols attaching to persons (including interdependent conduct. The environment of hu- oneself), things, and ideas are the products of man action and interaction is symbolically de- interaction and reflexivity and can be altered and fined: It is the environment as it is interpreted that manipulated in the course of that interaction; is the context, shaper, and object of action and since thought can be used to anticipate the effec- interaction. Persons act with reference to one tiveness of alternative courses of action in resolv- another in terms of symbols developed through ing problems; and because choice among alterna- interaction and act through the communication of tives is an integral feature of social conduct, one those symbols. Society is a label aggregating and arrives at an image of social interaction as literally summarizing such interaction. Society does not constructed, although not necessarily anew in each ‘‘exist’’; it is created and continuously re-created as instance, in the course of interaction. One also persons interact. Social reality is a flow of events arrives at an image that entails a degree of indeter- joining two or more persons. More than simply minacy in human behavior in the sense that the being implicated in the social process, society and course and outcome of social interaction cannot as the person derive from that process: They take on a matter of principle (not uncertain knowledge) be their meanings as those meanings emerge in and completely predicted from conditions and factors through social interaction. existing before that interaction. Neither society nor the individual is ontologi- cally prior to the other in this imagery; persons THE SYMBOLIC INTERACTIONIST create society through their interaction, but it is FRAMEWORK society, a web of communication and interaction, that creates persons as social beings. Society and Labeling the ideas of symbolic interactionism a the individual presuppose each other; neither ex- ‘‘theory’’ is misleading. If one distinguishes be- ists except in relation to the other. This concep- tween a systematic set of interrelated proposi-

3095 SYMBOLIC INTERACTION THEORY tions about how a segment of the world is organ- by Hall (1972) and others, the criticism may be ized and functions and assumptions about and justified if the claim is that symbolic interactionism is conceptualizations of the parts of that segment, a general sociological framework; it is not valid if symbolic interactionism has more the character of the more restricted claim for its utility is made. the latter than the former. That is, it is more a However, there remains concern about the ade- theoretical framework than a theory per se. While quacy of the framework for problems of a distinc- features of the framework appear to militate against tively sociological social psychology that centers on attempts to formulate systematic theory by using it the reciprocal relationships of social units and as a base and various proponents deny that possi- social persons. There also is concern about whether bility, a few sociologists have employed the frame- the framework admits of and provides readily for work in efforts to elaborate specific theories (e.g., the articulation of sociological and social psychol- Heise 1979; Stryker 1980, forthcoming; Stryker ogy concepts. These concerns arise from the ways and Serpe 1982; Rosenberg 1984; Thoits 1983; in which social structural concepts enter, or fail to MacKinnon 1994; Burke 1991). It is not possible to enter, the symbolic interactionist frame (for pres- review such specific theories nor characterize the entations of an avowedly social structural version research that derives from that framework here. of the framework, see Stryker 1980, forthcoming). (For extensive references to classic literature and Whatever the intended coverage—from all of soci- research literature before 1985, see Stryker and ology to a limited social psychology—the frame- Statham [1985]. For more recent research, see one work traditionally has been conceived as knowing of the texts written from a symbolic interactionist no cultural boundaries; that view, however, has perspective, such as Hewitt [1997], or Symbolic been questioned (Hewitt 1990). Interaction, a journal sponsored by the Society for the Study of Symbolic Interaction and devoted to CENTRAL CONCEPTS work emanating from the framework.) In the work of some (e.g., Blumer 1969), Implicated in the description of symbolic symbolic interaction ‘‘theory’’ is intended to be a interactionist imagery provided above are many of general sociological frame that is applicable to the the central concepts of the framework. The mean- intellectual problems of sociology as a discipline ing of ‘‘meaning’’ is fundamental. By definition, from the most micro to the most macro levels. In social acts involve at least two persons taking each the work of others (e.g., Stryker 1980), it is a frame other into account in satisfying impulses or resolv- ing problems. Since social acts occur over time, restricted in utility to issues of social psychology. gestures—parts of an act that indicate that other The first position does not seem defensible, be- parts are still to come—can appear. Vocal sounds, cause any framework brings into special focus physical movements, bodily expressions, clothing, particular variables and leaves unattended—at least and so forth, can serve as gestures. When they do, relatively—other variables and because the sym- they have meaning: Their meaning lies in the bolic interaction framework highlights interaction, behavior that follows their appearance. Gestures social actors related through interaction, and sub- that have the same meaning (implying the same jective variables ‘‘internal’’ to those actors. It thus future behavior) to those who make them and neglects features of the sociological landscape re- those who perceive them are significant symbols. lating to large-scale social systems—the state, the economy, the ‘‘world system,’’ demographic vari- Things, ideas, and relationships among things ables, and so forth—and does not easily pose and ideas can all be symbolized and enter the sociological questions involving interrelationships experience of human beings as objects; objects among those features of large-scale social systems. whose meanings are anchored in and emerge from This neglect has led to criticism of the symbolic social interaction constitute social reality. Although interactionist framework as lacking the social struc- meanings are unlikely to be identical among par- tural concepts needed for the analysis of power ticipants, communication and social interaction and consequently as an ideological apology for the presuppose significant symbols that allow mean- status quo (see Meltzer et al. 1975; Stryker 1980; ings to be ‘‘sufficiently’’ shared. Because signifi- Reynolds 1990). Although many (e.g., Maines 1977) cant symbols anticipate future behavior, they en- deny the validity of this criticism, pointing to work tail plans of action: They organize behavior with

3096 SYMBOLIC INTERACTION THEORY reference to what they symbolize. In the context of ing oneself in socially recognized categories; to the ongoing social process, meanings must be at respond reflexively to oneself by classifying, nam- least tentatively assigned to features of the interac- ing, and defining who and what one is is to have a tive situations in which persons find themselves; self. The self, conceived in this manner, involves without the assignment of meanings, behavior in viewing oneself as an object. The meaning of self, those situations is likely to be disorganized or like that of any object, derives from interaction: To random. The situation must be symbolized, as have a self is to view oneself from the standpoint of must its constituent parts; it must be defined or those with whom one interacts. The self, like any interpreted, and the products of that symbolization significant symbol, provides a plan of action. By process are definitions of the situation. Those defini- definition, that plan implicates the expected re- tions focus attention on what is pertinent (satisfy- sponses of others. ing impulses or resolving problems) in an interac- People learn, at least provisionally, what they tive setting and permit a preliminary organization can expect from others through role taking, a proc- of actions appropriate to the setting. Tentative ess of anticipating the responses of the others with definitions are tested and may be reformulated whom one interacts. In effect, one puts oneself in through ongoing experience. the place of those people to see the world as they From the point of view of the actors involved, do, using prior experience with them, knowledge the most important aspects of a situation requiring of the social categories in which they are located, definition are who or what they are in the situation and symbolic cues available in interaction. On and who or what the others with whom they such bases, tentative definitions of others’ atti- interact are. Defining the others in the situation tudes are formulated and then validated or re- typically is accomplished by locating them as mem- shaped in interaction. Role taking permits one to bers of a socially recognized category of actors, anticipate the consequences of one’s own and one (or more) of the kinds of persons it is possible others’ plans of action, monitor the results of to be in a society (e.g., male or female, young or those plans as they are carried out behaviorally, old, employed or unemployed). Doing this pro- and sustain or redirect one’s behavior on the basis vides cues to or predictors of their behavior and of the monitoring. Because roles often lack consis- permits the organization of one’s own behavior tency and concreteness while actors must organize with reference to them. When others are recog- their behavior as if roles were unequivocal, inter- nized as instantiations of a social category, behav- action is also a matter of role making: creating and iors are expected of them and actions that are modifying roles by devising performances in re- premised on those expectations can be organized sponse to roles imputed to others (Turner 1962). and directed toward them. Through this process, Many social acts take place within organized the introduction of early definitions of the situa- systems of action; consequently, both role taking tion can produce, although not inevitably, behav- and role making can occur with reference to a ior that validates the definitions. This is an insight generalized other, that is, a differentiated but inter- that underlies the notion of altercasting (Weinstein related set of others (Mead’s example involves and Deutschberger 1963) and appears in the de- baseball players anticipating the responses of other velopment of expectation states theory (Berger et members of their team and those of their oppo- al. 1974). When such behavior becomes routinized nents). Not all others’ perspectives are equally and organized, it also can serve to reproduce the relevant to an actor; the concept of significant other existing social structure. indicates that some persons will be given greater While some interactionists disdain the term, weight when perspectives differ or are incompat- expectations attached to social categories—again, ible. It is implied here that meanings are not likely the kinds of persons it is possible to be in a to be universally shared or shared in detail; if they society—are roles. Situations frequently allow one are not, accuracy in role taking and difficulty in to locate others in multiple categories and open role making also will vary. It also is implied that the possibility that conflicting expectations will smooth and cooperative interpersonal relations come into play; in this circumstance, no clear do not necessarily follow from accurate role tak- means of organizing responses may be available. ing: Conflict may result from or be sharpened by Defining oneself in a situation also involves locat- such accuracy.

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The symbolic interactionist ideas reviewed here ive responses to themselves, links the larger social have a history. Many issue directly from Mead. organization or structure to the social interaction Mead’s ideas are part of a tradition of philosophi- of those persons. The third asserts that processes cal thought with roots in the Scottish moral phi- of social interaction are prior to both self and losophers Adam Smith, David Hume, Adam Fer- social organization, both of which derive and guson, and Francis Hutcheson and, more emerge from social interaction. proximately, in the American pragmatists Charles Peirce, William James, and John Dewey. They also Each of these premises leaves open issues of contain important admixtures of evolutionary and considerable importance with respect to the con- dialectic premises. Mead’s thought overlaps con- tent, methods, and objectives of interactionist siderably with that of a number of sociologists who analyses on which symbolic interactionists can also wrote in the first decades of the twentieth differ. Some sociologists for whom the three core century, in particular Charles Horton Cooley and premises serve as a starting point believe that William Isaac Thomas. Cooley’s axiom that society social life is so fluid that it can be described only in and the person are two sides of the same coin (the process terms, that concepts purportedly describ- coin, he added, is communication) and that of ing social structures or social organization belie Thomas asserting that if humans define situa- the reality of social life. Relatedly, some believe tions as real, the situations are real in their conse- that actors’ definitions, which theoretically are quences, capture much of the essence of symbolic central and powerful as generators of lines of interactionism. A host of sociologists connect that action, are reformulated continuously in immedi- past with the present; among others, Burgess, ate situations of interaction, making it impossible Blumer, Waller, Sutherland, Hughes, Shibutani, to use preexistent concepts to analyze social life Kuhn, Cottrell, Hill, Lemert, Lindesmith, Mills, (Blumer 1969). Others accept the ‘‘reality’’ of so- Miyamoto, and Stone are linked to a more contem- cial structural phenomena, viewing the social struc- porary set of persons that includes Goffman, ture as relatively stable patternings of social inter- Lofland, Becker, Lopata, Strauss, Geer, Weinstein, action that operate as significant constraints on Farberman, Couch, Denzin, Bart, Maines, Rey- actors’ definitions. Social structure is thought to nolds, Turner, Daniels, Scheff, Wiseman, Heise, make for sufficient continuity in definitions to Stryker, Burke, Heiss, Fine, Hochschild, Weigert, allow the use of concepts derived from past analyses McCall, Snow, and Hewitt. (For reviews of the of social interaction in the analysis of present and history and literature of symbolic interactionism, future interaction (Stryker 1980). The first prem- see Stryker and Statham 1985; Meltzer et al. 1975; ise hides, in the term ‘‘account,’’ the important Reynolds 1990; Lewis and Smith 1980.) The pres- difference between those who seem to believe that ence of these researchers in a common listing does given the constructed character of social behavior, not indicate their adherence to a common credo; only an ‘‘after the fact’’ understanding of past there may beas much conceptual difference as events is possible (Weigert 1981) and those who similarity among them. believe that sociology can build testable predictive explanations of social behavior (Kuhn 1964). Simi- larly, some argue that the perspective of a socio- COMMONALITIES AND VARIATIONS logical observer of human social behavior is likely Thus, no single version of symbolic interaction to distort accounts of that behavior andso must be theory satisfies all who find its core ideas appealing abjured in seeking to capture the perspectives of and useful in conducting research and analyses. those who live the behavior that is observed (Denzin There appear to be three fundamental premises of 1970), and others argue directly or by implication a symbolic interactionist perspective that are shared that the requirement that accounts incorporate by those who acknowledge their intellectual roots the perspective of the actors whose behavior is in this tradition of sociological thought (Stryker observed dictates only that actors’ definitions be 1988). The first holds that an adequate account of included in developed explanations, not that they human social behavior must incorporate the per- constitute those explanations (Burke 1991). The spective of participants in interaction and cannot first group tends to argue that the best, if not the rest entirely on the perspective of the observer. only ‘‘legitimate,’’ methods are naturalistic, pri- The second is that the self, that is, persons’ reflex- marily observational (Becker and Geer 1957); the

3098 SYMBOLIC INTERACTION THEORY second group tends to be catholic with respect to the moment-to-moment situated character of defi- methods, refusing to rule out categorically any of nitions also are likely to emphasize the degree to the full range of possible social science methods which social order continuously emerges from and techniques (Heise 1979). fluid process, the self organizes social behavior in an unconstrained fashion, and creativity and nov- With respect to the second premise, elty characterize human behavior. They also tend interactionists differ in the degree to which they to insist that the point of view of the observer assign an independent ‘‘causal’’ role to the self as contaminates reasonable accounts of social inter- the link between social organization or structure action, that there is little utility in an analysis of and social behavior. For many, self can and does conceptualizations and theory emanating from serve as an independent source of that behavior earlier analyses, and that understanding, not ex- (McCall and Simmons 1978). For others, social planation, is the point of sociological efforts. organization or structure (as the residue of prior interaction) builds selves in its image, thus making The set of views presented in the preceding the self essentially a conduit through which these paragraph identifies symbolic interactionism for structures shape behavior, not an independent many of its most passionate adherents and per- source of that behavior (Goffman 1959). Similarly, haps for a majority of its critics. Those approach- there is variation among symbolic interactionists ing their work from symbolic interactionism so in the degree to which the self is seen as the source defined tended to present what they did in both of creativity and novelty in social life, the degree to conceptual and methodological opposition to avail- which creativity and novelty in social life are seen able alternatives in sociology. For example, Blumer as probable as opposed to simply possible (occur- (1969) devoted much of his career to championing ring only under a specific and limited set of social direct and participant observation aimed at access- circumstances), and the degree to which social life ing the interpretations of those whose ongoing is constructed anew rather than ‘‘merely’’ recon- interaction sociologists sought to understand as structed in the image of prior patterns (Turner opposed to both statistical and structural analyses, 1962; Hewitt 1997; Stryker and Statham 1985). whose categories, data, and mathematical manipu- The third premise is interpreted by some as lations seemed to him devoid of actors’ meanings. denying that social organization and selves have Critics of symbolic interactionism attacked it and sufficient constancy to permit generalized concep- its adherents for being nonscientific and asociological. tualization or the development of useful a priori To circumscribe symbolic interactionism in the theory on the basis of any investigation that can manner of these adherents and critics belies the carry over reasonably to any new investigation diversity in views on key issues represented in the (Glaser and Strauss 1967). In the view of others, work of those who use the framework. this premise does not deny that there is in social life a reasonable constancy that implies a sufficient constancy in both selves and social organization to CONTEMPORARY VITALITY permit the elaboration of useful theories employ- Interest in the symbolic interactionist framework ing general concepts that potentially are applica- within sociology has fluctuated. That interest was ble to wide instances of social behaviors (Heise great from 1920 to 1950, reflecting in part the 1986). Some emphasize the behavioristic elements dominance of the University of Chicago in produc- in their intellectual heritage from Mead, concen- ing sociologists as well as the institutional struc- trating on how concerted lines of social action are ture of sociology. Through the 1950s and into the constructed (Couch et al. 1986; McPhail and 1970s, interest waned, first as the structural func- Wohlstein 1986), while others adopt a stance that tionalism of Parsons and Merton gained ascendance attends primarily to the phenomenological worlds intellectually and Harvard and Columbia became of the actors (or interactors) they study (Denzin 1984). institutionally dominant and later as Marxist and Clearly, these possibilities for important varia- structuralist emphases on macro social processes tions in symbolic interactionist thought are not swept the field. Symbolic interactionism, when not independent of one another: Those who subscribe decried as reactionary or asociological, became to a view emphasizing the fluidity of social life and the loyal opposition (Mullins 1973). Indeed, Mullins

3099 SYMBOLIC INTERACTION THEORY predicted that it would disappear as a viable socio- among concepts functioning in these ways are self- logical framework. concepts. The link thus forged between cognitive social psychology and symbolic interactionism is More recent events contradict that prediction: mutually advantageous. Symbolic interactionism Symbolic interaction’ has had a remarkable benefits from the ‘‘legitimacy’’ implicit in the at- revitalization in the past three decades (Stryker tention given to its ideas and from the expanded 1987), and there has been a corresponding resur- pool of researchers focusing on those ideas; cogni- gence of interest in the framework. The revitalization tive social psychology can benefit from under- and resurgent interest reflect various sources. One standing that cognitions are rooted in social struc- is an emerging realization among sociologists with tures and processes. a structural orientation that their theories could benefit from the sociologically sophisticated the- ory of the social actor and action that symbolic (SEE ALSO: Identity Theory; Role Theory; Self-Concept; Social interactionism can provide and the related in- Psychology) creasing interest in linking micro to macro social processes. A second lies in a series of changing REFERENCES emphases in the work of contemporary symbolic Becker, Howard S., and Blanche Geer 1957 ‘‘Participant interactionists. Although much recent work in a Observation and Interviewing: A Comparison.’’Hu- symbolic interactionist framework reflects tradi- man Organization 16:28–32. tional conceptual, theoretical, and methodologi- cal themes, on the conceptual level, newer work Berger, Joseph, Thomas L. Connor, and M. Hamit Fisek, eds. 1974 Expectation States Theory: A Theoretical tends to adopt a ‘‘multiple selves’’ perspective, Research Program. Cambridge, Mass.: Winthrop. drawing on William James (Stryker 1989; McCall and Simmons 1978) rather than viewing the self as Blumer, Herbert 1937 ‘‘Social Psychology.’’ In Emerson singular or unitary. Theoretically, there is greater P. Schmidt, ed., Man and Society. New York: Pren- tice-Hall. attention to emotion, to affective dimensions of social life (Hochschild 1979; Thoits 1989; MacKinnon ——— 1969 Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method. 1994; Ervin and Stryker, forthcoming), correcting Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. for a ‘‘cognitive bias’’ in the framework; there is Burke, Peter J. 1991. ‘‘Attitudes, Behavior, and the also greater appreciation for structural facilitators Self.’’ In Judith A. Howard and Peter L. Callero, eds., of and constraints on interaction and on self proc- The Self-Society Dynamic. New York: Cambridge Uni- esses. While not yet prominent in contemporary versity Press. interactionism, the groundwork has been laid (e.g., Corsaro, William A. 1985 Friendship and Peer Culture in in Stryker and Statham 1985) for the reintroduction the Early Years. Norwood, N.J.: Ablex. of the concept of habit, which was central in the Couch, Carl J., Stanley L. Saxon, and Michael A. Katovich writings of John Dewey and other forerunners of 1986 Studies in Symbolic Interaction: The Iowa School, 2 interactionism, in recognition that social life is not vols. Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press. invariablyreflexive and minded. Current symbolic Denzin, Norman K. 1984 On Understanding Emotion. San interactionism is methodologically eclectic and Francisco: Josey Bass. tends to be more rigorous than it was in the past, ——— 1970 The Research Act. New York: McGraw-Hill. whether the methods are ethnographic (Corsaro 1985) or involve structural equation modeling Ervin, Laurie, and Sheldon Stryker forthcoming. ‘‘Self- (Serpe 1987). Also contributing to the revitalization Esteem and Identity.’’ In Timothy J. Owens, Sheldon of symbolic interactionism is the attention to its Stryker, and Norman Goodman, eds., Extending Self- Esteem Theory and Research: Sociological and Psychologi- ideas, often unacknowledged but sometimes rec- cal Currents. New York: Cambridge University Press. ognized, paid by a psychological social psychology that is predominately cognitive in its orientation. ——— 1984 ‘‘Toward a Phenomenology of Domestic For cognitive social psychology, concepts are men- Family Violence.’’ American Journal of Sociology 3:483–513. tal or subjective structures formed through experi- Glaser, Barney G., and Anselm L. Strauss 1967 The ence, and these structures affect recognizing, at- Discovery of Grounded Theory. Chicago: Aldine. tending, storage, recall, and utilization of information Goffman, Erving 1959 The Presentation of Self in Everyday impinging on the person; of prime significance Life. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday.

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3101 SYSTEMS THEORY

——— 1992 ‘‘Vertical and Nonvertical Effects in Class as maintaining a given temperature range. The Mobility: Cross-National Variations.’’ American Socio- idea of control was implicit in Walter B. Cannon’s logical Review 57:396–410. original formulation of the concept of homeostasis. ——— 1995 ‘‘Extensions in the Use of Log-Multiplica- Cannon suggested (Cannon 1939, p. 22) that the tive Scaled Association Models in Multiway Contin- methods used by animals to control their body gency Tables.’’ Sociological Methods and Research temperatures within well-established ranges might 23:507–538. be adapted for use in connection with other struc- Xie, Yu 1992 ‘‘The Log-Multiplicative Layer Effect Model tures including social and industrial organizations. for Comparing Mobility Tables’’ American Sociologi- He referred to the body’s ability to maintain its cal Review 57:380–395. temperature equilibrium as homeostasis.

SHELDON STRYKES A third idea involved in the system way of looking at things is Ludwig von Bertalannfy’s search for a ‘‘general systems theory’’ (von Bertalannfy 1968; Boguslaw 1982, pp. 8–13). This is essentially SYSTEMS THEORY a call for what many would see as an interdiscipli- NOTE: Although the following article has not been revised for nary approach. Von Bertalannfy noted the ten- this edition of the Encyclopedia, the substantive coverage is dency toward increased specialization in the mod- currently appropriate. The editors have provided a list of ern world and saw entire disciplines—physics, recent works at the end of the article to facilitate research and biology, psychology, sociology, and so on—encap- exploration of the topic. sulated in their private universes of discourse, with Systems theory is much more (or perhaps little communication between any of them. He much less) than a label for a set of constructs or failed to note, however, that new interdisciplinary research methods. The term systems is used in disciplines often quickly tend to build their own many different ways (Boguslaw 1965; 1981, pp. insulated languages and conceptual cocoons. 29–46). Inevitably this creates considerable confu- A fourth idea in the systems approach to sion. For some it is a ‘‘way’’ of looking at problems phenomena is in some ways the most pervasive of in science, technology, philosophy, and many other all. It focuses on the discrepancy between objec- things; for others it is a specific mode of decision tives set for a component and those required for making. In the late twentieth-century Western world the system. In organizations this is illustrated by it has also become a means of referring to skills of the difference between goals of individual depart- various kinds and defining professional elites. News- ments and those of an entire organization. For paper ‘‘want ads’’ reflect a widespread demand for example, the sales department wants to maximize persons with a variety of ‘‘system’’ skills, for ex- sales, but the organization finds it more profitable perts in ‘‘systems engineering,’’ ‘‘systems analy- to limit production, for a variety of reasons. If an sis,’’ ‘‘management systems,’’ ‘‘urban systems,’’ entire community is viewed as a system, a factory ‘‘welfare systems,’’ and ‘‘educational systems.’’ component of this system may decide that short- As a way of looking at things, the ‘‘systems term profitability is more desirable as an objective approach’’ in the first place means examining than investment in pollution-control devices to objects or processes, not as isolated phenomena, protect the health of its workers and community but as interrelated components or parts of a com- residents. Countless examples of this sort can be plex. An automobile may be seen as a system; a car found. They all seem to document the idea that battery is a component of this system. The auto- system objectives are more important than those mobile, however, may also be seen as a component of its subsystems. This is a readily understandable of a community or a national transportation sys- notion with respect to exclusively physical systems. tem. Indeed, most systems can be viewed as subsys- When human beings are involved on any level, tems of more encompassing systems. things become much more complicated. Second, beyond the idea of interrelatedness, Physical components or subsystems are not systems imply the idea of control. This always expected to be innovative. Their existence is ideal includes some more or less explicit set of values. In when it proceeds in a ‘‘normal’’ routine. If they some systems, the values involved may be as simple wear out they can be replaced relatively cheaply,

3102 SYSTEMS THEORY and if they are damaged they can be either re- consider changes in the larger system that could paired or discarded. They have no sense of risk conceivably eliminate a significant portion of the and can be required to work in highly dangerous massive computer installation (Office of Technol- environments twenty-four hours a day, seven days ogy Assessment 1972). a week, if necessary. They do not join unions, Almost two decades after attention had been never ask for increases in pay, and are completely called to these difficulties, system problems at the obedient. They have no requirements for leisure IRS continued to exist. A proposed Tax System time, cultural activities, or diversions of any kind. Modernization was formulated to solve them. The They are completely expendable if the system General Accounting Office raised questions about demands sacrifices. They thrive on authoritarian whether this proposal, estimated to cost several or totalitarian controls and cannot deal with the billion dollars, was in fact ‘‘a new way of doing notion of democracy. business’’ or simply intended to lower costs and As a specific mode of decision making, it is this increase efficiency of current operations. More- top-down authoritarianism that seems to charac- over, the Accounting Office suggested that the terize systems theory when it is predicated on a lack of a master plan made it difficult to know how physical systems prototype. Computerization of or whether the different component subsystems functions previously performed by human beings would fit together. Specifically, for example, it ostensibly simplifies the process of converting this asked whether the proposal included a telecom- aspect of the theory into action. Computer hard- munications subsystem and, if so, why such an ware is presumably completely obedient to com- item had not been included among the budgeted mands received from the top; software prepared items (Rhile 1990). by computer programers is presumably similarly To exclude the larger system from considera- responsive to system objectives. Almost impercep- tion and assume it is equivalent to a subsystem is to tibly, this has led to a condition in which systems engage in a form of fragmentation that has long increasingly become seen and treated as identical been criticized in related areas by perceptive soci- to the machine in large-scale ‘‘man-machine sys- ologists (see Braverman 1974; Kraft 1977). Histori- tems.’’ (The language continues to reflect deeply cally, fragmentation has led to deskilling of work- embedded traditions of male chauvinism.) ers, that is, replacing craft tasks with large numbers These systems characteristically have a sizable of relatively simpler tasks requiring only semi- computerized information-processing subsystem skilled or unskilled labor. This shields the larger that keeps assuming increasing importance. For system from scrutiny and facilitates centralization example the U.S. Internal Revenue Service (IRS) of control and power. It also facilitates computeri- obviously has enormous quantities of information zation of work processes and even more control. to process. Periodically, IRS officials feel the ne- In the contemporary industrial and political cessity to increase computer capacity. To accom- worlds, power is justified largely on the basis of plish this, the practice has been to obtain bids from ‘‘efficiency.’’ It is exercised largely through mo- computer manufacturers. One bid, accepted years nopolization of information. Various forms of ago at virtually the highest levels of government, social organization and social structure can be proposed a revised system costing between 750 used for the exercise of this power. Systems theory million and one billion dollars. focuses not on alternative structures but, rather, on objectives, a subset of what sociologists think of Examination of the proposal by the congres- as values. To hold power is to facilitate rapid sional Office of Technology Assessment uncov- implementation of the holder’s values. ered a range of difficulties. Central to these was the fact that the computer subsystem had been Fragmentation, in the final analysis, is an ef- treated as the total system (perhaps understand- fort to divide the world of relevant systems into ably since the contractor was a computer corpora- tightly enclosed cubbyholes of thought and prac- tion). The existing body of IRS procedures, inter- tice controlled from the top. This nal regulations, information requirements, and compartmentalization is found in both govern- law (all part of the larger system) was accepted as ment and private enterprises. The compartments an immutable given. No effort had been made to are filled with those devoid of genuine power and

3103 SYSTEMS THEORY reflect the limitation of decisions available to their referred to as Operations Analysis and subsequently occupants. Those at the summit of power pyra- referred to as Operations Research. A more or less mids are exempt from these constraints and, ac- official definition of the field tells us Operations cordingly, enjoy considerably more ‘‘freedom’’ Research is concerned with scientifically deciding (Pelton, Sackmann, and Boguslaw 1990). how to best design and operate man-machine systems usually under conditions requiring the An increasingly significant form of fragmenta- allocation of scarce resources. In practice, the tion is found in connection with the operation of work of operations research involved the construc- many large-scale technological systems. Sociolo- tion of models of operational activities, initially in gist Charles Perrow has, in a path-breaking study, the military, subsequently in organizations of all examined an enormous variety of such systems. kinds. Management science, a term perhaps more He has reviewed operations in nuclear power, congenial to the American industrial and business petrochemical, aircraft, marine, and a variety of ear, emerged officially as a discipline in 1953 with other systems including those involving dams, the establishment of the Institute of Management mines, space, weapons, and even deoxyribonu- Sciences. cleic acid (DNA). He developed a rough scale of the potential for catastrophe, assessing the risk of In both cases, the declared impetus of the loss of life and property against expected benefits. discipline was to focus on the entire system, rather He concluded that people would be better off than on components. One text points out that learning to live without some, or with greatly subdivisions of organizations began to solve prob- modified, complex technological systems (Perrow lems in ways that were not necessarily in the best 1984). A central problem he found involved interests of the overall organizations. Operations ‘‘externalities,’’ the social costs of an activity not research tries to help management solve problems shown in its price, such as pollution, injuries, and involving the interactions of objectives. It tries to anxieties. He notes that these social costs are often find the ‘‘best’’ decisions for ‘‘as large a portion of borne by those who do not even benefit from the the total system as possible’’ (Whitehouse and activity or are unaware of the externalities. Wechsler 1976). This, of course, is another corollary to the Another text, using the terms management sci- fragmentation problem. To consider the techno- ence and operations research, interchangeably de- logical system in isolation from the larger social fines them (or it) as the ‘‘application of scientific system within which it is embedded is to invite procedures, techniques, and tools to operating, enormous difficulties for the larger system while strategic, and policy problems in order to develop providing spurious profits for those controlling and help evaluate solutions’’ (Davis, McKeown, the subsystem. and Rakes 1986, p. 4). Another interesting manifestation of the frag- The basic procedure used in operations re- mentation problem arises in connection with two search/management science work involves defin- relatively new disciplines that address many prob- ing a problem, constructing a model, and, ulti- lems formerly the exclusive province of sociology: mately, finding a solution. An enormous variety of operations research and management science. Each mathematical, statistical, and simulation models of these has its own professional organization and have been developed with more or less predictable journal. consequences. ‘‘Many management science spe- cialists were accused of being more interested in Operations research traces its ancestry to 1937 manipulating problems to fit techniques than . . . in Great Britain when a group of scientists, mathe- (working) to develop suitable solutions’’ (Davis, maticians, and engineers was organized to study McKeown, and Rakes 1986, p. 5). The entire field some military problems. How do you use chaff as a often evokes the tale of the fabled inebriate who radar countermeasure? What are the most effec- persisted in looking for his lost key under the tive bombing patterns? How can destroyers best lamppost, although he had lost it elsewhere, be- be deployed if you want to protect a convoy? cause ‘‘it is light here.’’ The efforts to solve these and related prob- Under the sponsorship of the Systems Theory lems gave rise to a body of knowledge initially and Operations Research program of the National

3104 SYSTEMS THEORY

Science Foundation, a Committee on the Next constitutes the core of the dilemma continuing to Decade in Operations Research (CONDOR) held confront systems theory. a workshop in 1987. A report later appeared in the Achieving a satisfactory resolution of the dis- journal Operations Research. The journal subse- crepancy between individual needs and objectives quently asked operation researchers to comment of the systems within which individuals find them- on the report (Wagner et al. 1989). One of the selves embedded or by which they are affected commentators expressed what appears to be a remains an unsolved problem as the twentieth growing sentiment in the field by pointing out the century draws to a close. limitations of conventional modeling techniques for professional work. Criticizing the CONDOR report for appearing to accept the methodological (SEE ALSO: Decision-Making Theory and Research; Social status quo, he emphasized the character of models Dynamics; Social Structure) as ‘‘at best abstractions of selected aspects of real- ity’’ (Wagner et al. 1989). He quoted approvingly REFERENCES from another publication, ‘‘thus while exploiting Bernik, Ivan 1994 ‘‘Double Disenchantment of Politics: their strengths, a prudent analyst recognizes realis- A Systems Theory Approach to Post-Socialist Trans- tically the limitations of quantitative methods’’ formation.’’ Innovation 7:345–356. (Quade 1988). Bivins, Thomas H. 1992 ‘‘A Systems Model for Ethical This, however, is an unfortunate repetition of Decision Making in Public Relations.’’ Public Rela- an inaccurate statement of the difficulty. It is not tions Review 18:365–383. the limitations of quantitative methods that is in Boguslaw, Robert (1965) 1981 The New Utopians: A Study question but rather the recognition of the charac- of Systems Design and Social Change. Englewood Cliffs, ter of the situations to which they are applied. N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Sociologists distinguish between established situa- ——— 1982 Systems Analysis and Social Planning: Human tions, those whose parameters can be defined Problems of Post-Industrial Society. New York: Irvington. precisely and for which valid analytic means exist Braverman, Harry 1974 Labor and Monopoly Capital: The to describe meaningful relationship within them Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century. New and emergent situations, whose parameters are York: Monthly Review Press. known incompletely and for which satisfactory Cannon, Walter B. 1939 The Wisdom of the Body, rev. ed. analytic techniques are not available within the New York: Norton. time constraints of necessary action (Boguslaw Cohen-Rosenthal, Edward 1997 ‘‘Sociotechnical Sys- [1965] 1981). In established situations mathematical tems and Unions: Nicety or Necessity.’’ Human Rela- or statistical models are quite satisfactory, along tions 50:585–604. with other forms of rational analysis. In emergent Creedon, Pamela J. 1993 ‘‘Acknowledging the Infrasystem: situations, however, they can yield horrendous A Critical Feminist Analysis of Systems Theory.’’ distortions. Fifty top U.S. corporation executives, Public Relations Review 19:157–166. when interviewed, recognized and acted upon this Davis, K. Roscoe, Patrick G. McKeown, and Terry R. distinction more or less intuitively, although the Rakes 1986 Management Science. Boston, Mass.: Kent. situations presented to them were referred to as Type 1 and Type 2, respectively (Pelton, Sackmann, Garnsey, Elizabeth 1993 ‘‘Exploring a Critical Systems Perspective.’’ Innovation 6:229–256. and Boguslaw 1990). Janeksela, Galan M. 1995 ‘‘General Systems Theory and Individual persons, organizations, or enter- Structural Analysis of Correctional Institution Social prises may be viewed, on the one hand, as self- Systems.’’ International Review of Modern Sociology contained systems. On the other, they may be 25:43–50. viewed as subsystems of larger social systems. Un- Kraft, Philip 1977 Programmers and Managers: The fortunately, efforts are continually made to gloss Routinization of Computer Programming in the United over this dichotomy through a form of fragmenta- States. New York: Springer-Verlag. tion, by treating a subsystem or collection of sub- Office of Technology Assessment 1977 A Preliminary systems as equivalent to a larger system. It is this Assessment of the IRS Tax Administration System. Wash- relationship between system and subsystem that ington, D.C.: Office of Technology Assessment.

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Pelton, Warren, Sonja Sackmann, and Robert Boguslaw Stichweh, Rudolf 1995 ‘‘Systems Theory and Rational 1990 Tough Chokes: Decision-Making Styles of America’s Choice Theory; Systemtheorie und Rational Choice Top 50 CEO’s. Homewood, Ill.: Dow Jones-Irwin. Theorie.’’ Zeitschrift fur Soziologie 24:395–406. Perrow, Charles 1984 Normal Accidents: Living with High- Turner, Jonathan H. 1991 The Structure of Sociological Risk Technologies. New York: Basic Books. Theory, 5th ed. Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth. Quade, E. S. 1988 ‘‘Quantitative Methods: Uses and von Bertalannfy, Ludwig 1968 General Systems Theory: Limitations’’ In H. J. Miser and E. S. Quade, eds., Foundations, Development, Applications. New York: Handbook of Systems Analysis: Overview of Uses, Proce- George Braziller. dures, Applications and Practice, pp. 283–324. New Wagner, Harvey M., Michael H. Rothkopf, Clayton J. York: North-Holland. Thomas, and Hugh J. Miser 1989 ‘‘The Next Decade Rhile, Howard G. (March 22) 1990 ‘‘Progress in Meeting in Operations Research: Comments on the CON- the Challenge of Modernizing IRS’ Tax Processing DOR Report,’’ Operations Research 37:664–672. System.’’ Testimony before the Subcommittee on Warren, Keith, Cynthia Franklin, and Calvin L. Streeter Oversight, Committee on Ways and Means, House of 1998 ‘‘New Directions in Systems Theory: Chaos and Representatives. Washington, D.C.: General Account- Complexity.’’ Social-Work 43 (4):357–372. ing Office. Whitehouse, Gary E., and Ben L. Wechsler 1976 Applied Searight, H. Russell and William T. Merkel 1991 ‘‘Sys- Operations Research. New York: Wiley. tems Theory and Its Discontents: Clinical and Ethical Issues.’’ American Journal of Family Therapy 19:19–31. ROBERT BOGUSLAW

3106 T

TABULAR ANALYSIS Haberman 1978, 1979; Fienberg 1980; Agresti 1984; 1990; Clogg and Shihadeh 1994). (For other In its most general form, tabular analysis includes related models, see McCullagh and Nelder 1983; any analysis that uses tables, in other words, almost Thiel 1991; Long 1997; Press and Wilson 1998). any form of quantitative analysis. In this article, This method is flexible, can handle more complex however, it refers only to the analysis of categorical data (with many variables), and is more readily variables (both nominal and ordered) when that amenable to statistical modeling and testing (Clogg analysis relies on cross-classified tables in the form et al. 1990). For this reason, the log-linear method of frequencies, probabilities, or conditional proba- is rapidly emerging as the standard method for bilities (percentages). In general, the use of such analyzing multivariate categorical data. Its results, cross-tabulated data is practical only with variables however, are not easily accessible because the that have a limited number of categories. There- resulting tabular data are expressed as multiplica- fore, this article deals with some of the analytic tive functions of the parameters (i.e., log-linear problems of categorical data analysis. Although it rather than linear), and the parameters of these sometimes is difficult to separate analysis from models tend to obscure descriptive information methods of data presentation, the emphasis here that often is needed in making intelligent compari- is decidedly on analysis (see Davis and Jacobs 1968). sons (Davis 1984; Kaufman and Schervish 1986; Alba 1988; Clogg et al. 1990). Tabular analysis can take many different forms, but two methods deserve special attention. The These two methods share a set of analytic first is known as subgroup analysis. The underlying strategies and problems and are complementary logic of this type of analysis was codified under the in their strengths and weaknesses. To understand name ‘‘elaboration paradigm’’ by Lazarsfeld and both the promises and the problems of tabular his colleagues (Kendall and Lazarsfeld 1950; analysis, it is important to understand the logic of Lazarsfeld 1955; Hyman 1955; Rosenberg 1968; analysis and the problems that tabular analyses Lazarsfeld et al., 1972; Zeisel 1985). Because of the share with the simpler statistical analysis of linear simplicity of the method and the ease with which it systems. As a multivariate analysis tool, tabular can facilitate communication with others, subgroup analysis faces the same problems that other well- analysis has been the mainstay of research reports developed linear statistical models face in analyz- dealing with categorical data. ing data that are collected under less than ideal experimental conditions. It therefore, is impor- The second is based on the use of log-linear tant to have a full understanding of this founda- and related models and has become increasingly tion, and the best way to do that is to examine the popular (Bishop et al. 1975; Goodman 1978; simplest linear system.

3107 TABULAR ANALYSIS

STATISTICAL CONTROLS, CAUSAL =+ YXdeyx (2) ORDERING, AND IMPROPER SPECIFICATIONS where e stands for all the effects of other variables Consider the simplest linear multivariate system: that are randomized. The randomization makes the expected correlation between X and e zero. =++ (Without loss of generality, it is assumed that all YXbZbeyx⋅⋅ z yz x (1) the variables [X, Y, and e] are measured as devia- tions from their respective means.) For the sake of where all the variables, including the error term, simplicity, it is assumed for now that Y does not are assumed to be measured from their respective affect X. (For an examination of causal models means. When this equation is used merely to dealing with reciprocal causation and with more describe the relationship between a dependent complex systems in general, see Fisher 1966; variable Y and two other variables X and Z, the Goldberger and Duncan 1973; Alwin and Hauser issue of misspecification—in other words, whether 1975; Duncan 1975; Blalock 1985a, 1985b.) the coefficients accurately reflect an intended rela- tionship—does not arise because the coefficients The coefficient dyx measures the expected are well-known partial regression coefficients. How- change in Y given a unit change in X. It does not ever, when the linear model depicted in equation matter whether changes in X affect other variables (1) is considered as a representation of an underly- and whether some of those variables in turn affect ing theory, these coefficients receive meaning un- Y. As long as all the changes in Y ultimately are produced by the manipulated initial changes in X der that theory. In that case, the issue of whether and X alone, X receives total credit for them. the coefficients really capture the intended rela- Therefore, d is a coefficient of total causal effect tionship becomes important. Causal relationships yx (referred to as an effect coefficient for short). are not the only important relationships, but it is informative to examine this equation with refer- The customary symbol for a simple regression

ence to such relationships since this is the implicitly coefficient, byx is not used in equation (2) because

implied type of system. byx is equivalent to dyx only under these very special conditions. If one uses a simple regression equa- Many different conceptions of causality exist tion in the form similar to equation (2) above and in the literature (Blalock 1964, 1985a, 1985b; Dun- assumes that byx is equivalent to dyx, the model is can 1966, 1975; Simon 1954, 1979; Heise 1975; misspecified as long as the data do not meet all the Mostetler and Tukey 1977; Bunge 1979; Singer assumptions made about the ideal experiment. and Marini 1987). However, the one undisputed Such errors in model specification yield biased criterion of causality seems to be the existence of a estimates in general. Implications of some specifi- relationship between manipulated changes in one cation errors may be trivial, but they can be serious variable (X) and attendant changes in another when one is analyzing nonexperimental data (see variable (Y) in an ideal experiment. That is, a Kish 1959; Campbell and Stanley 1966; Leamer causal connection exists between X and Y if changes 1978; Cook and Campbell 1979; Lieberson 1985; in X and X alone produce changes in Y. This is a Arminger and Bohrnstedt 1987). very restrictive criterion and may not be general Many underlying causal systems are compat- enough to cover all important cases, but it is ible with the three-variable linear equation shown sufficient as a point of reference. This definition is above. For the purpose at hand, it is enough to consistent with the way in which effects are mea- examine the simple causal systems shown in Fig- sured in controlled experiments. In general, even ure 1. These causal systems imply critical assump- in an ideal experiment, it is often impossible to tions about the error term and the causal order- eliminate or control all the variations in other ing. If these assumptions are correct, there is a variables, but their effects are made random by definite connection between the underlying causal design. A simple linear causal system describing a parameters and the regression coefficients in equa- relationship produced in an ideal experiment thus tion (1). However, if some of these assumptions takes the following familiar form: are wrong, equation (1) is a misrepresentation of

3108 TABULAR ANALYSIS

A. Z ≥ X ≥Y:

1) Z X Y 2) Z X 3) Z X Y Y ≠ = byx = byx·z = dyx byx byx·z = dyx byx byx·z = 0 = dyx byz = bxz·byx·z = dyz byz = bxz·byx·z + byz·x = dyz byz = byz·x = dyz ≠ byz·x = 0

B. (Z, X) ≥Y:

1) Z 2) Z Y 3) Z Y

X Y X X

≠ ≠ byx = byx·z byz byx·z = dyx byx byx·z = 0 = dyx ≠ ≠ = dyz byz byz·x = dyz byz byz·x = dyz

C. X ≥ Z ≥Y:

1) X Z Y 2) X Z 3) X Z Y Y ≠ ≠ = byx 0 = byx·z byx byx·z byx byx·z ≠ ≠ byz = byz·x = dyz byz byz·x byz byz·x

Figure 1. Some simplified linear causal systems the assumed causal model (for a fuller description relationship between X and Y. Note also that the of other possible systems, see Duncan 1975). simple regression coefficient is equivalent to the

effect coefficient (b = b ⋅ = d ); similarly, the The notation for causal hierarchy (≥) means yx yx z yz simple b is equivalent to d , but the partial b ⋅ that the preceding variable may affect the variables yz yx yz x becomes zero. (If one were to control Y, the X–Z after it, but variables after (≥) may not affect the preceding variables. A connecting arrow between relationship would not change, but such control is two variables indicates both the existence and the superfluous given the assumptions about the causal direction of effects; lack of a connecting arrow ordering.) In fact, one could argue that these two indicates no known effects. (For convenience, these conditions, given the assumptions about the causal diagrams do not show random errors, but their hierarchy, uniquely define a simple causal chain. If presence is assumed.) the control variable Z enters the X–Y causal system only through X (or the effects of a set of variables For each causal system in Figure 1, the key are mediated completely through [an]other vari- relationships among simple regression coefficients, able[s] in the system), there is no need to intro- partial regression coefficients, and effect coeffi- duce Z (or a set of such variables) as a control to cients are listed below each causal diagram. Look correctly specify the X–Y relationship. at the simple causal chain (or a cascading system) shown in A1, for instance. The introduction of Z as In A2, the two partials (byx⋅z and byz⋅x) are differ- a control variable has no effect on the observed ent from the respective bivariate coefficients (byx

3109 TABULAR ANALYSIS

and byz). The key point is that the partial byx⋅z is pendent variables interact, such simplicity does equivalent to dyx, while the partial between Z and Y not exist. A simple example of such a system is

(byz⋅x) simply reflects the portion of the causal effect given below: from Z to Y that is not mediated by X. YXbXbXXbe=⋅+⋅+⋅,() ⋅+ (3) In A3, there is no direct connection between X 11 2 2 1 2 3 and Y once the effect of Z is controlled: The which is the same as equation (1) except for the observed bivariate relation between X and Y is simplification of labels for the variables and coeffi- spurious or, more accurately, the observed asso- cients and the addition of a multiplicative term (X ciation between X and Y is explained by the exist- 1 - X ). ence of a common cause. In this case, the introduc- 2

tion of Z, controlling its effects on both X and Y, is The partial for X1 in such a system, for exam- critical in ascertaining the true causal parameter of ple, no longer properly represents the expected

the system (dyx), which happens to be zero. change in Y for a unit change in X1, even if the assumptions about the causal order are correct. A All the causal systems shown in B share similar partial differentiation of the equation with respect patterns with A; the pattern of the relationship to X for instance, gives b + X - b , which implies between the bivariate coefficients and the partials 1 1 2 3 that the rate of change introduced by a change in remains the same. For this reason, the X–Y rela- X1 is also dependent on the values of the other tionship in particular is examined in the same way causal variable (X ) and the associated coefficient by introducing Z as a control variable regardless of 2 (b3). One therefore cannot interpret the individual the specification of causal hierarchy between X coefficients as measuring something independently and Z. Note in particular that introducing Z as a of others. This point is important for a fuller control variable in B1 and B3 is a misspecification understanding of the log-linear models introduced of the model, but such misspecifications (includ- below, because a bivariate relationship is repre- ing an irrelevant variable in the equation) do not sented by interaction terms. The notion of control lead to biased estimation (for a related discussion, often invoked with ceteris paribus (other things see Arminger and Bohrnstedt 1987). being unchanged) also becomes ambiguous. The systems shown in C do not require addi- The logic of causal analysis for the additive tional comments. Except for the changes in the systems can be extended easily to a system with order of the two variables X and Z, they are exact more variables. If the assumptions about the causal replicas of the systems in A. The resulting statistics order, the form of the relationship, and the ran- show the same patterns observed in A. Neverthe- dom errors are correct, one can identify the causal less, the attendant interpretation of the results is parameters, such as dyx, and decompose the linear radically different. For instance, when the partial connection between any set of variables into spuri- byx⋅z disappears, one does not consider that there is ous (noncausal) and genuine (causal) components, no causal relationship between X and Y; instead, dyx, and the latter (dyx) into indirect (mediated) and one’s conviction about the causal relationship is direct (residual) components. reinforced by the fact that an intervening causal agent is found. To identify dyx, one must control all the poten- tially relevant variables that precede X in causal In summary, the assumptions about the causal ordering but not the variables that might inter- ordering play a critical role in the interpretation of vene between X and Y. Under this assumption, ⋅⋅⋅ the coefficients of the linear model shown in equa- then, the partial byx (z ), where the variables in tion (1). The assumptions about the order must parentheses represent all such ‘‘antecedent’’ vari- come from outside knowledge. ables, is equivalent to dyx. In identifying this com- ponent, one must not control the variables that X There is one more type to note. All the systems may affect; these variables may work as mediating examined so far are linear and additive. The par- causal agents and transmit part of the effect of X to tial coefficients reflect the expected change in the Y. dependent variable given a unit change in a given independent variable while the other independent The partial of a linear system in which both variables are kept constant. If two or more inde- antecedent variables (Zs) and intervening vari-

3110 TABULAR ANALYSIS

⋅ ⋅⋅⋅ ⋅⋅⋅ ables (Ws) are included (byx [x w ]) will represent Observed Frequencies the residual causal connection between X and Y that is not mediated by any of the variables in- Variable X cluded in the model. As more Ws are included, this 12Total residual component may change. However, the Variable Y 1 ff1112 f 1⋅ linear representation of a causal system without 2 ff f⋅ these additional intervening variables is not 2122 2 total ff⋅⋅ N misspecified. By contrast, if the introduction of 12 additional Zs will change the X–Y partial, an omis- sion of such variables from the equation indicates Note the form of marginal frequencies. Now let pij a misspecification of the causal system because denote the corresponding observed probabilities: some of the spurious components will be con- pij = fij/N. Let the uppercase letters, Fij and Pij, founded with the genuine causal components. denote the corresponding expected frequencies and probabilities under same model or hypothesis. For nonexperimental data, the problems of misspecification and misinterpretation are seri- If X and Y are statistically independent, ous. Many factors may confound the relationships p pp⋅⋅ under consideration (Campbell and Stanley 1966; ij = ij= pi⋅ Cook and Campbell 1979; Lieberson 1985; Arminger p⋅j p⋅j and Bohrnstedt 1987; Singer and Marini 1987). There is no guarantee that a set of variables one is considering constitutes a closed system, but the That is, the conditional probability of Yi given Xj is situation is not totally hopeless. The important the same as the marginal probability of Yi. Thus, a point is that one should not ignore these issues convenient descriptive indicator of statistical inde- and assume away potentially serious problems. pendence is that byx = p11/p-1 - p12/p-2 = 0. The Selection biases, contagion effects, limited varia- percentage difference is simply 100 times byx. The tions in the data, threshold effects, and so on, can symbol byx is quite appropriate in this case, for it is be modeled if they are faced seriously (Rubin equivalent to the regression coefficient. The fact ≠ 1977; Leamer 1978; Hausman 1978; Heckman that byx 0 implies a lack of statistical indepen- 1979; Berk 1983, 1986; Heckman and Robb 1986; dence between Xand Y. Arminger and Bohrnstedt 1987; Long 1988; Bollen Another equally good measure is the odds 1989; Xie 1989). Furthermore, this does not mean ratio or cross-product ratio: that one has to control (introduce) every conceiv- able variable. Once a few key variables are con- = FF11/ 12 trolled, additional variables usually do not affect Odds ratio ()t FF21/ 22 the remaining variables too much. (This observa- FF/ tion is a corollary to the well-known fact that social = 11 21 scientists often have great difficulty finding any FF12/ 22 variable that can substantially improve R2 in re- = FF11/ 22 gression analysis.) FF/ 12 21

FREQUENCY TABLES, CONDITIONAL The first line shows that the odds ratio is a ratio of PROBABILITIES, AND ODDS RATIOS ratios. The second line shows that it is immaterial whether one starts with odds (ratio) in one direc- To fix the ideas and make the following discus- tion or the opposite direction. The final line indi- sions concrete, it is useful to introduce basic nota- cates that the odds ratio is equivalent to the cross- tions and define two indicators of association for a product ratio. In general, if all the odds ratios in a bivariate table. Consider the simplest contingency table for two variables are 1, the two variables are table, one given by the cross-classification of two statistically independent; the converse is also true. dichotomous variables. Let fij denote the observed The fact that t equals 1 implies that X is indepen- frequencies; then the observed frequency distribu- dent of Y. Therefore, both the odds ratio (t) and tion will have the following form: the percent age difference (byx) can serve equally

3111 TABULAR ANALYSIS

well as descriptive indicators of association be- ferent causal systems. It is clear from the earlier tween variables. examination of the linear causal systems that to answer the first question, one must examine the Given that observed frequencies are unstable X–Y relationship while controlling for the factors because of sampling variability, it is useful to test that are antecedent to X(assuming that X ≥ Y). To the null hypothesis that t = byx = 0 in the population. answer the second question, one also must control Such a hypothesis is evaluated by using either the factors that X may affect and that in turn may conventional chi-square statistic or the -2*(likeli- affect Y. Controlling for many variables is possible hood ratio): in theory but is impractical for two quite different reasons: (1) One runs out of cases very quickly as χ22=∑∑ − ()/fFij ij F ij the number of subgroups increases, and (b) as the 2 =− ∑∑ number of subgroups increases, so does the num- LfFf2 (ij log( ij / ij )) ber of partial tables to examine and evaluate. =∑∑2 (ffF log( / )) ij ij ij Nevertheless, it is quite possible that one might find a strategically critical variable that might help These values are evaluated against the theoretical explain the observed relationship either by prov- distribution with the appropriate degrees of free- ing that the observed relationship is spurious or by dom. These two tests are equivalent for large confirming a causal connection between the two samples. (For a related discussion, see Williams variables. 1976; Tamas et al. 1994) To make the discussion more concrete, con- sider the hypothetical bivariate percentage table ELABORATION AND SUBGROUP ANALYSIS between involvement in car accidents (Y) and the gender of the driver (X). The percentage differ- The logic of linear systems that was presented ence (10% = 30% − 20%) indicates that men are earlier was introduced to social scientists through more likely to be involved in car accidents while the elaboration paradigm and through an infor- driving than are women. Because there are only

mal demonstration of certain patterns of relation- two categories in Y, this percentage difference (byx) ship among variables (Kendall and Lazarsfeld 1950; captures all the relationship in the table. Given the Lazarsfeld 1955). Statistical control is achieved by large sample size and the magnitude of the per- examining relationships within each subgroup that centage difference, it is safe to assume that this is is formed by the relevant categories of the control not an artifact of sampling variability. variable. The typical strategy is to start the analysis Suppose a third variable (Z = amount of driv- with an examination of the association between ing) is suspected to be related to both gender (X) two variables of interest, say, X and Y. If there is an and involvement in accidents (Y). It therefore is association of some sort between X and Y, the prudent to examine whether the X–Y relationship following two questions become relevant: (1) Is remains the same after the amount of driving is the observed relationship spurious or genuine? (2) controlled or eliminated. Whether this conjecture If some part of the relationship is genuine, which is reasonable can be checked before one examines variables mediate the relationship between the the three-variable subgroup analysis: There has to two? (The question of sampling variability is han- be some relationship between Xand Z and be- dled rather informally, relying on the magnitude tween X and Y. Table 1b shows the bivariate rela- of the percentage differences as a simple guide. tionship between gender (X) and driving (Z). Note Moreover, two variables that seemingly are unre- that there is a very strong association: byx=.333 lated at the bivariate level may show a stronger (33.3%) difference between the genders. association after suppressor variables are controlled. Therefore, in some situations, applying such a test The conditional tables may show one of the may be premature and uncalled for.) following four patterns: (1) The observed relation- ship between X and Y disappears within each

To answer these questions adequately, one subgroup: byx⋅z = 0, (2) the relationship remains the

must have a fairly good knowledge of the variables same: byx⋅z = byx, (3) the relationships change in under consideration and the implications of dif- magnitude but remain the same across the groups:

3112 TABULAR ANALYSIS

Hypothetical Bivariate Tables nal coefficients) with each of these two. Of course, the choice must be dictated by the theory and Men Women assumptions about the causal ordering that one is a) Car Accidents (Y) by Gender (X) willing to entertain. Had at least one accident while driving 30% 20% Patterns (3) and (4) are more likely outcomes Never had an accident while driving 70% 80% in real life. In (3), the magnitude of the X–Y Total 100% 100% relationship within each subgroup is reduced. (Sometimes the X–Y relationship may turn out to (Number of cases) (3,000) (3,000) be even stronger.) This pattern is compatible with b) Amount of Driving (Z) by Gender (X) three causal systems—A2, B2, and C2—in Figure More than 10,000 miles 67.7% 33.3% 1. Assume that one takes the causal order indi- cated in C; that is, one takes the gender role theory Less than 10,000 miles 33.3% 67.7% to account for the observed relationship. Part of Total 100% 100% the original relationship (.04 out of .10) is medi- (Number of cases) (3,000) (3,000) ated by the amount of driving, but a greater part (.06) remains unexplained. If one believes that all Table 1 the difference in the accident rate has nothing to

SOURCE: Adapted from Ziesel (1985), p. 146. do with psychological or biological differences between the genders, one has several other poten- tial role-related connections to consider: Men may ≠ drive more during the rush hours than women do, byx⋅z(1) = byx⋅z(2) byx, (4) the X–Y relationship in one group is different from the relationship in the men may drive during worse weather conditions ≠ than women do, and so on. One could introduce other group: byx⋅z(1) byx⋅z(2). These examples are shown in Table 2. Compare these patterns with the these variables as additional controls. By contrast, corresponding causal systems shown in Figure 1. if one believes in the validity of the psychological explanation, one could collect data on the aggres- Whether Z should be considered as antece- siveness of each individual and introduce aggres- dent or intervening depends on the theory one is siveness as a control variable. entertaining. One’s first interpretation might be that the original relationship has sexist implica- Table 2d illustrates a pattern in which the tions in that it may mean that men are either more effects of the two explanatory variables interact: aggressive or less careful. Against such a hypothe- X’s effect on Y varies across the categories of Z, and sis, the amount of driving is an extraneous vari- Z’s effect on Y varies across the categories of X. A able. By contrast, one may entertain a social role corresponding example in linear systems was given by equation (3). One must consider both variables theory stating that in this society men’s roles re- at the same time because the effect of one variable quire more driving and that more driving leads to depends on the other. more accidents. Then Z can be considered an intervening variable. In general, empirical data may exhibit pat- terns that are mixtures of 2c and 2d. In cross- Pattern (1) will help undermine the psycho- tabulations of variables with more than two cate- logical or biological hypothesis, and pattern (2) gories, it is often not easy, purely on the basis of will enhance that hypothesis. Pattern (1) also will eyeballing, to discern the underlying pattern. At lend weight to the social role hypothesis. These this point, there is a need for more refined and patterns are the simplest to deal with but rarely are systematic tools. Moreover, in some instances, an encountered in real life (see Lazarsfeld 1955; Ros- application of a log-linear model may indicate enberg 1968; Zeisel 1985 for interesting exam- patterns that are different from what a linear ples). If one were lucky enough to come across model (such as using percentage tables) might such a pattern, the results would be considered indicate. important findings. Note that there are three causal systems in Figure 1 that share the same statistical Before ending this section, it should be men- pattern (the relationship between partials and origi- tioned that some examples in the literature use the

3113 TABULAR ANALYSIS

Percent Ever Had Accident (Y) by Gender (X) by Amount of Driving (Z)

a) Original X–Y Relationship Disappears (Compatible with causal systems A3, B3, and C1) Amount of Driving (Z) Gender (X) > 10,000 miles < 10,000 miles

Men 40% (2,000) 10% (1,000) byx.z = 0

Women 40% (2,000) 10% (1,000) byz.x = .30 b) Original X–Y Relationship Unchanged (Compatible with causal systems Al, B1, and C3) Gender (X) > 10,000 miles < 10,000 miles

Men 30% (2,000) 30% (1,000) byx.z = .10

Women 20% (1,000) 20% (2,000) byz.x = 0 c) Original X–Y Relationship Diminishes

(Compatible with causal systems A2, B2, and C2)

Gender (X) > 10,000 miles < 10,000 miles

Men 34% (2,000) 24% (1,000) byx.z = .06

Women 28% (1,000) 18% (2,000) byz.x = .10 d) X–Y Relationship Varies Gender (X) > 10,000 miles < 10,000 miles

Men 40% (2,000) 20% (1,000) byx.z (1) = .20

Women 20% (1,000) 20% (2,000) byx.z (2) = 0

byz.x (1) = .20

byz.x (2) = 0

Table 2

NOTE: Number of cases for the percentage base are in parentheses. Throughout these tables, bxz = .40 and byx = .10 remain constant. Compare percents across the categories of that variable.

subgroup analysis as a full-fledged multivariate c1. Unmediated causal effect:

analysis tool. For instance, Davis (1984) shows how byx⋅z⋅⋅⋅w = .138 the logic of elaboration can be combined with the c2. Effect mediated by education standardization technique to derive, among other (b ⋅ ⋅⋅⋅−b ⋅ ⋅⋅⋅ ) = .066 things, the following decomposition of the rela- yx z yx z w tionship between the father’s and the son’s occu- The power of subgroup analysis comes mainly pational statuses, where Zs represent the father’s from the close analogy between the percentage education and the mother’s education and W rep- differences and the coefficients of the linear sys- resents the son’s education. tem illustrated in Figure 1, but its uses need not be a. Total observed relationship: confined to the analysis of causal systems. There b = .256 are various applications of this logic to survey data yx (Hyman 1955; Rosenberg 1968; Zeisel 1985). These b. Spurious connection resulting from envi- accounts remain one of the best sources for learn- ronmental variables (Zs) (a−c) .052 ing the method as well as the art of pursuing

c. Total causal effect: byx⋅z⋅⋅⋅ = .204 research ideas through the use of percentage tables.

3114 TABULAR ANALYSIS

ODDS RATIOS AND LOG-LINEAR MODELS exp(Yij). Note also the similarities between equa- tions (3) and (4); both contain a multiplicative A more formal approach to categorical data analy- term as a variable. (For more general models, a sis is provided by the log-linear model and related maximum likelihood estimation requires an itera- models (Bishop et al. 1975; Goodman 1978; tive solution, but that is a technical detail for which Haberman 1978, 1979; Fienberg 1980; Agresti readers should consult standard texts (such as 1984; Clogg and Shihadeh 1994; Long 1997). Some Nelder and Wedderburm 1972; Plackett 1974; of these models are not even log-linear (Clogg Goodman 1978, 1984; Haberman 1978, 1979; Fleiss 1982a, 1982b, Goodman 1984, 1990; Wong 1995; 1981; Agresti 1984). Many computer packages Xie 1992). Only the log-linear models are exam- routinely provide solutions to these types of equa- ined here. tions. Therefore, what is important is the logic By means of an ingenious device, the log- underlying such analysis, not the actual calculation linear model describes the relationships among needed.) categorical variables in a linear form. The trick is It is no exaggeration to say that in more ad- to treat the logarithms of the cell frequencies as vanced uses of the model, what distinguishes a the (titular) dependent variable and treat design good and creative analysis from a mundane analy- vectors as independent variables. The design vec- tors represent relevant features of the contingency sis is how well one can translate one’s substantive table and hypotheses about them. research ideas into appropriate design vectors. Thus, it is worthwhile to examine these design Once again consider a concrete example; the vectors more carefully. Constructing a design ma- simplest bivariate table, in which each variable has trix (the collection of vectors mentioned above) only two categories. Such a table contains four for a saturated model is easy, because one is not frequencies. Logarithms of these frequencies (log- pursuing any specific hypothesis or special pattern frequencies for short) can be expressed as an exact that might exist in the relationship. Categories of function of the following linear equation: each variable have to be represented, and there are many equivalent ways of doing that. This section =+⋅+⋅+⋅ (4) YbXbXbXXb01122123() will examine only the two most often used ones: effect coding and dummy coding. These design In this equation, Y stands for the log-frequencies matrices for a 2 × 2 table are shown in Table 3.

(log(Fij)). X1 is a design vector for the first (row) The first column (X0) in each coding repre- variable, and X2 is a design vector for the second sents a design vector for the constant term (b0); X1 (column) variable. The last vector (X1 - X2) is a is for the row categories, and X2 is for the column design vector for interaction between X1 and X2, and it is produced literally by multiplying the categories. The last column (X3) is the product of the preceding two, needed to represent interac- respective components of X1 and X2. It is impor- tant to note that the model is linear only in its tion between X1, and X2. Note the pattern of these parameters and that there is an interaction term. design vectors. In the effect coding, except for the As is the case with linear models that contain constant vector, each vector or column sums to interaction terms, one must be careful in inter- zero. Moreover, the interaction vector sums to preting the coefficients for the variables involved zero for each column and row of the original in the interaction term. bivariate table. This pattern assures that each ef- fect is measured as a deviation from its respec- This type of model in which the observed tive mean. frequencies are reproduced exactly also is known as a saturated model. (The model is saturated In dummy coding, the category effect is ex- because all the available degrees of freedom are pressed as a deviation from one reference cate- used up. For instance, there are only four data gory, in this case, the category that is represented points, but this model requires that many parame- by zero. Whatever codings are used to represent ters.) Of course, if one can reproduce the exact the categories of each variable, the interaction log-frequencies, one also can reproduce the actual design vector is produced by multiplying the de-

frequencies by taking the exponential of Y—Fij = sign vector for the column variable by the design

3115 TABULAR ANALYSIS

Design Vectors Used in Log-Linear Model for 2 × 2 Table a) Design Matrices for Saturated Model Effect Coding Dummy Coding

Frequency X0 X1 X2 X3 X0 X1 X2 X3

Y11 11111111

Y12 11–1–11100

Y21 1–11–11010

Y22 1–1–111000 b) Representation of Log-Frequencies in Terms of Parameter

b0+b1+b2+b3 b0+b1–b2–b3 b0+b1+b2+b3 b0+b1

b0–b1+b2–b3 b0–b1–b2+b3 b0+b2 b0 c) Representation of Frequencies in Terms of Multiplicative Parameters,

where ti = exp(bi)

t0*t1*t2*t3 t0*t1/(t2*t3) t0*t1*t2*t3 t0*t1

t0*t2/(t1*t3) t0*t3(t1*t2) t0*t2 t0 d) Parameters for Interaction in Log-Linear Model

b3 –b3 b3 0

–b3 b3 00 Log (odds ratio )

4*b3 b3 e) Multiplicative Parameter for Interaction (t3 = exp (b3))

t3 1/t3 t3 1

1/t3 t3 11 Odds ratio

4 t3*t3*t3*t3 = t3 t3

Table 3

vector for the row variable. Normally, one needs as analysis of variance (ANOVA), while the second many design vectors for a given variable as there coding often is used in regression with dummy are categories, minus one: (R-1) for the row vari- variables. As a result of coding differences in the able and (C-1) for the column variable. In that case, representation of each variable, the constant term there will be (C-1)(R-1) interaction design vectors in each coding has a different meaning: In effect, for the saturated model. These interaction vectors coding it measures the unweighted grand mean, are created by cross-multiplying the vectors in one while in dummy coding, it measures the value of set with those of the other set. There is only one the category with all zeros (in this particular case, vector for each of the three independent vari- Y22). (For other coding schemes, see Haberman ables in equation (4) because both variables are 1979; Agresti 1984; Long 1984.) Some parameter dichotomous. estimates are invariant under different types of coding, and some are not (Long 1984); therefore, The names for these codings come from the it is important to understand fully the implications fact that the first coding is customarily used as a of a particular design matrix for a proper interpre- convenient way of expressing factor effects in an tation of the analysis results.

3116 TABULAR ANALYSIS

Panel (b) of Table 3 expresses each cell as a may not be of much value, for the log-linear mod- product of the design matrix and corresponding els only indirectly and by analogy reflect the rela- parameters. Since the particular vectors used con- tionship between variables. tain 1, - 1, or 0, the vectors do not seem to appear in these cell representations. However, when design Consider the bivariate tables in Table 4. In all vectors contain other numbers (as will be shown these tables, the frequencies are such that they add below), they will be reflected in the cell representa- up to 100 in each column. Thus, one can take these tion. Panel (c) is obtained by exponentiation of the frequencies as percentages as well. The first table respective cell entries in (b), the individual t-pa- shows a 20 percent difference and an odds ratio of rameter also being the corresponding exponential 2.25. The second table shows only half the percent- of the log-linear parameter in panel (b). age difference of the first but the same odds ratio. The last table shows the same percentage differ- Panel (d) isolates parameters associated with ence as the second one, but its odd ratio is greater the interaction design vector. Panel (e) contains at 6.68. These descriptive measures indicate that corresponding antilogs or multiplicative coeffi- there is some association between the two vari- cients. These parameters play a critical role in ables in each table. representing the degree and nature of association between the row variables and the column vari- Whether this observed association is statisti- ables. If all the odds ratios are 1, one variable is cally significant can be tested by applying a model statistically independent from the other; in other in which the coefficient for the interaction design words, information about the association between vector is constrained to be zero. (Here one is variables is totally contained in the pattern of odds utilizing the properties of the log-linear model that ratios. Panels (d) and (e) show that the odds ratio were asserted earlier.) Constraining the interac- in turn is completely specified by the parameter(s) tion parameter to zero is the same as deleting the of the interaction vector(s). In forming the odds interaction design vector from the model. This ratio, all the other parameters cancel out (in loga- type of a design matrix imposes the model of rithms, multiplication becomes addition and divi- statistical independence (independence model for sion becomes subtraction). short) on the data. If such a log-linear model does not fit the data (on the basis of some predeter- In short, this is an indirect way to describe a mined criteria), the observed association is ac- pattern of association in a bivariate table. Unfortu- cepted as significant. For large samples, both the nately, doing this requires a titular dependent conventional chi-square test and the likelihood variable and multiplicative terms as independent ratio (L2) test can be used for this purpose. The variables. Also, in effect coding, the log-odds ratio results of these tests are included in each table,

is given by 4 x b3, but in dummy coding, it is given and they indicate that all three associations are α by b3. This is a clear indication that one cannot statistically significant at the conventional assume that there is only one way of describing the level of .05. parameters of a log-linear model. These facts make the interpretation of these parameters tricky, but Thus, to describe fully the underlying pattern the process is worth it for two reasons. of the association in Table 4, one needs to intro- duce the interaction parameter, which in these First, the advantage of this method for analyz- cases is the same as it is using the saturated model. ing a 2 X 2 table is trivial, but the model can be The right-hand tables show the multiplicative pa- generalized and then applied to more complex rameters (t-parameters) for the interaction term. contingency tables. Because of the ANOVA-like (Here only the results of applying effect coding are structure, it is easy to deal with higher-level interac- included.) First, examine the patterns of these tion effects. Second, the parameters of the log- parameters. In each of the three tables, the t- linear models (obtained through the likelihood parameters indicate that the main diagonal cells procedure) have very nice sampling properties for have higher rates than do the off-diagonal cells. large samples. Therefore, better tools for statisti- This tendency is slightly higher in the last table cal testing and estimating are available. Without than it is in the first two. This interpretation this second advantage, the fact that the approach follows from the fact that to reproduce the ob- allows the construction of ANOVA-like models served frequency in each cell, the respective t-

3117 TABULAR ANALYSIS

Odds Ratios (t) and Percentage Differences

FREQUENCIES MULTIPLICATIVE PARAMETERS

a) X1 X2 Effect Coding Dummy Coding

Y1 60 40 1.225 .816 2.25 1

Y2 40 60 .816 1.225 1 1 100 100

byx= .20 t = 2.25 L2= 8.05 p = .005

b) X1 X2

Y1 20 10 1.225 .816 2.25 1

Y2 80 90 .816 1.225 1 1 100 100

byx = .10 t = 2.25 L2 = 3.99 p = .046

c) X1 X2

Y1 12 2 1.608 .622 6.68 1

Y2 88 98 .622 1.608 1 1 100 100

byx = .10 t = 6.68 L2 = 8.46 p = .004

Table 4 parameter must be multiplied to whatever value greatest degree of association. In most cases, where may be implied by other parameters in the model. the percentages remain within the range of 20 to In the first and second tables, the frequencies in 80 percent, these two standards are roughly com- the main diagonal are about 22 percent higher parable, and the linear and log-linear models may (1.22 times) than they would be without the inter- produce similar results (see Goodman 1981). More action effect. The frequencies in the off-diagonal important, in examining three-way interactions, if cells are about 18 percent lower than they other- two subtables have the patterns shown in Table 4a wise would be. If one were to examine only the and 4b, log-linear models will indicate no three- statistics generated by log-linear models, however, way interaction, while linear models will indicate it would be easy to overlook the fact that the it. There are models in which a particular standard percentage of the first cell in the last table is only is justified explicitly by the phenomenon under 12 percent (see Kaufman and Schervish 1986 for a consideration, but one should not adopt a stan- more extended discussion). This is one of the dard merely because a particular statistical model reasons why it is advisable to examine the percent- does so. It is important to understand the differ- age tables even if one is using the log-linear model ences in the implicit standards that are used in different methods. almost exclusively.

There are other reasons, too. By the linear SOME MODELS OF ASSOCIATION standard (percentage difference), the first table shows a greater degree of association than does The flexibility of log-linear models is not obvious the second or the third. By the standard of a log- until one deals with several variables. However, linear model or odds ratio, the last table shows the even in a bivariate table, if there is an underlying

3118 TABULAR ANALYSIS

order in the categories of variables involved and Table 5a are presented in Table 5b and 5c. First, the pattern of association, the model allows some this model fits the data extremely well. Moreover, flexibility for exploring this pattern. Consider the the reduction of the L2 statistic (6.557 − .008 = hypothetical table shown in Table 5a. The mar- 6.549) with one degree of freedom is statistically ginal totals are such that each column may be read significant. Therefore, the null hypothesis cannot as percentages. There is a definite pattern in the be accepted against this specific alternative hy- direction of the relationship, although the ten- pothesis (see Agresti 1984 for a fuller discussion of dency is fairly weak. If one were to apply a test of hypothesis testing of this type). Note the pattern of independence, such a null hypothesis would not the expected frequencies and the interaction pa- be rejected. (L2 = 6.56 with four degrees of free- rameters. Both indicate that the odds ratio for dom has a probability of .161.) Against an unspeci- every consecutive four cells is uniform. Moreover, fied alternative hypothesis, the null hypothesis the other odds ratios are exact functions of this cannot be rejected at the conventional level of α. basic odds ratio and the distances involved. For instance, the odds ratio for the four corner cells is Knowing that almost every society values these 2*2 two variables in the same order, one may expect 2.87 = 1.303 , with each exponent indicating the that the underlying pattern of association reflects number of steps between respective categories in the advantages of the upper class over the lower each variable. A degree of parsimony has been class in obtaining valued objects. Both the pattern achieved in describing the pattern of association of percentage differences and the odds ratios seem and some statistical power has been gained in to indicate such an ordering in the pattern: The proposing a more definite alternative hypothesis advantage the upper class has over the lower class than the general one that stipulates any lack of is greater than the one it has over the middle class. statistical independence (and hence uses up four Furthermore, the upperclass does better in rela- degrees of freedom). tion to educational levels that are farther apart The introduction of different design matrices (the odds ratio involving the comer cells is 2.87). allows one to explore different patterns very eas- A conjecture or hypothesis like this can be ily. Just two are examined here. Consider the translated into a design vector. Assign any con- hypothetical tables shown in Table 7. In the first secutive numbers to the categories of each vari- table, the odds ratios remain the same across the able, but to be consistent with the effect coding, columns but vary across the rows, perhaps indicat- express them as deviations from the mean. One ing that the order inherent in the row categories is such scaling is to use (R+ 1)/2-i for the row variable not uniform, while that in the column category is. and (C+1)/ 2-j for the column variable. (The mean Differently stated, the distance between two con- and category values can be reversed, but this scheme secutive row categories varies, while it remains assigns a higher value to a higher class and a higher constant for the column categories. Such an asso- educational level to be consistent with everyday ciation pattern is known as the row-effects association language.) Recalling once again that only the inter- model not because the column variable does not action terms are relevant for the description of have any effect but because an equal-interval scale association, one needs to create such an interac- works well for it. In this case, one needs two design tion term by multiplying these two vectors compo- vectors to accommodate the unequal distances in nent by component. An example is shown in Table 6. the row categories. In general, the most one needs is the number of categories in the row minus one. The log-linear model, then, will include design As is shown in Table 6, these design vectors are vectors for the constant term, two vectors for the obtained by cross-multiplying the linear distance row and two vectors for the column, and one vector of the column and the two vectors that vector for the ‘‘linear-by-linear’’ interaction. This already have been used to represent the row cate- type of model is known as a uniform association gories. (It works just as well to use the dummy model (for a fuller discussion of this and related coding.) The column-effects model is obtained if one models, see McCullagh 1978; Haberman 1979; reverses the role of these variables. Clog 1982a, 1982b; Anderson 1984; Goodman 1984, 1985, 1987, 1990, 1991 Clogg and Shihadeh Table 7b is an example of the simplest possible 1994). The results of applying such a model to homogeneous row–column effects model. The odds

3119 TABULAR ANALYSIS

A Hypothetical Table: Level of Educational Attainment (Y) by Social Class (X) a) Observed Table Social Class

Level of Education High Middle Low College 17 12 8 High school 41 38 34

Less than high school 42 50 58 Total 100 100 100 b) Expected Frequencies under the Assumption of Independence 12.33 12.33 12.33 L2 = 6.56

37.67 37.67 37.67 df1 = 4 50.00 50.00 50.00 p = .161 c) Expected Frequencies under the Assumption of Uniform Association 16.90 11.90 8.20 L2 = .0082

41.30 38.00 33.80 df2 = 3 41.80 50.10 58.10 p = .161

d) Log-Linear and Multiplicative Parameters .264 0 –.264 1.303 1 .768 00 0 111 –.264 0 .264 .768 1 1.303

2 2 L1 – L2 = 6.48; df1 – df2 = 1; p = .0109

Table 5 ratios change across the row and across the col- table should be sufficient to indicate strategies for umn, but the corresponding pair of categories in generalizing to a larger table. the row and in the column share the same odds ratio. In this particular example, there is a greater There are many other possibilities in formu- distance between the first two categories than lating specific hypotheses. These relatively simple there is between the second two. In general, a models are introduced not only for their intrinsic homogeneous row–column effects model can ac- value but also as a reminder that one can incorpo- commodate different intervals in each variable as rate a variety of specialized hypotheses into the long as the corresponding intervals are homoge- log-linear model (for other possibilities, see Goodman neous across the variables. The design matrix for 1984; Clogg 1982a, 1982b; Agresti 1983, 1984). such a pattern is easily obtained by adding the row- Before ending this section, it should be noted that effects model vectors and the column-effects model when design vectors such as the ones for the vectors. This is also how two variables are con- homogeneous row–column effects model are used, strained to have equal coefficients in any linear the connection between the parameters for linear model. Such a design matrix for a 3×3 table is also models indicated in this article and the usual contained in Table 6. The examples shown in that ANOVA notation used in the literature is not

3120 TABULAR ANALYSIS

Design Matrices for Row-Column Association Models for 3 × 3 Table

TA B CDEF G H I J C*D A*~D B*~D F+G (F~G)† A*~B

110 10 1 1 1 10 10 20 10 01 000 110 01 1 0 0 00 01 01 00 10 010 1 1 0 –1 –1 1 –1 –1 –1 0 –1 –1 –2 –1 –1 0 –1 –1 0 –1 0 101 10 0 1 0 01 00 01 01 00 100 101 01 0 0 0 00 00 00 00 00 001 1 0 1 –1 –1 0 –1 0 0 –1 0 0 0 –1 0 –1 0 0 –1 0 –1 1 –1 –1 1 0 –1 1 –1 –1 –1 –1 0 –2 –1 –1 –1 0 –1 –1 0 0 1–1–10 1 –10 0 0 0 0–10–10 0 –10 0–1–1

1–1–1–1–1–1–11 11 11 22 11 11 111 T: design vector for the constant term. A: effect coding for row variable. B: effect coding for column variable. C: linear contrasts for row variable—(R + 1)/2 – i; any consecutive numbering will do; for variables with three categories, this is the same as the first code for the row variable. D: linear contrasts for column variable—(C + 1)/2 –j. E: design for the linear-by-linear interaction or uniform association, obtained by multiplying the linear contrast vector for the row and for the column. F: design vectors for the row effects model, obtained by multiplying the design vectors for the row categories and the linear contrast vector for the column. G: design vectors for column effects model, obtained by multiplying the design vectors for the column variable and the linear contrast for the row variable. H: homogeneous row-column effects model, obtained by adding each vector in the matrix for the row and the corresponding vector in the matrix for the column. I: row and column effects model—concatenation of F and G minus the redundant linear-by-linear interaction vector. J: interaction vectors for saturated model, obtained by multiplying each vector in A with each vector in B.

Design matrix for each type of model is obtained by concatenating relevant vectors from above, and the degrees of freedom by number of cells in the table minus the number of columns in the design matrix. Vectors df Independence model T~A~B 4 Uniform association model T~A~B~E 3 Row-effects model T~A~B~F 2 Column-effects model T~A~B~G 2 Homogeneous row–column effects model T~A~B~H 2 Row and column effects model T~A~B~I 1 Saturated model T~A~B~J 0 Note: ~ (Horizontal concatenation); * (Multiplication); *~ (Horizontal direct product); † (Excluding redundant vector).

Table 6 obvious. Those parameters pertaining to each cell, SOME EXTENSIONS denoted by tij, are equivalent to the product of the relevant part of the design matrix and the corre- There are several ways in which one can extend the sponding coefficients. basic features of the log-linear models examined so far. Among these, the following three seem important: (1) utilizing the ANOVA-like structure

3121 TABULAR ANALYSIS

Hypothetical Tables Illustrating Some Association Models a) Row-Effects Association Model Frequency Odds Ratio

X 400 400 50 4 4 Y 200 800 400 2 2 100 800 800

Log Parameters Multiplicative Parameter 1.155 0 –1.555 3.175 1 .315 –.231 0 .231 .794 1 1.260 –.924 0 .924 .397 1 2.520 b) Homogeneous Row–Column Effects Model

Frequency Odds Ratio X 400 100 100 4 2 Y 100 100 200 2 1 100 200 400

Log Parameters Multiplicative Parameters .924 –.231 –.693 2.520 .794 .500 –.231 0 .231 .794 1 1.260 –.693 .231 .462 .500 1.260 1.587

Table 7

of the log-linear model and the well-developed The ANOVA-like structure allows one to develop a sampling theory to explore interaction patterns of convenient strategy to explore the existence of multivariate categorical data, (2) manipulating the multiway relationships among the variables. design matrices to examine more specific hypothe- This strategy requires that one start with a ses and models, and (3) combining the strategic design matrix for each variable (containing k-1 features of subgroup analysis and the flexibility vectors, where k is the number of categories in the and power of the log-linear models to produce variable). It does not matter whether one uses more readily accessible analysis results. These three dummy coding or effect coding. To examine all extensions are discussed below. the possible interrelationships in the data, one General Extension of Log-Linear Models. The needs design matrices corresponding to each two- most straightforward and widely used application way interaction to m-way interaction where m is the of the log-linear model is to explore the interac- number of variables. To construct a design matrix tion pattern of multivariate data by exploiting the for a two-way interaction between variable A and ANOVA-like structure of the model. Given several variable B, simply cross-multiply the design vectors variables to examine, especially when each vari- for A with those for B. (This method is illustrated able contains more than two categories, it is almost in Table 6.) This general approach to design matri- impossible to examine the data structure in detail. ces is extended to m-way. For example, a three-way

3122 TABULAR ANALYSIS

interaction is handled by cross-multiplying each degrees of freedom. This type of generic testing two-way vector with the basic design vectors for a does not incorporate into the design matrix any third variable, and so on. special relationships that may exist between vari- ables. Models of this type are routinely available in If one includes in the model all the vectors standard computer packages and therefore are covering up to m-way interactions, the resulting quite accessible. For that reason, they are overused. model is saturated, and each frequency in the Moreover, the sequential nature of the testing multiway table is completely described. In general, violates some of the assumptions of classical hy- one wants to explore and, if possible, find a parsi- pothesis testing. Nevertheless, in the hands of an monious way to describe the data structure. One experienced researcher, they become a flexible general strategy, perhaps overused, is to examine tool for exploring the multivariate data structure. systematically the hierarchical pattern inherent in the design constraints and serially examine a nested The Uses of Constrained Models. The flexi- set of models. To illustrate, consider that there are bility and power of log-linear models are fully three variables and that the basic design vectors realized only when one incorporates a specific for each variable are represented by A, B, and C, hypothesis about the data into the design matrices. respectively. Let T stand for the constant vector. There are virtually endless varieties one can con- Then an example of a nested set of models is sider. Some of the simple but strategic models of illustrated below. The commas indicate concatena- association were introduced in the preceding tion, and two or more letters together indicate section. cross-multiplication of the basic design vectors for Incorporating such models into a multivariate each variable. analysis is not difficult if one views the task in the context of design matrices. For instance, suppose HT: 1 one suspects that a certain pattern of relationship HTABC2 : ,,, exists between X and Y (for instance, the social

HTABCAB3a : ,,,, class of origin and destination in intergenerational HTABCABAC: ,,,, , mobility). Furthermore, one may have an addi- 3b tional hypothesis that these relationships vary sys- HTABCABACBC: ,,,, , , 3c tematically across different political systems (or H4 : T ,,,, A B C AB , AC , BC , ABC across societies with different levels of economic

()H 1 Equiprobability development). If one can translate these ideas into ()H Total independence appropriate design matrices, using such a model 2 will provide a much more powerful test than the ()H One two-way interaction 3a generic statistical models described in the previ-

()H 3b Two two-way interactions ous section can provide. Many social mobility studies incorporate such design matrices as a way (H3c) No three-way interaction (H ) Saturated model of incorporating a special pattern of social mobil- 4 ity in the overall design (for some examples, see Duncan 1979; Hout 1984; Yamaguchi 1987 and Each hypothesis is tested, using the appropri- for new developments, see DiPrete 1990; Stier and ate degrees of freedom, which is given by the Grusky 1990; Wong 1990, 1992, 1995; Xie 1992). number of the cells in the frequency table minus the number of vectors contained in the design In general, there are two problems in using matrix and the χ2 or L2 statistics associated with such design matrices. The first, which depends in each model. The sequence from the hypotheses in part on the researcher’s creative ability, is the set (3) is arbitrary; one may choose any nested set problem of translating theoretically relevant mod- or directly examine 3c. One usually would accept els into appropriate design matrices. The second is the simplest hypothesis that is compatible with finding a way to obtain a good statistical solution the data. for the model, but this is no longer much of a problem because of the wide availability of com- If variables contain many categories, even the puter programs that allow the incorporation of simplest two-way interactions will use up many design matrices (see Breen 1984 for a discussion of

3123 TABULAR ANALYSIS preparing design matrices for a computer pro- Death Penalty Verdict (Y) by Defendant’s gram that handles generalized linear systems). Race (X) and Victim’s Race (Z) One of the general problems has been that Death Penalty researchers often do not make the underlying Victim’s Defendant’s Yes No Percentage design matrices explicit and as a result sometimes Race Race Yes misinterpret the results. A solution for this prob- Total White 53 430 11.0 lem is to think explicitly in terms of the design Black 15 176 7.9 matrices, not in analogy to a generic (presumed) ANOVA model. White White 53 414 11.3 Use of Percentage Tables in Log-Linear Mod- Black 11 37 22.9 eling. Multivariate analysis is in general complex. Black White 0† 16 0.0 Categorical analysis is especially so, because one Black 4 139 2.8 conceptual variable has to be treated as if it were (k- 1) variables, with k being the number of catego- Table 8 ries in the variable. Therefore, even with a limited SOURCE: Radelet and Pierce (1991), p. 25, and Agresti number of variables, if each variable contains more (1996), p. 54. than two categories, examining the multivariate NOTE: (1) For log-linear analysis, 0.5 is added to zero cell. (2) In pattern becomes extremely difficult. Therefore, the original data, there are two cases that involve both white the tendency is to rely on the general hypothesis and black victims. (3) The data do not consistently identify Spanish ancestry. Most defendants and victims with Spanish testing discussed earlier. ancestry are coded as white. For detailed information, see Radelet and Pierce (1991). It is useful to borrow two of the strategies of subgroup analysis: focusing on a bivariate relation- ship and using percentage distributions. After an acceptable log-linear model is identified, one there- verdict—death penalty versus other penalties (Y), fore may display the relationship between two key while the lower panel contains the result of tradi- variables while the effects of other variables are tional three-variables subgroup analysis, in which controlled or purged (Clogg 1978; Clogg and the original relationship between X and Y is Eliason 1988a; Clogg et al. 1990; Kaufman and reanalyzed within the categories of the third vari- Schervish 1986). Furthermore, a percentage distri- able, the race of the victims (Z). (These data are bution for the bivariate distribution may be com- based on individuals who were convicted of multi- pared with the corresponding percentage distribu- ple homicides in Florida. See Radelet and Peierce tions when different sets of variables are controlled 1991; Agresti 1996.) in this manner. Fortunately, the log-linear model- The original bivariate relationship seems to ing can provide a very attractive way in which the indicate that whites are more likely to receive the confounding effects of many variables can be death penalty than are blacks. However, when the purged from the relationship that is under special race of the victims is controlled, the partial rela- scrutiny (Clogg 1978; Kaufman and Schervish 1986; tionship between X and Y is reversed: Within each Clogg and Eliason 1988a; Clogg et al. 1990). Clogg category of victim, blacks are more likely to receive et al. (1990) show a general framework under the death penalty than are whites. The underlying which almost all the known variations in adjust- reasons for this reversal are two related facts: (1) ments can be considered a special case. Further- There is a strong association between the race of more, they also describe statistical testing proce- the defendant (X) and the race of the victims (Z): dures for variety of statistics associated with such white defendants are more likely to kill whites than adjustments. blacks, while black defendants are more likely to Tables 8 and 9 contain examples of traditional kill blacks than whites, and (2) there is a strong subgroup analysis, log-linear analysis, and the uses relationship between the race of the victims and of standardization or purging methods. The upper the death penalty: those who killed white victims panel of Table 8 contains a bivariate table showing are more likely to receive the death penalty than (1) the race of the defendant (X) and (2) the are those who killed blacks. Once these relation-

3124 TABULAR ANALYSIS

Design Matrix, Expected Frequencies, and Standardized Percentages under the Model without Three-Way Interaction a) Design Matrix and Coefficients for the Model without Three-Way Interaction

T Z X Y XZ YZ XY Parameter Coefficient z-value 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Constant (T) 2.959 21.0 1 1 1 –1 1 –1 –1 Z 1.039 6.9 1 1 –1 1 –1 1 –1 X –0.135 –1.3 1 1 –1 –1 –1 –1 1 Y –1.382 –11.1 1–11 1 –1–11 XZ 1.137 14.7 1 –1 1 –1 –1 1 –1 YZ 0.558 3.9 1–1–11 1 –1–1 XY –0.201 –2.2 1–1–1–11 1 1 L2 = 0.284 df =1 Prob. = 0.594 b) Expected Frequencies under the Model without Three-Way Interaction Death Penalty Victim’s Race Defendant’s Race Yes No Percentage Yes Total White 53.5 430.0 11.1 Black 15.0 176.0 7.9 White White 53.3 413.7 11.4 Black 10.7 37.3 22.3 Black White 0.2 16.3 1.2 Black 4.3 138.7 3.0 c) Direct Standardization

Total White 35.87 447.62 7.4 Black 28.16 162.84 14.7 White White 33.58 260.67 11.4 Black 25.91 90.33 22.3 Black White 2.29 186.95 1.2 Black 2.25 72.51 3.0 d) Purging XZ (= purging XZ and XYZ) Total White 17.7 183.2 8.8 Black 34.9 160.9 17.8 White White 17.0 132.3 11.4 Black 33.5 116.6 22.3 Black White 0.7 50.9 1.4 Black 1.4 44.4 3.1 e) Purging XZ and YZ (= purging XZ, YZ, and XYZ) Total White 11.0 260.9 4.0 Black 21.5 228.7 8.6 White White 9.8 231.9 4.0 Black 19.1 203.2 8.6 Black White 1.2 29.0 4.0 Black 2.4 25.4 8.6

Table 9

3125 TABULAR ANALYSIS ships are taken into consideration, blacks receive a ——— 1984 Analysis of Ordinal Categorical Data. New higher rate of the death penalty than do whites. York: Wiley. ——— 1990 Categorical Data Analysis. New York: Wiley. The log-linear analysis can supplement such a traditional subgroup analysis in several convenient ——— 1996 An Introduction to Categorical Data Analysis. ways. Panel (a) of Table 9 shows design matrix, New York: Wiley. coefficients, and standardized values under the Alba, Richard D. 1988 ‘‘Interpreting the Parameters of model without three-way interaction. These statis- Log-Linear Models.’’ In J. Scott Long, ed., Common tics show several things that are not obvious in the Problems/Proper Solutions. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage. conventional subgroup analysis: (1) The three-way Alwin, Dwane F., and Robert M. Hauser 1975 ‘‘The interaction is not statistically significant, (2) all Decomposition of Effects in Path Analysis.’’ American three bivariate relationships are statistically signifi- Sociological Review 40:37–47. cant, and (3) in some sense, the association be- Anderson, J. A. 1984 ‘‘Regression and Ordered Cate- tween X and Z is the strongest and that between X gorical Variables.’’ Journal of the Royal Statistical Soci- and Y is the weakest among the three bivariate ety B46:1–30. relationships. Arminger, G., and G. W. Bohrnstedt 1987 ‘‘Making It Panel (b) shows expected frequencies and rele- Count Even More: A Review and Critique of Stanley Lieberson’s Making It Count: The Improvement of So- vant percentages under the model (where the cial Theory and Research.’’ Sociological Methodology three-way interaction is assumed to be zero). The 17:347–362. pattern revealed in each subtable is very similar to that under the traditional subgroup analysis shown Berk, R. A. 1983 ‘‘An Introduction to Sample Selection in Table 8. (This is as it should be, given no three- Bias in Sociological Data.’’ American Sociological Re- view 48:386–398. way interaction effect.) Within each category of victim’s race, black defendants are more likely to ——— 1986 ‘‘Review of Making It Count: The Improve- receive the death penalty than are white defen- ment of Social Research and Theory.’’ American Journal dants. The standardization or purging, then, al- of Sociology 92:462–465. lows one to summarize this underlying relation- Bishop, Yvonne M. M., Stephen E. Fienberg, and Paul ship between X and Y under the hypothetical W. Holland 1975 Discrete Multivariate Analysis: Theory condition that the effect of the third variable is and Practice. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. controlled or purged. There are many different Blalock, Hubert M., Jr. 1964 Causal Inferences in ways of controlling the effects of the third variable: Nonexperimental Research. Chapel Hill: University of (1) direct standardization, panel (c), (2) when the North Carolina Press. effects of XZ relationship are purged (in addition ———, ed. 1985a Causal Models in the Social Sciences, 2nd to the purging of the three-way interaction) panel ed. New York: Aldine. (d), (3) when, in addition to the previous purging, ———, ed. 1985b Causal Models in Panel and Experimen- the effects of the YZ relationship are also purged, tal Designs. New York: Aldine. panel (e). Although the percentage differences Bollen, K. A. 1989 Structural Equations with Latent Vari- seem to vary, the underlying log-linear effect re- ables. New York: Wiley. mains constant: Blacks are twice more likely to Breen, Richard 1984 ‘‘Fitting Non-Hierarchical and As- receive the death penalty than are whites when sociation Models Using GLIM.’’ Sociological Methods both kill a victim of the same race (see Clogg 1978; and Research 13:77–107. Clogg and Eliason 1988b; Clogg et al. 1990). Bunge, Mario 1979 Causality and Modem Science, 3rd rev. ed. New York: Dover. (SEE ALSO: Analysis of Variance and Covariance; Causal Campbell, D. T., and J. C. Stanley 1966 Experimental and Inference Models; Measures of Association; Nonparametric Quasi-Experimental Designs for Research. Boston: Hough- Statistics; Statistical Methods) ton Mifflin. Clogg, Clifford C. 1978 ‘‘Adjustment of Rates Using REFERENCES Multiplicative Models.’’ Demography 15:523–539. Agresti, Alan 1983 ‘‘A Survey of Strategies for Modeling ——— 1982a ‘‘Using Association Models in Sociologi- Cross-Classifications Having Ordinal Variables.’’ Jour- cal Research: Some Examples.’’ American Journal of nal of the American Statistical Association 78:184–198. Sociology 88:114–134.

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Lazarsfeld, Paul F. 1955 ‘‘Interpretation of Statistical Simon, Herbert A. 1954 ‘‘Spurious Correlation: A Causal Relations as a Research Operation.’’ In Paul F. Interpretation.’’ Journal of the American Statistical As- Lazarsfeld and Morris Rosenberg, eds., The Language sociation49:467–479. of Social Research. Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. ——— 1979 ‘‘The Meaning of Causal Ordering.’’ In ———, Ann K. Pasanella, and Morris Rosenberg, eds. Robert K. Merton, James S. Coleman, and Peter H. 1972 Continuities in the Language of Social Research. Rossi, eds., Qualitative and Quantitative Social Re- New York: Free Press. search: Papers in Honor of Paul F. Lazarsfeld. New York: Leamer, E. E. 1978 Specification Searches: Ad Hoc Inference Free Press. with Nonexperimental Data. New York: Wiley Interscience. Singer, Burton, and Margaret Mooney Marini 1987 Lieberson, Stanley 1985 Making It Count: The Improve- ‘‘Advancing Social Research: An Essay Based on ment of Social Research and Theory. Berkeley and Los Stanley Lieberson’s Making It Count.’’ In Clifford C. Angeles: University of California Press. Clogg, ed., Sociological Methodology. Washington, D.C.: American Sociological Association. Long, J. Scott 1984 ‘‘Estimable Functions in Loglinear Models.’’ Sociological Methods and Research 12:399–432. Thiel, Henri 1971 Principles of Econometrics New York: Wiley. ———, ed. 1988 Common Problems/Proper Solutions: Avoid- Williams, D. A. 1976 ‘‘Improved Likelihood Ratio Tests ing Error in Quantitative Research. Beverly Hills, for Complete Contingency Tables.’’ Biometrika 63:33–37. Calif.: Sage. Xie, Yu 1989 ‘‘An Alternative Purging Method: Control- Mare, Robert D., and Christopher Winship 1988 ‘‘En- ling the Composition-Dependent Interaction in an dogenous Switching Regression Models for the Causes Analysis of Rates.’’ Demography 26:711–716. and Effects of Discrete Variables.’’ In J. Scott Long, Yamaguchi, Kazuo 1987 ‘‘Models for Comparing Mobil- ed., Common Problems/Proper Solutions. Beverly Hills, ity Tables: Toward Parsimony and Substance.’’ Ameri- Calif: Sage. can Sociological Review 52:482–494. McCullagh, P. 1978 ‘‘A Class of Parametric Models for Zeisel, Hans 1985 Say It with Figures, 6th ed. New York: the Analysis of Square Contingency Tables with Or- Harper & Row. dered Categories.’’ Biometrika 65:413–418.

———, and J. Nelder 1983 Generalized Linear Models. JAE-ON KIM London: Chapman and Hall. MYOUNG-JIN LEE Mosteller, F. 1968 ‘‘Association and Estimation in Con- tingency Tables.’’ Journal of the American Statistical Association 63:1–28. TECHNOLOGICAL RISKS AND ———, and John W. Tukey 1977 Data Analysis and Regression. Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley. SOCIETY Nelder, J. A., and R. W. M. Wedderburn 1972 ‘‘General- See Society and Technological Risks. ized Linear Models.’’ Journal of the Royal Statistical Society A135:370–384. Plackett, R. L. 1974 The Analysis of Categorical Data. TERRITORIAL BELONGING London: Griffin. DEFINITION Press, S. L., and S. Wilson 1978 ‘‘Choosing between Logistic Regression and Discriminant Analysis.’’ Jour- Belonging is defined as the state of being part of nal of the American Statistical Association 73:699–705. something. Territorial belonging implies being Radelet, Michael I., and Glenn L. Pierce 1991 ‘‘Choos- part of a territory. The definition of a territory, ing Those Who Will Die: Race and the Death Penalty although it is conditioned by the morphology of in Florida.’’ Florida Law Review 43:1–34. space, is essentially a social operation that is con- Rosenberg, Morris 1968 The Logic of Survey Analysis. nected with the factors that induce the percep- New York: Basic Books. tion of boundaries. These are complex factors Rubin, D. B. 1977 ‘‘Assignment to Treatment Group on that researchers in the ‘‘psychology of form’’ the Basis of a Covatiance.’’ Journal of Educational (Gestaltpsychologie) have attempted to specify (Reusch Statistics 2:1–26. 1956, pp. 340–361). Campbell has identified seven

3128 TERRITORIAL BELONGING of these factors. Those analytically most relevant Reciprocal relations are among the main crite- to social systems are similarity and shared destiny ria used to define territorial units (similarity, interde- or ‘‘common fate’’ (Campbell 1958), to which the pendence, and common fate, taking the proximity ecological, economic, and sociological traditions of elements for granted). As studies of ‘‘nation (Hawley 1950, p. 258) add interdependence, which building’’ have shown (see Deutsch [1953] 1966), is related to Campbell’s (1958) notion of internal similarity tends to create relations of interdepen- diffusion. dence and interdependence generates perceptions of similarity (Simmel 1890, p. 40; Shils 1975, p. 17); Territorial belonging is therefore a form of in the same manner, a common fate induces per- social belonging (for a detailed treatment, see ceptions of similarity and interdependence and Pollini 1987) that is displayed by a spatially defined similarity and interdependence heighten the per- collectivity. Spatial definition more or less pre- ception of a common fate. cisely and more or less sharply delimits (where the concept of a boundary refers to a line or zone) a The most enduring and significant spatial units territory to which a name is given. Belonging to a are those with multi-confirmed boundaries (Camp- spatially defined collectivity thus may be related to bell 1958), that is, those for which the criteria of the name given to a territory, so that it becomes similarity, functional interdependence, and com- simply territorial without ceasing to be social as mon fate are congruent. The European nation- well. To emphasize its twofold nature, it also may states of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries be called ‘‘socioterritorial belonging’’ (Pollini 1992, exemplify the successful achievement of this con- pp. 55–58). gruence (Eisenstadt 1973, pp. 231–235).

In traditional nomadic and agricultural socie- THE MULTIPLICITY OF TERRITORIAL ties, similarity, interdependence, and common fate BELONGINGS are properties that relate substantially to a single socioterritorial unit that includes everyday life Like any form of social belonging, territorial be- almost in its entirety, except when extraordinary longing may relate to objective or subjective ele- occasions (great feasts and celebrations, great mar- ments and may be defined by the self or by others kets, wars, etc.) demonstrate the importance of a (Merton 1963). Like social belonging, it may be broader socioterritorial unit that is ethnic and/or largely exclusive or admit to multiplicity and may tribal in nature or sometimes is of state dimension be ascribed or acquired (Simmel 1908). (kingdoms and empires, churches and great relig- ious organizations). This is the social order that is Workers in human ecology, human geogra- called the ‘‘segmentary society of mechanical soli- phy, sociology, and land economics have long darity’’ by Durkheim (1893), Gemeinschaft by Toennies attempted to provide a definition of the most (1887), and the ‘‘independent community’’ by suitable territorial units for social purposes. They Hawley (1950, pp. 223 ff) and is exemplified by have oscillated between emphasizing the principle numerous contemporary societies (Dyson Hud- of similarity (the morphology of the territory, the son 1966). physical and cultural features of the individuals who inhabit it, the predominant type of economic As a significant division of territorial labor activity, etc.) and emphasizing the principle of develops—induced by the reduced spatial friction interdependence (on the basis of gravitational brought about by advances in transport and com- flows for work and services, areas of relatively munications that allow more frequent exchanges intense exchange, etc.) (see Galtung 1968). The over longer distances (the ‘‘mobiletic revolution’’ implementation of the political function of gov- of Russet 1967) and by technical progress, which erning human communities, moreover, has led to requires the greater accumulation of capital and is the fixing of territorial boundaries that express not uniformly distributed across the territory (in- (and produce) a common fate (Hawley 1950, p. 258). dustrial revolution)—the areas of interdependence

3129 TERRITORIAL BELONGING expand and are structured into several levels Intellectual elements (‘‘scientific’’ criteria for the (Hawley 1950, pp. 236–257). This has evident reliability of knowledge) and most emotional (as- effects on areas of common fate. Increased interde- pirations and values) and evaluative ones (eth- pendence facilitates temporary or permanent move- ics and hierarchies of values) are widely shared ments across the territory and thus alters similari- by humankind (Inglehart 1997). Consequently, ties and differences as well as the criteria for their similarities and differences are difficult to de- definition and perception (Sola Pool 1965). fine in territorial terms, and when they are thus definable, they are increasingly so only as sym- In short, mainly as a result of these phenom- bols (languages, flags, cultural artifacts, physical ena, a socioterritorial structure grows more com- resemblances, etc.), since knowledge-evoking and plex. Important socioterritorial units proliferate, evaluative elements have been reduced to being intersect, and are organized into larger (Parsons options that are private, individual, and socially 1961, pp. 123 ff) and relatively fluid systems, while irrelevant (ethical and gnoseological relativism, the congruence among the three main principals individualism) (Thomas and Znaniecki 1918–1920; of sociospatial structuring diminishes. These changes Halman, et al. 1987). have been interpreted as the decay of Gemeinschaft (Toennies 1887) and of the territorial state (Herz The state itself, which is called on to define the 1957), as stages in an ongoing evolution into cos- conditions of the collective control of the collec- mopolitanism, and as the onset of a single overarching tive destiny, although it is still characterized by socioterritorial unit: the world in its entirety. distinct territorial boundaries, is undergoing pro- Parsons (1951) introduced in his theoretical pat- found change as a result of the erosion of its tern of variables for the definition of roles the sovereignty and power by the rise of supranational dichotomy between particularism and universal- political organizations (e.g., the United Nations) ism. Although of general analytic significance, this and, in centralized states, infrastate political or- dichotomy also has been used to characterize the ganizations (Galtung 1967), as well as by the growth process of modernization (Parsons 1971), which, of multinational economic enterprises and other with reference to territorial belonging, includes noneconomic associations over which it can exert the localism–cosmopolitanism dichotomy. The term little or no control. ‘‘globalization,’’ which now has general currency Consequently, if the continuing determina- although it dates from the early 1970s (Kaufman tion of the territorial boundaries of political and/or 1974), has been employed more recently to define administrative units (Herz 1968) allows belong- this trend. ings to be related to them, those belongings grow The increased complexity of socioterritorial increasingly less socially significant in regards to belonging is obviously correlated to the complex- not only interdependencies and similarities but ity of the social structuring of the territory. All also common destiny. This occurs because social individuals are involved in relational networks that relevance is divided among several units organized may be micro-local (habitation), local, regional, into a system of relationships that need not be national, continental, and global, and they shift hierarchical and may indeed compete with each other. easily and rapidly from one level to another by virtue of the ease of communications and trans- portation or simply pass subjectively from one role TERRITORIAL BELONGING SUBJECTIVELY to another (Webber 1963, 1964). DEFINED BY REFERENCE TO THE SELF (THE SENTIMENT OF TERRITORIAL Owing to the ease of communications and BELONGING) transport, every individual may encounter and assimilate elements of other cultures. Cultural The localism–cosmopolitanism of territorial be- diversity has dwindled before the advance of mod- longing: A single-or multidimensional concept? ern culture as it is interpreted by Western society. The growing complexity of territorial belonging,

3130 TERRITORIAL BELONGING along with the hypothesis that it is the manifesta- emerge during sports events within a country. This tion of an ongoing process whose final outcome is multiplicity of territorial belongings therefore rules cosmopolitanism (or the erasure of any nonglobal, out their mutual exclusiveness; this emerges clearly nonecumenical sense of belonging), has prompted when subjects are asked to declare the absolute sociologists to study the phenomenon empirically level of attachment they feel to different territorial by focusing on the subjective definition of belong- units (Gubert 1998). ing provided by individuals with reference to them- It is probable that partly diversified belong- selves. Taking the process of growing systemiza- ings underlie this multiplicity. This diversity was tion at the ‘‘energetic’’ level for granted, attention not grasped in early empirical studies of the senti- has been focused on how the phenomenon is ment of belonging, which relied largely on rela- subjectively reflected in the subjective definition tive measures of the strength of attachment to individuals give to their territorial belongings. The socioterritorial units arranged along a continuum, aim of these studies has been to single out the with the neighborhood and community at one factors that induce a person to feel that she or he extreme and cosmopolitanism at the other (Terhune belongs primarily to one unit rather than to an- 1965; Gubert 1972, p. 181). Relative measures also other and, more generally, why she or he expresses were used in later large-scale surveys such as the a primarily cosmopolitan sense of belonging rather European Values Study and the World Values than one anchored in a particular geographic unit. Study. It is difficult to imagine that a Pole’s identi- Other studies have explored attachment to units fication with his or her nation is the same as his or of a particular size (home and neighborhood, local her attachment to his or her place of residence. community, region, nation, continent, etc.). One may feel strongly Polish while also having The data gathered in both types of studies close bonds with one’s local community, and this have included highly modernized contexts. On the cannot be explained by a single-dimensional con- home and neighborhood, see Fried and Gleicher ception of localism–cosmopolitanism, which in- (1961), Galster and Hesser (1981), and Fried (1982). stead suggests a social experience in which the On the local community, see Kasarda and Janowitz nation as a sociospatial unit has weaker emotional (1974), Rojek et al. (1975), Taylor and Townsend connotations. (1976), Wasserman (1982), Fried (1982), Goudy Further evidence that feelings of belonging to (1990), and Beggs et al. (1996). On regional units, diverse socioterritorial units differ is provided by see Piveteau (1969) and Gubert (1997). On belong- analyses of the attitudes of subjects who declare ings and national pride, apart from studies of that they do not feel attached to any particular nationalism and ethnicity, see the European Val- territorial unit. These individuals may be called ues Study in Ashford and Timms (1992, pp. 89–91) cosmopolitans, but their cosmopolitanism is not and the World Values Study in Ingleheart (1997, only the extreme position on the localism–cos- pp.303–305). On territorial belongings on the mopolitanism continuum; it is also symptomatic localism–cosmopolitanism contiuum, see Treinen of difficulties of social integration, or anomie (1965), Gubert and Struffi (1987), Gubert (1992a), (Bertelli 1992). The distribution of the strength of and Strassoldo and Tessarin (1992). These data socioterritorial belonging therefore measures not confirm the complexity of the phenomenon of only the territorial size of the main social collectivities territorial belonging when it is defined subjec- of reference but also the intensity of social integra- tively (a sentiment of belonging). Subjectively felt tion, which in the case of declared nonbelonging belongings are multiple, and each has its own role to any territorial unit is markedly diminished, to play; that is, they become socially important in perhaps more in some cases than in others; there- accordance with the particular context, which may fore, cosmopolitanism is internally differentiated change rapidly. For example, the sense of national or heterogeneous. Parsons’s assumption that there belonging is exalted during international sports is social belonging (and therefore loyalty and at- events, but local and regional senses of belonging tachment) if there is social conformity—if, that is,

3131 TERRITORIAL BELONGING the subject conforms with the institutional obliga- territory is mainly local or microlocal and that only tions of solidarity (Parsons 1951)—receives em- the mention of larger socioterritorial units prompts pirical support in that a lack of social integration individuals to consider supralocal territorial is connected with a lack of belonging to any attachments. socioterritorial unit. Between negation of the hypothesis of an Localism–cosmopolitanism as a single-dimen- evolution toward cosmopolitanism and the rea- sional continuum. Taken for granted (or given) sons for the persistence of localism in a modern the multiplicity of socioterritorial belongings and society. Multiple regression analysis shows that their partly diverse nature a further finding of the social conditions that orient people to cosmo- empirical surveys concerns the relative importance politan or supralocal belongings (e.g., higher edu- of each of these belongings with respect to the cational level, greater geographic mobility, resi- others. It is assumed here that, to some extent, dence in a metropolis) attenuate local attachments, they express the localism–cosmopolitanism dimen- although they do not entirely eliminate them sion and therefore can be plotted along a continuum. (Gubert 1992d, pp. 506–523). These conditions seeming to affect the intensity of territorial attach- When asked about the matter, even interview- ment, attenuating it all levels rather than eliminat- ees in highly modernized contexts tend to assign ing its primacy at the local level. Residential mobil- more importance to local belongings than to na- ity seems to multiply local attachments rather tional and supranational ones. Overall, the two than creating a single cosmopolitan attachment units that predominate are the commune and the (Rubinstein and Parmalee 1992, 1996; Gubert nation or state. The importance of the other 1992b, pp. 326—330; Feldman 1996). subnational and supracommunal units (province, region) depends on the structure of the public This phenomenon can be explained to some powers (the federal or nonfederal structure of the extent by the reasons adduced to account for the state) (Gubert 1995) or on whether an ethnic most important territorial attachments. These rea- and/or national minority constitutes the majority sons mainly concern day-to-day living (Kasarda in a subnational unit (Gubert 1975, p. 305). By and Janowitz’s [1974] duration of residence) and contrast, the emergence of subcommunal units the places of infancy and the family (Taylor and (neighborhoods, districts) depends on the settle- Townsend 1976); much less important are the ment pattern of a commune: When it is articulated physical characteristics of places (except for places into several settlements (districts), importance is which are morphologically very distinct, such as mountains and coastlines, partially confirming more frequently ascribed to subcommunal units, Fried’s [1982] argument) or utility and opportunity. while the neighborhood acquires more impor- tance when it constitutes a ‘‘natural area’’ within Therefore, the strongest territorial attachment the communal settlement and has weak links with is connected with strongly affective social relations the rest of the urban territory. or with affectively important individual experi- ences, such as those of a child who progressively If, rather than proposing a predetermined set establishes a relationship with his or her immedi- of spatial units largely defined in political-adminis- ate surroundings. trative terms, individuals who declare their attach- ment to a particular territory are asked to freely It is evident that the geographic mobility for describe it, to give it a name or define its bounda- mainly utilitarian reasons (work, access to services, ries, the area of belonging is generally more cir- use of free time) typically induced by life in mod- cumscribed. Indeed, it is sometimes restricted to ern society does not affect this type of attachment the domestic ambit and its immediate surround- greatly. For the same reason, little influence is ings, with little consideration of supralocal spatial exerted by educational level: Although it may ex- units (Gubert 1992b, pp. 266–277). One therefore tend relational ambits, it does so mainly for utili- may conclude that the immediate bond with a tarian reasons or ones tied to a person’s profes-

3132 TERRITORIAL BELONGING sional role (Webber 1964). This has evident tion and vision, is not connected with the percep- consequences for the territorial area of matrimo- tion of distinct sociocultural differences and tends nial choice and the areas which contain a person’s to assume the features of a zone rather than those best friends or relatives; these areas have increased of a line. The identifying features of the collectivity in size, but they are nevertheless of modest pro- on the other side of the boundary, except in the portions. Also, as was found for residential mobil- case of physical barriers against communication or ity, the consequence of this extension is more to vision, display not abrupt discontinuities but grad- increase the number of places of particular attach- ual variations. Stereotypes and the ingroup–out- ment than to induce an attachment to broader group opposition are not as marked as those which spatial units. In other words, the elasticity of rela- arise when racial or ethnic differences are involved. tional ambits to the reduced costs of overcoming Moreover, the multiplicity of territorial be- distance is much greater for secondary instrumen- longings and their dependence on the particular tal relationships than it is for primary relation- and contingent nature of the context prevent the ships, especially family ones, which are firmly an- onset of radical in-group–out-group conflicts. Fac- chored in residence (Parsons 1951, p. 180 ff; 1960, tor analysis has shown that the intensity of territo- p. 250 ff). rial attachment and in-group–out-group opposi- tion (which is measurable, for example, by acceptance Regression analysis not of the size of the area or rejection of immigrants in the area of principal of main attachment but of the (absolute) intensity belonging) are independent factors. Feeling stronger of the feeling of belonging to it reveals, as was attachment to a particular territory therefore is already mentioned, that the social conditions most weakly correlated with greater hostility toward or typical of modernity (residence in large cities, less acceptance of outsiders. The explanation of geographic mobility, residential mobility, higher variance in these attitudes has more to do with the levels of education, secularization, ethical relativ- sphere of interests than with that of territorial ism, individualism, etc.) tend to attenuate the in- belongings. tensity of local attachment but do not erase it. Another explanation for the continuing primacy Equally independent (or weakly correlated) of local attachments over cosmopolitan ones is are factors relative to the social significance of the therefore that modernity tends to reduce the in- sentiment of territorial belonging and indicators tensity of territorial belongings, but not to such a of the territorial extension of the most impor- varied extent across territorial units that it alters tant units. the hierarchy of subjective importance assigned to Expectations of a positive relation between them by most individuals. This sheds light on why modernity and cosmopolitanism are not borne the indicators of localism and cosmopolitanism out by the data, although cross-sectional analysis is with regard to the territorial extension of main not conclusive on this matter. Certainly contra- attachments are determined by a factor indepen- dicted are claims that cosmopolitan attachments dent of the one that groups together the indicators predominate in contemporary societies. What the of the intensity of attachment (in any case, the advance of modernity seems to have done is breed correlation between the indicators is weak). a plurality of territorial belongings and reduce In addition to intensity, the features that con- their intensity and social significance. note greater ‘‘modernity’’ of ecological social and Distribution models of territorial attachments. cultural positions in individuals exert a certain Having ascertained that territorial attachment is amount of influence on the social importance of felt mainly at the local level (the primary commu- the sentiment of territorial belonging (Gubert nity of everyday life), one may inquire about the 1992d). Perception of the boundaries that mark distribution pattern of the intensity of territorial the zone of principal attachment are less sharp: attachment, extending the analysis to ambits that The inside–outside boundary, unless it is marked do not occupy the highest position in the hierar- by obvious physical barriers against communica- chy of spatial units.

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Once again, the most detailed surveys have noncosmopolitan attachments. Attachment to lo- been carried out in Italy, a country where the cal ambits still largely predominates. If anything, dialectic among localism, nationalism, and cosmo- one discerns adaptations of a different kind, such politanism is particularly lively. If one considers as the increased complexity of the subjectively felt the first three positions in a decreasing scale of territorial bond and its closer dependence on attachment from subcommunal units to the whole changing contexts, the diminished intensity and world, it is possible to identify the most common social significance of various kinds of attachment, and significant rank orderings (Gubert 1992b, pp. and a shift of primary attachment from the local 279–281). By far the most prevalent is a model one level to one midway between localness and ecumene may call ‘‘lococentric:’’ Territorial units diminish (the inhabited world). Rejection of any particular in importance as they grow larger. In three-dimen- territorial attachment that might represent the sional space, where a two-dimensional geographic outcome of cosmopolitan development is at least plane constitutes the horizontal axes and the rela- partly due to a lack of social integration. tive intensity of territorial attachment is the verti- Predictions that the demise of Toennies’s cal axis, they assume a cone shape whose apex is Gemeischaft and Durkheim’s segmentary society the smallest spatial unit. would indicate the end of the overriding impor- Two other patterns emerge: the opposite model tance of attachment to particular places is not (upside-down cone), where the importance of a supported by empirical inquiry. Toennies’s territorial unit decreases as one moves from broader Gemeinschaft has disappeared from modern soci- to narrower spatial units, and, more commonly, a ety, but territorially restricted areas still have social volcano-shaped model, a variant of the cone where relations of a communitarian nature, that is, rela- the greatest importance is attributed to intermedi- tion in which community action in Weber’s sense ate units, the next greatest importance to smaller (Weber [1922] 1972, p. 21) predominates. units, and the least importance to larger ones. However, this may not explain the facts unless Despite the prevalence of the lococentric one refers to Pareto’s assertion (1916, vol. II, model, a model that might develop instead of the sections 112–120, 1023–1041; Treinen 1965) that ‘‘cosmopolitan’’ one (upside-down cone) as a con- the sentiment of territorial belonging is a ‘‘resi- sequence of the continuing advance of modernity due’’ that can be included among those of the is the volcano model, which places greater empha- ‘‘persistence of aggregates.’’ A sentiment springs sis on supralocal sociospatial units compared with from the psychological association between emo- smaller communal or subcommunal ones, but with- tionally significant experiences and the context in out the units assuming greater importance as they which they happen. For example, emotionally posi- become more inclusive and extensive. This is a tive experiences tied to childhood and the family type of territoriality that reflects adaptation to the and relationships involving sexuality are positively extension of relational spaces beyond the settle- associated with the places in which they have ment of residence that assumes a form other than occurred. This gives rise to deep emotional bonds cosmopolitanism. with those places, bonds that lie beyond reason- ing or rationalization. In Pareto’s account, the attachment to places thus depends not on the CONCLUSIONS communitarian or societal nature of the collectiv- ity settled in the place of residence but instead on Sociological research into territorial belonging as the fact that the most emotionally significant expe- it is subjectively defined by self-reference contra- riences in a person’s life necessarily occur in a dicts the claim that the extension of relational territorially limited context, if only because of the spaces and the increased frequency of relations limits imposed by the perceptive horizon. This across larger distances (continental and global) also explains why the dispersion of these emotion- have led to the superseding of local or at least ally significant experiences tends more to multiply

3134 TERRITORIAL BELONGING the places of attachment than to create broad and depends much more on their relative density than inclusive attachments. on their absolute density.

The technical progress of the means of com- If more detailed empirical research confirms munications and the means of transportation that the validity of these remarks, the persisting pri- facilitate the expansion of relational ambits, the macy of local, or at least noncosmopolitan, belong- individualization and secularization of culture, and ings may be explained not only by Paretian hy- the proliferation of the utilitarian businesslike potheses but also by the predominance at the relationships of Gesellschaft have had little or no relational level of local, regional, and national effect on the processes that, according to Pareto’s systems compared with continental and global ones. theory, cause the birth and persistence of attach- Belonging as being part of is a phenomenon ment to place. As the negation of a particular bond of central importance in sociological analysis. Ter- with a particular place, cosmopolitanism unless it ritorial belonging is only one way to manifest is not an ideological position that is deliberately social belonging. It may be associated with (ethnic assumed and declared to the interviewer, there- and national belonging) or in competition with fore may be a symptom of social marginalization (membership in universal religions or interna- caused by a lack of emotionally significant positive tional interest groups) other forms of social be- experiences. It is thus only rarely caused by the longing. It also is a complex phenomenon, but it extreme territorial dispersion of those experiences nevertheless seems to be characterized by features and much more frequently caused by other per- more durable than those of other social or group sonal and family events. belongings. It resembles ethnic and national be- longings but may be less exposed to change if the There are a number of reservations about the Paretian hypothesis is correct. It is a phenomenon premises of the phenomenon known as globalization. that probably is grounded in enduring features of Although relational ambits certainly extend over human experience, in what once might have been broader areas or, more precisely, relations have called human nature. Even the dissolution of increased in intensity in even the largest of those Toennies’s Gemeinschaft into a nonorganic assem- areas, there is little evidence that the relative inten- bly of communitarian relations or the reduction of sity of relations has increased. One cannot rule out these relations to simple human relations con- the possibility that a diminution in the ‘‘friction of fined to interindividual space has not severed the space’’ has intensified relations with all the territo- bond felt by individuals with the places where they rial levels into which social life is structured, and it had their most emotionally significant and gratify- is likely that the intensification at medium and low ing personal experiences. Theories of modernity levels is even greater for certain types of relation should take account of this fact, and the historicist than it is at higher and broader ones. The increase paradigms that hypothesize a progressive evolu- in international trade, for example, does not mean tion toward cosmopolitanism should be revised. that the system is becoming increasingly globalized; Empirical research must continue, enrich itself the increase may be greater at the national and with longitudinal surveys, and increase the num- regional levels, and so in relative terms, regional ber of cases observed. Feeling part of a territory and national systems have become more self-con- and feeling tied to places are still important phe- tained (Deutsch 1960; Deutsch and Eckstein 1960– nomena in numerous areas of social life. 1961). The unproven assumption that the increase in the absolute density of relations has been ac- companied by an increase in their relative density REFERENCES is credited to the existence of globalization proc- Ashford S., and N. Timms 1992 What Europe Thinks: A esses that may not exist or may exist only for Study of Western European Values. Brookfield, Mass.: particular types of relations. Moreover, it is evi- Dartmouth. dent that in subjective perception (and not only in Beggs, J. J., J. S. Hurlbert, and V. Haines 1996 ‘‘Commu- this area), the importance of the various levels nity Attachment in a Rural Setting: A refinement and

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Empirical Test of the Systemic Model.’’ Rural Sociol- ———, and L. Struffi, (eds.) 1987 Strutture Sociali del ogy 61(3):407–426 Territorio Montano. Milan, Italy: Angeli. Bertelli, B. 1992 ‘‘Assenza e Debolezza del Legame con ——— 1992a L’appartenenza Territoriale tra Ecologia e il Territorio: Anomia, Devianza Sociale o Forme Cultura. Trent, Italy: Reverdito. English translation Diverse di Appartenenza?’’ In R. Gubert, ed., 1999: The Territorial Belonging between Ecology L’Appartenenza Territoriale tra Ecologia e Cultura. Trent, and Culture. Trent: University of Trent Press. Italy: Reverdito. ——— 1992b ‘‘I Caratteri Generali degli Intervistati e Campbell, D. T. 1958 ‘‘Common Fate, Similarity and del Loro Legame Socio-Territoriale. In R. Gubert, Other Indices of the Status of Aggregates of Persons ed., L’Appartenenza Territoriale tra Ecologia e as Social Entities.’’ Behavioral Science 3:14–25 Cultura. Trent, Italy: Reverdito. Deutsch, K. W. 1960 ‘‘The Propensity to International ——— 1992c Gli Orientamenti Socio-Politici degli Ital- Transactions.’’ Political Studies 8(8):147–155. ian.’’ In R. Gubert ed., Persistenze e Mutamenti dei ——— and A. Eckstein 1960–1961 ‘‘National Industri- Valori degli Italiani nel Contesto Europeo. Trent, alization and the Declining Share of the Interna- Italy: Reverdito. tional Economic Sector 1890–1959. World Politics 13. ——— 1992d ‘‘Le Dimensioni dell’Appartenza Territoriale: ——— 1966 Nationalism and Social Communication. Cam- Verso un Modello Causale.’’ In R. Gubert, ed., bridge, Mass.: MIT Press. L’Appartenenza Territoriale tra Ecologia e Cultura. Trent, Italy: Reverdito. Durkheim, E. 1893 La Division du Travail Social. Paris: F. Alcan. ——— 1995 ‘‘Analysis of Regional Differences in the Values of Europeans.’’ In R. de Moor, ed., Values in Dyson Hudson, N. 1966 Karimojong Politics. Oxford, Western Societies. Tilburg, The Netherlands: Tilburg UK: Clarendon. University Press. Eisenstadt S. N. 1973 Tradition, Change and Modernity. ——— (ed.) 1997 Specificità Culturale di Una Regione New York: Wiley. Alpina nel Contesto Europeo. Milan, Italy: Angeli. Feldman, R. M. 1996 ‘‘Constancy and Change in Attach- ——— 1998 ‘‘Appartenenza e Mobilità Socio-Territoriali. ments to Types of Settlements.’’ Environment and Primi Risultati di un’Indagine su Operatori Turistici Behavior 28(4):419–445. nel Nord.Est Italiano.’’ In A. Gasparini, ed., Nation, Fried, M. 1982 ‘‘Residential Attachment: Sources of Ethnicity, Minority and Border: Contribution to an Inter- Residential and Community Satisfaction.’’ Journal of national Sociology. Gorizia, Italy: ISIG. Social Issues 38(3):107–119. Halman, L., F. Heunk, R. de Moor and H. Zaunders, ———, and P. Gleicher 1961 ‘‘Some Sources of Resi- (eds.) 1987 Traditie, Secularisatie en Individualisering. dential Satisfaction in an Urban Slum.’’ Journal of the Tilburg: The Netherlands: University of Tilburg Press. American Institute of Planners 27:305–315. Hawley, A. 1950 Human Ecology. New York: Ronald Press. Galster G. C., and G. W. Hesser 1981 ‘‘Residential Herz, J. H. 1957 ‘‘Rise and Demise of the Territorial Satisfaction: Compositional and Contextual Corre- State.’’ World Politics 9(4). lates.’’ Environment and Behavior 13(6):735–758. ——— 1968 ‘‘The Territorial State Revisited: Reflexions Galtung, J. 1967 ‘‘On the Future of the International on the Future of the National State. Polity, The Journal System.’’ Journal of Peace Research 4. of Northeastern Political Science Association 1(1):12–34. ——— 1968 ‘‘A Structural Theory of Integration.’’ Jour- Inglehart, R. 1997 Modernization and Postmodernization: nal of Peace Research 5(4). Cultural, Economic, and Political Change in 43 Societies. Goudy W. J. 1990 ‘‘Community Attachment in a Rural Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. Region.’’ Rural Sociology 55(2):178–198 Kasarda, J., and M. Janowitz 1974 ‘‘Community Attach- Gubert, R. 1972 La Situazione Confinaria. Treiste, It- ment in Mass Society.’’ American Sociological Review aly: Lint. 39:328–339. ——— 1975 ‘‘Entitività delle Etnie e Conflittualità Kaufman, G. 1974 Il Sistema Globale. Udine, Italy: Interetnica.’’ Studi di Sociologia. 13n.(3–4):302–322. Del Bianco.

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Merton R. K. 1963 Social Theory and Social Structure. Taylor, C. C. and A. R. Townsend 1976 ‘‘The Social Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. ‘Sense of Place’ as Evidenced in North-East Eng- land.’’ Urban Studies 13(2):133–146. Parsons, T. 1951 The Social System. Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. ——— 1960 Structure and Process in Modern Societies. Terhune, K. W. 1965 ‘‘Nationalistic Aspiration, Loyalty Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. and Internationalism.’’ Journal of Peace Research 3. ——— 1961 ‘‘Order and Community in the Interna- Thomas, W. I. and F. Znaniecki 1918–1920 The Polish tional System.’’ In J. N. Rosenau, ed., International Peasant in Europe and America. Boston: Badger. Politics and Foreign Policy. New York and London: Toennies, F. 1887 Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft. Leipzig, Free Press and Collier Macmillan. Germany: O. R. Reisland. ——— 1971 The System of Modern Societies. Englewood Treinen, H. 1965 ‘‘Symbolische Ortsbezogenheit: Eine Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Soziologische Untersuchung zum Heimatproblem.’’ Piveteau, J. L. 1969 ‘‘Le Sentiment d’Appartenance Koelner Zeitschrift fuer Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie. Régionale en Suisse.’’ Revue de Geographie Alpine, 17(1–2):73–97, 254–297. 57(3):361–386. Wasserman, I. M. 1982 ‘‘Size of Place in Relation to Pollini, G. 1987 Appartenenza e Identità. Milan, It- Community Attachment and Satisfaction with Com- aly: Angeli. munity Services.’’ Social Indicators Research 11:421–436. ——— 1992 ‘‘L’Appartenenza Socio-Territoriale.’’ In R. Webber, M. M. 1963 ‘‘Order in Diversity: Community Gubert, ed., L’Appartenenza Territoriale tra Ecologia e without Propinquity.’’ In L. Wingo, ed., Cities and Cultura. Trent, Italy: Reverdito. Space. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Reusch, J. 1956 ‘‘Analysis of Various Types of Bounda- ——— 1964 Culture, Territoriality, and the Elastic Mile. ries.’’ In R. R. Grinker, ed., Toward a Unified Theory of Regional Science Association Papers 13:59–69 Human Behavior. New York: Basic Books. Weber, M. (1922) 1972 Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. Rojeck D. G., F. Clemente and G. F. Summers 1975 Tuebingen, Germany: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck). ‘‘Community Satisfaction: A Study of Contentment with Local Services’’ Rural Sociology 40:177–192. RENZO GUBERT Rubinstein, R., P. A. Parmelee 1992 ‘‘Attachment to Place and the Representation of the Life Course by the Elderly.’’ In I. Altman and S. Low, eds., Place Attachment New York: Plenum, pp. 139–164. TERRORISM Russet, B. M. 1967 ‘‘The Ecology of Future Interna- Terrorism became an issue of worldwide concern tional Politics.’’ International Studies Quarterly 11. in the last third of the twentieth century. Terrorist Shils, E. 1975 Center and Periphery: Essays in Macrosociol- tactics were not new; they had been used for ogy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. centuries before being defined as terrorism. The Simmel, G. 1890 Ueber Soziale Differenzierung, Soziologische word ‘‘terror’’ entered the political lexicon during und Psychologische Untersuchungen. Leipzig, Germany: the French Revolution’s ‘‘reign of terror.’’ In the Dunker & Humblot. late nineteenth century, at the beginning of the ——— 1908 Soziologie. Untersuchungen ueber die Formen twentieth, and again in the 1920s and 1950s—all der Vergesellschaftung. Leipzig, Germany: Dunker & periods between major wars on the European Humblot. continents—terrorism became a technique of revo- Sola Pool I. 1965 ‘‘Effects of Cross-National Contact on lutionary struggle. Stalin’s regime in the 1930s and National and International Images.’’ In H. C. Kelman, 1940s was called a reign of terror, but from the late ed., International Behavior: A Social-Psychological Analy- 1940s to the 1960s the word was associated pri- sis. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. marily with the armed struggles for independence Strassoldo, R., and N. Tessarin 1992 Le Radici del waged in Palestine and Algeria, from which later Localismo: Indagine Sociologica sull’Appartenenza generations of terrorists took their inspiration and Territoriale in Friuli. Trent, Italy: Reverdito. instruction. After World War II, ‘‘terror’’ emerged

3137 TERRORISM as a component of nuclear strategy; the fear of study of terrorism implied to some a political mutual destruction that would deter nuclear war decision. between the United States and the Soviet Union Terrorism can be defined objectively by the was referred to as a balance of terror. quality of the act, not by the identity of the perpe- In the 1970s, ‘‘terrorism’’ became a fad word, trators or the nature of their cause. All terrorist promiscuously applied to a wide spectrum of con- acts are crimes, and many also would be war ditions and actions. Bombs in public places were crimes or ‘‘grave breaches’’ of the rules of war if one form of terrorism, but some people asserted one accepted the terrorists’ assertion that they that oppression, poverty, hunger, racism, gang wage war. All terrorist acts involve violence or the violence, spousal or child abuse, environmental threat of violence, sometimes coupled with ex- destruction, and even medical malpractice were plicit demands. The violence is directed against noncombatants. The purposes are political. The also forms of terrorism. Some governments la- actions often are carried out in a way that will beled as terrorism all violent acts committed by achieve maximum publicity, and the perpetrators their opponents, while antigovernment extremi- are usually members of an organized group. ties claimed to be, and often were, the victims of government terror. Terrorist organizations are by necessity clan- destine, but unlike other criminals, terrorists often In an effort to get a firm hold on a slippery but not always claim credit for their acts. Finally—the subject, those studying the phenomenon of terror- hallmark of terrorism—the acts are intended to ism were obliged to define it more precisely. Ter- produce psychological effects. This introduces a rorism could be described simply as the use or distinction between the actual victims of terrorist threat of violence to create an atmosphere of fear violence and the target audience. The connection and alarm and thus bring about a political result. between the victim and the target of terrorism can But making this definition operative in political be remote. The identity of the victims may be debate, rules of war, or criminal codes was any- secondary or even irrelevant to the terrorist cause. thing but easy. Is all politically motivated violence ‘‘Pure terrorism’’ is entirely indiscriminate violence. terrorism? How does terrorism differ from ordi- nary crime? Should terrorism be considered a Terrorism differs from ordinary crime in its crime at all, or should it be seen as simply another political purpose and its primary objective. How- ever, not all politically motivated violence is terror- form of armed conflict that is no less legitimate ism, nor is terrorism synonymous with guerilla war than any other form of war? Is the term properly or any other kind of war. reserved for those trying to overthrow govern- ments, or can governments also be terrorists? Terrorist techniques can be used by govern- ments or those fighting against governments: how- Definition was crucial because it ultimately ever, scholars generally use the term ‘‘terror’’ when determined the way in which terrorism has been discussing fear-producing tactics employed by gov- studied. A major problem was that terrorism al- ernments and ‘‘terrorism’’ when referring to tac- most always has a pejorative connotation and thus tics used by those fighting against governments. falls in the same category of words as ‘‘tyranny’’ The distinction is primarily semantic. Both groups and ‘‘genocide,’’ unlike such relatively neutral terms may use threats, assassinations, or abductions, but such as ‘‘war’’ and ‘‘revolution.’’ One can aspire to government terror also may include arbitrary im- objective and dispassionate research, but one can- prisonment, concentration camps, torture, mind- not be neutral about terrorism any more than one affecting techniques, and the use of drugs for can be neutral about torture. Thus, defining ter- political purposes. Antigovernment terrorists gen- rorism became an effort not only to delineate a erally lack the infrastructure for such tactics. Gov- subject area but also to maintain its illegitimacy. ernment terror produces more victims than ter- Even the most clinical inquiry was laden with rorism does. Terrorists tend to seek more publicity values and therefore political issues. The very than do governments.

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Although a prerequisite to empirical research, large measure but not exclusively by the war in the attempt to define terrorism inevitably lent Vietnam. By no stretch of the imagination could greater coherence to disparate acts of violence these antigovernment protests be called acts of than did any analysis offered by the terrorists terrorism, but the mass marches spawned extrem- themselves, few of whom thought of assassina- ist fringes that were inspired by third world guer- tions, bombings, kidnappings, and airline hijackings rilla movements to carry on an armed struggle as elements of a unified tactical repertoire, let even after the student movements subsided. alone the basis of a strategy. Ironically, in an effort Technological advances were equally impor- to understand a phenomenon, researchers ran the tant. Developments in communications—radio, risk of attributing to terrorists a level of strategic television, communication satellites—made possi- thinking they may not have possessed. ble almost instantaneous access to global audi- The term ‘‘international terrorism’’ refers to ences, which was critical for a mode of violence terrorist attacks on foreign targets or the crossing aimed at publicity. Modern air travel provided of national frontiers to carry out terrorist attacks. terrorists with worldwide mobility and a choice of It was the dramatic rise in international terror- targets. Modern society’s dependence on technol- ism—especially in the form of attacks on diplo- ogy created new vulnerabilities. Global weapons mats and commercial aviation in the late 1960s— production guaranteed a supply of guns and that caused mounting alarm on the part of govern- explosives. ments not directly involved in those local conflicts. Once the tactics of terrorism were displayed Although terrorist tactics were centuries old, worldwide, they provided inspiration and instruc- contemporary terrorism, especially in its interna- tion for other groups, and terrorism became a self- tional form, emerged in the late 1960s from a perpetuating phenomenon. unique confluence of political circumstances and The 1980s saw a new form of international technological developments. The political circum- terrorism: state-sponsored terrorism. Some gov- stances included the failure of the rural guerrilla ernments began to use terrorist tactics or employ movements in Latin America, which persuaded those tactics as a mode of surrogate warfare. Un- the guerrilla movements to take their armed strug- like government-directed terror, which is primarily gles into the cities, where, through the use of domestic, state-sponsored terrorism is directed dramatic actions such as kidnappings, they could against foreign governments or domestic foes be assured of attracting national and international abroad. International diplomacy, economic sanc- attention. Their actions also provoked terrorist tions, and in some cases, military actions brought responses by governments that resorted to using about a reduction in this type of terrorism in ‘‘disappearances’’ of suspected guerrillas and their the 1990s. supporters, torture, and other tactics of terror. Despite great differences in political perspec- In the Middle East, the failure of the Arab tives and outlook toward armed conflict, the inter- armies in the Six-Day War in 1967 caused the national community gradually came to accept at Palestinians to abandon dependence on Arab mili- least a partial definition of terrorism and prohib- tary power to achieve their aims and rely more ited certain tactics and attacks on certain targets. heavily on the tactics of terrorism with the ap- This approach reflected that of the academic com- proval of some Arab governments. Israel retali- munity, focusing on the terrorist act and rejecting ated with both military attacks and assassinations judgment based on the political objective or cause of suspected terrorist leaders. behind an act. Thus, by 1985, the United Nations The third political root of contemporary ter- General Assembly unanimously condemned inter- rorism grew from widespread antigovernment dem- national terrorism, including but not limited to onstrations in universities in western Europe, Ja- acts covered by previous treaties against airline pan, and the United States that were provoked in hijacking, sabotage of aircraft, attacks at civil air-

3139 TERRORISM ports, attacks against maritime navigation and off- Defining terrorism in terms of the act has shore platforms, attacks in any form against inter- enabled researchers to maintain a theoretically nationally protected persons (i.e., diplomats), and objective approach and conduct at least some the taking of hostages. primitive quantitative analysis. Event-based analy- sis has enabled them to discern broad patterns and By 1998, there were ten multilateral counter- trends and chart the growth of terrorism and its terrorism agreements that covered roughly half of diffusion around the globe. They have been able all incidents of international terrorism but omit- to demonstrate statistically that as terrorism has ted primarily bombings of targets other than air- lines or diplomatic facilities. One difficulty in de- increased in volume, it has also become bloodier. lineating this type of terrorist act was distinguishing Researchers were able to illustrate a clear trend between terrorist bombings and aerial bombard- toward incidents of large-scale indiscriminate vio- ment, which is considered a legitimate form of lence in the 1980s and infer that terrorists tend to war. The rules of war prohibit indiscriminate bomb- be more imitative than innovative in their tactics. ing, thus providing at least a theoretical distinction Event-based analysis also has permitted research- between war and terrorism, although even with ers to distinguish the operational profiles of spe- modern precision-guided munitions, collateral ci- cific terrorist groups, and these profiles have been vilian casualties from aerial bombing in populated useful in identifying changes in a group’s modus areas may fastly exceed casualties caused by the operandi. deliberate, indiscriminate bombs of terrorists. At the same time, event-based analysis has led In 1998, an International Convention for the the analysts into some methodological traps. An Suppression of Terrorist Bombings attempted to exclusive focus on terrorist actions, for example, address this lacuna. Unable to draw a clear distinc- resulted in terrorists being viewed first as if they tion between terrorist bombings and other types were all part of a single entity and second as if they of bombings, the treaty stated that the ‘‘activities were almost extraterrestrial. While there are con- of armed forces during an armed conflict . . . and nections and alliances among some terrorist groups, the activities undertaken by military forces by a the only thing the terrorists of the world have in state in the exercise of their official duties, inas- common is a propensity for violence and certain much as they are governed by other rules of inter- tactics. Moreover, each group is rooted in its own national law, are not governed by this Convention.’’ social, political, and cultural soil, and cross-na- tional comparisons are difficult. This has led to the Terrorism is a subject matter, not a discipline. question of whether there is such a thing as a It has been approached by scholars from various academic perspectives with political scientists in terrorist-prone society. the lead. Psychologists and psychiatrists have ex- It is, however, dangerous to attribute the ac- amined individual and group behavior, while ju- tions of a few to perceived political defects or rists have formulated international legal approaches. cultural flaws of a society as a whole, and research- Sociologists have not played a major role in re- ers’ attempts to discern deeper causes or condi- search focusing specifically on terrorism but have tions that lead to high levels of terrorism in certain addressed it in the broader context of deviance or societies have produced meager results. Terror- social control. ism is not demonstrably a response to poverty or Much research on terrorism has focused more political oppression. The liberal democracies of narrowly on the topic. In part, this reflects the western Europe have suffered high levels of terror- desire of researchers to avoid the murky, politi- ist violence, while totalitarian states are virtually cally loaded area of underlying causes, where any free of terrorism. Overall, countries with perceived discussion might be seen as condemnation or terrorist problems tend to be comparatively ad- rationalization of terrorist violence. Nonetheless, vanced politically and economically. They are more there have been excellent case studies of individ- highly urbanized and have higher per capita in- ual groups and their tactics. comes, larger middle classes, more university stu-

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dents, and higher rates of literacy. One may ask person who was narcissistic, emotionally flat, eas- whether political and economic advancement sim- ily disillusioned, incapable of enjoyment, rigid, ply brings a more modern form of political violence. and a true believer who was action-oriented and risk seeking. Psychiatrists could label terrorists as One obstacle to linking high levels of terror- neurotic and possibly sociopathic, but they found ism with environmental factors is the problem of that most of them were not clinically insane. Some measuring terrorism. For the most part, this has behavioral analysts looked for deeper connections been done by counting terrorist incidents, but between terrorists’ attitude toward parents and international terrorism was narrowly and, more their attitudes toward authority. A few went fur- important, artificially defined to include only inci- ther in claiming a physiological explanation for dents that cause international concern, a distinc- terrorism based on inner ear disorders, but these tion that has meant very little to the terrorists. assertions were not given wide credence in the Counting all terrorist incidents, both local and scientific community. The growing number of international, is better but still inadequate. Terror- terrorists apprehended and imprisoned in the 1980s ist tactics, narrowly defined, represent most of permitted more thorough studies, but while these what some groups, particularly those in western studies occasionally unearthed tantalizing similari- Europe, do but for other groups, terrorism repre- ties, they also showed terrorists to be a diverse lot. sents only one facet of a broader armed conflict. In civil war situations, such as that in Lebanon in the Much research on terrorism has been govern- 1970s, separating incidents of terrorism from the ment-sponsored and therefore oriented toward background of violence and bloodshed was futile the practical goal of understanding terrorism in and meaningless. And what about the extensive order to defeat it. While social scientists looked for unquantified political and communal violence in environmental or behavioral explanations for ter- the rural backlands of numerous third world coun- rorism, other researchers attempted to identify tries? Broad statements about terrorist-prone or terrorist vulnerabilities and successful countermea- violence-prone societies simply cannot be made by sures. They achieved a measure of success in sev- measuring only a thin terrorist crust of that vio- eral areas. Studies of the human dynamics of lence, if at all. The problem, however, is not merely hostage situations led to the development of psy- one of counting. Although terrorists arise from chological tactics that increased the hostages’ the peculiarities of local situations, they may be- chances of survival and a better understanding come isolated in a tiny universe of beliefs and (and therefore more effective treatment) of those discourse that is alien to the surrounding society. who had been held hostage. In some cases, specific German terrorists were German, but were they psychological vulnerabilities were identified and Germany? In the final analysis, one is forced to exploited. With somewhat less success, research- dismiss the notion of a terrorist-prone society. ers also examined the effects of broader policies, such as not making concessions to terrorists hold- If terrorism cannot be explained by environ- ing hostages and using military retaliation. The mental factors, one must look into the mind of the conclusion in this area were less clear-cut. individual terrorist for an explanation. Are there individuals who are prone to becoming terror- Another area of research concerned the ef- ists—a preterrorist personality? Encouraged by fects of terrorism on society. Here, researchers superficial similarities in the demographic profiles viewed terrorism as consisting of not only the sum of terrorists—many of them have been urban mid- of terrorist actions but also the fear and alarm dle and upper class (not economically deprived) produced by those actions. Public opinion polls, males in their early twenties with university or at along with measurable decisions such as not flying least secondary school educations—researchers and avoiding certain countries, provided the mea- searched for commmon psychological features. sure of effect.

Behavioral analysts painted an unappealing Some critics who are skeptical of the entire portrait: The composite terrorist appeared to be a field of terrorism analysis assert that the state and

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its accomplice scholars have ‘‘invented’’ terrorism O’Sullivan, Noel (ed.) 1986 Terrorism, Ideology and Revo- as a political issue to further state agendas through lution. Boulder, Colo: Westview. manipulation of fear, the setting of public dis- Schmid, Alex P., and Albert J. Jongman 1988 Political course, preemptive constructions of ‘‘good’’ and Terrorism. Amsterdam: North Holland. ‘‘evil,’’ and the creation of deliberate distractions Simon, Jeffrey D. 1994 The Terrorist Trap: America’s from more serious issues. ‘‘Terrorism,’’ a pejora- Experience with Terrorism. Bloomington: Indiana Uni- tive term that is useful in condemning foes, has versity Press. generated a lot of fear mongering, and the issue of terrorism has been harnessed to serve other Stern, Jessica 1999 The Ultimate Terrorists. Cambridge, agendas, but one would have to set aside the reality Mass.: Harvard University Press. of terrorist campaigns to see terrorism solely as an Thackrah, John Richard 1987 Terrorism and Political invention of the hegemonic state. While such Violence. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. deconstructions reveal the ideological prejudices Wilkinson, Paul, and Alasdair M. Stewart (eds.) 1987 of their authors, they nonetheless have value in Contemporary Research on Terrorism. Aberdeen, Scot- reminding other analysts to be aware of the lenses land: Aberdeen University Press. through which they view terrorism.

Over the years, research on terrorism has BRIAN MICHAEL JENKINS become more sophisticated, but in the end, terror- ism confronts people with fundamental philosophi- cal questions: Do ends justify means? How far does THEOCRACY one go on behalf of a cause? What is the value of an individual human life? What obligations do gov- See Religion, Politics, and War; Religious ernments have toward their own citizens if, for Organizations. example, they are held hostage? Should govern- ments or corporations ever bargain for human life? What limits can be imposed on individual liberties to ensure public safety? Is the use of TIME SERIES ANALYSIS military force, as a matter of choice, ever appropri- Longitudinal data are used commonly in sociol- ate? Can assassination ever be justified? These are ogy, and over the years sociologists have imported not matters of research. They are issues that have a wide variety of statistical procedures from other been dictated through the ages. disciplines to analyze such data. Examples include survival analysis (Cox and Oakes 1984), dynamic (SEE ALSO: International Law; Revolutions; Social Control; modeling (Harvey 1990), and techniques for pooled Violent Crime; War) cross-sectional and time series data (Hsiao 1986). Typically, these procedures are used to represent the causal mechanisms by which one or more REFERENCES outcomes are produced; a stochastic model is Barnaby, Frank 1996 Instruments of Terror. London: Satin. provided that is presumed to extract the essential Hoffman, Bruce 1998 Inside Terrorism. London: Gollancz. means by which changes in some variables bring Kushner, Harvey W. (ed.) 1998 The Future of Terrorism: about changes in others (Berk 1988). Violence in the New Millennium. Thousand Oaks, The techniques called time series analysis have Calif.: Sage. somewhat different intellectual roots. Rather than Laquer, Walter 1977 Terrorism. Boston: Little Brown. try to represent explicit causal mechanisms, the Lesser, Ian O. et al. 1999 Countering the New Terrorism. goal in classical time series analysis is ‘‘simply’’ to Santa Monica: Rand Corporation. describe some longitudinal stochastic processes in Oliverio, Annamarie 1998 The State of Terror. Albany: summary form. That description may be used to State University of New York Press. inform existing theory or inductively extract new

3142 TIME SERIES ANALYSIS theoretical notions, but classical time series analy- Difference equations are deterministic. In prac- sis does not begin with a fully articulated causal model. tice, the social world is taken to be stochastic. Therefore, to use difference equations in time However, more recent developments in time series analysis, a disturbance term is added, much series analysis and in the analysis of longitudinal as is done in conventional regression models. data more generally have produced a growing convergence in which the descriptive power of ARIMA Models. Getting from stochastic dif- time series analysis has been incorporated into ference equations to time series analysis requires causal modeling and the capacity to represent that an observed time series be conceptualized as a certain kinds of causal mechanisms has been intro- product of an underlying substantive process. In duced into time series analysis (see, for example, particular, an observed time series is conceptual- Harvey 1990). It may be fair to say that differences ized as a ‘‘realization’’ of an underlying process between time series analysis and the causal model- that is assumed to be reasonably well described by ing of longitudinal data are now matters of degree. an unknown stochastic difference equation (Chatfield 1996, pp. 27–28). In other words, the realization is treated as if it were a simple random sample from CLASSICAL TIME SERIES ANALYSIS the distribution of all possible realizations the underlying process might produce. This is a weighty Classical time series analysis was developed to substantive assumption that cannot be made casu- describe variability over time for a single unit of ally or as a matter of convenience. For example, if observation (Box and Jenkins 1976, chaps. 3 and the time series is the number of lynchings by year 4). The single unit could be a person, a household, in a southern state between 1880 and 1930, how a city, a business, a market, or another entity. A much sense does it make to talk about observed popular example in sociology is the crime rate data as a representative realization of an underly- over time in a particular jurisdiction (e.g., Loftin ing historical process that could have produced a and McDowall 1982; Chamlin 1988; Kessler and very large number of such realizations? Many time Duncan 1996). Other examples include longitudi- series are alternatively conceptualized as a popula- nal data on public opinion, unemployment rates, tion; what one sees is all there is (e.g., Freedman and infant mortality. and Lane 1983). Then the relevance of time series Formal Foundations. The mathematical foun- analysis becomes unclear, although many of the dations of classical time series analysis are found in descriptive tools can be salvaged. difference equations. An equation ‘‘relating the If one can live with the underlying world values of a function y and one or more of its assumed, the statistical tools time series analysis differences ∆y, ∆2y . . . for each x-value of some set provides can be used to make inferences about of numbers S (for which each of these functions is which stochastic difference equation is most con- defined) is called a difference equation over the sistent with the data and what the values of the set S’’ (∆y=y −y , ∆2=∆(y −y ) = y −2y −y , and so t t−1 t t−1 t t−1 t−2 coefficients are likely to be. This is, of course, not on) (Goldberg 1958, p. 50). The x-values specify much different from what is done in conventional the numbers for which the relationship holds (i.e., regression analysis. the domain). That is, the relationships may be true for only some values of x. In practice, the x-values For the tools to work properly, however, one are taken to be a set of successive integers that in must at least assume ‘‘weak stationarity.’’ Drawing effect indicate when a measure is taken. Then, from Gottman’s didactic discussion (1981, pp. 60– requiring that all difference operations ∆ be taken 66), imagine that a very large number of realizations with an interval equal to 1 (Goldberg 1958, p. 52), were actually observed and then displayed in a one gets the following kinds of results (with t large two-way table with one time period in each ∆2 replacing x): yt+kyt=2k+ 7, which can be rewritten column and one realization in each row. Weak yt−2yt−1+(1−k)yt−2= 2k+7. stationarity requires that if one computed the

3143 TIME SERIES ANALYSIS

φ ⋅⋅⋅ φ p mean for each time period (i.e., for each column), 1− 1B− − pB . For example, an autoregressive φ φ those means would be effectively the same (and model of order 2 is yt− 1yt−1− 2yt−2. identical asymptotically). Similarly, if one com- A moving-average component of order q, in puted the variance for each time period (i.e., by contrast, can be written as ε −θ ε −⋅⋅ ⋅−θ ε . The column), those variances would be effectively the t 1 t−1 q t−q variable ε is taken to be ‘‘white noise,’’ sometimes same (and identical asymptotically). That is, the t called the ‘‘innovations process,’’ which is much process is characterized in part by a finite mean like the disturbance term in regression models. It and variance that do not change over time. ε is assumed that t is not correlated with itself and Weak stationarity also requires that the covari- has a mean (expected value) of zero and a constant ance of the process between periods be indepen- variance. It sometimes is assumed to be Gaus- dent of time as well. That is, for any given lag in sian as well. time (e.g., one period, two periods, or three peri- The moving-average component of order q ods), if one computed all possible covariances Θ ε (MA[q]) also can be written in the form (B) t, between columns in the table, those covariances where B is a backward shift operator and Θ(B) = 1 would be effectively the same (and identical as- Θ ⋅⋅⋅ Θ q − 1B− − qB . For example, a moving-average ymptotically). For example, at a lag of 2, one would ε Θ ε Θ ε model of order 2 is t− 1 t−1− 2 t−2. compute covariances between column 1 and col- umn 3, column 2 and column 4, column 3 and Finally, the differencing component can be ∆d column 5, and so on. Those covariances would all written as ytwhere the d is the number differ- be effectively the same. In summary, weak stationarity ences taken (or the degree of differencing). requires that the variance-covariance matrix across Differencing (see ‘‘Formal Foundations,’’ above) realizations be invariant with respect to the dis- is a method to remove nonstationarity in a time placement of time. Strong stationarity implies that series mean so that weak stationarity is achieved. It is common to see ARIMA models written in gen- the joint distribution (more generally) is invariant eral form as Θ(B)∆dy =Θ(B)ε . with respect to the displacement of time. When t t each time period’s observations are normally dis- A seasonal set of components also can be tributed, weak and strong stationarity are the same. included. The set is structured in exactly the same In either case, history is effectively assumed to way but uses a seasonal time reference. That is, repeat itself. instead of time intervals of one time period, sea- sonal models use time intervals such as quarters. Many statistical models that are consistent The seasonal component usually is included with weak stationarity have been used to analyze multiplicatively (Box and Jenkins 1976, chap. 9; time series data. Probably the most widely applied Granger and Newbold 1986, pp. 101–114; Chatfield (and the model on which this article will focus) is 1996 pp. 60–61), but a discussion here is pre- associated with the work of Box and Jenkins (1976). cluded by space limitations. Their most basic ARIMA (autoregressive-integrated moving-average) model has three parts: (1) an For many sets of longitudinal data, autoregressive component, (2) a moving average nonstationarity is not merely a nuisance to be component, and (3) a differencing component. removed but a finding to be highlighted. The fact that time series analysis requires stationarity does Consider first the autoregressive component not mean that nonstationary processes are so- and yt as the variable of interest. An autoregressive ciologically uninteresting, and it will be shown component of order p can be written as yt− shortly that time series procedures can be com- Φ ⋅⋅⋅ Φ 1yt−1− − pyt−p. bined with techniques such multiple regression when nonstationarity is an important part of Alternatively, the autoregressive component the story. of order p (AR[p]) can be written in the form Φ (B)

yy, where B is the backward shift operator—that ARIMA Models in Practice. In practice, one 2 φ is, (B)yt=yt−1, (B )yt=yt−2 and so on—and (B)= rarely knows which ARIMA model is appropriate

3144 TIME SERIES ANALYSIS for the data. That is, one does not know what different parts of the time series, differences in orders the autoregressive and moving-average com- slope for different parts of the data, or even some ponents should be or what degree of differencing other pattern. is required to achieve stationarity. The values of In Figure 2, the autocorrelation for lag 0 is 1.0, the coefficients for these models typically are un- as it should be (correlating something with itself). known as well. At least three diagnostic proce- Thus, there are three spikes outside of the 95 dures are commonly used: time series plots, the percent confidence interval at lags 1, 2, and 3. autocorrelation function, and the partial autocor- Clearly, the correlations decline gradually but rather relation function. rapidly so that one may reasonably conclude that A time series plot is simply a graph of the the series is already mean stationary. The gradual variable to be analyzed arrayed over time. It is decline also usually is taken as a sign autoregressive always important to study time series plots care- processes are operating, perhaps in combination fully to get an initial sense of the data: time trends, with moving-average processes and perhaps not. cyclical patterns, dramatic irregularities, and outliers. There also seems to be a cyclical pattern, that is consistent with the patterns in Figure 1 and usually The autocorrelation function and the partial is taken as a sign that the autoregressive process autocorrelation function of the time series are has an order of more than 1. used to help specify which ARIMA model should be applied to the data (Chatfield 1996, chap. 4). Figure 3 shows the partial autocorrelation The rules of thumb typically employed will be function. The partial autocorrelation is similar to summarized after a brief illustration. the usual partial correlation, except that what is being held constant is values of the times series at Figure 1 shows a time series plot of the simu- lags shorter than the lag of interest. For example, lated unemployment rate for a small city. The the partial autocorrelation at a lag of 4 holds vertical axis is the unemployment rate, and the constant the time series values at lags of 1, 2, and 3. horizontal axis is time in quarters. There appear to be rather dramatic cycles in the data, but on closer From Figure 3, it is clear that there are large inspection, they do not fit neatly into any simple spikes at lags of 1 and 2. This usually is taken to story. For example, the cycles are not two or four mean that the p for the autoregressive component periods in length (which would correspond to six- is equal to 2. That is, an AR[2] component is month or twelve-month cycles). necessary. In addition, the abrupt decline (rather than a rapid but gradual decline) after a lag of 2 (in Figure 2 shows a plot of the autocorrelation this case) usually is interpreted as a sign that there function (ACF) of the simulated data with horizon- is no moving-average component. tal bands for the 95 percent confidence interval. Basically, the autocorrelation function produces a The parameters for an AR[2] model were series of serial Pearson correlations for the given estimated using maximum likelihood procedures. time series at different lags: 0, 1, 2, 3, and so on The first AR parameter estimate was 0.33, and the (Box and Jenkins 1976, pp. 23–36). If the se- second was estimate -0.35. Both had t-values well in ries is stationary with respect to the mean, the excess of conventional levels. These results are autocorrelations should decline rapidly. If they do consistent with the cyclical patterns seen in Figure not, one may difference the series one or more 1; a positive value for the first AR parameter and a times until the autocorrelations do decline rapidly. negative value for the second produced the appar- ent cyclical patterns. For some kinds of mean nonstationarity, differencing will not solve the problem (e.g., if the How well does the model fit? Figures 4 and 5 nonstationarity has an exponential form). It is also show, respectively, the autocorrelation function important to note that mean nonstationarity may and the partial autocorrelation function for the be seen in the data as differences in level for residuals of the original time series (much like

3145 TIME SERIES ANALYSIS

9

8

7

6 Rate in percent

5

4

0 20 40 60 80 100

Quarters

Figure 1. Unemployment Rate by Quarter residuals in conventional regression analysis). There coefficients of 0.33 and -0.35. The relevance of this are no spikes outside the 95 percent confidence information will be addressed shortly. interval, indicating that the residuals are probably To summarize, the diagnostics have suggested white noise. That is, the temporal dependence in that this ARIMA model need not include any the data has been removed. One therefore can differences or a moving-average component but conclude that the data are consistent with an should include an autoregressive component of underlying autoregressive process of order 2, with

3146 TIME SERIES ANALYSIS

1.0

0.8

0.6

0.4 ACF

0.2

0.0

-0.2

0 51015 20

Lag

Figure 2. Unemployment Series: Autocorrelation Function

order 2. More generally, the following diagnostic 2. If either before or after differencing rules of thumb usually are employed, often in the the autocorrelation function declines very order shown. abruptly, a moving-average component probably is needed. The lag of the last 1. If the autocorrelation function does not large spike outside the confidence interval decline rather rapidly, difference the series provides a good guess for the value of q. If one or more times (perhaps up to three) the autocorrelation function declines rap- until it does.

3147 TIME SERIES ANALYSIS

0.2

0.1

0.0 Partial ACF Partial –0.1

–0.2

–0.3

51015 20

Lag

Figure 3. Unemployment Series: Partial Autocorrelation Function

idly but gradually, an autoregressive com- function declines rapidly but gradually, ponent probably is needed. a moving-average component probably 3. If the partial autocorrelation function is needed. declines very abruptly, an autoregressive 4. Estimate the model’s coefficients and component probably is needed. The lag of compute the residuals of the model. Use the last large spike outside the confidence the rules above to examine the residuals. interval provides a good guess for the If there are no systematic patterns in value of p. If the partial autocorrelation the residuals, conclude that the model

3148 TIME SERIES ANALYSIS

1.0

0.8

0.6

ACF 0.4

0.2

–0.0

–0.2

0105 15 20

Lag

Figure 4. Residuals Series: Autocorrelation Function

is consistent with the data. If there cannot be discussed here. For an elementary dis- are systematic patterns in the residuals, cussion, see Gottman (1981), and for a more ad- respecify the model and try again. Repeat vanced discussion, see Granger and Newbold (1986). until the residuals are consistent with a white noise process (i.e., no temporal It should be clear that the diagnostic process is dependence). heavily dependent on a number of judgment calls about which researchers could well disagree. For- Several additional diagnostic procedures are tunately, such disagreements rarely matter. First, available, but because of space limitations, they the disagreements may revolve around differences

3149 TIME SERIES ANALYSIS

0.2

0.1

0.0 Partial ACF Partial

–0.1

–0.2

51015

Lag

Figure 5. Residuals Series: Partial Autocorrelation Functions between models without any substantive import. certain assumptions are met, it is often possible to There may be, for instance, no substantive conse- represent a low-order moving-average model as a quences from reporting an MA[2] compared with high-order autoregressive model and a low-order an MA[3]. Second, ARIMA models often are used autoregressive model as a high-order moving-aver- primarily to remove ‘‘nuisance’’ patterns in time age model. Then model specification depends series data (discussed below), in which case the solely on the criteria of parsimony. That is, models particular model used is unimportant; it is the with a smaller number of parameters are pre- result that matters. Finally and more technically, if ferred to models with a larger number of parame-

3150 TIME SERIES ANALYSIS

ters. However, this is an aesthetic yardstick that mial for the discrete ‘‘independent variable’’ (xt), may have nothing to with the substantive story of and b is the lag between when the independent interest. ‘‘switches’’ from 0 to 1 and when its impact is observed. For example, if r equals 1, s equals 0, and ω δ USES OF ARIMA MODELS IN SOCIOLOGY b equals 0, the transfer function becomes 0/1- 1. Transfer functions can represent a large number It should be clear that ARIMA models are not of effects, depending on the orders of the two especially rich from a substantive point of view. polynomials and on whether the discrete event is They are essentially univariate descriptive devices coded as an impulse or a step. (In the impulse that do not lend themselves readily to sociological problems. However, ARIMA models rarely are form, the independent variable is coded over time used merely as descriptive devices (see, however, as 0,0, . . . 0,1,0,0, . . . ,0. In the step form, the Gottman 1981). In other social science disciplines, independent variable is coded over time as 0,0, . . . especially economics, ARIMA models often are 1,1 . . . 1. The zeros represent the absence of the used for forecasting (Granger and Newbold 1986). intervention, while the ones represent the pres- Klepinger and Weiss (1985) provide a rare socio- ence of the intervention. That is, there is a switch logical example. from 0 to 1 when the intervention is turned on and More relevant for sociology is the fact that a switch from 1 to 0 when the intervention is ARIMA models sometimes are used to remove turned off.) A selection of effects represented by ‘‘nuisance’’ temporal dependence that may be transfer functions is shown in Figure 6. obstructing the proper study of ‘‘important’’ tem- poral dependence. In the simplest case, ARIMA In practice, one may proceed by using the models can be appended to regression models to time series data before the intervention to deter- adjust for serially correlated residuals ( Judge et al. mine the model specification for the ARIMA com- 1985, chap. 8). In other words, the regression ponent, much as was discussed above. The specifi- model captures the nonstationary substantive story cation for the transfer function in the discrete case of interest, and the time series model is used to is more ad hoc. Theory certainly helps, but one ‘‘mop up.’’ Probably more interesting is the exten- approach is to regress the time series on the binary sion of ARIMA models to include one or more intervention variable at a moderate number of lags binary explanatory variables or one or more addi- (e.g., simultaneously for lags of 0 periods to 10 tional time series. Nonstationarity is now built into periods). The regression coefficients associated the time series model rather than differenced away. with each of the lagged values of the intervention Intervention Analysis. When the goal is to will roughly trace out the shape of the time path of explore how a time series changes after the occur- the response. From this, a very small number of rence of a discrete event, the research design is plausible transfer functions can be selected for called an interrupted time series (Cook and Camp- testing. bell 1979). The relevant statistical procedures are called ‘‘intervention analysis’’ (Box and Tiao 1975). In a sociological example, Loftin et al. (1983) Basically, one adds a discrete ‘‘transfer function’’ estimated the impact of Michigan’s Felony Fire- to the ARIMA model to capture how the discrete arm Statute on violent crime. The law imposed a event (or events) affects the time series. Transfer two-year mandatory add-on sentence for defen- functions take the general form shown in equa- dants convicted of possession of a firearm during tion (1): the commission of a felony. Several different crime δ ⋅⋅⋅ δ r ω ω ⋅⋅⋅ ω s (1 − 1B− − 1B )yt=( 0− 1B− − sB )xt−b. time series (e.g., the number of homicides per If both sides of equation (1) are divided by the month) were explored under the hypothesis that left-hand side polynomial, the ratio of the two the crime rates for offenses involving guns would polynomials in B on the right-hand side is called a drop after the law was implemented. ARIMA mod- transfer function. In the form shown in equation els were employed, coupled with a variety of trans- (1), r is the order of the polynomial for the ‘‘de- fer functions. Overall, the intervention apparently

pendent variable’’ (yt), s is the order of the polyno- had no impact.

3151 TIME SERIES ANALYSIS

Abrupt change in level Delayed change in direction

(I) (I)

Delayed change in level Temporary change in direction

(I) (I)

Temporary change in level Accelerated change in direction

(I) (I)

Decaying change in level "Evolutionary operations" effect

(I)

Change in variability Abrupt change in direction

(I) (I)

Figure 6. A Sampler of Intervention Effects. I = Intervention

Multiple Time Series. ARIMA models also ple, Berk et al. (1980) explored how water con- may be extended to more than one time series sumption varied over time with the marginal price (Chatfield 1996, Chap. 10) Just as the goal for the of water, weather, and a number of water conser- univariate case was to find a model that trans- vation programs. formed the single time series into white noise, the goal for the multivariate case is to find a model The mathematical generalization from the that will transform a vector of time series into a univariate case is rather straightforward. The gen- white noise vector. In effect, each series is re- eralization of model specification techniques and gressed simultaneously not only on lagged func- estimation procedures is not. Moreover, multivariate tions of itself and the disturbance term but on time series models have not made significant in- functions of all other time series and their distur- roads into sociological work and therefore are bance terms. In practice, this sometimes reduces beyond the scope of this chapter. Interested read- to building transfer function models that include a ers should consult Chatfield (1996) for an intro- single response time series and several input time duction or Granger and Newbold’s (1986) for a series, much as in multiple regression. For exam- more advanced treatment.

3152 TIME USE RESEARCH

CONCLUSIONS Freedman, D. A., and David Lane 1983 ‘‘Significance Testing in a Nonstochastic Setting.’’ In P. J. Bickel, Time series analysis is an active enterprise in eco- K. A. Doksum, and J. L. Hodges, Jr., eds., A Festschrift nomics, statistics, and operations research. Exam- for Erich L. Lehman. Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth ples of technical developments and applications International Group. can be found routinely in a large number of jour- Goldberg, Samuel 1958 Introduction to Difference Equa- nals (e.g., Journal of the American Statistical Associa- tions. New York: Wiley. tion, Journal of Business and Economic Statistics, Jour- Gottman, J. M. 1981 Time-Series Analysis. Cambridge, nal of Forecasting). However, time series analysis UK: Cambridge University Press. has not been especially visible in sociology. Part of Granger, C. W. J., and P. Newbold 1986 Forecasting the explanation is the relative scarcity of true time Economic Time Series. Orlando, Fla.: Academic Press. series for sociological variables collected over a sufficiently long period. Another part is that time Harvey, A. C. 1990 The Econometric Analysis of Time Series, 2nd ed. London: Harvester Wheatshear. series analysis is unabashedly inductive, often mak- ing little use of substantive theory; time series Hsiao, Cheng 1986 Analysis of Panel Data. Cambridge, analysis may look to some a lot like ‘‘mindless UK: Cambridge University Press. empiricism.’’ However, in many sociological fields, Judge, D. G., W. E. Griffiths, R. C. Hill, H. Lutkepohl, true time series data are becoming increasingly and T.-C. Lee 1985 The Theory and Practice of Econo- available. Under the banner of ‘‘data analysis’’ and metrics. New York: Wiley. ‘‘exploratory research,’’ induction is becoming Kessler, D. A., and S. Duncan 1966 ‘‘The Impact of more legitimate. Time series analysis may well Community Policing in Four Houston Neighbor- have a future in sociology. hoods.’’ Evaluation Review 6(20):627–669. Klepinger, J. D. H., and J. G. Weis 1985 ‘‘Projecting Crime Rates: An Age, Period, and Cohort Model (SEE ALSO: Longitudinal Research; Statistical Methods) Using ARIMA Techniques.’’ Journal of Quantitative Criminology 1:387–416.

REFERENCES Loftin, C., M. Heumann, and D. McDowall 1983 ‘‘Man- Berk R. A. 1988 ‘‘Causal Inference for Sociological datory Sentencing and Firearms Violence: Evaluat- Data.’’ In N. Smelser, ed., The Handbook of Sociology. ing an Alternative to Gun Control.’’ Law and Society Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage. Review 17(2):287–318. ———, and D. McDowall 1982 ‘‘The Police, Crime, and ———, T. F. Cooley, C. J. LaCivita, S. Parker, K. Sredl, Economic Theory.’’ American Sociological Review and M. Brewer 1980 ‘‘Reducing Consumption in 47:393–401. Periods of Acute Scarcity: The Case of Water.’’ Social Science Research 9:99–120. RICHARD A. BERK Box, G. E. P., and G. M. Jenkins 1976 Time Series Analysis: Forecasting and Control. San Francisco: Holden-Day. TIME USE RESEARCH ———, and G. C. Tiao 1975 ‘‘Intervention Analysis with Applications to Economic and Environmental Prob- Time provides the organizational key to action at lems.’’ Journal of the American Statistical Association the level of individuals, groups, and institutions. It 70:70–79. also defines a normative framework that regulates Chamlin, Mitchel B. 1988 ‘‘Crime and Arrests: An interpersonal relationships and allows synchro- Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average (ARIMA) nized operations in different parts of society. In Approach.’’ Journal of Quantitative Criminology the concept of time, structural as well as symbolic 4(3):247–258. facets assume significance. In fact, as it is con- Chatfield, C. 1996 The Analysis of Time Series: An Intro- ceived in sociological theory, time is a means of duction, 5th ed. New York: Chapman and Hall. social coordination as well as a dimension that Cook, T. D., and D. T. Campbell 1979 Quasiexperimentation. assigns value to action schemes in a system assur- Chicago: Rand McNally. ing social order (Pronovost 1989; Sue 1994). Cox, D. R., and D. Oakes 1984 Analysis of Survival Data: The empirical study of the temporal organiza- London: Chapman and Hall. tion of human action reveals the functional charac-

3153 TIME USE RESEARCH teristics of social roles and the societal division of on what one gets out of the time at one’s disposal, social tasks. For instance, indicators of inequality coping with time and compressing multiple activi- and social exclusion can be derived and compared ties into the same time slot have become impor- by referring to estimates of the amount of time tant skills. Furthermore, it is a universal observa- involved in gender-related activities such as mar- tion that boring periods during a day, week, or ket work and housework. The time use of popula- year can seem long, whereas other, quantitatively tions or subpopulations is studied mostly by means equivalent but exciting periods of time are per- of diary procedures that assess individual ‘‘time ceived as a passing moment. However, in studying budgets:’’ the sequence, timing, and duration of social time, time-budget research adopts an activi- activities performed by individuals over a specified ty-oriented approach and focuses only indirectly period. It is misleading to think that the aim of on subjective experiences. In substance, this means time budget research is time as either a physical or that observable patterns of behavior are selected a subjectively perceived entity. As stressed by the as primary evidence and, in methodological terms, major postwar promotor of this area of study, the standard time units are chosen for measurement Hungarian sociologist Szalai, the object of study- purposes. ing time is to discover the use people make of their time, or ‘‘the arrangement and the fit of people’s activities in a temporal frame of reference, the THE TIME USE RESEARCH TRADITION temporal order and structure of everyday life’’ (1984, p. 20). Although social time is not intrinsically quantita- tive, the use of standard time units for the pur- From this point of view, time is a special kind poses of analyzing the structure of everyday life of resource. As with material goods and more seems legitimate, since the transfer of human symbolic commodities such as money, people have a work from agriculture to artificially controlled ‘‘fund’’ of time at their disposition and make industrial environments and the subsequent changes decisions on how to use, ‘‘spend,’’ or ‘‘invest’’ it. in civilization have largely transformed natural However, time is a far more democratic resource time (tied to seasonal conditions and biological in that every person deals with the same basic needs) into conventional, rational time (Elias 1988). ‘‘stock’’ of it, such as the twenty hours in a day and As a corollary to this process, social life has be- the seven days in a week. This means that a shared come dominated by timekeeping. This chronometric reference of differential time allocation patterns can facilitate coherent comparisons and meaning- function is characterized by a universally accepted ful interpretations. It is this particular aspect that ‘‘time’’ language that coordinates rhythms of ac- has made time use an important topic in quantita- tion in the public and private spheres (Zerubavel tive social research. Both academic scholars and 1982). Therefore, time budgets, which are con- national statistical offices have shown a growing cerned with different kinds of schedules for struc- interest in time-budget data because those data turing the flow of events, are a key to the system- permit policy-oriented microanalyses of changing atic investigation of the complex interdependencies lifestyles at the individual or household level as and trade-offs of modern life. well as macroanalyses of social and economic ine- The historical origins of the study of social qualities in the context of cross-national compara- time lie in both sociological theory and empirical tive studies. research. With regard to theory, the early French In contrast to the physical notion that attri- school of sociology was interested in this phe- butes equivalent temporal resources to all people nomenon from the point of view of the historical and therefore facilitates systematic accounts, from and anthropological dimensions of social change a subjective point of view, the length of a day is not (Pronovost 1989). Around the turn of the century, always the same. Some people seem to have more Hubert, Mauss, Durkheim, and Halbwachs con- time than others. This phenomenon reveals the ceived of social time as an intrinsically qualitative sociopsychological dimension of time in which phenomenon that was relevant for the characteri- concepts such as stress and alienation are relevant. zation of the sacred-profane symbolic dichotomy In a world where the quality of life depends largely in the evolution of the collective consciousness or

3154 TIME USE RESEARCH the formation of a collective memory. Their focus strategies of scientific time management in indus- was a macro one, and their main interest was to try. In regard to the adoption of time-budget explain long-term cultural change. methodologies, there were Bevans’s pioneering studies (1913) of how workers spent their spare In contrast, Mead in the early 1930s chose an time and early Soviet inquiries by Strumilin into individualistic, micro-oriented approach that of- time use as the basis for rational social program- fered a philosophical rationale for studying time ming. Lundberg and Komarovsky’s research into in the present. The present was conceived of as the the organization of time within the realm of com- context for the emergence and assimilation of munity research was conducted along the lines of various social time systems in interplay with the American cultural anthropology. definition of different notions of ‘‘the self.’’ Thus, the French and American approaches represent Of more enduring interest, however, were two polar opposites, with one conceiving time within studies published in the 1930s. Jahoda et al.’s the matrix of historical societal relationships, and Marienthal: The Sociography of an Unemployed Com- the other from the perspective of mutable configu- munity (1933) was a substantial contribution to the rations of symbolic interactions in small groups. study of time use. It explores changes in the mean- The somewhat later work of Sorokin reflects both ing of time for German working-class families approaches. He presents the functionalist idea when work, as a dominant regulating and legiti- that the plurality of individual time schemes re- mizing criterion for time use, has disappeared. quires extensive synchronization to achieve social Male workers tended to become severely disori- cohesion and that time expresses the sociocultural ented and alienated after losing their work-based ‘‘pulsation’’ of a society. prestige, whereas their wives were successful in In the 1960s, Gurvitch gave new impetus to mastering that situation because they had much the study of time after a considerable period of more positive attitudes based on more complex neglect. He was the first to conceive of time as an sources of social recognition. This research also important source of contradictions and potential shows how important it is to be aware that similar conflict. In particular, he stressed the hierarchically circumstances can assume diverse meanings for diversified aspects of the phenomenon (e.g., social different groups. time, time in organizations, time in special social The other study, whose importance lies in its groups) and raised the issues of power and legiti- methodological ideas, is Sorokin and Berger’s Time- macy. More recently, Merton introduced the con- Budgets and Human Behavior (1939). Here the aim cept of ‘‘socially expected durations’’ that high- was to explore meaningful criteria for decision light the normative aspects of the embeddedness making conducive to different time structures. of time in social structures. In contrast, Elias stressed Information on motivations and the kinds of expe- the role of time as a symbolic means of social riences associated with certain practices and fu- regulation but also of increasingly unpredictable ture projects was collected to acquire a deeper individual self-expression. understanding of how people deal with their time. The historical origins of empirical investiga- Even more important, this research raised the tions of social time are even older, going back to crucial epistemological question of how to divide the middle of the nineteenth century. Three lines essentially continuous strings of behavior into ac- of research are significant: the research conducted tivity segments that, beyond commonsense classi- by Friedrich Engels on the English working class, fications, can be grouped into homogeneous and where the temporal organization of daily life was mutually exclusive categories (Kurtz 1984). The the issue; the studies undertaken by Frédéric LePlay, difficulty was that some activities that from an in which the economic ‘‘family-budgets’’ of work- external viewpoint seemed identical could assume ers in several European countries were assessed unequal functions in the eyes of those concerned, (similar to what ‘‘time budgets’’ do today); and the or conversely, that substantially different activities experimental work on time and motion performed could assume similar functions. This means that by Frederick Taylor, based on carefully collected any classification of activities presupposes an chronometric data. Taylor’s aim was to introduce interpretive act. With this fundamental problem

3155 TIME USE RESEARCH in mind, these authors were forced to approach avoid the emergence of a single central vantage earlier and purely descriptive assessments of time point regarding the collection, elaboration, and allocation with skepticism and spell out the meth- interpretation of information. Therefore, research odological issues in their research. sites had considerable autonomy in studying the uniform data sets collected by means of strictly After World War II, research took different standardized survey instruments from probability directions in accordance with divergent political samples of urban populations in the twelve coun- ideologies. The assessment of living conditions, tries under investigation. which involved obtaining background data for economic planning and monitoring centrally initi- From a positivist point of view, the focus on ated social change, continued to be of pivotal chronometric evidence and on an array of ‘‘hard’’ importance in research in eastern Europe’s com- time use indicators enhanced the scientific charac- munist countries. Prudensky’s time-budget studies ter of the study and facilitated the collaboration of in the Soviet Union in the 1960s not only followed teams from such culturally and sociopolitically the direction of Strumilin’s work but also reflected different environments as the United States and these ideological concerns. The need to broaden the Soviet Union. Of course, collaboration en- data gathering to obtain effective guidance for tailed the acceptance of common working hy- public policy at the national level led Hungary’s potheses such as the expected influence of the statistical office to begin the first microcensus major independent variables of industrialization research in this field. and urbanization on the modalities of the division of market work and nonmarket work in house- In capitalist societies, time use research was holds. By contrast, time for leisure was thought to concerned principally with mass media and leisure be correlated with superior levels of moderniza- culture. Pioneering time use studies of audiences tion and democratization. These hypotheses clearly were undertaken by the BBC as well as NHK, the reflected the research traditions of the day, and so Japanese radio and television system, using large- to connect the ideologically distant worlds of the scale survey techniques. From 1960 onward, NHK 1960s, it was necessary to choose highly conven- conducted regular five-year follow-up rounds of tionalized and neutral time indicators as empirical research to obtain time series statistics that showed evidence. long-term longitudinal development. This was a useful strategy because it produced an interesting The Twelve Country Project, characterized by account of how, in terms of time use, traditional a strong belief in the ‘‘scientific and social import ways of life are supplanted by innovative, primarily of cross-national comparative research’’ (Szalai television-centered styles. 1977), did not go without criticism. Some thought that it was most important for cross-national re- This was the situation in 1963, when the idea search to contribute findings on general theoreti- of conducting a Multinational Comparative Time cal problems (Przeworski and Teune 1970). How- Budget Research Project emerged. This was an ever the promoters were convinced that the discovery ambitious sociological initiative in light of the of the empirical peculiarities of cultural settings organizational and data-processing difficulties of was at least as important as the verification of a those years. Launched by a group of scholars priori hypotheses on common characteristics and directed by Szalai, sponsored by UNESCO’s Inter- trends. That the pragmatic point of view prevailed national Social Science Council, and coordinated meant that the problem of a lack of reliable, by the Vienna Centre, this project attempted to relevant, and usable data had to be overcome. obtain an interculturally valid body of knowledge that would shed light on regularities or variations In retrospect, it seems that this project did not in the functioning of human societies with regard contribute much to general theory, but it did to time use. This information was to be derived produce an elaborate methodology whose essen- from a database of twelve different countries by tial lines are applied to basic and official survey using methodological instruments that assured a research in many countries today. In fact, as Szalai high level of analytic precision (Szalai 1977). In hoped, the homogenization of time-budget meth- organizing the initiative, the basic concern was to ods now permits the drawing of ‘‘maps’’ of collec-

3156 TIME USE RESEARCH tive daily activity schemes at different levels of retically grounded sociological research is, for eco- definition that have proved to be useful diagnostic nomic reasons, more likely to have circumscribed elements for many policymakers and grassroots objectives, whereas national statistical offices have organizations. When economic indicators are in- all-encompassing multipurpose datasets available. sufficient, statistical information regarding the use However, in both cases, the predominant ten- of time can open up new policy perspectives and dency is to focus on the twenty-four hours of one guide substantial change, especially when gaps in or more single days in the life of the respondent. the quality of life manifest themselves and correc- When these days are distributed over the week, tive action is needed to improve the conditions of month, or year, the average profiles of the period disadvantaged social groups. can be synthetically reconstructed. Such profiles most often refer to uninterrupted sequences of nonoverlapping main or ‘‘primary’’ activities. When METHODOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF TIME- there is interest in ‘‘secondary’’ activities or, more BUDGET RESEARCH precisely, in contemporaneous activity episodes, the respondent usually is asked to designate the Since the work of Szalai, the methodology of time elements that represent the principal flow, which use research has been further refined. Under the typically covers the 1,440-minute arc of the day. In auspices of the International Association of Time fact, leaving secondary activity out of focus fur- Use Research, in particular under the guidance of nishes an unduly simplified picture of what is Harvey (1984, 1993), who has repeatedly codified going on, since it ignores efficiency strategies that the best practices, statistical bodies have reached a enable people who are short of time to deal simul- consensus on the format of official survey research. taneously with multiple jobs. This frequently criti- The task of discovering the temporal order cized weakness is compensated for by the heuristi- and structure of everyday life by means of time- cally valid fact that strict 24-hour accounts produce budget methods involves fax more complex activi- agile descriptive models. With such models, what- ties than gathering simple answers to questions of ever time is saved on one kind of activity is strictly who does what, when, where, and with whom. In accredited, using zero-sum logic, to one or more the design of a time-budget study, methodological other activities. Therefore ‘‘time set free’’ and the issues such as the scope and scale of the research, equivalent ‘‘time gained’’ concept furnish concise the population from which the sample is to be indicators of social change. Tracing the balance of drawn, the format of the data-gathering instru- the two magnitudes gives a dynamic slant to the ments, the classification and coding of activities, analysis of time use and sheds light on the spec- the choice of basic indicators, and the validity and trum of strategic options. reliability of the data must be resolved. Depending on the scope of the study, popula- Defining the scope of a study also means tions and samples are variously defined. From this fixing its scale. In fact, a time use survey may deal point of view, the most significant difference be- with a special group of persons, such as working tween time use studies regards the choice of the women or teenagers, or with comprehensive na- sampling unit, which may be the individual or tional populations, perhaps excluding preschoolers. the household. In earlier studies, individual time Or it may focus on a daily activity such as house- use was of primary concern, and so estimates work and child care or leisure. Alternatively, it may were obtained by classifying persons by their attribute equal weight to all everyday pursuits. sociodemographic characteristics. More recent re- Finally, the study may be aimed at discovering how search, however, has looked more into how differ- the time of a special kind of day is spent, may take ent types of families, as molecular units, manage into account the rhythm of the week by distin- time allocation with regard to income generation guishing workdays from Sundays, or may be inter- as well as work in the sphere of home and child ested in longer periods such as the year with its care. Statistical offices now use very large probabil- seasonal differences and, in the extreme case, the ity samples of households to be able to generate life cycle (which of course would have to be stud- cross-tabulated data on specific territorial areas ied on the basis of long-term recollections). Theo- and particular social groups. In Italy, for instance,

3157 TIME USE RESEARCH the last national time use survey, conducted by procedure is complicated when a lot of detail is Istat in 1988 and 1989, consisted of more than required. The second procedure involves two per- 38,000 persons belonging to almost 14,000 house- sonal interviews. During the first, background in- holds. A survey conducted in Germany in 1991 formation is collected and the time use diary is left and 1992 by the Statistisches Bundesamt included behind, to be filled in the next day. During the 7,200 households. One of the most difficult prob- second interview, on the day after the respon- lems in time-budget research is the sample units’ dent’s observation of his or her time use, the frequent refusal to respond once they see how interviewer checks and refines the registrations. In much time is involved. In fact, nonresponse rates Scandinavian countries, people were asked to re- tend to be high and in some official surveys amount turn diaries by mail. This saves a second visit, but it to almost 30 percent. This problem is easier to is advisable only when intelligent and conscien- handle in smaller-scale studies, which often use tious collaboration can be assumed. quota sampling. The greatest methodological challenge in time Data gathering in time use research begins use research is the choice of the scheme of classifi- with an interview (Scheuch 1972) to record the cation of activities in terms of which the structure characteristics of the respondent and his or her of everyday life is represented. Sorokin started to family, contractual work arrangements, normal tackle this problem, but convincing theoretical or labor supply, and housing or other assets and to empirical criteria for constructing typological keys inquire into irregularities in the day designated for have not been found, and using conventional cate- collecting the time-budget information. The time gories of ordinary language is not entirely satisfac- budget itself is registered in a protocol, a diary, or tory. Normative and/or contractual work arrange- modular display where the beginning and the end ments suggest a fairly unambiguous specification of each activity can be indicated together with of ‘‘market work,’’ but there are some activities in other information. The resulting datasets show for the home that, according to circumstances, can be each day and respondent (1) the number of differ- classified as either housework or leisure. This diffi- ent activities performed and the frequency of each culty could be overcome if the respondent did the activity in separate episodes (for instance, the coding himself or herself, but usually the log of series of daily meals or the periods passed in front daily routines is described in the respondent’s own of the television set) and (2) the timing, duration, words and codification is done by someone else, and sequence of activities or activity episodes. following criteria that exclude personal and/or Most often, the interviewees register activities by subjective meanings. An even more fundamental using their own words. A grid of minimal time issue is whether current classifications can be as- intervals is given (the ‘‘fixed interval’’ solution), sumed to be meaningful in cross-cultural terms. where the task is to fill each interval with an Time use studies distinguish the minimal basic activity, or the interviewee is asked to specify the activity groupings of personal needs, formal work exact time points of his or her schedule (the ‘‘open or education, household work, and leisure. The interval’’ solution). To obtain the essential ele- hidden dimension that is postulated by such group- ments of the interviewee’s context, there is usually ings is obviously a reflection of the Western oppo- room to indicate contemporaneous activities (for sition between necessity and freedom of choice. It instance, reading while using public transport or places market work immediately after biological listening to music while doing homework); partici- needs and before domestic work, which is placed pation in activities with family members, neigh- near leisure. This implicitly individualistic and bors, friends, and colleagues; and where the activ- work-oriented, contractual rationale probably is ity takes place. The least expensive method of data not well suited to representing the more solidarity- collection is the condensed telephone interview, oriented temporal orders of everyday life in tradi- which explores time use on the previous day. For tional societies (Bourdieu 1963). field studies, there are other procedures, such as single face-to-face interviews and two personal Another difficulty concerns the level of speci- interviews. In the first case, the person is asked to ficity at which a common array of activities is recall what he or she did the preceding day. This reported at the collective level. The daily pursuits

3158 TIME USE RESEARCH of persons who lead a busy life can be meaning- by possible alterations of spontaneous behavior fully recorded in great detail, whereas those of after observation and the consequent distortions persons tied to the home usually have much less in reports or by research instruments that inade- texture. One way to approach this difficulty is to quately reflect the specificities of the observed construct hierarchical coding frameworks in which sociocultural context. Research directed at data the first column in a multiple-digit code divides the quality ( Juster 1985; Niemi 1993) has shown that day in terms of major classes of activities. Addi- results obtained by means of time budgets present tional columns focus on increasingly more com- at the aggregate level a high correlation with those plex but exhaustive time accounts. The time use obtained by means of other forms of observation, project coordinated by Szalai identified in its time- such as interviews, workplace or school statistics, budget protocols ninety-six activity categories. For and telephone surveys. Moreover, the hypothesis some purposes, these were reduced to thirty-seven that the desirability or social prestige of certain and, for others, to the following ten main groups: activities or lifestyles could influence time use work, housework, child care, shopping, personal reports has not been confirmed. In general, it needs, education, organizational activity, enter- seems that the twenty-four-hour frame of refer- tainment, active leisure, and passive leisure. Today ence helps reduce such effects and brings informal the coding schemes for official statistical surveys and often undeclared work commitments to light. often include many more basic activity categories Certainly, activities that are assumed to be of because they have to accommodate the heteroge- secondary importance, such as conversations and neity of lifestyles across gender groupings, genera- listening to the radio, are under represented in tions, occupational categories, and rural versus current summary tables that restrict the attention urban residential environments. to ‘‘primary’’ time allocations. However, this can- not be considered an invalidating shortcoming. Once time-budget data have been collected Nevertheless, to assure validity, time budgets pre- and coded, decisions about data processing and suppose the concept of rational time. If a popula- indicator construction can be made. According to tion does not live by the clock, any calculation of the complexity of statistical data elaborations, there time budgets is meaningless. are three different levels of analysis (Stone 1972, pp. 96–97). First, activity arrays in terms of fre- quencies or durations, possibly taking company or CONTRIBUTIONS OF TIME USE locations into account, are cross-tabulated with the RESEARCH sociodemographic characteristics of the actors. Second, single activities and their positioning dur- Time use research has gained momentum because ing the course of the day are studied. Finally, of interest on the part of international agencies in stochastic activity sequences are analyzed, focus- comparing the functioning of societies in their ing on the structure and rhythm of chronological national settings, the need to connect demographic daily routines. Since the 1960s, the following set of change and social development, the need to focus indicators generally have been used in computa- on gender-related or generational variables to un- tions: (1) the generic average duration of an activ- derstand the changing role of the family, the aware- ity, where the numerator refers to the total sample, ness that economic variables reflect wealth and disregarding whether there was involvement in well-being only in very partial ways and that house- the activity, (2) the rate of participation, or the hold and care activities must be brought into percentage of interviewees who were involved in focus, and the need to construct articulated data- an activity, and (3) the specific average duration of bases for decision making about social policy. an activity, where the denominator includes only those who have engaged in it. Since the late 1980s, nationally representative time use data sets have been available for several Another issue in these surveys is the validity countries, but the evidence is not easy to compare and reliability of data sets. Questions of validity because activity classifications do not always coin- can be raised by difficulties in recall and incorrect cide. Therefore, with the hope that many Euro- identification of activities among respondents or pean Union countries will participate in the very

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Daily Time Use, in Hours and Minutes, for Primary Activities in the United States, France and Hungary, by Gender and Employment Status (1965–1966)

United States France Hungary (44 cities) (6 cities) (Gyorz) Employed men Personal needs 10:14 10:55 9:56 Work or study 7:36 7:29 8:47 Household work 1:17 1:33 1:48 Leisure 4:06 3:34 3:05 Non-work related travel 0:47 0:29 0:24 Total 24:00 24:00 24:00 Employed women Personal needs 10:20 10:53 9:30 Work or study 5:39 6:05 7:14 Household work 3:43 3:57 4:44 Leisure 3:33 2:40 2:03 Non-work related travel 0:45 0:25 0:29 Total 24:00 24:00 24:00 Unemployed women Personal needs 10:24 11:13 10:38 Work or study 0:35 0:09 0:52 Household work 7:12 8:13 9:19 Leisure 4:53 3:49 2:35 Non-work related travel 0:56 0:36 0:36 Total 24:00 24:00 24:00

Table 1

SOURCE: Adapted from A. Szalai, ed., The Use of Time, Statistical Appendix Table IV.4., 1972, p. 681. expensive data-gathering process, Eurostat is pre- States, France, and Hungary are presented in the paring a standardized survey. Up to the present, most synthetic form. The data refer to an average only Japan has truly comparable five-year time weekday and compare time use for personal needs series data to indicate trends and changes in life- (mostly sleep and meals), market work or study, style since 1970 (NHK 1991). In terms of Monday- household work, leisure, and non-work-related to-Friday behavior, for instance, sleeping time and travel among adults aged 18–65, subdivided by housework have decreased while market work has gender and employment status. not. Over the years, leisure on all weekdays, espe- cially hobbies, private lessons, and sports activities When one compares the starkly different re- have grown steadily. Television viewing time reached a search contexts of those days (market economy, peak in 1975 (probably because of the advent of welfare state, state-controlled system), a set of color television) but returned in 1990 to the 1970 clear-cut differences in time use emerge from level. The illustrations confirm the rule that trend- these different ways of life; at one extreme the setting evidence of new life styles is found not so United States and at the other Hungary, with much in the main activity categories but in appar- France in between. The average duration of mar- ently marginal activities. ket work was much shorter in American cities than in Hungarian ones; this was due mainly to the fact To demonstrate the interest of time-budget that employed women were more likely to hold data in a comparative assessment of the different part-time jobs in the United States, while in Hun- logics of time structurization, it is best to choose an gary they held full-time jobs. Across the three example from the uniform data set gathered in the countries, household work and leisure show sys- Twelve Country Study. tematic secular trends. Employed American men In Table 1, the patterns of daily urban time enjoyed one hour more of leisure and contributed allocation ascertained in 1965–1966 for the United half an hour less to housework than did their

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Hungarian counterparts. For employed American reduction of one hour and thirteen minutes in the women, housework lasted one hour less, and lei- duration of market work, including a seven-mi- sure lasted one and a half hours more than was the nute reduction in free time and fourteen minutes case for employed Hungarian women. Finally, less of sleep. Especially for women with more than household work among unemployed American one child, this negatively affects their competitive women required two hours less time and leisure position in the professional world. Data such as benefits lasted two hours longer than was the case these should be of interest to policymakers. for the corresponding group in Hungary. The This example also shows that considerable uneven availability of household appliances and caution is required in interpreting time use data. unequal access to leisure amenities (in particular, In general, estimates of differential time alloca- television) were the causes of these differences in tions for men and women in certain activities do lifestyles. In addition, the table reveals well-known not reflect only gender differences. Demographic inequalities in gender and employment status. If variables, especially family composition, the struc- one combines the time invested in market work ture of the labor force, and the availability of and housework, it appears, though less signifi- household help, intervene in causal links between cantly in the west than in the east, that women in gender and time use. Particular attention must be the labor force contributed a considerably larger paid to these influences in longitudinal analyses share of work and enjoyed much less leisure than such as that of Gershuny and Robinson (1988), did employed men. which analyzed U.S. and British time-budget data Table 2 shows that gender differences are over three decades. Statistically controlling for clearly implicated in the discrepancies in the num- female labor force participation, male unemploy- ber of hours of economic activity and housework ment, and declining family sizes, those authors per week between men and women, indicating concluded that in the 1980s, women did substan- that there are analogous patterns of inequality in tially less housework while men did a little more developing countries such as Bangladesh, India, than in the 1960s. In another study that analyzed and Nepal. In these countries, women are more data from repeated surveys in eight Western coun- likely to spend their time in subsistence activities, tries, a general reduction in time dedicated to all whereas men tend to have a monopoly of paid kinds of work was found, along with a convergence jobs. In addition, women’s time investment in of time use models among males and females and housework is six times that of men in Bangladesh a growing international similarity in the patterns and three times that of men in the other two of the division of time between work and leisure countries. However, the gap in overall work hours, (Gershuny 1992). though disadvantaging women, is less evident. In In recent decades, considerable progress has fact, in Bangladesh they contribute 54 percent of been made in representing the multidimensionality the total micro-productive time input, in India 55 of time use phenomena because official data, in- percent, and in Nepal 58 percent. stead of regarding samples of randomly chosen individuals, have been collected from all members Data from the French national survey (Insee of households. This has made it possible to ob- 1989) on the effect of cumulative social roles serve how husbands’ time management affects among women are much more analytic. In France, their wives and vice versa and to determine what it for mothers with husbands under 45 years of age means for families if both husband and wife are and at least one child younger than 25 years old, employed and if children come into the family increasing from one child to three and more chil- nucleus. dren means, if they are unemployed, an increase of one hour and fifteen minutes of house work In Table 3, pertinent data on couples from the and, if they are employed, an increase of fifty-two national time use survey conducted in Germany in minutes. Where does this extra time come from? 1990–1991 are presented. It shows time use mod- In the case of especially pressured employed moth- els for types of families defined by employment ers, the time investment in human capital in the status and the presence of children. Assuming the form of caring for additional children implies a operation of compensatory mechanisms, it also

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Time Use in Three Southern Asian Countries (1982–1992)

Hours per week of economic activity Hours per Total work Social week of hours Countries: Groups: Paid Subsistence Total housework per week Bangladesh Ages 5+ Women 14 8 22 31 53 Men 38 3 41 5 46 India Ages 18+ Women 28 7 35 34 69 Men 43 4 47 10 57 Nepal Ages 15+ Women 18 17 35 42 77 Men 29 12 41 15 56

Table 2

SOURCE: United Nations, The World’s Women 1995: Trends and Statistics, Chart 5.3, 1995, New York. takes the weekly rhythm of time use into account and other socially useful work done by both men by distinguishing workdays (Monday to Friday) and women go unrecorded in labor statistics and from weekends (Saturday and Sunday). national accounts. These are ‘‘productive activi- ties’’ insofar as they can be delegated to persons One model regards more traditional couples other than those who benefit from them. in which only husbands are employed and wives do most of the housework. Husbands increase Table 4 shows a selection of the results of a their market work when there are children, but United Nations Development Programme analysis regardless of the presence of children, they defend of a posteriori standardized time budget data from their daily leisure and contribute to housework the most recent national surveys conducted in mostly on weekends. The other model concerns fourteen different countries (Goldschmidt-Clermont couples in which both partners are employed. In and Pagnossin-Aligisakis 1995). This analysis dis- this case, it is not surprising that the wives’ market tinguishes between market oriented System of work is considerably shorter than the husbands’, National Accounts (SNA) activities considered in but what is important is that in the presence of the UN System of National Accounts and non-SNA children, both partners increase their market work activities, and introduces the necessary controls by more than one hour each. The housework of for the demographic structures of the populations. mothers increases on all days, whereas fathers Despite the nonhomogeneous social structures limit increases in their domestic chores to the and value systems of France, Germany, Great Brit- weekends. ain, and the United States, everywhere statistically From a micro perspective, what the German unrecorded (non-SNA) activities absorb about as example shows are the implications of decisions much labor time as do recorded (SNA) activities. made within the family. Here the family is seen as Furthermore, total economic time allocations (SNA the institutional arena where partners search for a plus non-SNA) tend to be equal among men and women. Although this demonstates social equality suitable compromise in their interlocking role in general terms, it can be seen that very strong definitions. From a macro perspective, the impli- gendered divisions of tasks prevail in all cases. In cations of gendered time use arrangements for the fact, in these four countries, women contribute changing division of labor and the growing inter- only one-third of total market-oriented productive action between the market sector and the house- time, whereas they contribute two-thirds of total hold sector are important. Sociologists and econo- non-market-oriented productive time. mists have often criticized the fact that mostly female domestic and caring activities, mostly male The availability of comparable time budget ‘‘do-it-yourself’’ repair initiatives, and voluntary data is a prerequisite for official statistics that aim

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Workday and Week-End Time Use of Husbands and Wives in German Households defined by the Employment Status of the Couple and the Presence of Children in the Family (1990–1991).

Husbands Wives Only husband employed Both employed Only husband employed Both employed Activity Monday- Saturday- Monday- Saturday- Monday- Saturday- Monday- Saturday- categories Friday Sunday Friday Sunday Friday Sunday Friday Sunday Without children Personal needs 9:43 12:02 10:01 12:02 11:40 12:44 10:39 12:16 Market work and study 8:23 1:51 7:11 1:37 0:13 – 4:26 0:37 Household work 2:02 3:05 2:30 3:05 6:58 4:53 4:51 4:46 Free time 3:36 6:46 4:01 6:58 4:57 6:14 3:52 6:13 Other activities 0:16 0:16 0:17 0:18 0:12 0:09 0:12 0:08 Total: 24:00 24:00 24:00 24:00 24:00 24:00 24:00 24:00

With children Personal needs 9:25 11:43 9:22 11:39 10:24 11:31 9:46 11:42 Market work and study 8:44 1:16 8:49 1:23 0:24 – 5:36 0:45 Household work 2:16 3:59 2:23 3:49 8:55 6:18 5:23 5:45 Free time 3:22 6:37 3:15 6:47 3:57 5:51 3:06 5:42 Other activities 0:13 0:25 0:11 0:22 0:20 0:20 0:09 0:06 Total: 24:00 24:00 24:00 24:00 24:00 24:00 24:00 24:00

Table 3

SOURCE: Adapted from Statistisches Bundesamt, Die Zeitverwendung der Bevoelkerung, Tabellenband I, 1995, Wiesbaden. to include the production value of nonmonetarized testing of hypotheses or to multipurpose database activities, through ‘‘satellite accounts,’’ in their construction. With the latter option comes the quantitative frameworks. The most recent national question of how to reconcile, in designing the time use surveys have been conducted with these studies, cross-national and longitudinal comparability applications in mind. and adherence to sociocultural settings and his- torically changing conditions. Time-budget research is applied research that THE RELEVANCE OF TIME-BUDGET DATA has increasingly been aimed at the design and SETS FOR SOCIAL POLICY evaluation of social policy. Its relevance in this context derives from the fact that in modern afflu- Sociologists have often been skeptical about the ent societies, citizens often value scarce time more utility of time-budget research. Time budgets are than material or monetary resources; thus, time thought to provide data that are ‘‘broad but shal- use rationalization and efficient time management low’’ (Converse 1972, p. 46) and offer no more in the personal, family, and public sphere have than static, tendentially commonsense descriptions become matters of general concern. Contingen- of only the manifest aspects of everyday life. From cies curtailing time use evidently are distributed a theoretical point of view, it is argued that there is unequally in the social world. For instance, health a lack of explanatory hypotheses and relevant checks in public institutions often involve waiting concepts that could bring norms, experiences, times that private medical care does not, and not attitudes, and values to the fore. On the methodo- owning a means of transportation makes long logical side, the main criticism is that classification commuting times unavoidable. Hence, social poli- schemes of activities are imprecise, are unevenly cies and their provisions try to make circumstances general or detailed, and have barely changed since or opportunities more equal for everyone. Part- the 1920s (Pronovost 1989, pp. 78–80). Implicit in time employment, flexible worktimes, and com- these observations is the dilemma Szalai faced pressed workweeks have been introduced mostly earlier: whether priority should be assigned to the for pressured working mothers with small chil-

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Distribution of Economic Time in Four Countries Between SNA and Non-SNA Activities, by Gender. Indices Showing Unequal Participation of Men and Women in Each Group of Activities

Men Women Men and Women Inequality Index (M) (F) (M+F) I=F/(M+F) France (1985–1986) SNA activities 4:00 2:10 6:10 35% Non SNA activities 2:28 4:59 7:27 67% Total 6:50 7:09 13:37 52%

Germany (1991–1992) SNA activities 4:28 2:12 6:40 33% Non SNA activities 2:53 5:08 8:01 64% Total 7:21 7:20 14:41 50%

Great Britain (1985) SNA activities 4:39 2:34 7:13 36% Non SNA activities 2:12 4:19 6:41 65% Total 6:51 6:53 13:54 50%

United States (1985) SNA activities 4:31 2:47 7:18 38% Non-SNA activities 2:37 4:46 7:23 65% Total 7:08 7:33 14:41 51%

Table 4

SOURCE: Adapted from L. Goldschmidt-Clermont and E. Pagnossinn-Aligisakis, Measures of Unrecorded Economic Activities in Fourteen Countries, Occasional Papers no. 20, 1995, New York: UNDP. dren. Shop-opening hours and office schedules time use (a problem studied by human geogra- have been changed to permit effective coordina- phers) are all interesting areas for future research tion and a better reconciliation of tasks. The effec- because of the greater availability of important tiveness these measures can be monitored with the data sets. help of time-budget procedures. Activity classifications will have to undergo The complexity of time-budget data sets has critical study to better reflect changes in the activ- often been insufficiently exploited. Initially this ity patterns of everyday life. Statistical offices are was due to limitations in handling enormous data presently reconceptualizing their taxonomies. Paid sets, but increased technological resources and work might be broken down into its constituent new multivariate statistical techniques have opened parts and examined analytically, but other activi- new frontiers. Almost exclusive attention has been ties need redefinition. For example, some kinds of given to average durations and frequencies of domestic work have been absorbed by the market; primary activities, but the study of configurations care activities now regard the elderly more than emerging from an association of these activities children; dealing with service bureaucracies has with other contemporaneous activities promises a become a time-consuming task; there is a new better understanding of modern time regimes. spectrum of voluntary forms of participation at Until now, not much research has been done on the social, political, and cultural levels; and leisure routinized rhythms or the strategic sequencing of behavior has changed in relationship with new media. activities. Also, the collaborative or conflicting interface of the various schedules of family mem- However, the problem is not just a technical bers, the reconstruction of networks of participative one regarding exclusively descriptive coding schemes. personal contacts (a topic of great significance in Time use data assume importance only when they regard to lonely children, the ill, and the elderly), provide a valid epistemological key for the inter- and the relationship of the use of urban spaces to pretation of social change. As has already been

3164 TOURISM pointed out, earlier lines of research identified Niemi, Iris 1993 ‘‘Systematic Error in Behavioural Mea- two central components of time use: market work surement: Comparing Results from Interview and and leisure. Today, time use studies based on data Time Budget Studies.’’ Social Indicators Research from household samples may help identify other 30:229–244. valid criteria of time use to better understand how Przeworski, Adam, and Henri Teune 1970 The Logic of families cope with growing structural unemploy- Comparative Inquiry. New York–London: Wiley ment and increasing social insecurity. Interscience. Pronovost, Gilles 1989 ‘‘The Sociology of Time.’’ Cur- rent Sociology 37(3):1–129. REFERENCES Scheuch, Erwin K. 1992 ‘‘The Time-Budget Interview.’’ Bevans, George Esdras 1913 How Workingmen Spend In Alexander Szalai, ed., The Use of Time. The Hague– Their Spare Time. New York: Columbia Univer- Paris: Mouton. sity Press. Sorokin, P. A., and C. Q. Berger 1939 Time-Budgets and Bourdieu, Pierre 1963 ‘‘La Société Traditionelle: Atti- Human Behavior. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univer- tude à l’Égard du Temps et Conduite Économique.’’ sity Press. Sociologie du Travaille, 5:24–44. Statistisches Bundesamt 1995 Die Zeitverwendung der Converse, Philip E. 1968 ‘‘Time Budgets’’ In David L. Bevoelkerung, Tabellenband I. Wiesbaden. Sills, ed., The International Encyclopedia of Social Sci- ences, vol. 16. New York: Macmillan—Free Press. Stone Philip J. 1972 ‘‘The Analysis of Time-Budget Data.’’ In Alexander Szalai, ed., The Use of Time. The Elias, Norbert 1988 Time. New York: Basil Blackwell. Hague–Paris: Mouton. Gershuny, Jonathan 1992 ‘‘La répartition du temps Sue, Roger 1994 Temps et Ordre Social. Paris: Presses dans les sociétés post-industrielles.’’ Futuribles, Mai- Universitaires de France. Juin, 215–226. Szalai, Alexander, ed. 1972 The Use of Time: Daily Activi- ———, and John P. Robinson 1988 ‘‘Historical Changes ties of Urban and Suburban Populations in Twelve Coun- in the Household Division of Labor.’’ Demography tries. The Hague–Paris: Mouton. 25(4):537–552. ——— 1977 ‘‘The Organization and Execution of Cross- Goldschmidt-Clemont, Luisella, and Elisabetta Pagnossin- National Survey Research Projects.’’ In Alexander Aligisakis 1995 Measures of Unrecorded Economic Ac- Szalai and Riccardo Petrella, eds., Cross-National Com- tivities in Fourteen Countries, Occasional papers no. parative Survey Research. Oxford, UK: Pergamon. 20. New York: UNDP. ——— 1984 ‘‘The Concept of Time Budget Research.’’ Harvey, Andrew S., Alexander Szalai, David Elliott, In Andrew S. Harvey et al., eds., Time Budget Research. Philip J. Stone, and Susan M. Clark 1984 Time Budget Frankfurt: Campus. Research: An ISSC Workbook in Comparative Analysis. Frankfurt: Campus. United Nations 1995 The World’s Women 1995: Trends and Statistics. No. E.95. XVII.2. ——— 1993 ‘‘Guidelines for Time Use Data Collec- tion.’’ Social Indicator Research 30:197–228. Zerubavel, Eviatar 1982 ‘‘The Standardization of Time. A Sociohistorical Perspective.’’ American Journal of INSEE 1989 ‘‘Les Emplois du Temps des Français.’’ Sociology 88 (1):1–23. Economie et Statistique 223.

Jahoda, Marie, Paul Lazarsfeld, and Hans Zeisel 1971 ELKE KOCH-WESER AMMASSARI Marienthal: The Sociography of an Unemployed Commu- nity. Chicago: Aldine (German orig., 1933). Juster, F. Thomas 1985 ‘‘The Validity and Quality of Time Use Estimates Obtained from Recall Diaries.’’ TOURISM In F. T. Juster and F. P. Stafford, eds., Time, Goods, Tourism is an economic phenomenon with impor- and Well-Being. Ann Arbor: Institute of Social Re- tant sociocultural implications that acquired a fun- search, University of Michigan. damental significance in the last decades of the Kurtz M.-F. D. 1984 ‘‘Les Budget-Temps: Réflexion twentieth century. It is one of the economic sec- Épistémologique,’’ L’année Sociologique 34:9–27. tors with the highest rates of growth, together with NHK 1991 Japanese Time Use in 1990. Japanese Broad- transportation, communications, and the computer casting Corporation, Public Opinion Research Division. industry, with which it works in a synergitic way.

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According to a classic definition, tourism can lation did not occur until after the end of World be identified in the complex of relations and mani- War II and, in the more economically developed festations that rise from the travel and stay of countries, the possession of the automobile as an foreigners when the stay is temporary and is not individual and family means of transportation and motivated by a lucrative occupation (Hunziker the expansion of transcontinental and transoce- and Krapf 1942). ‘‘Foreigners’’ are persons who anic flights. do not reside habitually in the zone in which the tourist activity is carried out; depending on wether Tourism is therefore facilitated, in addition to the zone of residence is in the same state, one can the elevation of individual incomes and better distinguish between internal tourism and interna- tariff conditions, by technical, political, and social tional tourism. factors. It also involves a psychological evolution in society, especially in the richer countries, where Other elements have to be considered in dis- it provides an escape from the stresses of city life tinguishing fully-fledged tourism from similar ac- and the daily routine. A stronger desire for social tivities. First, two ‘‘fundamental actors’’ have to be intercourse has grown along with a desire for dealt with. On one side, there are tourists (active physical activity to compensate for a sedentary tourism), who decide to undertake this activity lifestyle. because of several motivations. This is one of the primary topics in the sociopsychological analysis Certain forms of travel have a demonstrative of tourism. On the other side, there is passive (or scope, since ‘‘to tour,’’ in particular elite tourism receptive) tourism constituted by the technical and but also mass tourism, may be thought of as an socioeconomic structures that exist in the zones of expression of one’s prestige and social position. reception with the aim of hosting tourists. In Urry (1990) introduced the concept of the modern tourism, a third actor, consisting of agents ‘‘tourist gaze,’’ stating that ‘‘part at least of that of tourist intermediation (travel agencies, tour experience is to gaze upon or view a set of differ- operators, carriers, etc.), has assumed greater im- ent scenes, of landscapes or townscapes which are portance by connecting the demand for and the outside of the ordinary’’ (1990, p. 1). As Urry supply of tourism. The tourism described here is describes it: essentially a mass phenomenon that exists along- side elite tourism, which was the first type to appear. 1. ‘‘tourism is a leisure activity which presup- poses its opposite, namely regulated and Merchant writers such as Marco Polo, traveler- organized work, . . . explorers, and missionaries, often accompanied by anthropologists and ethnologists, were the fore- 2. tourist relationships arise from a move- runners of tourists, but only after the ‘‘Grand ment of people to, and their stay in, Tours’’ of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries various destinations. This necessarily in- can one speak of the emergence of the tourist volves some movement through the space, phenomenon. The grand tour was considered a that is the journey, and a period of stay in fundamental stage in the formation of young aris- a new place or places, tocrats and later of the children of the emergent 3. the journey and stay are to, and in, sites high bourgeoisie. It consisted of a visit to the more which are outside the normal places of centers of the culture of the age, with a predilec- residence and work. Periods of residence tion for southern Europe, in particular Italy and its elsewhere are of a short-term and tempo- remnants of classic culture. rary nature, . . . Toward the end of nineteenth century, with 4. the places gazed upon are for purposes the inauguration of the first seaside resorts, tour- which are not directly connected with the ism began to acquire mass characteristics, a phe- paid work and normally they offer some nomenon that was facilitated by the improvement distinctive contrasts with work (both paid of transportation systems, especially the extension or unpaid); of the railway network (Urry 1990). 5. a substantial proportion of the population The transformation of elite tourism into a of modern societies engages in such phenomenon that involved wide strata of the popu- tourist practices, new socialized forms of

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provision are developed in order to cope Arrivals and Revenues in International with the mass character of the gaze of Tourism tourist (as opposed to the individual Year Arrivals Revenue character of ‘‘travel’’) ($ millions) ($ billions) 1986 339 142 6. places are chosen to be gazed upon 1987 362 175 because there is an anticipation, especially 1988 395 203 through daydreaming and fantasy, of 1989 427 219 1990 458 266 intense pleasures, either on a different 1991 464 273 scale or involving different senses from 1992 503 311 those customarily encountered, . . . 1993 518 318 1994 547 348 7. the tourist gaze is directed to features of 1995 566 393 landscape and townscape which separate 1996 592 423 them off from everyday experience. Such Table 1 aspects are viewed because they are taken to be in some sense out of the ordi- SOURCE:World Tourism Organization. nary, . . . 8. the gaze is constructed through signs, and declining in relative terms, accounts for ever 50 tourism involves the collection of signs,. . . percent of the total, but the share of the develop- 9. an array of tourist professionals develop ing countries has grown and now accounts for who attempt to reproduce ever-new ob- almost a third of the total. The countries of central jects of the tourist gaze. . . (Urry 1990, and eastern Europe still suffer from the backward- pp. 2–3 passim). ness of decades of relative inaccessibility, but after the fall of the Berlin wall, their proportion of the world tourism has grown (Table 2). THE DIMENSIONS OF THE PHENOMENON France is the leader in tourist presence, fol- The modern growth of tourism (Prosser 1994, p. lowed by the United States and two countries of 19) has been referred to ironically by Lodge (1992) Mediterranean Europe, Spain and Italy. In fifth as the ‘‘new global religion,’’ and a work on this place is China, a country only recently opened to phenomenon is entitled ‘‘The Golden Hordes’’ (Tur- international tourism that has a large potential ner and Ash 1975). Prosser also supplies some data that bas been limited by a deficiency of infrastructure on a ‘‘phenomenon’’ that he describes by using the and receptive structures. metaphor of the tsunami: By the mid-1990s, the tourism sector constituted 6 percent of world The forecasts of an increase of tourism are gross national product and 13 percent of the plausible because some countries of the former money spent for consumption and could be de- communist bloc already play an important role. fined as the fastest-growing industry. According to Other developing countries (e.g., Brazil and South the forecasts of the World Tourism Organization, Africa), apart from China, have potential and will in the year 2005, the tourist industry will involve 40 be able to play a more important role in interna- million persons. tional tourism if they stabilize their political and/or economic situation. Taking into account only persons who cross their state borders for tourism (perhaps equally There currently is a remarkable concentration important is the internal tourist movement), more of tourist destinations in which the top ten coun- recent data show, in approximately a decade, a tries together account for over 50 percent of tour- near doubling of the phenomenon and also indi- ism and top twenty countries account for over two- cate that total revenues have increased to three thirds (Table 3). times their original amount (Table 1). These figures suggest that the market for tour- The distribution of tourism in a wide range of ism will grow and become more differentiated, countries has occurred in time span of only a few that there will be more specialization and seg- years. Tourism in the industrialized countries, while mentation of that market, and that organized travel

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Percentage Distribution of Tourist beach, so seaside resorts are no longer extraor- Presences dinary. (Urry 1990, pp. 37–38) 1990 (%) 1996 (%) Tourism is therefore a fashion phenomenon Industrialized countries 61.5 55.8 that goes through all the typical phases of a prod- Developing countries 28.3 31.0 Central and eastern Europe 10.2 13.2 uct of that type, from discovery and emergence, to increasing popularity, saturation, attenuation of Table 2 its appeal, and eventually decline. It is sensitive to

SOURCE: World Tourism Organization. the relationship between demand and supply, based the on perceptions, expectations, attitudes, and values of people, and therefore is subject to cul- packages will become more personalized to cope tural filters: with the desire for greater individual freedom The various contents and destinations of through a modular design of the product tourism, from the nineteenth Century to our (Schwaninger 1989). days, seem to follow a standardized route . . . They are invented by individuals that live in THE NATURE OF TOURISM conditions of originality and marginality in relationship to the ‘world.’ Subsequently they Mass tourism is the main concern of this article are consecrated by the notables: the monarchs inasmuch as the current growth of the tourism and their families, followed by the artists and industry essentially has resulted from it. Mass tour- the celebrities . . . Finally they are diffused ism is a ‘‘fickle’’ market in which status-elevating through the capillary imitation of the behavior motivations are important. ‘‘If people do not travel, of one social layer by the immediately inferior they lose status: travel is the maker of status’’ (Urry one. As soon as a place or a tourist fashion is 1990, p. 5). The concept of conspicuous consump- known, there begins an emulation process that tion (Veblen [1899] 1970) is operative here be- leads quickly to congestion; processes of cause in choosing a vacation, one takes into ac- distinction are then activated by groups that count the attributions of status defined on the address to other places and invent other basis of the place one visits and the characteristics activities, reopening a new cycle. The succes- of the other visitors. sion of dissemination and invention cycles leads to the need for distinction to introduce One therefore is dealing with a market that is more and more far and unusual goals. very sensitive to fashion and changes in values. (Savelli 1998, pp. 92–93). The relative loss of importance of seaside resorts, which were the preferred destinations at the be- One can speak of the ‘‘pleasure periphery,’’ as ginning of mass tourism, can be cited in this regard: in the case of the increase of Antarctic tourism (Prosser 1994, p. 22). For this aspect, the model of In the post-war period it has been the sun, not Plog (1973) is relevant. Plog analyzes the personal- the sea, that is presumed to produce health and ity of the tourist: Along a continuum, one can go sexual attractiveness. The ideal body has from psycho-centered, expectant subjects preoc- come to be viewed as one that is tanned. cupied with the small daily problems and escaping This viewpoint has been diffused downwards to adventures, to subjects who are as allocentered, through the social classes with the result that confident in themselves, curious, and adventur- many package holidays present this as almost ous. The places visited by these varied subjects are the reason for going on holiday.... Seaside obviously very different. In the survey conducted resorts have also become less distinctive because by Plog among the inhabitants of New York, while of the widespread de-industrialization of many the psychocentered subjects do not venture be- towns and cities so that there is less need to yond Coney Island, the midcentered travel to escape from them to the contrasting seaside. As Europe and the allocentered do not dare to face the everyday has changed, as towns and cities the Pacific or Africa. have become de-industrialized and many have themselves become objects for the tourist gaze, In dealing with tourism from a socioeconomic with wave machines and other features of the point of view, the ‘‘positional goods’’ concept

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International Arrivals by Country, 1996

Country Thousands of tourists Country Thousands of tourists France 61,500 Austria 16,641 United States 44,791 Germany 15,070 Spain 41,295 Hong Kong 11,700 Italy 35,500 Switzerland 11,097 China 26,055 Portugal 9,900 Great Britain 25,800 Greece 9,725 Mexico 21,732 Russian Federation 9,678 Hungary 20,670 Turkey 7,935 Poland 19,420 Malaysia 7,742 Canada 17,345 Total 430,801 Czech Republic 17,205 World total 591,864

Table 3

SOURCE: World Tourism Organization.

(Hirsh 1978) can be used. This term refers to social ‘‘Spatial fixity’’ is a crucial characteristic of goods, services, jobs, positions, and other rela- tourist services (Bagguley 1987), and customers tions that are scarce or subject to congestion and/or are more mobile and now consume tourist serv- crowding. The competition is zero-sum: When ices on a global scale. This means that ‘‘part of someone consumes these kinds of goods in excess, what is consumed is in effect the place in which the someone else is forced to consume less. The sup- service producer is located. If the particular place ply is limited because quality would lessen as a does not convey appropriate cultural meanings, result of quantitative growth. the quality of the specific service may well be tarnished’’ (Urry 1990, p. 40). One also can trace a conflict of interest be- tween the actors described in the first part of this Since the services offered are intrinsically la- article (tourists, agencies, and the tourism indus- bor-intensive, employers try to diminish the costs. try in the hosting countries) and environmentalists. However, this may undermine the extraordinary Since natural and cultural resources may be character of the tourist experience (Urry 1990, p. 41). irremediably spoiled, there is thus a conflict of interest between present and future generations (Mishan 1969). TOURISTS AND THEIR MOTIVATIONS Another peculiar characteristic of tourism is In an attempt to grasp the features that distinguish that ‘‘almost all the services provided to tourists tourists from other kinds of travelers, Cohen (1974) have to be delivered at the time and place at which singles out certain dimensions that are thought to they are produced. As a consequence the quality of be essential: duration of the travel, voluntariness, the social interaction between the provider of the direction, distance, recurrence, and purpose. On service, such as the waiter, flight attendant or hotel the basis of these elements, a tourist may be de- receptionist, and the consumer, is part of the fined as a traveler who moves voluntarily and for a ‘product’ being purchased by the tourist. If aspects limited period of time to obtain pleasure from the of that social interaction are unsatisfactory (the experience of novelty and change, following a offhand waiter, the unsmiling flight attendant, or relatively long and non-recurring route. the rude receptionist), then what is purchased is in For the sake of clarity, distinctions are intro- effect a different service product’’ (Urry 1990, p. duced in the form of a dichotomy. However, one 40). Production of services for the consumer, in can assume that in many cases there are different fact, cannot be done entirely behind the scenes, degrees of distance from ‘‘full-fledged tourism.’’ far away from the tourist gaze. Moreover, tourists have high expectations about what they will re- When the duration of the travel and stay is ceive, since the search for the extraordinary is an short (less than twenty-four hours in the definition essential aspect of the choice to travel. of the UN Conference on International Travel and

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Tourism), there are trips and excursions. There is However, this criterion is not as precise as it also an upper limit, more difficult to determine, might appear at a first glance. The noninstrumental beyond which one can speak of permanent travel- character of the purpose and the search for nov- ers (wanderers, nomads). elty and change has to be considered from a social point of view. When an individual takes a vacation When the element of voluntariness is lacking, for reasons of prestige, this travel is socially de- one is dealing with the exile (sometimes volun- fined as a pleasure trip even if that individual will tary), the slave, the prisoner of war, or the political not enjoy the experience. More likely, there will be refugee. The pilgrim also can be considered a type the opposite case: The purpose is declared as of traveler who differs from the full-fledged tourist instrumental, but other instrumental (and not) inasmuch as in many cases there is a lack of purposes are also relevant (Savelli 1998, p. 57). voluntariness. This is the case because social ex- pectations can determine the decision to travel Tourists’ motivations also can be analyzed by and the stay (e.g., pilgrimages to Mecca by Muslim distinguishing the push factors that lead to the believers). desire to go on vacation from the pull factors that the various areas of attraction exercise on the In terms of direction, tourists return to their tourist (Savelli 1986, p. 2269). countries of origin, while immigrants make a one- way trip. There are also intermediate categories To show the ‘‘versatility’’ of the tourism phe- that are less easy to classify, such as ‘‘tourist immi- nomenon, a relationship can be seen between grants’’ and ‘‘permanent tourists.’’ These people some of its forms and the fundamental needs leave home as tourists but decide to stay for a listed by Maslow. Therapeutic tourism satisfies longer time span in a foreign country. Persons physiological needs, while the needs of security such as the ‘‘expatriates’’ (e.g., the many foreign and belonging are satisfied by familiar and ‘‘iden- artists who reside in cities such as Paris) are also tity’’ tourism. The need for social recognition is difficult to define. They decide to live in a foreign catered to by tourism à raconter, (The French country for indefinite periods without completely expression à raconter refers to a tourist who leads cutting their ties with the country of origin. you to extraordinary places where extraordinary things happen that one is very pleased to narrate If the distance is short, one can speak of to friends, thereby obtaining social status.) and excursionists and hikers, while if the distance is people satisfy the need for self-esteem through much longer, one could have spoken in the past of sport and cultural tourism (Kovacshazy and peo- explorers. Today, nearly all the possible destina- ple 1998, p. 58). tions on the face of the earth seem to be within the reach of the tourist. If the distance implies cross- To describe the psychological and social situa- ing a national border, there is the already men- tion experienced by the tourist, some authors tioned distinction between internal tourism and propose an interesting analogy between the tour- international tourism. ist and the pilgrim. Both move from a familiar place to a distant one and then come back. In When travel and stay have a season or week- faraway localities, they dedicate themselves—al- end regularity (recurrence), one is dealing with the though in different ways—to the ‘‘worship’’ of the habitué, who often is the owner of a summer sacred places. These can be described as ‘‘liminoid’’ house. This person is not properly a tourist, be- situations in which daily obligations are suspended cause the elements of novelty and change are (Turner and Truner 1978): ‘‘There is license for lacking. permissive and playful ‘non-serious’ behavior and Finally, the purpose for the tourist does not the encouragement of a relatively unconstrained have to be instrumental but can involve the seek- ‘communitas’ or social togetherness’’ (Urry 1990, ing of pleasure. If the purpose is instrumental or p. 10). The purpose of a vacation thus consists of has another specific nature different from the overturning the daily routine: Middle-class tourists search for novelty and change, one is dealing with try to be a ‘‘peasant for a day,’’ while tourists with a students, old country visitors, conventioneers, busi- lower social rank try to be ‘‘king/queen for a day’’ ness travelers, tourist employees, and the like. (Gottlieb 1982).

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In a survey carried out in Italy (Isnart 1997) by first place, by the tourist role. In the same way, he interviewing only persons who go on vacation is recognized as such from other tourists, regard- habitually, only the expenses for food and daily less, in some manner, of his social condition, living were judged ‘‘more necessary’’ than those nationality, origin and race’’ (Savelli 1998, pp. for traveling. The expenses for car use and mainte- 129–130). nance and those undertaken to dress were lower The tourist’s presence therefore cannot pass than those for the consumption of vacations. unnoticed, and the increase of tourism can carry, There often exists a link among subjective besides the obvious economic advantages, some motivations, perception of the visited localities, negative consequence in the countries that receive and the objective connotations of those localities. tourist flows. In this regard, there are pessimistic Some connotations are always valid (effectiveness visions that are valid, especially for developing and efficiency, a proper quality–price ratio, a satis- countries. These are the countries in which tour- factory environmental quality, the hospitality and ism can be expected to show steadily increasing warmth of the residents). Other connotations as- rates of growth and in which there is more to earn sume a nearly cyclical course: They gain a special from this development. reputation for one or two seasons and then fade out. Tourist destinations are vulnerable, and one However, five major categories of motivations can even speak about economic colonialism, be- more or less summarize what this article has de- cause investments and the largest part of demand scribed so far: are controlled by the developed countries. Exploi- tation can be not only economic but also social and 1. Subjectivity: the sense of curiosity, interest, environmental, inasmuch as community displace- discovery, opportunity, and ‘‘digression’’ ment, societal dislocation, and cultural transfor- of the vacation mation may occur (Ryan 1991): ‘‘Village farmland 2. Security: the sense of confidence that is appropriated, there is inter-generational stress vacation places must transmit and the as younger groups succumb to the ‘demonstration possibility of relaxing (nearly the opposite effect’ of tourist material wealth and behavior, of the insecurity of large cities) intra-family stress as male-female role balance shifts, and community disharmony as religious ceremo- 3. Transgression: the willingness to have a nies and artforms are commercialized’’ (Prosser good time, to push the limits, to have 1994, p. 29). ‘‘extraordinary’’ and ‘‘sensual’’ experiences 4. Budget: the search for something that does Therefore, it is necessary to foster a sustain- not divert too many resources from other able tourism that tries ‘‘to sustain the quantity, needs and opportunities quality, and productivity both of human and natu- ral resources systems over time, while respecting 5. Status: the idea that travel is first of all and accommodating the dynamics of such sys- social gratification, something to show, a tems’’ (Prosser 1994, pp. 31–32). This alternative reached goal (Isnart 1997, p. 16) form of tourism must ‘‘search for spontaneity, Among these categories of motivations, sub- enhanced interpersonal relations, creativity, au- jectivity prevails, with status and transgression not thenticity, solidarity, and social and ecological har- far behind. Obviously, budget is much more a mony’’ (Pearce 1989, p. 101). concern of the elderly (who also appreciate secu- The social relations between tourists and in- rity) and young people (who do not care much digenous populations are complex and can lead to about status). Some of these differences are re- conflict as a result of several factors. Among the lated to socioeconomic class. more important ones are the number of tourists who visit a place in relation to the size of the THE IMPACT OF TOURISM hosting population, the type of organization of the tourist industry, the effects of tourism on preexisting The tourist’s role is a total one: ‘‘He cannot hide agricultural and industrial activities, economic and his own externality from the local population and social differences between the visitors and the all his relations are imprinted and denoted, in the majority of the hosts, and the degree to which

3171 TOURISM visitors demand particular standards of lodging industry. However, one may question whether the and service, that is, the expressed desire to be impact of other industrial initiatives is less harmful locked in an ‘‘environmental bubble’’ for protec- and more sustainable than that of tourism. This tion from the ‘‘disappointing’’ characteristics of opinion results from a dated attitude character- the hosting society (Urry 1990, p. 90). ized by an ideologically rooted prejudice that is disappearing: ‘‘In the last few years in Britain As a counterbalance of these potential dan- many Labour councils have enthusiastically em- gers, one has to consider that the cost of a new braced local tourist initiatives, having once dis- workplace in the tourist sector has been estimated missed tourism as providing only ‘candy-floss jobs’’’ at £4,000, compared with £32,000 in the manufac- (Urry 1990, p. 115). turing industry and £300,000 in mechanical engi- neering (Lumley 1988, cited by Urry 1990, p. 114). These are older figures, and therefore are not POSTMODERN TOURISM necessarily still valid, but the ratios probably con- tinued to be valid. The ‘‘tourist prescription’’ there- While the countries that receive tourist flows need fore can be recommended particularly for coun- to find a balance between the advantages and tries that do not have many financial resources. disadvantages and search for a sustainable ‘‘re- ceipt,’’ the benefits for tourists seem to be without For tourism to be sustainable and respectful of shortcomings. Krippendorf (1987) speaks about the natural and social environment, the attitudes ‘‘travel’’ that represents recuperation and regen- and behaviors of the three main actors must change: eration, compensation and social integration, es- • The attitudes of tourists must change. cape, and communication, intellectual expansion, Tourists tend to believe that other tourists freedom and self-determination, self-realization, are the problem. Thus, their attitudes and happiness. remain elitist and short-term. The fact that the tourist industry continues to • The destination areas must assume a longer- grow indicates that it is able to give a satisfactory term attitude. An equilibrium between answer to tourists’ expectations; otherwise there optimization of the revenues and protec- would be frustration, and the phenomenon would tion of the resources must be found. recede. One can ask why tourists continue to travel Populations must be involved in all phases and their numbers continue to increase in spite of of development: ideation and planning, the ‘‘alarm bells’’ that call attention to the problem construction and implementation, conduc- of overcrowding and the relative nonauthenticity tion and management, and monitoring of the tourist experience. and modification. This article has dealt with the problem of • The tourist industry must find an equi- overcrowding in its characterization of the tourist librium between opposing requirements. product as a ‘‘positional good.’’ This pessimistic There is an unavoidable push for environ- thesis has been criticized by Beckerman (1974), mental control from foreign investors and who raises two interesting issues. First, the con- operators in order to obtain greater cern about the effects of the mass tourism is profits that can be detrimental to local basically a ‘‘middle-class’’ anxiety (like many other populations and governments. At the same environmental concerns) because the really rich time, the tourist industry feels the need ‘‘are quite safe from the masses in the very expen- to appear to be ecologically responsible sive resorts, or on their private yachts or private (Prosser 1994, p. 32). islands or secluded estates’’ (Beckerman 1974, pp. 50–51). Second, most people who are affected by It has been proposed that tourism should be mass tourism benefit from it, including the ‘‘pio- considered only a preliminary stage in which re- neers,’’ who, when they return to a place, find sources are obtained, that can be used later for services that were not available when the number ‘‘true’’ development through investment in other of visitors was small. sectors. That is reasonable, because diversification is a key factor in economic security and stability, One also can criticize the applicability of the especially if tourism can be defined as a fashion scarcity concept to the tourist industry. The im-

3172 TOURISM plicit scarcities in the tourist industry are complex, The post-tourist knows that they are a tourist and strategies can be adopted that allow the enjoy- and that tourism is a game, or rather a whole ment of the same object by a greater number of series of games with multiple texts and no persons. Thus, one must distinguish between the single authentic tourist experience. The post- ‘‘physical capacity’’ and ‘‘perceptive capacity’’ of a tourist thus knows that they will have to queue tourist place (Walter 1982). time and time again, that there will be hassles over foreign exchange, that the glossy brochure One also has to consider that in addition to the is a piece of pop culture, that the apparently ‘‘romantic’’ tourist gaze, which emphasizes soli- authentic local entertainment is as socially tude, privacy, and a personal, quasi-spiritual rela- contrived as an ethnic bar, and that the tion with the observed object, there is an alterna- supposedly quaint and traditional fishing tive ‘‘collective’’ gaze with different characteristics. village could not survive without the income The collective gaze demands the participation of from tourism. (Urry 1990, p. 100). wide numbers of other people to create a particu- lar atmosphere: ‘‘They indicate that this is the place The post-tourist knows that ‘‘he is not a time- to be and that one should not be elsewhere.’’ (Urry traveller when he goes somewhere historic, not an 1990, p. 46). This is the case for major cities, whose instant noble savage when he stays on a tropical uniqueness lies in their cosmopolitan character: beach, not an invisible observer when he visits a ‘‘It is the presence of people from all over the native compound. Resolutely ‘realistic,’ he cannot world (tourists in other words) that gives capital evade his condition of outsider’’ (Feifer 1985, p. cities their distinct excitement and glamour’’ (Urry 271). This means that many travelers appreciate 1990, pp. 46). the ‘‘not-authenticity’’ of the tourist experience and ‘‘find pleasure in the multiplicity of tourist Some people prefer to move around in com- games. They know that there is no authentic tourist pact formations because otherwise they will not experience, that there are merely a series of games enjoy themselves, while others prefer to travel in or texts that can be played’’ (Urry 1990, p. 11). solitude. Therefore, Hirsh’s (1978) thesis on scar- city and positional competition should be applied mainly to tourism characterized by the romantic REFERENCES gaze. When the collective gaze is more important, Beckerman, W. 1974 In Defense of Economic Growth. the problem of crowding and congestion is less London: Jonathan Cape. marked. Moreover, the scarcity thesis would be Bugguley, P. 1987 Flexibility, Restructuring and Gender: totally applicable only if one maintained that there Changing Employment in Britain’s Hotels. Lancaster: are severe limits to the number of ‘‘objects’’ wor- Lancaster Regionalism Group, Working Paper no. 24. thy of the admiration of the tourist. However, ‘‘if Cohen, E. 1974 ‘‘Who Is a Tourist? A Conceptual Clarifi- Glasgow can be remade as a tourist attraction, one cation.’’ Sociological Review 4:527–556. might wonder whether there are in fact any limits to the tourist, or post-tourist, gaze’’ (Urry 1990, p. 156). Feifer, M. 1985, Going Places. London: Macmillan. Gottlieb, A. 1982 ‘‘Americans’ Vacations.’’ Annals of Another issue refers to the nonauthenticity of Tourism Research 9:165–187. the tourist experience. Turner and Ash (1975) describe a tourist who is placed at the center of a Hirsh, F. 1978 Social Limits to Growth. London: Routledge rigorously circumscribed world (the ‘‘environmen- & Kegan Paul. tal bubble’’). Travel agents, couriers, and hotel Hunziker, W. and K. Krapf 1942 Grundriss der allgemeine managers are described as surrogate parents who Fremdenverkehrslehre. Zurig. relieve the tourist of every responsibility, protect Istituto Nazionale Ricerche Turistiche (National Insti- the tourist from harsh reality, and decide for the tute for Tourism Research) 1997 1997 Dove vanno in tourist which objects are worthy to be admired. vacanza gli italiani. Milan: Unioncamere. Various types of tourists exist, and they are Kovacshazy, M. C. 1998 ‘‘Le tourisme des seniors en 2010.’’ Futuribles 233:47–64. pushed by various needs and motivations for which various means are available to realize the tourist Krippendorf, J. 1987 The Holiday Makers. London: experience. In an age that is being defined as Heinemann. postmodern, the posttourist also is being redefined. Lodge, D. 1992 Paradise News. London: Penguin.

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Lumley, R. (ed.) 1988 The Museum Time-Machine. Lon- percent of its total assets, 98 percent of its sales, don: Routledge. and 97 percent of its workforce are foreign-based Mishan, E. 1969 The Costs of Economic Growth. (UNCTAD 1998, p. 36). Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin.

Pearce, D. 1989 Tourist Development. Harlow, UK: TNCS AND THE GLOBAL ECONOMY Longman. Plog, S. V. 1973 ‘‘Why Destination Areas Rise and Fall in Although TNCs existed before the twentieth cen- Popularity.’’ Cornell Hotel and Restaurant Administra- tury (colonial trading companies such as the East tion Quarterly, November, pp. 13–16. India Company, the Hudson’s Bay Company, and Prosser, R. 1994 ‘‘Societal Change and the Growth in the Virginia Company of London were precursors Alternative Tourism.’’ In E. Carter and G. Lowman, of the modern TNC), only since the 1960s have eds., Ecotourism: A Sustainable Option? New York: Wiley. they become a major force on the world scene Ryan, C. 1991 Recreational Tourism. London: Routledge. (World Bank 1987, p. 45). Table 1 corroborates this by listing the foreign direct investment (FDI) Savelli, A. 1986 ‘‘Turismo.’’ In F. Demarchi, A. Ellena, and B. Cattarinussi, eds., Nuovo dizionario di sociologia. stock of corporations by country from the be- Rome: Paoline. ginning of the century to 1997. In 1900, only European corporations were major transnational ——— (1998), Sociologia del turismo. Milan: Angeli. players, but by 1930, American TNCs had be- Schwaninger, M. 1989 ‘‘Trends in Leisure and Tourism gun to make their presence felt. The year 1960 for 2000–2010.’’ In S. F. Witt and L. Moutinho, eds., marks the beginning of a new era in corporate Tourism Marketing and Management Handbook. Hemel transnationalization. In each of the decades from Hempstead, UK: Prentice-Hall. 1960 to the present, world FDI stock has more Turner, L., and J. Ash 1975 The Golden Hordes. London: than tripled, whereas it only doubled during the Constable. first half of the century. Turner, V., and E. Turner 1978 Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture. New York: Columbia University Press. The phenomenal increase in transnational cor- porate activity in the latter part of the twentieth Urry, J. 1990 The Tourist Gaze: Leisure and Travel in century can be accounted for in large part by Contemporary Society. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage. technological innovations in transportation, com- Veblen, T. [1899] 1970 The Theory of the Leisure Class. munication, and information processing that have London: Allen & Unwin. permitted corporations to establish profitable Walter, J. 1982 ‘‘Social Limits to Tourism.’’ Leisure worldwide operations while maintaining effective Studies 1:295–304. and timely organizational control. The actual dif- ference in foreign direct investment up to and GIOVANNI DELLI ZOTTI after 1960 is even greater than the figures in Table 1 indicate. FDI for 1960 and before includes for- eign portfolio investment, which is undertaken TRANSNATIONAL mainly by individuals, as well as foreign direct CORPORATIONS investment, which almost always is made by TNCs. These two types of investment were not reported A transnational corporation (TNC) is ‘‘any enter- separately for most countries before 1970. Thus, prise that undertakes foreign direct investment, total FDI stocks are inflated. For example, Wilkins owns or controls income-gathering assets in more (1974, pp. 53–54) reports that in 1929–1930, U.S. than one country, produces goods or services foreign portfolio and direct investments were al- outside its country of origin, or engages in interna- most equal. American direct investment abroad tional production’’ (Biersteker 1978, p. xii). Vari- was only $7.5 billion; the remaining $7.2 billion ously termed multinational corporations (MNCs) recorded in Table 1 was foreign portfolio investment. and multinational enterprises (MNEs), transnational corporations are formal business organizations Table 1 reveals that TNCs from only eleven that have spatially dispersed operations in at least countries accounted for almost 85 percent of all two countries. One of the most ‘‘transnational’’ FDI in 1997. American TNCs accounted for more major TNCs is Nestlé, the Swiss food giant; 91 than one-quarter of total foreign investment, and

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FDI Outward Investment Stock by Country, 1900–1997 (billions of US$)

Country 1900* 1930* 1960* 1971 1980 1990 1997†

United States 0.5 14.7 31.8 82.8 220.2 435.2 907.5 United Kingdom 12.1 18.2 13.2 23.1 80.4 229.3 413.2 Germany 4.8 1.1 0.6 7.0 43.1 151.6 326.0 Japan Negligible Negligible Negligible 4.3 19.6 201.4 284.6 France 5.2 3.5 2.2 9.2 23.6 110.1 226.8 Netherlands 1.1 2.3 1.7 3.5 42.1 109.0 213.2 Switzerland Negligible Negligible Negligible 6.5 21.5 65.7 156.7 Canada Negligible 1.3 3.0 5.7 22.8 84.8 137.7 Italy Negligible Negligible Negligible NA 7.3 56.1 125.1 Belgium and Luxembourg Negligible Negligible Negligible NA 6.0 40.6 96.4 Sweden Negligible 0.5 0.5 3.3 5.6 49.5 74.8

Others Negligible Negligible Negligible 13.5 32.4 171.2 579.4

Total‡ 23.8 41.6 53.8 159.2 524.6 1,704.5 3,541.4

Table 1

SOURCE: Data for 1900–1971 adapted from Buckley (1985), p. 200. Data for 1980–1997 from UNCTAD (1998), pp. 379–384. NOTE: *Includes foreign portfolio investment as well as foreign direct investment. †Estimates. ‡World total, excluding former Comecon countries, except for 1997.

corporations based in the Triad (United States, nature of transnational enterprise to generate this European Union, and Japan) were responsible for degree of familiarity. Among the top 100 TNCs in nearly four-fifths of world FDI stock (UNCTAD terms of foreign assets, 41 originate in the Euro- 1998, pp. 379–384). Clearly, TNCs largely operate pean Union, 28 in the United States, and 18 in out of and invest in the developed countries of the Japan (UNCTAD 1998, p. 317). Most FDI inflows global economy. and outflows take place within the Triad. In 1996, approximately one-quarter of all foreign sales was The magnitude of FDI flow in the world is accounted for by these top 100 firms. Among the revealed by the fact that worldwide sales of foreign major industries in which these TNCs operate, affiliates in 1997 totaled $9.5 trillion, almost one electronics and electrical equipment account for and a half times more than world exports of goods the largest number (17), followed by chemicals and services of $6.4 trillion (UNCTAD 1998, p. 5). and pharmaceuticals (16), automotive (14), petro- Global sales of affiliates are considerably more leum and mining (14), and food and beverages important than exports in delivering goods and (12). In 1996, these transnational giants employed services to markets worldwide, underlining the nearly 6 million foreign workers (UNCTAD 1998, importance of TNCs in structuring international pp. 35–43). economic relations. In 1997, 53,607 TNCs con- trolled nearly 450,000 foreign affiliates through- out the world (UNCTAD 1998, p. 4). REASONS FOR BECOMING TRANSNATIONAL Table 2 presents the top 30 TNCs ranked by foreign assets. Although fewer than one-quarter of The move toward integrated transnational invest- these corporations are American in origin, most ment can be seen as a logical and rational decision names are well known in the United States. It is the by business enterprises to adapt to their environ-

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World’s Leading Transnational Corporations by Foreign Assets, 1996 (billions of US$)

Foreign Total Corporation Country Industry Assets Assets

General Electric United States Electronics 82.8 272.4 Shell, Royal Dutch United Kingdom/Netherlands Petroleum 82.1 124.1 Ford Motors United States Automotive 79.1 258.0 Exxon United States Petroleum 55.6 95.5 General Motors United States Automotive 55.4 222.1 IBM United States Computers 41.4 81.1 Toyota Japan Automotive 39.2 113.4 Volkswagen Germany Automotive —* 60.8 Mitsubishi Japan Diversified — 77.9 Mobil United States Petroleum 31.3 46.4 Nestlé Switzerland Food 30.9 34.0 Asea Brown Boveri Switzerland/Sweden Electrical equipment — 30.9 Elf Aquitaine France Petroleum 29.3 47.5 Bayer Germany Chemicals 29.1 32.0 Hoechst Germany Chemicals 28.0 35.5 Nissan Japan Automotive 27.0 58.1

FIAT Italy Automotive 26.9 70.6

Unilever Neth/U.K. Food 26.4 31.0

Daimler-Benz Germany Automotive — 65.7 Philips Electronics Netherlands Electronics 24.5 31.7 Roche Switzerland Pharmaceuticals 24.5 29.5 Siemens Germany Electronics 24.4 56.3 Alcatel Alsthom Cie France Electronics 23.5 48.4 Sony Japan Electronics 23.5 45.8 Total France Petroleum — 30.3 Novartis Switzerland Pharmaceuticals/ 21.4 43.4 chemicals British Petroleum United Kingdom Petroleum 20.7 31.8 Philip Morris United States Food/tobacco 20.6 54.9 ENI Group Italy Petroleum — 59.5 Renault France Automotive 19.0 42.2

Table 2

SOURCE: UNCTAD (1998), p. 36. NOTE: *Data on foreign assets are suppressed to avoid disclosure or are not available. In case of nonavailability, they are estimated on the basis of the ration of foreign to total sales, the ratio of foreign to total employment, or similar ratios.

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Reasons for Corporations Becoming greater control and a much less restricted market Transnational than it had previously. 1. Cost-Related Reasons Table 3 presents a list of reasons why it may a. To take advantage of differences in technological be profitable for an organization to become development, labor potential, productivity and mental- transnational. First, direct costs for raw materials, ity, capital market, and local taxes b. Reduction of transport costs labor, and transportation as well as indirect cost c. Avoidance of high tariff barriers considerations such as tariff barriers and trade d. To take advantage of local talents when establishing restrictions, local tax structures, and various gov- R&D overseas ernment inducements obviously loom large in the 2. Sales Volume Reasons decision to establish operations transnationally. a. Foreign middlemen unable to meet financial demands Second, market factors may be equally important of expanded marketing in that decision. Direct and easy access to local b. For quicker adaptation to local market changes and markets unfettered by foreign trade quotas and better adaptation to local conditions c. Following important customers abroad other legislative restraints can give TNCs an edge d. Keeping up with competitors over their nontransnational competitors. Finally, e. Persuasion and coercion of foreign governments the decision to become transnational may hinge f. To obtain a better international division of labor, larger production runs, and better utilization of available on factors related to organizational control. Con- economies of scale trol over raw materials (backward integration) and g. To avoid home country regulations, e.g., fiscal and markets (forward integration) and achieving suffi- antitrust legislation cient regional and product diversification to with- 3. Reasons Related to Risk Factors stand temporary economic downturns are other a. To avoid exclusion from customers’ and suppliers’ mar- reasons for transnational relocation. kets, promoting forward and backward integration b. To counter inflexibility and avoid country-specific recessions c. To reduce risks of social and political disruption by TNCS, NATION-STATES, AND establishing operations in a number of host countries GLOBALIZATION

Table 3 Integrated TNCs traversing real-time electronic

SOURCE: Taylor and Thrift (1982), p. 21. networks that span the global economy have pro- duced a ‘‘borderless world’’ (Ohmae 1991). These technologically enhanced corporations also oper- ate in the nonnationally controlled interstices of ment. Historically, there have been several distinct the planet (i.e., oceans, seabeds, airwaves, sky, and strategies: (1) expansion in the size of operations space), sometimes leaving toxic, life-threatening to achieve economies of scale, (2) horizontal inte- indicators of their presence. Existing in a sort of gration, or the merging of similar firms to increase parallel world, they are responsible only to amor- market share, (3) vertical integration, or the ac- phous groups of shareholders. Gill and Law (1988, quiring of firms that either supply raw materials pp. 364–365) state that there is a ‘‘growing lack of (backward integration) or handle output (forward congruence between the ‘world economy,’ with its integration) to attain greater control, (4) spatial tendencies to promote ever-greater levels of eco- dispersion or regional relocation to expand mar- nomic integration, and an ‘international political kets, (5) product diversification to develop new system’ comprised of many rival states.’’ The ri- markets, and (6) conglomeration or mergers with valry between these two systems of world organiza- companies on the basis of their financial perform- tion is revealed by the fact that 51 of the 100 largest ance rather than what they produce (Chandler economies in the world are TNCs (Karliner 1997). 1962, 1990; Fligstein 1990). Establishing an inte- grated TNC simply represents a new strategy in The increasing domination of the world econ- this evolutionary chain. Furthermore, depending omy by TNCs directly challenges national sover- on how a corporation is set up and with recent eignty. Historically, the sovereignty and therefore innovations in communications and information the power of a nation-state lay in its ability to technology, a TNC can incorporate all these strate- achieve compliance with whatever it commanded gies so that the newly structured enterprise has far its territorially defined space. Borderlines physi-

3177 TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS cally defined what was territorially sovereign and against another’s. For example, variations in na- what was not. If a state’s sovereignty was chal- tional laws on tariffs, financing, competition, la- lenged from outside its territory, it could resort to bor, environmental protection, consumer rights, force to maintain control. However, as a result of taxation, and transfer of profits are all carefully various technological developments, the idea of a weighed by TNCs in deciding where and how to physically bounded and sealed state is now open conduct business. Together, these considerations to question. These developments underlie the form what has come to be known as ‘‘the policy transnational corporate threat to state sovereignty environment’’ (UNCTAD 1993, pp. 173–175). In along the following three dimensions: the internation competition to attract foreign in- vestment by creating a ‘‘favorable policy environ- 1. Permeability of borders. Borderlines between ment,’’ between-border variability encourages a nation-states have been rendered perme- ‘‘race to the bottom’’ (Chamberlain 1982, p. 126), able and porous in a number of innova- resulting in a continuing erosion of sovereignty. tive ways, erasing many of the tradi- Whereas TNCs operate in a de facto borderless tional distinctions between ‘‘inside’’ and world created by technological ingenuity, de jure ‘‘outside.’’ For example, what borders political and legal distinctions still mark the bounda- do electronic communications and atmos- ries on a world map composed of nation-states. pheric pollutants observe? Under whose This represents the crux of the inherent conflict borders do oil and gas reserves lie? Do between TNCs and nation-states as they are cur- space satellites invade territorial integrity? rently structured. The new permeability of borders dimin- ishes the capacity of nation-states to Never before has there been a situation in distinguish and determine what occurs which foreign organizations have been granted ‘‘inside’’ their territory. license almost as a matter of course to operate 2. Mobility across borders. Developments in freely within the legally defined boundaries of a transportation, communication, and infor- sovereign state. This, together with the fact that mation technology not only have increased TNCs and nation-states are different organiza- the rate of cross-border mobility among tional forms, established for different purposes, TNCs but also have increased the speed or administered by different principles, and loyal to velocity with which cross-border transac- different constituencies, means that structural prob- tions take place. Concurrently measuring lems are bound to arise. both the location and the velocity of TNC activity often produces ‘‘uncertain’’ results, TNCS AND WORLD DEVELOPMENT generating ‘‘inderminacy’’ for a state. Although only 30 percent of FDI stock is in devel- 3. Border straddling. To the extent that TNCs oping countries (UNCTAD 1998, p. 373), because operate simultaneously in different sover- of the immense power of many TNCs, great con- eign jurisdictions, which jurisdiction has cern has arisen about the impact of TNCs on world precedence over which corporate activities development. Because the goals of transnational at what time? This complex issue blurs the capitalist enterprise and indigenous national gov- legal boundaries between states. It also ernment are fundamentally different, many schol- confuses the notion of ‘‘citizenship’’ and ars have debated whether TNCs are an aid or a its attendant rights and responsibilities. hindrance to world development. According to Through the use of these and other innovative Biersteker (1978), the major points of contention strategies, TNCs have manipulated the concept of in this debate are the degrees to which TNCs (1) borders to their advantage. What exactly is the are responsible for a net outflow of capital from advantage that TNCs achieve through their cross- developing countries, (2) displace indigenous pro- border flexibility? They gain between-border varia- duction, (3) engage in technology transfer, (4) bility. The fact that different states have different introduce capital-intensive, labor-displacing tech- laws and standards regarding all aspects of eco- nologies, (5) encourage elite-oriented patterns of nomic activity contributes to the power of TNCs consumption, (6) produce divisiveness within lo- that strategically play off one country’s set of rules cal social structures owing to competing loyalties

3178 TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS to TNCs and nation-states, and (7) exacerbate reconciliation between the goals of TNCs and unequal distributions of income. those of host governments was brought to ‘‘a formal end’’ (UNCTAD 1993, p. 33). In a study of many of these issues, Kentor (1998, p. 1025) analyzed a fifty-year data set con- Currently, although several international vol- sisting of seventy-five developing countries to de- untary guidelines monitor the activities of TNCs, termine whether the modernization thesis (i.e., generally they have not been very successful (Hedley FDI in developing countries promotes ‘‘economic 1999). As of 1997, 143 countries had legislation in growth by creating industries, transferring tech- effect that specifically governs foreign direct in- nology, and fostering a ‘modern’ perspective in vestment (UNCTAD 1998, p. 53). Although ini- the local population’’) or dependency theory (i.e., tially most of those laws were framed to control the FDI results in disarticulated economic growth, entry and regulate the activities of TNCs, legisla- repatriation of profits, increased income inequal- tive changes increasingly have become more favor- ity, and stagnation) better explains the long-term able to foreign investment. For example, from results of foreign direct investment. Kentor (p. 1991 to 1997, of the 750 changes to foreign invest- 1042) summarizes his findings as follows: ment policy made by countries worldwide, 94 percent were in the direction of liberalization The results of this study confirm that periph- (UNCTAD 1998, 57). In 1997, in attempts to ease eral countries with relatively high dependence high debt loads and survive a worldwide economic on foreign capital exhibit slower economic downturn, seventy-six developed and developing growth than those less dependent peripheral countries introduced 135 legislative inducements countries. These findings have been replicated along the following lines: more liberal operational using different measures of foreign investment conditions and frameworks (61), more incentives dependence, GDP data, countries, time periods, (41), more sectoral liberalization (17), more pro- and statistical methods. This is a significant motion (other than incentives) (8), more guaran- and persistent negative effect, lasting for tees and protection (5), and more liberal entry decades. Further, a structure of dependency is conditions and procedures (3) (UNCTAD 1998, p. created that perpetuates these effects. The 57). In their competition to attract foreign invest- consequences of these effects, as described in ment by creating favorable policy environments, the literature, are pervasive: unemployment, these countries are yielding ever more con- overurbanization, income inequality, and so- trol to TNCs. cial unrest, to name a few. Given the increasing dominance of TNCs in Given current conditions, it would appear that the global economy, the reasons why corporations overreliance on foreign investment by developing become transnational, the diminishing sovereignty countries will widen the already huge global rift of nation-states, and the long-term effects of FDI between rich and poor nations. on world development, one may question whether the move toward liberalization is in the interests of TNCS AND REGULATION the countries and people who are encouraging it. What is called for is nothing short of a revolution In the late 1960s, the United Nations (UN) reached in world governance. To regulate transnational the opinion that ‘‘transnational corporations had corporations, it is necessary to introduce trans- or come to play a central role in the world economy supranational legislation. To maintain national sov- and that their role, with its transnational charac- ereignty in a global economy, authority must be ter, was not matched by a corresponding under- coordinated and shared across borders. Legisla- standing or an international framework covering tive harmonization, although entailing an initial their activities’’ (UNCTC 1990, p. 3). In the 1970s, loss of sovereignty for participating states, can the UN produced a draft ‘‘Code of Conduct on restore their authority over TNCs operating within Transnational Corporations.’’ However, twenty their jurisdictions. By these means, corporate ac- years later, after much political wrangling, UN countability can be imposed according to the needs delegates concluded in 1992 that ‘‘no consensus and wishes of civil society. Whether or when such was possible on the draft Code,’’ and thus the legislative harmonization will occur is open to process of trying to achieve some effective legal question. However, in the view of the U.S. Tariff

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Commission, ‘‘It is beyond dispute that the spread ——— 1998 World Investment Report 1997: Trends and of multinational business ranks with the develop- Determinants. New York: United Nations Conference ment of the steam engine, electric power, and the on Trade and Development. automobile as one of the major events of eco- UNCTC 1990 The New Code Environment, Series A, No. nomic history’’ (cited in Lall and Streeton 1977, p. 15). 16. New York: United Nations Centre on Transnational Corporations. Wilkins, Mira 1974 The Maturing of Multinational Enter- REFERENCES prise: American Business Abroad from 1914 to 1970. Biersteker, Thomas J. 1978 Distortion of Development? Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Contending Perspectives on the Multinational Corpora- World Bank 1987 World Development Report 1987. New tion. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. York: Oxford University Press. Buckley, Peter J. 1985 ‘‘Testing Theories of the Multina- tional Enterprise.’’ In Peter J. Buckley and Mark R. ALAN HEDLEY Casson, eds., The Economic Theory of the Multinational Enterprise. London: Macmillan. Chamberlain, Neil W. 1982 Social Strategy and Corporate Structure. New York: Macmillan. TRANSSEXUALS Chandler, Alfred D., Jr. 1962 Strategy and Structure: See Sexual Orientation. Chapters in the History of Industrial Enterprise. Cam- bridge, Mass.: MIT Press. ——— 1990 Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial TRANSVESTITISM Capitalism. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Har- vard University Press. See Sexual Orientation. Fligstein, Neil 1990 The Transformation of Corporate Con- trol. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Gill, Stephen, and David Law 1988 The Global Political TRIBES Economy. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. See Indigenous Peoples. Hedley, R. Alan 1999 ‘‘Transnational Corporations and Their Regulation: Issues and Strategies.’’ Interna- tional Journal of Comparative Sociology 40(2):215–230. TYPOLOGIES Karliner, Joshua 1997 The Corporate Planet: Ecology and Politics in the Age of Globalization. Sierra Club Books. A typology is a multidimensional classification. Available at http://www.sierraclub.org/books/. The study of typological procedures is impeded by the use of a plethora of terms, some of which are Kentor, Jeffrey 1998 ‘‘The Long-Term Effects of For- used interchangeably. ‘‘Classification’’ can be de- eign Investment Dependence on Economic Growth, 1940–1990.’’ American Journal of Sociology fined as the grouping of entities on the basis of 103(4):1024–1046. similarity. For example, humans can be classified into female and male. A related term is ‘‘taxon- Lall, Sanjaya, and P. Streeton 1977 Foreign Investment, omy.’’ According to Simpson (1961, p. 11), taxon- Transnationals, and Developing Countries. London: Macmillan. omy ‘‘is the theoretical study of classification, in- cluding its bases, principles, procedures, and rules.’’ Ohmae, Kenichi 1991 The Borderless World: Power and Interestingly, the term ‘‘classification’’ has two Strategy in the Interlinked Economy. Hammersmith, meanings: One can speak of both the process of UK: Fontana. classification and its end product, a classification. Taylor, M. J., and N. J. Thrift 1982 The Geography of The terms ‘‘classification,’’ ‘‘typology,’’ and ‘‘tax- Multinationals: Studies in the Spatial Development and onomy’’ are all used widely and somewhat inter- Economic Consequences of Multinational Corporations. changeably in sociology. London: Croom Helm. UNCTAD 1993 World Investment Report 1993: Transnational Any classification must be mutually exclusive Corporations and Integrated International Production. and exhaustive. This requires that there be only New York: United Nations Conference on Trade and one cell for each case. For example, if humans are Development. being classified by sex, this requires that every case

3180 TYPOLOGIES be placed in a cell (either male or female) but that Seizing on Weber’s statement that the pure no case be placed in more than one cell (no inter- ideal type ‘‘cannot be found empirically anywhere mediate cases are allowed). It is assumed that the in reality,’’ critics view the ideal type as hypotheti- bases or dimensions for classification (such as sex) cal and thus without a fixed position, rendering it are clear and important (see Tiryakian 1968). useless as a criterion point. A more realistic inter- pretation is that the ideal type represents a type A type is one cell in a full typology. In sociol- that could be found empirically; it is simply that the ogy, emphasis often has been placed on one or a purest case is the one most useful as a criterion, few types rather than on the full typology. The and this case is unlikely to be found empirically. As study of types developed largely as a verbal tradi- an example, a proof specimen of a coin is the best tion in sociology and lately has been merged with a criterion for classifying or grading other coins, but more recently developed quantitative approach. it is not found empirically in the sense of being in In the verbal tradition, types were often de- circulation. If it were circulated, its features soon fined as mental constructs or concepts, in contrast would be worn to the extent that its value for to empirically derived entities. Stinchcombe (1968, comparison with other coins would be greatly p. 43, original emphasis) says that ‘‘a type concept in diminished. scientific discourse is a concept which is con- The strategy of the ideal type is a sound one. structed out of a combination of the values of several Its logic is simple, and the confusion surrounding variables.’’ Lazarsfeld (1937, p. 120) says that ‘‘one it is unfortunate, perhaps being due in part to the is safe in saying that the concept of type is always translation of Weber’s work. The genius of the used in referring to special compounds of attri- ideal type lies in its parsimony. Instead of using a butes.’’ The variables that combine to form a type large full typology (say, of 144 cells, many of which must be correlated or ‘‘connected to each other’’ may turn out to be empirically null or empty), a (Stinchcombe 1968, pp. 44–45). researcher can utilize a single ideal type. Then, An important function of a type is to serve as a instead of dealing needlessly with many null cells, criterion point (for comparative purposes) for the the researcher need only fill in cells for which study of other types or empirical phenomena. In there are actual empirical cases and only as those this case, only a single type is formulated. The cases are encountered. The ideal type is an accen- most famous single-type formulation is Weber’s tuated or magnified version (or purest form) of ideal type: the type. Although rarely found empirically in this pure form, the ideal type serves as a good compari- An ideal type is formed by the one-sided son point. It usually represents the highest value accentuation of one or more points of view. . . on each of the intercorrelated variables or the end In its conceptual purity, this mental construct point of the continuum. While one could use the [Gedankenbild] cannot be found empirically middle of the continuum as a referent (just as one anywhere in reality. It is a utopia. Historical uses the mean or median), it is convenient and research faces the task of determining in each perhaps clearer to use the end point (just as one individual case the extent to which this ideal- measures from the end of a ruler rather than from construct approximates to or diverges from its middle or another intermediate point). reality, to what extent for example, the economic structure of a certain city is to be Another single type that is used as a criterion classified as a ‘‘city economy.’’ (1947, p. 90, is the constructed type. McKinney (1966, p. 3, original emphasis) original emphasis) defines the constructed type as ‘‘a purposive, planned selection, abstraction, combina- This strategy has been criticized. Martindale is tion, and (sometimes) accentuation of a set of criteria startled by the suggestion that ‘‘we compare actual with empirical referents that serves as a basis for com- individuals with the (admittedly imaginary) ideal parison of empirical cases.’’ The constructed type is a typical individuals to see how much they deviate more general form of the ideal type. from them. This is nothing but a form of intellec- tual acrobatics, for actual individuals ought to In addition to formulations that use a single deviate from the ideal type just as much as one type, there are formulations that use two or more made them deviate in the first place’’ (1960, p. 382). types. One strategy involves the use of two ‘‘polar’’

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types (as in the North and South poles). These taking variables in this order (plumbing, central types serve as two bracketing criteria for the com- heat, refrigerator), Lazarsfeld is saying that (1, 0, parison of cases. A famous set of types is Tönnies’s 0) = (0, 1, 1). Thus, two previously different three- (1957) Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft (‘‘community’’ dimensional cells are equated and reduced to one. and ‘‘society’’). Another is introvert and extrovert. Still others are primary and secondary groups and Lazarsfeld’s third form of reduction is prag- localistic and cosmopolitan communities (see matic reduction. It consists of collapsing contigu- McKinney 1966, p. 101, for these and other ous cells together to make one larger (but gener- examples). ally more heterogeneous) cell. As Lazarsfeld (1937, p. 128) says, ‘‘in the case of pragmatic reduction, certain groups of combinations are contracted to SUBSTRUCTION one class in view of the research purpose.’’ For examples of these three forms of reduction, see One problem with the common practice of using Bailey (1973). only a single type or a few types is that the underly- ing correlated dimensions on which they are based With Lazarsfeld’s rigorous work as a notable may not be clear. In some cases, it is possible to exception, it can be said that most work in the make these dimensions clear and extend them all typological tradition has been qualitative. Blalock, to form a property space or attribute space; a set of commenting on McKinney’s (1966) constructive axes representing the full range of values on each typology, says: dimension. Then the existence of other potential He [McKinney] also claims that there is related types that were not originally formulated, nothing inherently anti-quantitative in the use can be discerned. This process of extending the of typologies. He notes that historically, how- full property space and the resulting full typology ever, researchers skilled in the use of typologies from a single type or a few types is called substruction have not been statistically or mathematically and was developed by Lazarsfeld (1937; Barton inclined, and vice-versa. This may be one of 1955). As an example, Barton (1955, pp. 51–52) the reasons for the existing gap between performed a substruction in which the attributes sociological theory and research. (1969, p. 33) underlying the four types of folkways, mores, law, and custom were extended to form a full property A persistent problem in the qualitative typological space. Barton found three underlying dimensions tradition has been the confusion over the status of of the four types (‘‘how originated,’’ ‘‘how en- the type as a heuristic device, a mental construct, forced,’’ and ‘‘strength of group feeling’’) and or an empirical entity. Winch (1947) distinguished combined them to form the property space. between heuristic and empirical types. He said that heuristic types are conceptually derived and may not have empirical examples. Empirical types, REDUCTION in contrast, result solely from data analysis, with- The opposite of substruction is reduction. Reduc- out prior conceptualization. A persistent problem tion is used when one has a full typology that is with the conceptual types, such as the ideal type, unmanageable because of its size. The three basic has been the problem of inappropriate reification. forms of reduction presented by Lazarsfeld (1937, If a type is a construct, concept, or model, it may p. 127) are functional, arbitrary numerical, and not be found empirically but is designed only to be pragmatic. Lazarsfeld’s functional reduction con- heuristically used in developing theory. However, sists of discarding from the typology all empirically there is often a tendency over time to reify the type null and thus unnecessary cells. or act as though it were actually found empirically. Figure 1 shows that the qualitative tradition has The second form of reduction is arbitrary both heuristic and empirical types, while the quan- numerical. Lazarsfeld (1937, p. 128) provides an titative tradition (discussed below) has primarily example: In constructing an index of housing empirical types, as its types are derived from data conditions, one might weight plumbing without analysis. central heat or a refrigerator as being equal to the other two without plumbing. Coding the existence In other cases in the qualitative typological of an attribute by 1 and the lack of it by 0 and tradition, types are meant as empirical phenom-

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It begins with a data set and derives empirical types Qualitative Quantitative from the data through a variety of quantitative procedures, many of them computerized.

Probably Heuristic Ideal type This newer statistical approach to classifica- null tion can be elucidated through the monothetic- polythetic distinction. A typology is monothetic if the possession of a unique set of features is both necessary and sufficient for identifying a specimen Types derived from Ethnographic Empirical cluster analysis or as belonging to a particular cell in the typology. types numerical taxonomy That is, each feature is necessary and the set is sufficient. Thus, no specimen can be assigned to a particular type unless it possesses all the features (and no others) required of that type. This means Figure 1. A Typology of Typologies that all the specimens in a given type are identical in every way (at least in all the features specified). In contrast, a polythetic typology is constructed ena rather than heuristic devices. This is particu- by grouping together the individuals within a sam- larly true in the area of social ethnography or field ple that have the greatest number of shared fea- research, where researchers eschew statistical analy- tures. No single feature is either necessary or sis but analyze data resulting from field studies by sufficient (Sokal and Sneath 1963, p. 14). The developing typologies based on observations rec- objects or specimens are grouped to maximize orded in their field notes (see Spradley and overall similarity within each group. In a polythetic McCurdy 1972). Typologies in this case take the type, each individual possesses a large number of form of tables with names or labels in the cells the classifying properties and each property is rather than frequencies of occurrence as in statisti- possessed by a large number of individuals. In the cal tables. Here the labels or types are generally case where no single property is possessed by every inductively or empirically derived through inten- individual in the group, the type is said to be fully sive study of groups in the field. However, even polythetic. here there may be a distinction between the types derived by the researcher and the types actually While a verbal type (such as the ideal type) used by the people being studied. For example, may be purely homogeneous (i.e., monothetic), it the types that tramps identify among themselves is unlikely that an empirically constructed type will (mission stiff, bindle stiff) may be different from be monothetic (except for some divisively derived the types identified by researchers or the lay public types), especially if it contains a large number of (bums, winos, homeless persons). For a discus- cases grouped on a large number of variables. sion of taxonomies in ethnographic research and Thus, most empirically constructed types are a number of examples of actual taxonomies polythetic, and some may be fully polythetic, with- (inducting the tramp example), see Spradley and out even a single feature being common to all the McCurdy (1972). members of the group. A basic distinction for all empirical classifica- EMPIRICAL DERIVATION tion techniques is whether one groups objects or variables. The former is known as Q-analysis, and Computerization has brought on a new era of the latter as R-analysis (Sokal and Sneath 1963, p. quantitative typology construction, which now 124). In R-analysis, one computes coefficients (ei- coexists with the older qualitative tradition. This ther similarity or distance coefficients) down the new approach often is called numerical taxonomy, columns of the basic score matrix, which includes cluster analysis, or pattern recognition (see Sneath objects and variables (see Table 1 in Bailey 1972). and Sokal 1973; Bailey 1974). In contrast to the In Q-analysis, one correlates rows. The interior earlier verbal approach, which largely dealt with data cells are the same in any case, and one form is concepts and mental constructs, the newer quanti- the simple matrix transposition of the other. The tative approach is largely empirical and inductive. difference is that Q-analysis correlates the objects

3183 TYPOLOGIES

(e.g., persons), while R-analysis correlates the vari- Unlike divisively formed types, agglomeratively ables (e.g., age). While Q-analysis is the most com- formed types are generally polythetic and often mon form in biology (see Sneath and Sokal 1973), fully polythetic. it rarely is used in sociology (for an example, see The basic typological strategy is very straight- Butler and Adams 1966). One problem is that Q- forward and logically simple for divisive methods. analysis requires a small sample of cases measured All one must do is partition the set of cases in all on a large number of variables, while R-analysis possible ways and choose the grouping that maxi- requires a large sample of cases with a smaller mizes internal homogeneity in a sufficiently small number of variables. Biology has the former sort number of clusters. The problem is that the com- of data; sociology, the latter. putation is prohibitive even for a modest number Most sociologists have had little experience of cases measured on a modest number of variables. with Q-analysis. Most statistical analysis in sociol- A basic problem with empirically derived ogy is concerned with relationships between two typologies is that they are generally static because or more variables, with few studies making infer- the measures of similarity or distance that are used ences concerning individuals rather than variables. are synchronic rather than diachronic. While this Thus, the very notion of correlating individuals is is a problem, it is not a problem unique to classifi- alien to many sociologists. cation but is shared by almost all forms of socio- Once the researcher has decided whether to logical analysis. Further, it is possible to deal with pursue Q-analysis or R-analysis, the next step is to this issue by using diachronic data such as change decide which measure of similarity to use. A re- coefficients or time series data. searcher can measure similarity either directly, Despite procedural differences, there are clear with a correlation coefficient, or indirectly, with a congruences between the qualitative and quantita- distance coefficient. While similarity coefficients tive typological approaches. The ideal type is es- show how close together two objects or variables sentially monothetic, as are some types produced are in the property space, distance coefficients by quantitative divisive procedures. Quantitative show how far apart they are in that space. For a procedures produce types that are polythetic, even discussion of these measures, see Bailey (1974). fully polythetic. The results of quantitative proce- The next task of empirical typology construc- dures are generally not full typologies but reduced tion is to parsimoniously group the cases into form that include fewer than the potential maxi- homogeneous types. There are two chief ways to mum number of types. Such polythetic types can proceed. One can envision all N cases as forming a be seen as analogous to the result of subjecting full single type. This is maximally parsimonious but monothetic typologies to reduction (either prag- maximizes within-group or internal variance. Group- matic or arbitrary numerical). Thus, contempo- ing proceeds ‘‘from above’’ by dividing the cases rary typologists meet the need for reduction by into smaller groups that are more homogeneous. using quantitative methods. Any correlational This is called the divisive strategy. Divisive classifica- method of typology construction is by definition a tion generally proceeds by dividing the group on method of functional reduction. the basis of similarity on one or more variables, Further, the method usually will perform prag- either simultaneously or sequentially. According matic reduction along with the functional reduc- to Sokal and Sneath (1963, p. 16), divisive classifi- tion. Remember that pragmatic reduction col- cation is ‘‘inevitably largely monothetic.’’ lapses monothetic cells. The correlation coefficients The alternative strategy (the agglomerative strat- utilized in typological methods are never perfect. egy) is to envision the N cases as forming N separate The lower the correlations are, the more diverse groups of one case each. Then each group is the individuals in a group are. Placing diverse homogeneous (including only a single case), but individuals in one group is tantamount to collaps- parsimony is minimal. The strategy here is ‘‘classi- ing monothetic cells by means of pragmatic reduc- fication from below’’ by agglomerating or group- tion. Thus, there are two basic avenues for con- ing the most similar cases together, yielding some structing reduced types: Begin with monothetic loss of internal homogeneity but gaining parsi- types (such as ideal types) and subject them to the mony (as N groups are generally too unwieldy). various forms of reduction to yield polythetic types

3184 TYPOLOGIES or construct polythetic types directly by using large number of variables have a small number of quantitative methods. Thus, the qualitative and values that actually occur (Stinchcombe 1968, p. quantitative procedures can produce similar results. 47). A seventh merit is a typology’s ability to combine two or more variables in such a way that Given the breadth and diversity of sociological interaction effects can be analyzed (Stinchcombe typologies (for example, from quantitative to quali- 1968, pp. 46–47). tative procedures and from heuristic to empirical types), it is not surprising that there have been a number of criticisms of typologies. Some alleged TYPOLOGIES AND CONTINUOUS DATA problems are that typologies are not mutually exclusive and exhaustive, are treated as ends in A clear but sometimes unstated goal of scientific themselves rather than as means to an end, are not development is to move past simple, nominal- parsimonious, are based on arbitrary and ad hoc variable analysis to the use of complex continuous- criteria, are essentially static, rely on dichotomized data models by employing ratio or interval vari- rather than internally measured variables, yield ables. This has clearly been the case in sociology, types that are subject to reification, and are basi- which now depends on sophisticated regression cally descriptive rather than explanatory or predic- models that work best with ratio (or at least inter- tive. All these factors can be problems but are val) variables. Thus, some might argue that as relatively easy for a knowledgeable typologist to science moves away from types toward the use of avoid. The ones that cannot be easily avoided variables, typology construction becomes secondary. (such as the problem of cross-sectional data) often Although the logic of moving from a reliance are seen as general problems for sociology as a on types to a reliance on interval and ratio vari- whole and are not specific to typology construction. ables may seem irrefutable, this transition is not as smooth as some might wish. In fact, a number of obstacles to the transition from types to variables MERITS have arisen. Some researchers feel that once they Even if pitfalls remain, the merits of carefully have adopted sophisticated statistical techniques constructed typologies make them well worth the that use ratio variables, typologies are no longer effort. One of the chief merits of a typology is needed. The reasoning here is that typologies are parsimony. A researcher who is overwhelmed by chiefly descriptive, arise at an early level of scien- thousands or even millions of individual cases can tific analysis, and are essentially crude or unsophis- work comfortably with those cases when they are ticated formulations. In contrast, later models fo- grouped into a few main types. A related merit is cus on explanation and prediction rather than the emphasis on bringing simplicity and order out description. of complexity and chaos. A focus on the relative This notion belies the fact that science must homogeneity of types provides an emphasis on constantly develop new ideas and theories to re- order in contrast to the emphasis on diversity and generate itself. As it does so, it must repeat the complexity that is paramount in untyped phenom- process of providing sound typologies that facili- ena. A third merit of a full typology is its tate research by aiding in concept development comprehensiveness. There is no other tool avail- and clarification and provide a comprehensive able that can show not only all relevant dimensions overview. Thus, it is a dangerous myth to think that but also the relationships between them and the sociology has ‘‘outgrown’’ the need for typologies. categories created by the intersections. Such a In fact, new ideas, theories, and sociological areas typology shows the entire range of every variable of research continually require new typologies. and all their confluences. A fourth merit (as was Even researchers in older, more mature sociologi- noted above) is a typology’s use of a type or types cal areas that have based their theory and research for comparative purposes. A fifth merit is a typol- on inadequate typologies may find that the foun- ogy’s use as a heuristic tool to highlight the rele- dations of their field are crumbling, requiring new vant theoretical dimensions of a type. A sixth is a attempts to provide sound typological reinforcements. typology’s ability to show which cells have empiri- cal examples and which are empirically null. This In addition to the constant need for typological can aid in hypothesis testing, especially when a renewal and rejuvenation, some sociologists find

3185 TYPOLOGIES that attempts to move past types to sophisticated retically vacuous. This would be a classic case of statistical analyses of ratio variables are confronted the statistical tale wagging the theoretical dog. A with a bewildering array of obstacles. Contempo- wiser course is to recognize the complementarity rary sociological statisticians who wish to rely on between typologies and statistics. Statistics need ratio variables are faced with a classic paradox. On not be viewed as necessarily or inevitably supplant- the one hand, their regression models assume (or ing typologies; instead, each can be used when it even demand) at least interval, or ideally ratio, proves valuable. variables. On the other hand, sociological theory is The conclusion to this point is that sociologi- dependent on empirically important concepts, cal progress has not rendered typological analysis many of which are found to be essentially nominal obsolete by emphasizing statistical techniques such or ordinal in their measurement levels. These as multiple regression analysis. Thus, it may prove include central ascribed or achieved statuses such useful to look further at the epistemological foun- as gender, race, religion, geographic region, na- dations of contemporary sociology to see what the tionality, occupation, and political affiliation. role of typologies is in an era when statistical Other important variables, such as income, analysis dominates. Consider the gap between the education, and age, are more suitable for sophisti- language of theory construction and the language cated statistical models. However, even these vari- of statistical data analysis. Imagine that a sociolo- ables often are utilized theoretically in a limited gist is interested in the type concept of ‘‘undera- ordinal form (young–old, high income–low in- chiever’’ and defines it as a person who has the come, etc.). Thus, there may be an empirical dis- ability to achieve at a higher level than is actualized. juncture between the type of variable needed for When one substructs this type, it is clear that it regression analysis (or other modern statistical is formed from two dimensions: (1) individual techniques) and the type required by empirical ability and (2) individual achievement. The soci- sociological theory. Theory needs concepts such ologist can then theorize that an affluent child- as race, gender, and religion, and these concepts hood results in a particular type of personality. are more suited for typological analysis than for Individuals with that personality feel no pressing regression analysis. psychological need to achieve at a high level, since their needs continue to be met. This is an intri- This suggests two areas of future research. guing and ideographically rich sociological hy- One is to modify regression models to accommo- pothesis. It involves images of a living person who date categorical variables, and this has been done has a particular type of childhood that leads to a (Aldrich and Nelson 1984). However, such accom- particular type of adulthood. Thus, an earlier type modation may be costly, as it is unclear whether concept (‘‘the rich kid’’) evolves into a later type modified models operate efficiently or significantly concept (‘‘the underachiever’’). Conversely, one underestimate the degree of explained variance. could hypothesize that the type concept of ‘‘im- The second avenue is to rely more heavily on poverished youth’’ leads to the subsequent adult typological analysis. Although this may not seem concept of ‘‘overachiever.’’ as ‘‘sophisticated,’’ it may prove more compatible with theory and thus facilitate theoretical develop- The most direct way to test the hypothesis that ment more than statistical models do. the rich kid evolves into the adult underachiever is to identify a group of rich kids, follow them until adulthood, and then measure their subsequent TYPOLOGIES IN THE AGE OF STATISTICS achievement rates over a period of time. However, this is both tedious and time-consuming and is not If one has to choose between a sophisticated statis- the typical approach in social science. The most tical analysis with variables that are not central to common approach is to gather cross-sectional sur- sociological theory and a typological analysis that vey data and then conduct a statistical analysis on accommodates theoretically important variables, the data. It is simple to select the two salient it is foolish to rule out the latter in the name of variables of parental wealth and adult achieve- scientific progress. Such progress would be false if ment. Suppose one finds a negative correlation the use of sophisticated techniques proved theo- between parental wealth and adult achievement.

3186 TYPOLOGIES

Since a negative correlation of achievement with INTEGRATING TYPES AND TAXA wealth is not synonymous with the type concept of One way to bridge the dichotomy between theory underachievement, the data analysis is not ade- and statistical method is to link qualitative type quate to test the hypothesis. concepts with the empirical clusters derived quan- Even if the statistical analysis were sufficient to titatively through methods of numerical taxon- test the hypothesis, a mere correlation value (e.g., r omy. Following the lead of Bailey (1994), these are = .43) is very sterile and is isolated from both called taxa. As was noted above, types are gener- sociological reality and the richness of sociological ally conceptual, monothetic, and based on under- theory. It fails to convey the richness of the type- lying R-dimensions (although the cell entries are concept description. While the type referent for empirical objects). In contrast, taxa tend to be the type concept of ‘‘underachiever’’ is the holis- empirical, polythetic, and Q-analytic (based on tic, living human individual, the referents for the individuals). While the differences may seem to statistical analysis are the variables of wealth and mimic the differences between theory and statis- achievement, which seem artificially separated from tics discussed above, both types and taxa can be the sociological reality the theory refers to and the seen primarily as mirror images of each other and type concept manages to capture. thus as having structural similarities that allow a bridge to be built from one to the other. The unfortunate aspect of this for sociological development is that it leaves theory construction Since much theorizing is done in terms of and statistical analysis as two juxtaposed but sepa- types, a needed first step is to move from the realm rate entities with a clear disjuncture between them. of type concepts to the realm of empirical data This disjuncture results from the fact that theoriz- analysis. While this traditionally is accomplished ing is largely a conceptual undertaking. It involves by turning from theory to statistical analysis, an alternative is to link conceptually formed types both deductive and inductive reasoning, and its with statistically derived taxa. language is the holistic language of the individual actor. The prime theoretical referent is the object, The first task is to move from the conceptual not the variable. This object is usually the human to the empirical. As outlined in Bailey (1994, p. individual but can be an alternative object, such as 66), this is rather straightforward and merely in- a group, city, or country. In any event, the primary volves the identification of empirical cases for focus is on the object, with variables receiving a each conceptual cell. An example would be to secondary focus. However, even if variables have locate an actual ethnographic type such as ‘‘bindle the primary focus, the focus remains on both stiff’’ (Spradley and McCurdy, 1972). The empiri- object and the variables. cal cases found for each cell in a typology (such as Figure 1) are equivalent to the taxa formed through In statistics using R-analysis such as multiple cluster analysis. The second task in bridging the regression, the epistemological focus is quite dif- gap between types and taxa is converting from ferent. Here objects such as persons enter the monothetic to polythetic As was discussed above, analysis only as data carriers in the sample. As soon this can be achieved in various ways, such as as the R-matrix of correlations among variables is Lazarfeld’s (1937) process of pragmatic reduction. established, it suffices for the remainder of the The third task is to connect the R-analysis of types analysis. The result is that the individuals virtually with the Q-analysis of taxa. The easiest way to disappear from the picture except in those rare accomplish this is to use R-analysis for clustering. instances in sociology where Q-correlations are used. In the other direction—from taxa to types— Thus, theory and statistical analysis remain all the tasks are reversed and involve going from two separate paradigms within sociology rather empirical to conceptual, from poythetic to than two aspects of the same research process. monothetic, and from Q-analysis to R-analysis. This obviously hinders scientific progress sociol- Going from empirical to conceptual entails find- ogy and stands in stark contrast to the physical ing a concept to represent the statistically con- sciences, where theory and method are not sepa- structed group. For example, if the cluster analysis rated processes but are well integrated, enabling yields an empirical cluster composed primarily of much swifter progress. people who scored very high on an exam, one

3187 TYPOLOGIES could formulate the type concept of ‘‘high achiev- REFERENCES ers’’ to represent it. Aldenderfer, Mark S., and Roger K. Blashfield 1984 Cluster Analysis. Thousandd Oaks, Calif.: Sage. The second task involves going from polythetic to monothetic. Technically speaking, this entails Aldrich, John H., and Forrest D. Nelson 1984 Cluster Analysis. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage. changing a heterogeneous empirical grouping to a homogeneous grouping and cannot be accom- Bailey, Kenneth D. 1972 ‘‘Polythetic Reduction of plished empirically except somewhat artificially. Monothetic Property Space.’’ In Herbert L. Costner, For example, Lockhart and Hartman (1963) con- ed., Sociological Methodology 1972. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. structed monothetic clusters by discarding all the characters that varied within the group. This is ——— 1973 ‘‘Monothetic and Polythetic Typologies compensated for by the prior step, in which the and Their Relationship to Conceptualization, Mea- conceptual type concept monothetically represents surement, and Scaling.’’ American Sociological Review 38:18–33. the empirical polythetic taxa. The third task is to achieve R-analytic clustering by using R-correla- ——— 1974 ‘‘Cluster Analysis.’’ In David R. Heise, ed., tions rather than Q-correlations in the cluster Sociological Methodology 1975. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. analysis. ——— 1983 ‘‘Sociological Classification and Cluster Analysis.’’ Quality and Quantity 17:251–268. ——— 1989 ‘‘Taxonomy and Disaster: Prospects and CONCLUSION Problems.’’ International Journal of Mass Emergencies and Disasters 7:419–431. A well-constructed typology can bring order out of chaos. It can transform the overwhelming com- ——— 1993 ‘‘Strategies of Nucleus Formation in plexity of an apparently eclectic congeries of nu- Agglomerative Clustering Techniques.’’ Bulletin De merous apparently diverse cases into a well-or- Methodologie Sociologique 38:38–51. dered set of a few homogeneous types clearly ——— 1994 Typologies and Taxonomies: An Introduction situated in a property space of a few important to Classification Techniques. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage. dimensions. A sound typology forms a firm foun- Barton, Allen H. 1955 ‘‘The Concept of Property Space dation and provides direction for both theorizing in Social Research.’’ In Paul F. Lazarsfeld and Morris and empirical research. No other tool has as much Rosenberg, eds., The Language of Social Research. New power to simplify life for a sociologist. York: Free Press. Blalock, Herbert M. 1969 Theory Construction: From Ver- The task for the future is the further elabora- bal to Mathematical Formulations. Englewood Cliffs, tion of this crucial nexus between the qualitative N.J.: Prentice-Hall. and statistical approaches. This requires effort from sociologists with both theoretical and statisti- Butler, Edgar W., and Stuart N. Adams 1966 ‘‘Typologies of Delinquent Girls: Some Alternative Approaches.’’ cal talents. McKinney (1966, p. 49) recognizes the Social Forces 44:401–407. ‘‘complementary relationship of quantitative and typological procedures’’ and advocates ‘‘the emer- Capecchi, Vittorio 1966 ‘‘Typologies in Relation to gence of a number of social scientists who are Mathematical Models.’’ Ikon Suppl. No. 58:1–62. procedurally competent in both typology and sta- Costner, Herbert L. 1972 ‘‘Prologue.’’ In Herbert L. tistical techniques.’’ Costner (1972, p. xi) also rec- Costner, ed., Sociological Methodology 1972. San Fran- ognizes the basic unity of the qualitative and quan- cisco: Jossey-Bass. titative approaches to typology construction. Hudson, Herschel C., and associates (eds.) 1982 Classify- ing Social Data. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. For further information on typologies, see Capecchi (1966), Sokal and Sneath, (1963), Sneath Kreps, Gary A. (ed.) 1989 ‘‘The Boundaries of Disaster Research: Taxonomy and Comparative Research’’ and Sokal (1973), Bailey (1973, 1974, 1983, 1989, (Special Issue). International Journal of Mass Emergen- 1993, 1994), Hudson et al. (1982), Aldenderfer cies and Disasters 7:213–431. and Blashfield (1984), and Kreps (1989). Lazarsfeld, Paul F. 1937 ‘‘Some Remarks on the Typological Procedures in Social Research.’’ Zeitschrift fūr Sozial- (SEE ALSO: Levels of Analysis; Tabular Analysis) forschung 6:119–139.

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Lockhart, W. R., and P. A. Hartman 1963 ‘‘Formation of Stinchcombe, Arthur L. 1968 Constructing Social Theo- Monothetic Groups in Quantitative Bacterial Taxon- ries. New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World. omy.’’ Journal of Bacteriology 85:68–77. Tiryakian, Edward A. 1968 ‘‘Typologies.’’ In David L. Martindale, Don 1960 The Nature and Types of Sociologi- Sills, ed., International Encyclopedia of the Social Sci- cal Theory. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. ences. New York: Macmillan and Free Press. McKinney, John C. 1966 Constructive Typology and Social Tönnies, Ferdinand 1957 Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft, Theory. New York: Appleton, Century, Crofts. trans. and ed. C. P. Loomis. East Lansing: Michigan Simpson, George G. 1961 Principles of Animal Taxonomy. State University Press. New York: Columbia University Press. Weber, Max 1947 Theory of Social and Economic Organiza- Sneath, Peter H. A., and Robert R. Sokal 1973 Numerical tion. A. R. Henderson and Talcott Parsons, trans., Taxonomy: The Principles and Practice of Numerical and Talcott Parsons, ed. New York: Free Press. Classification. San Francisco: Freeman. Sokal, Robert R., and Peter H. A. Sneath 1963 Principles Winch, Robert F. 1947 ‘‘Heuristic and Empirical Typologies: of Numerical Taxonomy. San Francisco: Freeman. A Job for Factor Analysis.’’ American Sociological Re- view 12:68–75. Spradley, James P., and David W. McCurdy 1972 The Cultural Experience: Ethnography in Complex Society. Chicago: Science Research Associates. KENNETH D. BAILEY

3189 U

UNIONS ences do urban living make, and why do those differences exist? What consequences does the See Labor Movements and Unions; Industrial increasing size of human concentrations have for Sociology. human beings, their social worlds, and their environment? Students of the urban scene have long been URBAN SOCIOLOGY interested in the emergence of cities (Childe 1950), Urban sociology studies human groups in a terri- how cities grow and change (Weber 1899), and torial frame of reference. In this field, social or- unique ways of life associated with city living (Wirth ganization is the major focus of inquiry, with an 1938). These classic treatments have historical emphasis on the interplay between social and spa- value for understanding the nature of pre-twenti- tial organization and the ways in which changes in eth-century cities, their determinants, and their spatial organization affect social and psychological human consequences, but comparative analysis of well being. A wide variety of interests are tied contemporary urbanization processes leads Berry together by a common curiosity about the chang- (1981, p. xv) to conclude that ‘‘what is apparent is ing dynamics, determinants, and consequences of an accelerating change in the nature of change urban society’s most characteristic form of settle- itself, speedily rendering not-yet-conventional wis- ment: the city. dom inappropriate at best.’’ Scholars recognized early that urbanization is Urban sociologists use several different ap- accompanied by dramatic structural, cognitive, proaches to the notion of community to capture and behavioral changes. Classic sociologists changes in how individual urbanites are tied to- (Durkheim, Weber, Toinnes, Marx) delineated the gether into meaningful social groups and how differences in institutional forms that seemed to those groups are tied to other social groups in the accompany the dual processes of urbanization and broader territory they occupy. An interactional industrialization as rural-agrarian societies were community is indicated by networks of routine, transformed into urban-industrial societies (see face-to-face primary interaction among the mem- Table 1). bers of a group. This is most evident among close friends and in families, tribes, and closely knit Several key questions that guide contempo- locality groups. An ecological community is delim- rary research are derived from this tradition: How ited by routine patterns of activity that its mem- are human communities organized? What forces bers engage in to meet the basic requirements of produce revolutionary transformations in human daily life. It corresponds with the territory over settlement patterns? What organizational forms which the group ranges in performing necessary accompany these transformations? What differ- activities such as work, sleep, shopping, education,

3191 URBAN SOCIOLOGY

Classic Contrasts Between Urban and Rural Societies

Institution Urban-Industrial Rural-Agrarian Agreements Contractual Personal Authority Bureaucratic Paternalistic Communication Secondary Primary Integrative mechanism Specialization Common experience Normative standards Universalistic Particularistic Normative structure Anomic Integrated Problem solution Rational Traditional Production Manufacturing Agriculture Social control Restitutive Repressive Social relations Segmentalized All encompassing Socialization Formal Informal Stratification Achieved status Ascribed status Values Money and power Family World views Secular Sacred

Table 1 and recreation. Compositional communities are are integrated into meaningful social groups clusters of people who share common social char- (Fischer 1984). acteristics. People of similar race, social status, or The sociocultural tradition suggests that cul- family characteristics, for example, form a compo- tural values derive from socialization into a variety sitional community. A symbolic community is de- of subcultures and are relatively undisturbed by fined by a commonality of beliefs and attitudes changes in ecological processes. Different subcul- among its members. Its members view themselves tures select, are forced into, or unwittingly drift as belonging to the group and are committed to it. into different areas that come to exhibit the char- Research on the general issue of how these acteristics of a particular subculture (Gans 1962). forms of organization change as cities grow has Fischer (1975) combines the ecological and spawned a voluminous literature. An ecological subcultural perspectives by suggesting that size, perspective and a sociocultural perspective guide density, and heterogeneity are important but that two major research traditions. Ecological stud- they produce integrated subcultures rather than ies focus on the role of economic competition fostering alienation and community disorganiza- in shaping the urban environment. Ecological and tion. Size provides the critical masses necessary for compositional communities are analyzed in an viable unconventional subcultures to form. With attempt to describe and generalize about urban increased variability in the subcultural mix in ur- forms and the processes of urban growth ban areas, subcultures become more intensified as (Hawley 1981). they defend their ways of life against the broad array of others in the environment. The more Sociocultural studies emphasize the impor- subcultures, the more diffusion of cultural ele- tance of cultural, psychological, and other social ments, and the greater the likelihood of new sub- dimensions of urban life. These studies focus on cultures emerging, creating the ever-changing mo- the interactional and symbolic communities that saic of unconventional subcultures that most characterize the urban setting (Wellman and distinguishes large places from small ones. Leighton 1979; Suttles 1972). Empirical approaches to urban organization Early theoretical work suggested that the most vary according to the unit of analysis and what is evident consequence of the increasing size, den- being observed. Patterns of activity (e.g., commut- sity, and heterogeneity of human settlements was a ing, retail sales, crime) and characteristics of peo- breakdown of social ties, a decline in the family, ple (e.g., age, race, income, household composi- alienation, an erosion of moral codes, and social tion) most commonly are derived from government disorganization (Wirth 1938). Later empirical re- reports for units of analysis as small as city blocks search has clearly shown that in general, urbanites and as large as metropolitan areas. These types of

3192 URBAN SOCIOLOGY data are used to develop general principles of Technological advances allow people to expand organization and change in urban systems. Gen- and redefine the nature of the relevant environ- eral questions range from how certain activities ment and therefore influence the forms of com- and characteristics come to be organized in par- munity organization that populations develop (Dun- ticular ways in space to why certain locales exhibit can 1973). particular characteristics and activities. Territorial frameworks for the analysis of urban systems in- In the last half of the twentieth century, there clude neighborhoods, community areas, cities, ur- were revolutionary transformations in the size and ban areas, metropolitan regions, nations, and nature of human settlements and the nature of the the world. interrelationships among them (Table 3). The glo- bal population ‘‘explosion’’ created by an unprece- Observations of networks of interaction (e.g., dented rapid decline in human mortality in less visiting patterns, helping networks) and symbolic developed regions of the world after 1950 pro- meanings of people (e.g., alienation, values, vided the additional people necessary for this worldviews) are less systematically available be- population ‘‘implosion:’’ the rapid increase in the cause social surveys are more appropriate for ob- size and number of human agglomerations of taining this kind of information. Consequently, unprecedented size. Urban sociology attempts to less is known about these dimensions of commu- understand the determinants and consequences nity than is desirable. of this transformation. It is clear that territoriality has waned as an The urbanization process involves an expan- integrative force and that new forms of extralocal sion in the entire system of interrelationships by community have emerged. High mobility, an ex- which a population maintains itself in its habitat panded scale of organization, and an increased (Hawley 1981, p. 12). The most evident conse- range and volume of communication flow coa- quences of the process and the most common lesce to alter the forms of social groups and their measures of it are an increase in the number of organization in space (Greer 1962). With modern people at points of population concentration, an communication and transportation technology, as increase in the number of points at which popula- exists in the United States today, space becomes tion is concentrated, or both (Eldridge 1956). less of an organizing principle and new forms of Theories of urbanization attempt to understand territorial organization emerge that reflect the how human settlement patterns change as tech- power of large-scale corporate organization and nology expands the scale of social systems. the federal government in shaping urban social and spatial organization (Gottdiener 1985). Because technological regimes, population growth mechanisms, and environmental contin- Hawley’s (1950, 1981) ecological approach to gencies change over time and vary in different the study of urban communities serves as the regions of the world, variations in the pattern of major paradigm in contemporary research. This distribution of human settlements generally can approach views social organization as developing be understood by attending to these related proc- in response to basic problems of existence that all esses. In the literature on urbanization, an interest populations face in adapting to their environ- in the organizational forms of systems of cities is ments. The urban community is conceptualized as complemented by an interest in how growth is the complex system of interdependence that de- accommodated in cities through changes in den- velops as a population collectively adapts to an sity gradients, the location of socially meaningful environment, using whatever technology is avail- population subgroups, and patterns of urban ac- able. Population, environment, technology, and tivities. Although the expansion of cities has been social organization interact to produce various the historical focus in describing the urbanization forms of human communities at different times process, revolutionary developments in transpor- and in different places (Table 2). Population is tation, communication, and information technol- conceptualized as an organized group of humans ogy in the last fifty years expanded the scale of that function routinely as a unit; the environment urban systems and directed attention toward the is defined as everything that is external to the broader system of the form of organization in population, including other organized social groups. which cities emerge and grow.

3193 URBAN SOCIOLOGY

Comparative Urban Features of Major World Regions

Basic Nineteenth Century Twentieth Century Third Postwar Feature North America North America World Europe Summary Concentrated Spread out Constrained Planned Size 1–2 million 14 million 19 million 8 million Density High Low Medium High Timing 250 years Emergent Very rapid Very slow long period no pressure since 1950s stationary Scale Regional Inter-metro Global and National and local and global local and local City system Rank size Daily urban Primate Rank size regional national national national Occupations Secondary Tertiary Family Diverse manufacture services and corporate mixture Spatial mix Zone-sector Mutlinodal Reverse Overlayed core focus mosaic zonal mixed use Rural–urban differences Great Narrow Medium Narrow in all areas and declining and growing except work Status mix Diverse High overall Bifurcated Medium hierarchical poor pockets high % poor compacted Migration Heavy rural-urban Inter-metro Heavy rural-urban Foreign and foreign and foreign circulation skilled Planning Laissez-faire Decentral, Centralized, Decentral, capitalism ineffective ineffective effective

Table 2

SOURCE: Abstracted from Berry 1981.

Much research on the urbanization process is and federal housing policy allowed metropolitan descriptive in nature, with an emphasis on identi- growth to be absorbed by sprawl instead of by fying and measuring patterns of change in demo- increased congestion at the center. graphic and social organization in a territorial frame of reference. Territorially circumscribed As the scale of territorial organization in- environments employed as units of analysis in- creased, so did the physical distances between clude administrative units (villages, cities, coun- black and white, rich and poor, young and old, and ties, states, nations), population concentrations other meaningful population subgroups. The In- (places, agglomerations, urbanized areas), and net- dex of Dissimilarity measures the degree of segre- works of interdependency (neighborhoods, met- gation between two groups by computing the per- ropolitan areas, daily urban systems, city systems, centage of one group that would have to reside on the earth). a different city block for it to have the same proportional distribution across urban space as The American urban system is suburbanizing the group to which it is being compared (Taeuber and deconcentrating. One measure of suburbani- and Taeuber 1965). Although there has been some zation is the ratio of the rate of growth in the ring decline in indices of dissimilarity between black to that in the central city over a decade (Schnore and white Americans since the 1960s, partly as a 1959). While some Metropolitan Statistical Areas result of increasing black suburbanization, the (MSAs) began suburbanizing in the late 1800s, the index for the fifteen most segregated MSAs in greatest rates for the majority of places occurred 1990 remained at or above 80, meaning that 80 in the 1950s and 1960s. Widespread use of the percent or more of the blacks would have had to automobile, inexpensive energy, the efficient pro- live on different city blocks to have the same duction of materials for residential infrastructure, distribution in space as whites; thus, a very high

3194 URBAN SOCIOLOGY

Population of World's Largest Metropolises (in millions), 1950–2000 and Percent Change, 1950–2000

Metropolis 1950 2000 % Change Mexico City, Mexico 3.1 26.3 748 Sao Paulo, Brazil 2.8 24.0 757 Tokyo/Yokohama, Japan 6.7 17.1 155 Calcutta, India 4.4 16.6 277 Greater Bombay, India 2.9 16.0 452 New York/northeastern N.J., USA 12.4 15.5 25 Seoul, Republic of Korea 1.1 13.5 113 Shanghai, China 10.3 13.5 31 Rio de Janeiro, Brazil 3.5 13.3 280 Delhi, India 1.4 13.2 843 Greater Buenos Aires, Argentina 5.3 13.2 149 Cairo/Giza/Imbaba, Egypt 2.5 13.2 428 Jakarta, Indonesia 1.8 12.8 611 Baghdad, Iraq 0.6 12.8 2033 Teheran, Iran 0.9 12.7 1311 Karachi, Pakistan 1.0 12.1 1110 Istanbul, Turkey 1.0 11.9 1090 Los Angeles/Long Beach, Cailf., USA 4.1 11.2 173 Dacca, Bangladesh 0.4 11.2 2700 Manila, Philippines 1.6 11.1 594 Beijing (Peking), China 6.7 10.8 61 Moscow, USSR 4.8 10.1 110 Total world population 2,500 6,300 152

Table 3

SOURCE: Adapted from Dogan and Kasarda (1988b) Table 1.2. degree of residential segregation remains. Although whether new growth nodes are developing in there is great social status diversity in central cities nonmetropolitan areas. and increasing diversity in suburban rings, disad- The American urban system is undergoing vantaged and minority populations are overrepre- major changes as a result of shifts from a manufac- sented in central cities, while the better educated turing economy to a service economy, the aging of and more affluent are overrepresented in subur- the population, and an expansion of organiza- ban rings. tional scale from regional and national to global A related process—deconcentration—involves decision making. Older industrial cities in the a shedding of urban activities at the center and is Northeast and Midwest lost population as the indicated by greater growth in employment and locus of economic activity shifted from heavy manu- office space in the ring than in the central city. This facturing to information and residentiary services. process was under way by the mid-1970s and con- Cities in Florida, Arizona, California, and the North- tinued unabated through the 1980s. A surprising west have received growing numbers of retirees turn of events in the late 1970s was signaled by seeking environmental, recreational, and medical mounting evidence that nonmetropolitan coun- amenities that are not tied to economic produc- ties were, for the first time since the Depres- tion. Investment decisions regarding the location sion of the 1930s, growing more rapidly than of office complexes, the factories of the future, are were metropolitan counties (Lichter and Fuguitt made more on the basis of the availability of an 1982). This process has been referred to as educated labor pool, favorable tax treatment, and ‘‘deurbanization’’ and ‘‘the nonmetropolitan turna- the availability of amenities than on the basis of the round.’’ It is unclear whether this trend represents access to raw materials that underpinned the ur- an enlargement of the scale of metropolitan or- banization process through the middle of the twenti- ganization to encompass more remote counties or eth century.

3195 URBAN SOCIOLOGY

The same shifts are reflected in the internal the residents of remote rural areas are mostly reorganization of American cities. The scale of ‘‘urban’’ in their activities and outlook. local communities has expanded from the central business district–oriented city to the multinodal In contrast, many residents of uncontrolled metropolis. Daily commuting patterns are shifting developments on the fringes of emerging megacities from radial trips between bedroom suburbs and in less developed countries are practically isolated workplaces in the central city to lateral trips among from the urban center and live much as they have highly differentiated subareas throughout urban for generations. Over a third of the people in the regions. Urban villages with affluent residences, largest cities in India were born elsewhere, and the high-end retail minimalls, and office complexes maintenance of rural ways of life in those cities is are emerging in nonmetropolitan counties be- common because of a lack of urban employment, yond the reach of metropolitan political constraints, the persistence of village kinship ties, and seasonal creating even greater segregation between the circulatory migration to rural areas. Although In- most and least affluent Americans dia has three of the ten largest cities in the world, it remains decidedly rural, with 75 percent of the Deteriorating residential and warehousing dis- population residing in agriculturally oriented vil- tricts adjacent to new downtown office complexes lages (Nagpaul 1988). are being rehabilitated for residential use by child- less professionals, or ‘‘gentry.’’ The process of The pace and direction of the urbanization gentrification, or the invasion of lower-status dete- process are closely tied to technological advances. riorating neighborhoods of absentee-owned rental As industrialization proceeded in western Europe housing by middle- to upper-status home or con- and the United States over a 300-year period, an dominium owners, is driven by a desire for accessi- urban system emerged that reflected the interplay bility to nearby white-collar jobs and cultural ameni- between the development of city-centered heavy ties as well as by the relatively high costs of suburban industry and requirements for energy and raw housing, which have been pushed up by compet- materials from regional hinterlands. The form of ing demand in these rapidly growing metropolitan city systems that emerged has been described as areas. Although the number of people involved in rank-size. Cities in that type of system form a gentrification is too small to have reversed the hierarchy of places from large to small in which the overall decline of central cities, the return of afflu- number of places of a given size decreases propor- ent middle-class residents has reduced segregation tionally to the size of the place. Larger places are to some extent. Gentrification reclaims deterio- fewer in number, are more widely spaced, and rated neighborhoods, but it also results in the offer more specialized goods and services than do displacement of the poor, who have no place else smaller places (Christaller 1933). to live at rents they can afford (Feagin and Parker 1990). City systems that emerged in less industrial- The extent to which dispersed population is ized nations are primate in character. In a primate involved in urban systems is quite variable. An system, the largest cities absorb far more than estimated 90 percent of the American population their share of societal population growth. Sharp now lives in a daily urban system (DUS). These breaks exist in the size hierarchy of places, with units are constructed from counties that are allo- one or two very large, several medium-sized, and cated to economic centers on the basis of commut- many very small places. Rapid declines in mortality ing patterns and economic interdependence. The beginning in the 1950s, coupled with traditionally residents of a DUS are closely tied together by high fertility, created unprecedented rates of popu- efficient transportation and communication tech- lation growth. Primate city systems developed with nology. Each DUS has a minimum population of an orientation toward the exportation of raw ma- 200,000 in its labor shed and constitutes ‘‘a terials to the industrialized world rather than manu- multinode, multiconnective system [which] has facturing and the development of local markets. replaced the core dominated metropolis as the As economic development proceeds, it occurs pri- basic urban unit’’ (Berry and Kasarda 1977, p. marily in the large primate cities, with very low 304). Less than 4 percent of the American labor rates of economic growth in rural areas. Conse- force is engaged in agricultural occupations. Even quently, nearly all the excess of births over deaths

3196 URBAN SOCIOLOGY in the nation is absorbed by the large cities, which Christaller, W. 1933 Central Places in Southern Germany, are more integrated into the emerging global ur- transl. C. W. Baskin. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Pren- ban system (Dogan and Kasarda 1988a). tice-Hall. Dogan, Mattei, and John D. Kasarda 1988a The Metropo- Megacities of over 10 million population are a lis Era: A World of Giant Cities, vol. 1. Newbury Park, very recent phenomenon, and their number is Calif.: Sage. increasing rapidly. Their emergence can be under- ——— 1988b. ‘‘Introduction: How Giant Cities Will stood only in the context of a globally interdepen- Multiply and Grow.’’ In Mattei Dogan and John D. dent system of relationships. The territorial bounds Kasarda, eds., The Metropolis Era: A World of Giant of the relevant environment to which population Cities, vol. 1. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage. collectively adapts have expanded from the imme- Duncan, Otis Dudley 1973 ‘‘From Social System to diate hinterland to the entire world in only half a Ecosystem.’’ In Michael Micklin, ed., Population, En- century. vironment, and Social Organization: Current Issues in Human Ecology Hinsdale, Ill.: Dryden. Convergence theory suggests that cities through- out the would will come to exhibit organizational Eldridge, Hope Tisdale 1956 ‘‘The Process of Urbaniza- forms increasingly similar to one another, con- tion.’’ In J. J. Spengler and O. D. Duncan, eds., Demographic Analysis. Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. verging on the North American pattern, as tech- nology becomes more accessible globally (Young Feagin, Joe R., and Robert Parker 1990 Building Ameri- and Young 1962). Divergence theory suggests that can Cities: The Urban Real Estate Game, 2nd ed. increasingly divergent forms of urban organiza- Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. tion are likely to emerge as a result of differences Fischer, Claude S. 1975 ‘‘Toward a Subcultural The- in the timing and pace of the urbanization process, ory of Urbanism.’’ American Journal of Sociology differences in the positions of cities in the global 80:1319–1341. system, and the increasing effectiveness of deliber- ——— 1984 The Urban Experience. San Diego: Harcourt ate planning of the urbanization process by cen- Brace Jovanovich. tralized governments holding differing values and Gans, Herbert J. 1962 ‘‘Urbanism and Suburbanism as therefore pursuing a variety of goals for the future Ways of life: A Reevaluation of Definitions.’’ In A. M. (Berry 1981). Rose, ed., Human Behavior and Social Processes. Bos- ton: Houghton Mifflin. The importance of understanding this process Gottdiener, Mark 1985 The Social Production of Urban is suggested by Hawley (1981, p. 13): ‘‘Urbaniza- Space. Austin: University of Texas Press. tion is a transformation of society, the effects of which penetrate every sphere of personal and Greer, Scott 1962 The Emerging City. New York: Free Press. collective life. It affects the status of the individual Hawley, Amos H. 1950 Human Ecology: A Theory of and opportunities for advancement, it alters the Community Structure. New York: Ronald. types of social units in which people group them- ——— 1981 Urban Society: An Ecological Approach. New selves, and it sorts people into new and shifting York: Wiley. patterns of stratification. The distribution of power Kleniewski, Nancy 1997 Cities, Change, and Conflict: A is altered, normal social processes are reconstituted, Political Economy of Urban Life. Belmont, Calif.: and the rules and norms by which behavior is Wadsworth. guided are redesigned.’’ Lichter, Daniel T., and Glenn V. Fuguitt 1982 ‘‘The Transition to Nonmetropolitan Population Decon- centration.’’ Demography 19:211–221. REFERENCES Nagpaul, Hans 1988 ‘‘India’s Giant Cities.’’ In Mattei Berry, Brian J. L. 1981. Comparative Urbanization: Diver- Dogan and John D. Kasarda, eds., The Metropolis Era: gent Paths in the Twentieth Century. New York: St. A World of Giant Cities, vol. 1. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage. Martins. Palen, J. John 1997 The Urban World. New York: Mc- ———, and John D. Kasarda 1977 Contemporary Urban Graw-Hill. Ecology. New York: Macmillan. Schnore, Leo F. 1959 ‘‘The Timing of Metropolitan Childe, V. Gordon 1950 ‘‘The Urban Revolution.’’ Town Decentralization.’’ Journal of the American Institute of Planning Review 21:4–7. Planners 25:200–206.

3197 URBAN UNDERCLASS

Suttles, Gerald 1972 The Social Construction of Communi- Disappears. Building on his earlier treatise The ties. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Truly Disadvantaged (1987), Wilson links the ori- Taeuber, Karl E., and Alma F. Taeuber 1965 Negroes in gins and growth of the urban underclass to the Cities: Residential Segregation and Neighborhood Change. structure of opportunities and constraints in Ameri- Chicago: Aldine. can society. Its roots are hypothesized to lie in Weber, Adna F. 1899 The Growth of Cities in the Nine- historical discrimination and the mass migration teenth Century. New York: Columbia University Press. of African-Americans to northern cities in the first half of the twentieth century. Its more recent Wellman, B., and B. Leighton 1979 ‘‘Networks, Neigh- borhoods and Communities: Approaches to the Study growth and experiences are posited to have re- of the Community Question.’’ Urban Affairs Quarterly sulted from industrial restructuring and geographic 15:369–393. changes in metropolitan economies since the 1960s, in particular the economic transformation of ma- Wirth, Louis 1938 ‘‘Urbanism as a Way of Life.’’ Ameri- can Journal of Sociology 44:1–24. jor cities from centers of goods processing to centers of information processing and the reloca- Young, Frank, and Ruth Young 1962 ‘‘The Sequence tion of blue-collar jobs to the suburbs. These and Direction of Community Growth: A Cross-Cul- changes led to sharp increases in joblessness among tural Generalization.’’ Rural Sociology 27:374–386. racially and economically segregated African-Ameri- cans who had neither the skills to participate in LEE J. HAGGERTY new urban growth industries nor the transporta- tion or financial means to commute or relocate to the suburbs. Rapidly rising joblessness among in- URBAN UNDERCLASS ner-city African-Americans, together with selective outmigration of the nonpoor, in turn caused the No social science concept has generated more high concentrations of poverty and related social discussion and controversy in recent years than problems that characterize the urban underclass that of the urban underclass. Some argue that it is (see also Kasarda 1985, 1989; Wilson 1991; little more than a pithy and stigmatizing term Hughes, 1993). for the poor people who have always existed in stratified societies (Gans 1990; Jencks 1989; Katz Alternative views on the cause of the underclass 1989; McGahey 1982). Others contend that the appear in the works of Murray (1984), Mead (1988), underclass is a distinct and recent phenomenon, and Magnet (1993). These conservative scholars reflecting extreme marginalization from main- view underclass behaviors as rational adaptations stream economic institutions and aberrant behav- to the perverse incentives offered by government ior (drug abuse, violent crime, out-of-wedlock welfare programs that discourage work and a lack births), that reached catastrophic proportions in of personal responsibility among many for actions the inner cities by the early 1980s (Glasow 1980; harmful to themselves and others. Abetted by well- Auletta 1982; Reischauer 1987; Nathan 1987; intentioned but misguided public programs, job- Wilson 1987, 1996). Among the multifaceted, sub- lessness and persistent poverty are seen more as jective, and often ambiguous definitions of the the consequences of deviant behaviors than as the urban underclass, most all include the notions of causes of those behaviors. For an elaboration of weak labor-force attachment and persistently low these competing views and a partial empirical income ( Jencks and Peterson 1991; Sjoquist 1990). assessment, see Kasarda and Ting (1996). Indeed, the first scholar who introduced the term Measurement of the size of the underclass ‘‘underclass’’ in literature characterized its mem- varies as much as explanations of its causes. A bers as an emergent substratum of the perma- number of researchers have focused on individual- nently unemployed, the unemployable and the level indicators of persistent poverty, defined as underemployed (Myrdal 1962). those who are poor for spells from n to n + x years Widely differing interpretations of the causes (Levy 1977; Duncan et al. 1984; Bane and Ellwood of the presence of an underclass have been of- 1986) and long-term Aid to Families with Depend- fered, ranging from Marxist to social Darwinist. ent Children (AFDC) recipients (Gottschalk and The most influential contemporary analysis of the Danziger 1987). In an empirical study, Levy (1977) urban underclass is Wilson’s (1996) When Work estimated that approximately eleven million Ameri-

3198 URBAN UNDERCLASS cans were persistently poor for at least five years. dropout, joblessness, female-headed families, and When the underclass was defined as those who welfare dependency. Using a composite definition were not need persistently poor for eight or more in which tracts must fall at least one standard years, six million people were found in that cate- deviation above the national mean on all four gory (Duncan et al. 1984). This represented ap- characteristics, they found that approximately 2.5 proximately one-fifth of the thirty-two million million people lived in those tracts in 1980 and Americans living in poor households in 1988 (Mincy that those tracts were disproportionately located et al. 1990). in major cities in the Northeast and Midwest. They reported that in underclass tracts, on average, 63 Another measurement strategy focuses on the percent of the resident adults had less than a high geographic concentration of the poor. Using the school education, 60 percent of the families with U.S. Bureau of the Census tract-level definitions of children were headed by women, 56 percent of the local poverty areas, Reischauer (1987) reported adult men were not regularly employed, and 34 that among the population living in such poverty percent of the households received public assis- areas, the central cities housed over half in 1985, tance. Their research also revealed that although up from one-third in 1972. Jargowsky (1997) docu- the total poverty population grew only 8 percent mented that along with the growth of poverty between 1970 and 1980, the number of people populations in metropolitan areas, the number of living in underclass areas grew 230 percent, from high poverty areas (defined as census tracts con- 752,000 to 2,484,000. taining at least 40 percent poor people) more than doubled between 1970 and 1990. The number of Mincy and Wiener (1993) and Kasarda (1993) African-Americans living in high-poverty areas, updated Ricketts and Sawhill’s analysis by using mostly segregated ghettos, climbed from 2.4 mil- 1990 census tract data. Both found that the num- lion to 4.2 million in that period, far outpacing ber and concentration of persons living in tracts other minority groups. By 1990, 34 percent of with disproportionately high rates of problem at- poor African-Americans in metropolitan areas re- tributes continued to rise in the 1980s, although sided in high-poverty census tracts (see also not nearly as much as it did in the 1970s. Kasarda 1993). These location-based aggregate measures of Massey and Denton (1993) present an analysis underclass populations have been criticized on the and simulations that lead them to conclude that grounds that aside from race, most urban census concentrated poverty can be explained largely by tracts are quite heterogeneous along economic two basic factors: the degree of spatial segregation and social dimensions. Jencks (1989; Jencks and of a racial group and the group’s overall poverty Peterson 1991), for example, observes that with rate. Their analysis and conclusion sparked heated the exception of tracts made up of public housing debates over racial versus economic segregation projects, there is considerable diversity in resi- explanations ( Jargowsky 1997). dents’ income and education levels, joblessness, As was noted above, the concept of the underclass and public assistance recipiency in even the poor- typically is considered to entail more than poverty. est urban neighborhoods. Conversely, consider- It also is posited to incorporate geographically able numbers of urban residents who are poor, concentrated behavioral characteristics that con- jobless, and welfare-dependent live in census tracts flict with mainstream values: joblessness, out-of- where fewer than 20 percent of the families fall wedlock births, welfare dependency, dropping out below the poverty line. of school, drug abuse, and illicit activities. Nevertheless, while most scholars concur that While considerable debate continues to sur- behaviors linked to underclass definitions and round definitions and even the existence of the measurements are found throughout society, it is underclass, attempts have been made to measure the concentration of these behaviors in economically its size by using aggregated ‘‘behavioral’’ indica- declining inner-city areas that is said to distinguish tors derived from census tract data. Ricketts and the underclass from previously impoverished ur- Sawhill (1988) measured the underclass as people ban subgroups. Geographic concentration is ar- living in neighborhoods whose residents in 1980 gued to magnify social problems and accelerate exhibited disproportionately high rates of school their spread to nearby households through social

3199 URBAN UNDERCLASS contagion, peer pressure, and imitative behavior Success. Chicago and London: University of Chi- (Wilson 1987, 1996). The members of economically cago Press. stable households selectively flee the neighbor- Gans, Herbert J. 1990 ‘‘Deconstructing the Underclass: hood to avoid these problems. Left behind in The Term’s Danger as a Planning Concept.’’ Journal increasingly isolated concentrations are those with of the American Planning Association, pp. 271–277. the least to offer in terms of marketable skills, role Glasgow, Douglas G. 1980 The Black Underclass: Poverty, models, and familial stability. The result is a spiral Unemployment, and Entrapment of Ghetto Youth. San of negative social and economic outcomes for Francisco: Jossey-Bass. those neighborhoods and the households that remain. Gottschalk, P., and S. Danziger 1987 Testimony on Incorporating the effects of neighborhoods poverty, hunger, and the welfare system, August 5, and social transmission processes means that the 1986. Hearing before the Select Committee on Hunger, House of Representatives, 99th Cong., 2nd Sess., Ser. future research agenda on the urban underclass No. 23. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Print- will be qualitative as well as quantitative in ap- ing Office. proach. Ethnographic studies of underclass neigh- borhoods, family structures, and individual behav- Hughes, Mark Alan 1993 Over the Horizon: Jobs in the Suburbs of Major Metropolitan Areas. Philadelphia: Pub- iors will complement growing numbers of surveys lic/Private Ventures. on and sophisticated statistical analyses of the persistence and intergenerational transfer of ur- Jargowsky, Paul A. 1997 Poverty and Place: Ghettos, Barrios, ban poverty (see Anderson 1990, 1994; Furstenberg and the American City. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. et al. 1999). Additionally more comparative stud- ies will assess similarities to and differences from Jencks, Christopher 1989 ‘‘What Is the Underclass— the American case in European, Latin American, and Is It Growing?’’ Focus 12:14–31. and Asian cities. The root of this work stretches ———, and Paul Peterson, eds. 1991 The Urban Underclass. deep, building on classic culture of poverty (Lewis Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. 1966) and social and economic marginalization Kasarda, John D. 1985 ‘‘Urban Change and Minority theses (Clark 1965). Opportunities.’’ In Paul Peterson, ed., The New Ur- ban Reality. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution.

(SEE ALSO: Cities; Community; Poverty; Segregation and ——— 1989 ‘‘Urban Industrial Transition and the Desegregation; Urbanization; Urban Sociology) Underclass.’’ Annals of the American Academy of Politi- cal and Social Sciences 501:26–47. ——— 1993 ‘‘Inner City Concentrated Poverty and REFERENCES Neighborhood Distress: 1970 to 1990.’’ Housing Pol- Anderson, Elijah 1990 Street Wise: Race, Class, and Change icy Debate 4(3):253–302. in an Urban Community. Chicago: University of Chi- ———, and Kwok-Fai Ting 1996 ‘‘Joblessness and Pov- cago Press. erty in America’s Central Cities: Causes and Policy ——— 1994 ‘‘The Code on the Streets.’’ Atlantic Monthly, Prescriptions.’’ Housing Policy Debate 7(2):387–419. May, pp. 81–94. Katz, Michael 1989 The Undeserving Poor: From the War Auletta, Ken 1982 The Underclass. New York: Ran- on Poverty to the War on Welfare. New York: Pantheon. dom House. Levy, Frank 1977 ‘‘How Big Is the American Underclass?’’ Bane, Mary Jo, and David Ellwood 1986 ‘‘Slipping into Washington, D.C.: Urban Institute. and out of Poverty: The Dynamics of Spells.’’ Journal Lewis, Oscar 1966 La Vida: A Puerto Rican Family in the of Human Resources 21:1–23. Culture of Poverty—San Juan and New York. New York: Clark, Kenneth B. 1965 Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social Random House. Power. New York: Harper & Row. Magnet, Myron 1993 The Dream and the Nightmare: The Duncan, G. J., R. D. Coe, and M. S. Hill 1984 In Years of Sixties’ Legacy to the Underclass. New York: Morrow. Poverty, Years of Plenty. Ann Arbor: Institute of Social Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy Denton 1993 American Research, University of Michigan. Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass. Furstenberg, Frank F., Jr., Thomas D Cook, Jacquelynne Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Eccles, Glen H. Elder, Jr., and Arnold Sameroff 1999 McGahay, R. 1982 ‘‘Poverty’s Voguish Stigma.’’ New Managing to Make It: Urban Families an Adolescent York Times, March 12:29.

3200 UTOPIAN ANALYSIS AND DESIGN

Mead, Lawrence M. 1988 ‘‘The Hidden Jobs Debate.’’ and no latter-day scholars should presume to dis- Public Interest, spring: 40–59. pel the fog, polluting utopia’s natural environ- Mincy, Ronald B., Isabel V. Sawhill, and Douglas A. ment with an excess of clarity and definition’’ Wolf 1990 ‘‘The Underclass: Definition and Mea- (Manuel and Manuel 1979, p. 5). surement.’’ Science 248:450–453. But this ambiguity extends well beyond simple ———, and Susan J. Wiener 1993 The Under Class in the obscurity or murkiness; it reaches to unqualified 1980s: Changing Concepts, Changing Realty. Washing- contradiction. Many utopian visionaries have been ton, D.C.: Urban Institute. denounced for their meticulous delineation of Murray, Charles A. 1984. Losing Ground: American Social details as they constructed models of social worlds Policy, 1950–1980. New York: Basic Books bearing no resemblance to existing, potential, or Myrdal, Gunner 1962 Challenge to Affluence. New York: possible reality. Utopias, it would seem, suffer Pantheon. from the twin infirmities of ambiguity and exces- Nathan, Richard P. 1987 ‘‘Will the Underclass Always Be sive efforts to achieve clarity and definition. Our with Us?’’ Society 24:57–62. dictionaries tell us they are, on the one hand, ideally perfect places but, on the other hand, are Reischauer, Robert D. 1987 The Geographic Concentra- simply impractical thought or theory. Utopians tion of Poverty: What Do We Know? Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. are customarily viewed as zealous but quixotic reformers. The books in which they describe their Ricketts, Erol, and Isabel Sawhill 1988 ‘‘Defining and societies may be praised as fascinating, fanciful Measuring the Underclass.’’ Journal of Policy Analysis literature but not as scientific tomes. and Management 7:316–325. Sjoquist, David 1990 ‘‘Concepts, Measurements, and It is quite possible as well as reasonable to view Analysis of the Underclass: A Review of the Litera- utopians as model builders. Models are quite dif- ture.’’ Atlanta: Georgia State University, typescript. ferent objects from what is being modeled and have properties not shared by their counterparts. Wilson, William Julius 1996 When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor. New York: Knopf. ‘‘The aim of a model is precisely not to reproduce reality in all its complexity. It is, rather, to capture ——— 1991 ‘‘Studying Inner-City Social Dislocations.’’ in a vivid, often formal way what is essential to American Sociological Review 56:1–14. understanding some aspect of its structure or ——— 1987 The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the behavior’’ (Weizenbaum 1976, pp. 149–150). Underclass, and Public Policy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. One occupational disability of model builders everywhere is a sort of pathological obsession with JOHN D. KASARDA a single element, or at most a strictly circum- scribed set of elements, of reality, along with an unwavering refusal to examine the larger milieu in which they are found. UTILITY THEORY In Sir Thomas More’s Utopia (1965), a central See Decision-Making Theory and Research; value or societal goal is the concept of economic Rational Choice Theory. equality; but this does not include the notion of social equality. There exists in Utopia a large underclass of slaves who are assigned the more UTOPIAN ANALYSIS AND distasteful but necessary tasks of the society. This DESIGN class is composed of war prisoners (More’s society is not free of war), persons born into slavery (it is NOTE: Although the following article has not been revised for not free of slavery), condemned criminals from this edition of the Encyclopedia, the substantive coverage is other countries who are purchased from foreign currently appropriate. The editors have provided a list of slave markets (crime has not been eliminated), and recent works at the end of the article to facilitate research and working-class foreigners (class distinctions persist) exploration of the topic. who volunteer for slavery in Utopia rather than ‘‘From the time of its first discovery, the island suffer the unpleasant conditions in their home of King Utopus has been shrouded in ambiguity, countries (ethnic and immigration difficulties con-

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tinue to exist). All able-bodied persons in Utopia had retreated behind the walls of Athens. These become part of its work force—slaves, male nonslaves, conservative elements were not above attempting and even women! This is seen as an enormous to subvert the democratic system (Klosko 1986, p. 10). augmentation of the work force. Within each house- In any event, Plato’s utopia is clearly elitist in hold, however, male dominance prevails. House- nature. For a variety of reasons most utopian holds are under the authority of the oldest free schemes seem to be controlled by elites of some male. Women are specifically designated as ‘‘sub- sort. As one writer explains it: ordinate’’ to their husbands, as children are to their parents and younger people generally are to They begin with the proposition that things are their elders. In Utopia, the applicability of equality bad; things must become better, perhaps perfect is severely restricted. here on earth; things will not improve by themselves; a plan must be developed and In discussing utopias it is important to distin- carried out; this implies the existence of an guish between analytic and design models. Ana- enlightened individual, or a few, who will lytic models purport to be summaries of existing think and act in a way that many by empirical reality; design models are summaries or themselves cannot think and act. (Brinton sketches of future, past, or alternative societies, 1965, p. 50) social structures, or worlds. For Plato, the elites were what he called phi- Characteristically, utopian literature contains losophers. In a sense these were the theoreticians a critique of existing society along with a model of or model makers. The problem he saw was con- a different one. Frequently the design model in- verting their models—their ideal worlds—into re- corporates a more or less indirect critique of an ality. Plato was very realistic about this matter of existing state of affairs. Plato’s Republic (1941), the convertibility. He has Socrates ask, ‘‘Is it not in the work that seems to have been the prototype of nature of things that action should come less close More’s Utopia, was greatly influenced by the social to truth than thought?’’ (1941, p. 178). He is, conditions observed and experienced by Plato. He however, concerned about trying to come as close saw the Athens in which he lived as a very corrupt as possible to having the real world correspond to democracy and felt that in such a system politi- the ideal one. The solution? To have philosophers cians inevitably pandered to mobs. If the mob become rulers or to have rulers become philoso- insisted upon venal demands, politicians found it phers. In either case enormous, if not complete, necessary to agree with them or lose their own power is to be held by a caste of elites. positions. Reform, he felt, was not possible in a corrupt society. In the Republic Socrates, voicing In effect, social inequality is found even in the Plato’s sentiments, concludes that ‘‘the multitude work of the triumvirate usually referred to as the can never be philosophical. Accordingly, it is bound ‘‘utopian socialists’’: Claude Henri de Rouvroy de to disapprove of all who pursue wisdom; and so Saint Simon (1760–1825), Charles Fourier (1772– also, of course, are those individuals who associate 1837), and Robert Owen (1771–1858). with the mob and set their hearts on pleasing it’’ (1941, p. 201). In his early work Saint Simon’s elites were scientists, but later he tended to subordinate them Interestingly, it has been suggested that Plato’s or at least to keep them on a par with industrial hostility to democracy was, at least to some extent, chiefs. He evaded the problem of social equality by shaped by his economic and social background. saying that each member of society would be paid Members of his family were large landholders in accordance with his or her ‘‘investment.’’ This who, along with others in a similar position, saw referred to the contribution each made to the the rise of commerce as a threat to their economic productive process. Since different people had positions. Democratic government undermined different talents, these contributions would differ. their political preeminence, as did militant foreign Some people’s contributions would be more im- policies. They had a great deal to lose through war portant than others’, and accordingly those peo- because they were subject to heavy war taxes. ple would be paid more. But although the rewards Moreover, some had had their lands ravaged by of different people would differ, there would not Spartans during the Peloponnesian War; others be wide discrepancies between the rewards of the

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lowest- and highest-paid workers (Manuel and ‘‘From each according to his ability, to each ac- Manuel 1979, pp. 590–614). cording to his need,’’ although it was much closer to the latter than to the former. Unlike Saint Simon, who never wrote a de- tailed description of a utopian society, Charles In Bellamy’s vision of the United States in the Fourier wrote thousands of pages of detailed de- year 2000, each person received an equal share of scriptions of his ‘‘Phalanx,’’ including architec- the total national product. In effect, every inhabi- tural specifications, work schedules and countless tant received a credit card showing his or her share other details. The Phalanx was to be organized of the product. The share could be spent in any essentially as a shareholding corporation. Mem- manner. If too many individuals decided to buy a bers were free to buy as many shares as they wished particular product, the price of that product would or could afford. Fourier stressed the fact that in his be raised. The point, however, is that people were utopia there would be three social classes: the rich, entitled to a share of the national product not on the poor, and the middle. The condition of the the basis of their individual productivity but sim- poor would be enormously better than their con- ply because they existed as human beings. In some dition in existing society, but the rich or upper telling passages Bellamy’s characters observe that class would be entitled to more lavish living quar- members of families do not deny food or other ters, more sumptuous food, and, in general, a needs to other family members because they have more luxurious life-style than the others. During been unproductive. In effect, the entire country the last fifteen years or so of his life, most of (and, presumably, ultimately the entire world) Fourier’s efforts were devoted to the search for a would resemble our more primitive notion of wealthy person to subsidize a trial of his Phalanx one family. (Beecher 1986). Bellamy’s work received widespread attention Robert Owen insisted on what he regarded to throughout the world. In England, William Morris be complete equality. Conceding that people were (1834–1896) objected strenuously to the central- born with differing abilities, he contended that ized control and bureaucratic form of organiza- these abilities were provided by God and should tion in Looking Backward. Morris wrote his own not be the basis for differential rewards. Neverthe- utopian novel, News from Nowhere (1866). Unlike less, as a self-made man who became extremely Bellamy’s utopia, which came into being through a successful and managed the most important cot- process of evolution, a violent revolution has oc- ton-spinning factory in Britain, he never seemed curred in Nowhere. London has become a series of to lose the self-assurance that he knew best how to relatively small villages separated by flowers and manage a community and that all members would wooded areas. There is no centralized govern- understand the wisdom of his decisions. He has ment—no government at all—as we normally un- been characterized as a benevolent autocrat who derstand it. With the end of private property and acted somewhat like a military commander who domestic arrangements in which women are es- has little direct contact with his troops (Cole 1969; sentially the property of men, the underlying rea- Manuel and Manuel 1979, pp. 676–693). sons for criminal behavior have been eliminated. Random acts of violence are regarded as transitory In the United States, the most widely read diseases and are dealt with by nurses and doctors utopian novel based on the assumption of abso- rather than by jailers. lute economic equality is undoubtedly Edward Bellamy’s Looking Backward (1887). Bellamy (1850– It has been argued that Morris was essentially 1898), influenced by the development of the large an anarchist theorist, although Morris himself vig- economic trusts in the United States, postulated orously objected to such characterization of his that by the year 2000 only one enormous trust work. It has been suggested that anarchism has would remain: the United States government. He two major forms: collectivist and individualist. went to great pains to make it clear that his utopia Morris is seen as essentially a collectivist anarchist, was devoid of Marxist or other European influ- although not an anarchosyndicalist—the form that ences. The principle of income or reward on stresses trade-union activity. He ridiculed conven- which it was based was neither ‘‘From each accord- tional forms of individualism. Anarchism itself is ing to his investment or product’’ nor the classic defined as a social theory that advocates a commu-

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nity-centered life with great amounts of personal looking at the world from the middle of the twenti- liberty. It opposes coercion of its population eth century, assumes he knows the best course for (Sargent 1990, pp. 61–64). humanity forever, Frazier essentially agrees. His defense is that the techniques of behavioral engi- Other commentators see News from Nowhere as neering currently exist (and presumably will con- an effort by Morris to present his arguments against tinue to be used), but they are in the wrong anarchism (Holzman 1990, p. 99). It seems clear hands—those of charlatans, salespeople, ward heel- that his work does not fit neatly into any prefabri- cated ideological cubbyhole. Morris cherished aes- ers, bullies, cheats, educators, priests, and others. thetic over intellectual values (he was an architect, Ultimately, Skinner’s designer insists, human be- artist, poet, designer, and craftsman). When one ings are never free—their behavior is determined of his characters in News from Nowhere is asked how by prior conditioning in the society in which they labor is rewarded, the reply is quite predictable: it were raised. The belief in their own freedom is is not rewarded. Work has become a pleasure—not what allows human beings unwittingly to become a hardship. Each person does what he or she can conditioned by reinforcers in their existing do best; the quandary of extrinsic motivation has environments. substantially disappeared. Thus, in effect, Walden Two achieves its effects Motivation, however, is the central concern in by changing the psychological characteristics of its B. F. Skinner’s Walden Two (1948). Burrhus Fred- inhabitants through environmental modification. eric Skinner (1904–1990) was a professional psy- Its final form is presumably an experimental ques- chologist whose utopia was a product of his inter- tion. The queries are simple enough and are stated est in behavioral engineering. His ideal community explicitly at one point: What is the best behavior has been described as one of means rather than of for the individual as far as the group is concerned? ends—one in which technique has been elevated How can an individual be induced to behave in to utopian status (Kumar 1987, p. 349). that way? The answer presumably can change over time, on the basis of experimental experience. The This is not completely accurate. It does cap- entire edifice would seem to depend upon the ture the essence of how Skinner himself saw his continuing moral superiority of the reinforcement utopia, but it omits direct consideration of the designers over the charlatans they replace. implicit values held by its designer. Quite a different sort of utopia has been pro- Skinner himself was unquestionably a well- posed by the philosopher Robert Nozick, who motivated, humanistic scientist, but he neglected his customary penetrating analysis when approach- outlines what he calls the framework for a utopia. ing the area of values held by the boss scientist. At In a word (or two), this framework is equivalent to one point in Walden Two, however, he does seem what Nozick calls the minimal state (Nozick 1974, to have some insight into this difficulty. Frazier, pp. 297–334). This is a state ‘‘limited to the narrow the founder of the community, voices the unspo- functions of protection against force, theft, fraud, ken criticism of one of the other characters by enforcement of contracts, and so on . . . any more pointing to his own insensitivity to the effect he extensive state will violate persons’ rights not to be has on others, except when the effect is calculated; forced to do certain things and is unjustified . . .’’ his lack of the personal warmth responsible in part (Nozick 1974, p. ix). for the success of the community; the ulterior and Nozick is not concerned with modifying be- devious nature of his own motives. He then cries havior or specifying social structures beyond this out, ‘‘But God damn it Burris . . . can’t you minimum state. He begins with the assumption see? I’m—not—a—product—of—Walden—Two!’’ (Skinner that individual persons have certain rights that 1948, p. 233). may never be violated by any other person or the Economic and basic social equality exist in this state. These include the right not to be killed or community, but effective control is exercised attacked if you are not doing any harm; not to be through the built-in reinforcement techniques of coerced or imprisoned; not to be limited in the use its designer. When Frazier is challenged on this by of your property if that use does not violate the one of the characters who observes that Frazier, rights of others.

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In arguing for a minimal state, Nozick, on the As one commentator expressed it, for Rawls one hand, is arguing against anarchism (in which equality comes first. Goods are to be distributed there is no state at all). On the other hand, he equally unless it can be shown that an unequal argues against all forms of the welfare state (in distribution is to the advantage of the least which some people with excessive wealth may be advantaged. This would be a ‘‘just’’ distribution required to surrender some of their property to (Schaar 1980). One might add, parenthetically, help others who are less fortunate) (Paul 1981). that this justice would depend substantially upon the nature of the existing social and economic As Nozick sees it, rights define a moral bound- arrangements under which this inequality occurs. ary around individual persons. The sanctity of this Would a different set of arrangements allow greater boundary takes priority over all other possible equality? For example, is capital available only goals. Thus, it becomes readily understandable through private sources? Would public sources why he feels that nonvoluntary redistribution of serve similar ends with less inequality? income is morally indefensible: The central issue for utopian analysts from It is an extraordinary but apparent conse- Plato through twentieth-century philosophers is quence of this view that for a government to how one constructs a ‘‘just’’ society. But there is no tax each of its able-bodied citizens five dollars a single definition of ‘‘just’’; it all depends on what year to support cripples and orphans would you consider to be important. Are you concerned violate the rights of the able-bodied and would exclusively with yourself? your immediate family? be morally impermissible, whereas to refrain others in your community? in your country? in from taxation even if it meant allowing the the world? cripples and orphans to starve to death would be the morally required governmental policy. And so it is that utopian analysis and design (Scheffler 1981, p. 151) ultimately begin with an implicit, if not explicit, value orientation. One school of thought begins Here again we see the clash of values that lie at with an overwhelming belief that elites of one sort the heart of utopian schemes and their critics. A or another must be favored in the new society. serious and widely discussed effort to resolve these Elite status may be gained through existing wealth, clashes was made late in the twentieth century by birth, talent, skill, intelligence, or physical strength. another social philosopher, John Rawls. A Theory Another school begins with what is, broadly speak- of Justice (Rawls 1971) was not a utopian novel but a ing, the concept of equality. Here the implicit meticulously argued tome that has been compared notion is not unlike Western ideas of the family: to with John Locke’s Second Treatise of Civil Govern- each equally, irrespective of either productivity or ment and John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty. The central need. Between these two polar positions lie a question confronting his work has been expressed range of intermediate proposals that may provide thus: ‘‘Is it possible to satisfy the legitimate ‘leftist’, greater amounts of compensation based upon ‘socialist’ critics of Western capitalism within a some definition of need or elite status. In turn, broadly liberal, capitalist and democratic frame- compensation may or may not be linked directly to work?’’ (Goldman 1980, p. 431). political or other forms of power. Unfortunately, Rawls has found himself in- Issues relating to the nation-state (its form, its creasingly caught between attacks from both the powers, and even its very existence), ethnicity, and left and the right. The left feels he has not gone far inequality became acute in the final decade of the enough in constraining property rights; the right twentieth century. Ethnic groups throughout the feels he places too great an emphasis upon the world grew militant in their demands for their own value of equality, especially at the expense of the national entities. Many saw this as a path to a right to property (Goldman 1980, pp. 431–432). solution for their own problems of inequality. With the apparent easing, if not the elimination, of A central point argued by Rawls is that there is Cold War tensions between the Soviet Union and no injustice if greater benefits are earned by a few, the United States, widespread controversies began provided the situation of people not so fortunate relative to the shape of a ‘‘new world order.’’ This is thereby improved (Rawls 1971, pp. 14–15). posed unprecedented challenges to utopian thought.

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To deal with these challenges, social scientists, as Maler, Henri. 1998. ‘‘An Pocryphal Testament: Social- well as imaginative novelists and others, were con- ism, Utopian and Scientific.’’ Science and Society fronted with the task of integrating value configu- 62:48–61. rations, social structures, and psychological sets Manuel, Frank E., and Fritzie P. Manuel 1979 Utopian on levels that may well make all previous efforts at Thought in the Western World. Cambridge, Mass.: Har- utopian analysis and design resemble the stum- vard University Press. bling steps of a child just learning to walk. Martensson, Bertil 1991 ‘‘The Paradoxes of Utopia: A Study in Utopian Rationalism.’’ Philosophy of the So- cial Sciences 21:476–514. (SEE ALSO: Equity Theory; Social Philosophy) More, Sir Thomas (1516) 1965 Utopia. Paul Turner, trans. London: Penguin. REFERENCES Morris, William 1966 News from Nowhere. In The Collected Beecher, Jonathan 1986 Charles Fourier: The Visionary Works of William Morris, vol. 16, pp. 3–211. New York: and His World. Berkeley: University of California Press. Russell and Russell. Brinton, Crane 1965 ‘‘Utopia and Democracy.’’ In Frank Nozick, Robert 1974 Anarchy, State and Utopia. New E. Manuel, ed., Utopias and Utopian Thought. Boston: York: Basic Books. Beacon Press. Oyzerman, Teodor Il ich. 1998 ‘‘Marxism and Utopian- Cole, Margaret 1969 Robert Owen of New Lanark 1771– ism. Marxisms’s Overcoming of Utopianism as an 1858. New York: August M. Kelley. Unfinished Historical Process’’ (Marksizm i utopiszm. Preodolenie marksizmom utopizma kak nezavershennyi Gil, Efraim 1996 ‘‘The Individual within the Collective: istoricheskiy protsess) Svobodnya-Mysl 2:76–83. A New Perspective.’’ Journal of Rural Cooperation 24:5–15. Paul, Jeffrey (ed.) 1981 Reading Nozick. Totowa, N.J.: Goldman, Alan H. 1980 ‘‘Responses to Rawls from the Rowan and Littlefield. Political Right.’’ In H. Gene Blocker and Elizabeth H. Plato 1941 The Republic of Plato, Francis MacDonald Smith, eds., John Rawls’ Theory of Social Justice. Ath- Cornford, trans. and ed. New York and London: ens: Ohio University Press. Oxford University Press. Hacohen, Malachi-Haim 1996 ‘‘Karl Popper in Exile: Prat, Jean-Louis 1995 ‘‘Utopian Utilitarianism’’ The Viennese Progressive Imagination and the Mak- (L’Utiliarisme utopique) Revue du MAUSS 6:53–60. ing of The Open Society.’’ Philosophy of the Social Sciences 26:452–492. Rawls, John 1971 A Theory of Justice. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Hodgson, Geoffrey M. 1995 ‘‘The Political Economy of Sargent, Lyman Tower 1990 ‘‘William Morris and the Utopia.’’ Review of Social Economy 53:195–213. Anarchist Tradition.’’ In F. S. Boos and C. G. Silver, Holzman, Michael 1990 ‘‘The Encouragement and Warn- eds., Socialism and the Literary Artistry of William ing of History: William Morris’s A Dream of John Morris. Columbia: University of Missouri Press. Ball.’’ In Florence S. Boos and Carole G. Silver, eds., Schaar, John H. 1980 ‘‘Equality of Opportunity and the Socialism and the Literary Artistry of William Morris. Just Society.’’ In H. G. Blocker and E. H. Smith, eds., Columbia: University of Missouri Press. John Rawls’ Theory of Social Justice. Athens: Ohio Klosko, George 1986 The Development of Plato’s Political University Press. Theory. New York: Methuen. Scheffler, Samuel 1981 ‘‘Natural Rights, Equality and Kumar, Krishan 1987 Utopia and Anti-Utopia in Modern the Minimal State.’’ In Jeffrey Paul, ed., Reading Times. New York: Basil Blackwell. Nozick. Totowa, N.J.: Rowan and Littlefield. Lowy, Michael 1997 ‘‘The Romantic Utopia of Walter Skinner, B. F. 1948 Walden Two. New York: Macmillan. Benjamin’’ (L’Utopie romantique de Walter Benja- min) Raison Presente 121:19–27. ROBERT BOGUSLAW

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VALIDITY nable to direct observation, validity can be ascertained only indirectly. In the simplest sense, a measure is said to be valid 3. Validation is a dynamic process; the to the degree that it measures what it is hypothe- sized to measure (Nunnally 1967, p. 75). More evidence for or against the validity of the precisely, validity has been defined as the degree inferences that can be drawn from a to which a score derived from a measurement measure may change with accumulating procedure reflects a point on the underlying con- evidence. Validity in this sense is always a struct it is hypothesized to reflect (Bohrnstedt continuing and evolving matter rather 1983). In the most recent Standards for Educational than something that is fixed once and for and Psychological Testing (American Psychological all (Messick 1989). Association 1985), it is stated that validity ‘‘refers 4. Validity is the sine qua non of mea- to the appropriateness, meaningfulness, and use- surement; without it, measurement is fulness of the specific inferences made from . . . meaningless. scores.’’ The emphasis is clear: Validity refers to the degree to which evidence supports the infer- In spite of the clear importance of validity in ences drawn from a score rather than the scores or making defensible inferences about the reason- the instruments that produce the scores. Infer- ableness of theoretical formulations, the construct ences drawn for a given measure with one popula- more often than not is given little more than lip tion may be valid but may not be valid for other service in sociological research. Measures are as- measures. As will be shown below, evidence for sumed to be valid because they ‘‘look valid,’’ not inferences about validity can be accumulated in a because they have been evaluated as a way to get variety of ways. In spite of this variety, validity is a statistical estimates of validity. In this article, the unitary concept. The varied types of inferential different meanings of validity are introduced and evidence relate to the validity of a particular mea- methods for estimating the various types of valid- sure under investigation. ity are discussed. Several important points related to validity should be noted: TYPES OF VALIDITY

1. Validity is a matter of degree rather than The Standards produced jointly by the American an all-or-none matter (Nunnally 1967, p. Psychological Association, the American Educa- 75; Messick 1989). tional Research Association, and the National Coun- 2. Since the constructs of interest in sociol- cil on Measurement in Education distinguish be- ogy (normlessness, religiosity, economic tween and among three types of evidence related conservatism, etc.) generally are not ame- to validity: (1) criterion-related, (2) content, and (3)

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construct evidence (American Psychological Associa- predictive validity, there are as many concurrent tion 1985). validities as there are criteria to be explained; there is no single concurrent validity for a measure. Criterion-Related Evidence for Validity. Cri- terion-related evidence for validity is assessed by Concurrent validation also can be evaluated the correlation between a measure and a criterion by correlating a measure of X with extant measures variable of interest. The criterion varies with the of X, for instance, correlating one measure of self- purpose of the researcher and/or the client for the esteem with a second one. It is assumed that the research. Thus, in a study to determine the effect two measures reflect the same underlying con- of early childhood education, a criterion of inter- struct. Two measures may both be labeled self- est might be how well children perform on a esteem, but if one contains items that deal with standardized reading test at the end of the third one’s social competence and the other contains grade. In a study for an industrial client, it might items that deal with how one feels and evaluates be the number of years it takes to reach a certain oneself, it will not be surprising to find no more job level. The question that is always asked when than a modest correlation between the two. one is accumulating evidence for criterion-related validity is: How accurately can the criterion be Evidence for validity based on concurrent stud- predicted from the scores on a measure? (Ameri- ies may not square with evidence for validity based can Psychological Association 1985). on predictive studies. For example, a measure of an attitude toward a political issue may correlate Since the criterion variable may be one that highly in August in terms of which political party exists in the present or one that a researcher may one believes one will vote for in November but may want to predict in the future, evidence for criteri- correlate rather poorly with the actual vote in on-related validity is classified into two major types: November. predictive and concurrent. Many of the constructs of interest to sociolo- Evidence for predictive validity is assessed by gists do not have criteria against which the validity examining the future standing on a criterion vari- of a measure can be ascertained easily. When they able as predicted from the present standing on a do, the criteria may be so poorly measured that the measure of interest. For example, if one constructs validity coefficients are badly attenuated by mea- a measure of work orientation, evidence of its surement error. For these reasons, sociological predictive validity for job performance might be researchers have rarely computed criterion-related ascertained by administering that measure to a validities. group of new hires and correlating it with a crite- rion of success (supervisors’ ratings, regular ad- Content Validity. One can imagine a domain of vances within the organization, etc.) at a later meaning that a construct is intended to measure. point in time. The evidence for the validity of a Content validity provides evidence for the degree to measure is not limited to a single criterion. There which one has representatively sampled from that are as many validities as there are criterion vari- domain of meaning. (Bohrnstedt 1983). One also ables to be predicted from that measure. The can think of a domain as having various facets preceding example makes this clear. In addition, (Guttman 1959), and just as one can use stratificat- the example shows that the evidence for the valid- ion to obtain a sample of persons, one can use ity of a measure varies depending on the time at stratification principles to improve the evidence which the criterion is assessed. Generally, the closer for content validity. in time the measure and the criterion are assessed, While content validity has received close at- the higher the validity, but this is not always true. tention in the construction of achievement and Evidence for concurrent validity is assessed by proficiency measures psychology and educational correlating a measure and a criterion of interest at psychology, it usually has been ignored by sociolo- the same point in time. A measure of the concur- gists. Many sociological researchers have instead rent validity of a measure of religious belief, for been satisfied to construct a few items on an ad example, is its correlation with concurrent attend- hoc, one-shot basis in the apparent belief that they ance at religious services. Just as is the case for are measuring what they intended to measure. In

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fact, the construction of good measures is a tedi- of meanings associated with the construct will be. Sec- ous, arduous, and time-consuming task. ond, one should write several items or locate several extant indicators to reflect the meanings Because domains of interest cannot be enu- associated with each stratum and substratum. Third, merated in the same way that a population of after the items have been written, they should tried persons or objects can, the task of assuring the out on very small samples composed of persons of content validity of one’s measures is less rigorous the type the items will eventually be used with, than one would hope. While an educational psy- using cognitive interviewing techniques, in which chologist can sample four-, five-, or six-letter words subjects are asked to ‘‘think aloud’’ as they re- in constructing a spelling test, no such clear crite- spond to the items. This technique for the im- ria exist for a sociologist who engages in social provement of items, while quite new in survey measurement. However, some guidelines can be research, is very useful for improving the validity provided. First, the researcher should search the of items (Sudman et al. 1995). For example, Levine literature carefully to determine how various au- et al. (1997) have shown how cognitive interview- thors have used the concept that is to be measured. ing helped in the improvement of school staffing There are several excellent handbooks that sum- resources, as did Levine (1996) in describing the marize social measures in use, including Robinson development of background questionnaires for and Shaver’s Measures of Social Psychological Atti- use with the large-scale cognitive assessments. tudes (1973); Robinson et al.’s Measures of Political Fourth, after the items have been refined through Attitudes (1968); Robinson et al.’s Measures of Occu- the use of cognitive laboratory techniques, the pational Attitudes and Occupational Characteristics newly developed items should be field-tested on a (1969); Shaw and Wright’s Scales for the Measurement sample similar to that with which one intends to of Attitudes (1967); and Miller’s Handbook of Re- examine the main research questions. The field- search Design and Social Measurement (1977). These test sample should be large enough to examine volumes not only contain lists of measures but whether the items are operating as planned vis-à- provide existing data on the reliability and validity vis the constructs they are putatively measuring, of those measures. However, since these books are using multivariate tools such as confirmatory fac- out of date as soon as they go to press, researchers tor analysis ( Joreskog 1969) and item response developing their own methods must do additional theory methods (Hambleton and Swaminathan 1985). literature searches. Second, sociological research- Finally, after the items are developed, the ers should rely on their own observations and main study should employ a sampling design that insights and ask whether they yield additional takes into account the characteristics of the popu- facets to the construct under consideration. lation about which generalizations are to be made (ethnicity, gender, region of country, etc.). The Using these two approaches, one develops sets study also should be large enough to generate of items, one to capture each of the various facets stable parameter estimates when one is using or strata within the domain of meaning. There is multivariate techniques such as multiple regres- no simple criterion by which one can judge whether sion (Bohrnstedt and Knoke 1988) and structural a domain of meaning has been sampled properly. equation techniques (Bollen 1989). However, a few precautions can be taken to help ensure the representation of the various facets It can be argued that what the Standards call within the domain. content validity is not a separate method for assess- ing validity. Instead, it is a set of procedures for First, the domain can be stratified into its sampling content domains that, if followed, can major facets. One first notes the most central help provide evidence for construct validity (see the meanings of the construct, making certain that the discussion of construct validity below). Messick stratification is exhaustive, that is, that all major (1989), in a similar stance, states that so-called meaning facets are represented. If a facet appears content validity does not meet the definition of to involve a complex of meanings, it should be validity given above, since it does not deal directly subdivided further into substrata. The more one with scores or their interpretation. This position refines the strata and substrata the easier it is to con- can be better understood in the context of con- struct the items later and the more complete the coverage struct validity.

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Construct Validity. The 1974 Standards state: ory validation. To be able to show construct valid- ‘‘A construct is. . . a theoretical idea developed to ity assumes that the researcher has a clearly stated explain and to organize some aspects of existing set of interrelated hypotheses between important knowledge. . . It is a dimension understood or theoretical constructs, which in turn can be mea- inferred from its network of interrelationships’’ sured by sets of indicators. Too often in sociology, (American Psychological Association 1985). The one or both of these components are missing. Standards further indicate that in developing evi- Campbell (1953, 1956) uses a multitrait– dence for construct validity, multimethod matrix, a useful tool for assessing the the investigator begins by formulating hypothe- construct validity of a set of measures collected ses about the characteristics of those who have using differing methods. Thus, for example, one high scores on the [measure] in contrast to might collect data using multiple indicators of those who have low scores. Taken together, three constructs, say, prejudice, alienation, and such hypotheses form at least a tentative theory anomie, using three different data collection meth- about the nature of the construct the [measure] ods: a face-to-face interview, a telephone inter- is believed to be measuring. view, and a questionnaire. To the degree that Such hypotheses or theoretical formulations different methods yield the same or a very similar lead to certain predictions about how people. . . result, the construct demonstrates what Campbell will behave. . . in certain defined situations. If (1954) calls convergent validity. Campbell argues the investigator’s theory. . . is correct, most that in addition, the constructs must not correlate predictions should be confirmed. (p. 30) too highly with each other; that is, to use Campbell and Fiske’s (1959) term, they must also exhibit The notion of a construct implies hypotheses discriminant validity. Measures that meet both cri- of two types. First, it implies that items from one teria provide evidence for construct validity. stratum within the domain of meaning correlate together because they all reflect the same underly- ing construct or ‘‘true’’ score. Second, whereas VALIDITY GENERALIZATION items from one domain may correlate with items from another domain, the implication is that they An important issue for work in educational and do so only because the constructs themselves are industrial settings is the degree to which the crite- correlated. Furthermore, it is assumed that there rion-related evidence for validity obtained in one setting generalizes to other settings (American are hypotheses about how measures of different Psychological Association 1985). The point is that domains correlate with one another. To repeat, evidence for the validity of an instrument in one construct validation involves two types of evidence. setting in no ways guarantees its validity in any The first is evidence for theoretical validity (Lord other setting. By contrast, the more evidence there and Novick 1968): an assessment of the relation- is of consistency of findings across settings that are ship between items and an underlying, latent un- maximally different, the stronger the evidence for observed construct. The second involves evidence validity generalization is. that the underlying latent variables correlate as hypothesized. If either or both sets of these hy- Evidence for validity generalization generally potheses fail, evidence for construct validation is is garnered in one of two ways. The usual way is absent. If one can show evidence for theoretical simply to do a nonquantitative review of the rele- validity but evidence about the interrelations among vant literature; then, on the basis of that review, a those constructs is missing, that suggests that one conclusion about the generalizability of the mea- is not measuring the intended construct or that sure across a variety of settings is made. More the theory is wrong or inadequate. The more recently, however, meta-analytic techniques (Hedges unconfirmed hypotheses one has involving the and Olkin 1985) have been employed to provide constructs, the more one is likely to assume the quantitative evidence for validity generalization. former rather than the latter. Variables that may affect validity generaliza- The discussion above makes clear the close tion include the particular criterion measure used, relationship between construct validation and the- the sample to which the instrument is adminis-

3210 VALIDITY tered, the time period during which the instru- Messick (1989) defines validity as an evaluative ment was used, and the setting in which the assess- judgment about the degree to which ‘‘empirical ment is done. and theoretical rationales support the adequacy and appropriateness of inferences and actions based Differential predication. In using a measure on . . . scores or other modes of assessment’’ (p. in different demographic groups that differ in 13). For Messick, validity is more than a statement experience or that have received different treat- of the existing empirical evidence linking a score ments (e.g., different instructional programs), the to a latent construct; it is also a statement about the possibility exists that the relationship between the evidence for the appropriateness of using and criterion measure and the predictor will vary across interpreting the scores. While most measurement groups. To the degree that this is true, a measure is specialists separate the use of scores from their said to display differential prediction. interpretation, Messick (1989) argues that the value Closely related is the notion of predictive bias. implications and social consequences of testing While there is some dispute about the best defini- are inextricably bound to the issue of validity: tion, the most commonly accepted definition states [A] social consequence of testing, such as that predictive bias exists if different regression adverse impact against females in the use of a equations are needed for different groups and if quantitative test, either stems from a source of predictions result in decisions for those groups test invalidity or a valid property of the that are different from the decisions that would be construct assessed, or both. In the former case, made based on a pooled groups regression analy- this adverse consequence bears on the meaning sis (American Psychological Association 1985). Per- of the test scores and, in the later case, on the haps the best example to differentiate the two meaning of the construct. In both cases, concepts is drawn from examining the relation- therefore, construct validity binds social conse- ship between education and income. It has been quences to the evidential basis of test interpre- shown that that relationship is stronger for whites tation and use.’’ (p. 21) than it is for blacks; that is, education differentially predicts income. If education were then used as a Whether the interpretation and social conse- basis for selection into jobs at a given income level, quences of the uses of measures become widely education would be said to have a predictive bias adopted (i.e., are adopted in the next edition of against blacks because they would have to have a the Standards) remains to be seen. Messick’s (1989) greater number of years of education to be se- definition does reinforce, the idea that although lected for a given job level compared to whites. there are many facets to and methods for garner- ing evidence for inferences about validity, it re- Differential prediction should not be confused mains a unitary concept; evidence bears on infer- with differential validity, a term used in the context ences about a single measure or instrument. of job placement and classification. Differential validity refers to the ability of a measure or, more commonly, a battery of measures to differentially REFERENCES predict success or failure in one job compared to American Psychological Association 1985 Standards for another. Thus, the armed services use the battery Educational and Psychological Testing. Washington, of subtests in the Armed Services Vocational Apti- D.C.: American Psychological Association. tude Battery (U.S. Government Printing Office Bohrnstedt, G. W. 1983 ‘‘Measurement.’’ In Rossi, P. H., 1989; McLaughlin et al. 1984) in making the initial J. D. Wright, and A. B. Anderson, eds., Handbook of assignment of enlistees to military occupational Survey Research. New York: Academic Press specialties. Bohrnstedt, G. W., and D. Knoke 1988, Statistics for Social Data Analysis. Itasca, Ill.: F.E. Peacock. MORE RECENT FORMULATIONS OF Bohrnstedt, G. W. 1992 ‘‘Reliability.’’ In E. F. Borgatta (ed.) Encyclopedia of Sociology. 1st ed., New York: VALIDITY Macmillan. More recent definitions of validity have been even Bollen, K. A. 1989 Structural Equations with Latent Vari- broader than that used in the 1985 Standards. ables. New York: Wiley.

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Campbell, D. T. 1953 A Study of Leadership among Sub- tional Characteristics. Ann Arbor: Institute for Social marine Officers. Columbus: Ohio State University Re- Research. search Foundation. ———, J. G. Rusk, and K. B. Head 1968 Measures of ——— 1954 ‘‘Operational Delineation of What Is Political Attitudes. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Institute for Learned’ via the Transportation Experiment.’’ Psy- Social Research. chological Review 61:167–174. Robinson, J. P. and P. R. Shaver 1973 Measures of Social ——— 1956 Leadership and Its Effects upon the Group. Psychological Attitudes. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Institute for Monograph no. 83. Columbus: Ohio State University Social Research. Bureau of Business Research. Shaw, M., and J. Wright 1967 Scales for the Measurement of ———, and D.W. Fiske 1959 ‘‘Convergent and Discrimi- Attitudes. New York: McGraw-Hill. nant Validation by the Multitrait-Multimethod Ma- Sudburn, S., N. Bradburn, and N. Schwarz 1995 Think- trix.’’ Psychological Bulletin 56:81–105. ing about Answers, The Application of Cognitive Processes Guttman, L. 1959 ‘‘A Structural Theory for Intergroup to Survey Methodology. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Beliefs and Action.’’ American Sociological Review U.S. Government Printing Office 1989 A Brief Guide: 24:318–328. ASVAB for Counselors and Educators. Washington, Hambleton, R., and H. Swaminathan 1985 Item Response D. C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. Theory: Principles and Applications. Norwell, Mass.: Kluwer Academic. GEORGE W. BOHRNSTEDT Hedges, L. V., and I. Olkin 1985 Statistical Methods for Meta-Analysis. Orlando, Fla.: Academic Press. Jöreskog, K. G. 1969 ‘‘A general approach to confirma- VALUE-FREE ANALYSIS tory maximum likelihood factor analysis.’’ Psyclometrika 36:409–426. See Epistemology; Positivism; Scientific Explanation. Levine, R. 1998 ‘‘What Do Cognitive Labs Tell Us about Student Knowledge?’’ Paper presented at the 28th Annual Conference on Large Scale Assessment spon- sored by the Council of Chief State School Officers, VALUES THEORY AND Colorado Springs, Colo. Palo Alto, Calif.: American RESEARCH Institutes for Research The study of values covers a broad multidisciplinary Levine, R., J. Chambers, I. Duenas, and C. Hikido 1997 terrain. Different disciplines have pursued this Improving the Measurement of Staffing Resources at the topic with unique orientations to the concept of School Level: The Development of Recommendations for values. The classic conception of values in anthro- NCES for the Schools and Staffing Surveys (SASS). Palo pology was introduced by Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck Alto, Calif.: American Institutes for Research (1961). In this view, values answer basic existential Lord, F. M., and M. R. Novick 1968 Statistical Theories of questions, helping to provide meaning in people’s Mental Test Scores. Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley. lives. For example, Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck McLaughlin, D. H., P. G. Rossmeissl, L. L. Wise, D. A. argue that Americans value individual effort and Brandt, and M. Wang 1984 Validation of Current and reward because of their fundamental belief in the Alternative Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery inherent goodness of human nature and the ca- (ASVAB) Area Composities. Washington, D.C.: U.S. pacity of individuals to obtain desired ends. Econo- Army Research Institute for the Behavioral and So- mists have considered values not in terms of the cial Sciences. meaning they provide but as a quality of the ob- Messick, S. 1989 ‘‘Validity.’’ In L. Linn, ed., Educational jects used in social exchange (Stigler 1950). For Measurement, 3rd ed. New York: Macmillan. economists, objects have value but people have Miller, D. 1977 Handbook of Research Design and Social preferences, and those preferences establish hier- Measurement, 3rd ed. New York: David McKay. archies of goods. It is the goods that have value, Nunnally, J. C. 1967 Psychometric Theory. New York: with those which are both scarce and highly desir- McGraw-Hill. able being the most highly valued. Robinson, J. P., R. Athanasiou, and K. B. Head 1969 Sociologists, particularly Parsons, have em- Measures of Occupational Attitudes and Occupa- phasized a different conception of values (see

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Parsons and Shils 1951). In sociology, values are 2. Values refer to desirable goals (e.g., believed to help ease the conflict between individ- equality) and to the modes of conduct ual and collective interests. Values serve an impor- that promote these goals (e.g., fairness, tant function by enabling individuals to work to- helpfulness). gether to realize collectively desirable goals. For 3. Values transcend specific actions and example, while all the individual members of soci- situations. Obedience, for example, is ety may believe that public education is a good relevant at work or in school, in sports idea for themselves, their children, and/or the or in business, with family, friends or well-being of society in general, none of them is strangers. excited by the prospect of paying taxes to build schools and pay teachers. Even when people be- 4. Values serve as standards to guide the lieve in the collective good, their private interest selection or evaluation of behavior, peo- (keeping one’s money for one’s own use) conflicts ple, and events. with the necessities for keeping a society organ- 5. Values are ordered by importance relative ized. Values such as being socially responsible, to one another. The ordered set of values showing concern for others, and education en- forms a system of value priorities. Cultures courage people to sidestep their own desires and and individuals can be characterized by commit themselves to the more difficult task of their systems of value priorities. social cooperation. As Grube et al. (1994, p. 155) Smith and Schwartz’s conceptualization is con- argue, ‘‘values play a particularly important role sistent with the sociological view that values are because they are cognitive representations of indi- abstract concepts, but not so abstract that they vidual needs and desires, on the one hand, and of cannot motivate behavior. Hence, an important societal demands on the other.’’ theme of values research has been to assess how Another way to understand the sociological well one can predict specific behavior by knowing conception of values is to examine when values something about a person’s values. If someone become vital in social life. They do not matter claims to believe in protecting the environment, much when everyone is in full agreement. For for example, how confidently can one assume that example, everyone values breathing over asphyxia- that person recyles, contributes to the Sierra Club, tion. Even though this value may be of life-and- or supports proenvironmental legislation? Below, death importance, it is not a particularly impor- several empirical efforts to measure the link be- tant object of social inquiry because no one disa- tween values and behavior are discussed. How- grees about whether one should hold one’s breath. ever, some scholars are skeptical that such a link The situation has been quite different with regard can be drawn (Hechter 1992, 1993). to abortion, affirmative action, the death penalty, The definition given above emphasizes the same-sex marriage, environmental protection, and link between values and desired goals. In an earlier many other social issues that elicit conflicts in discussion, Schwartz (1992, p. 4) argued that val- personal values. Values are important to under- ues, when defined in this way, reflect three basic stand when they conflict between individuals, requirements of human existence: ‘‘needs of indi- groups, or whole societies. They provide a window viduals as biological organisms, requisites of coor- through which one can view conflicts and varia- dinated social interaction, and survival and wel- tions within and between societies. fare needs of groups.’’ By understanding values, Although many formal definitions of values one can learn about the needs of both individuals have been advanced by sociologists, one definition and societies. Sociologists are especially concerned in particular captures the concept’s core features with how values facilitate action toward ends that well. Smith and Schwartz (1997, p. 80) observe five enhance individual and collective outcomes or are features: perceived to do so by society’s members. Research on values does not presuppose which values are 1. Values are beliefs. But they are not best (social scientists are not preachers) but tries to objective, cold ideas. Rather, when values discover what people believe in and how their are activated, they become infused with beliefs motivate their behavior. A major part of the feeling. enterprise is concerned with strategies to measure

3213 VALUES THEORY AND RESEARCH values: which ones people hold, how strongly they value items is ranked by subjects according to the hold them, how their value priorities compare items’ importance as guiding principles in their with those of others, how the value priorities of lives. The purpose of the procedure is to force different groups or societies compare with one subjects to identify priorities among competing another. values. In this model, the values are assumed to be universal; therefore, to some extent, each value is Values research has a long and varied history supported by every subject. The question is how in sociology. Important theoretical and empirical subjects adjudicate between value conflicts. For studies of values have been made by Parsons and example, the instrumental value ‘‘broad-minded’’ Shils (1951), Kluckhohn (1951), Williams (1960), may conflict with the value ‘‘obedience.’’ How Allport et al. (1960), Scott (1965), Smith (1969), would a person who is trying to conform to the and Kohn (1969). Because the field is so broad, expectations of racist parents maintain a broad- this article cannot cover all the ground but concen- minded commitment to diversity? By requiring trates on recent empirical endeavors. Other re- that values be rank-ordered, the Rokeach Values views summarize the early studies in detail, such as Survey helps disclose a person’s value priorities. Blake and Davis (1964), Williams (1968), Zavalloni (1980), Spates (1983), and Ball-Rokeach and One of the distinct advantages of the Rokeach Loges (1992). Value Survey is that it is a fairly simple instrument that can be used by researchers in a variety of Contemporary areas of research in values are settings. Thus, it was possible to see if the value not well integrated; each represents an active arena priorities of Michigan college students were simi- of social research that is empirically driven and lar to those of other subsamples of Americans, theoretically informed. Below, will be summarized allowing comparisons of those with different demo- these areas, noting the unique contributions and graphic characteristics, such as age, sex, race, relig- insights of each one. The research reviewed here ion, and education. For example, in a national has been conducted by psychologists and political sample, Rokeach found that men and women scientists as well as sociologists. However, all of it is tended to prioritize ‘‘a world at peace,’’ ‘‘family premised on the sociological conceptual frame- security,’’ and ‘‘freedom; however, men strongly work of values inherent in the definition given above. valued ‘‘a comfortable life’’ while women did not, and women strongly valued ‘‘salvation’’ while men THE ROKEACH TRADITION did not. Value priorities have been shown to be linked to a variety of attitudes about contemporary The most influential researcher on values in the social issues. For example, as would be predicted, last three decades is Rokeach. The focus of his concern for the welfare of blacks and the poor is work has been the development of an instrument stronger among those who value equality. to measure values that he believes are universal and transsituational (see especially Rokeach 1973). The Rokeach Value Survey has been used by That is, Rokeach has tried to develop an instru- numerous researchers to explore many facets of ment that can be used to compare individual values, such as the relationship between values and behavior, the role of values in justifying attitudes, commitment to a set of values wherever the re- and the extent to which people remain committed searchers live and whenever they complete a sur- to particular values over time. An important early vey. This instrument has been widely used in the study of values employing the Rokeach model was measurement of values (Mayton et al. 1994). conducted by Feather (1975), who measured the The Rokeach Value Survey is an instrument values of Australian high school and college stu- made up of thirty-six value items that are ranked by dents as well as those of their parents. One central survey subjects. The items are divided into two finding demonstrated the importance of a close sets. The first ones are termed ‘‘instrumental val- fit between the person and the environment in ues’’ and refer to values that reflect modes of which that person is situated: Students were happi- conduct, such as politeness, honesty, and obedi- est when their values were congruent with those ence. The second set refers to ‘‘terminal values’’ articulated by the schools they attended or the that reflect desired end states, such as freedom, subjects they studied. Another finding was that equality, peace, and salvation. Each set of eighteen parents were consistently more conservative, em-

3214 VALUES THEORY AND RESEARCH phasizing values such as national security, respon- values with the prediction that this conflict would sibility, and politeness, while their children where lead to value change. These works have been more likely to emphasize excitement and pleasure, called ‘‘self-confrontation’’ studies; they have found equality and freedom, a world of beauty, friend- a significant degree of value change as a result of ship, and broad-mindedness. It also was found that the method, even over long periods. However, the student activists were distinctive in their emphasis method is much less effective at inducing specific on humanitarianism, nonmaterialism, and social behavioral changes. and political goals. The central claim of values researchers is con- The Rokeach model underscores the poten- sistent with a commonsense understanding of val- tial conflicts between individuals with different ues. Values are important because they guide peo- value priorities. Different positions on important ple’s behavior. At times they may be an even social issues may be traced to differential commit- stronger motivation than is self-interest. For exam- ments to particular values. For example, Kristiansen ple, fear of arrest may not be as good an explana- and Zanna (1994) report that supporters of abor- tion for one’s choice not to shoplift as is the more tion rights emphasize values such as freedom and a straightforward commitment to the value of right comfortable life, whereas opponents place a high conduct. However, this central claim has been the priority on religious salvation. Moreover, as they most controversial in values research. The robust defend their positions, each group will justify its finding that values directly affect behavior has position by referring to its own value priorities; never surfaced in values research. The link does this, of course, may not be very convincing to not exist, or several links in a long chain of causes people who do not share them. This may be one intervene between these two crucial variables. This reason why the abortion debate seems intractable. ambiguity has led Hechter (1992), for example, to Individuals also may be ambivalent about particu- suggest that social scientists stop using the term lar social issues because of their pluralistic com- ‘‘values.’’ Kristiansen and Hotte (1996, p. 79) ob- mitment to two or more values that conflict in the served that ‘‘although values, attitudes, and behav- public policy domain. This is the essence of Tetlock’s ior are related, these relations are often small . . . (1986) ‘‘value pluralism model of ideological rea- one wonders why people do not express attitudes soning.’’ For example, liberals tend to weight equal- and actions that are more strongly in line with ity and freedom fairly equally, causing them to feel their values.’’ Many people also wonder whether ambivalently about affirmative action policies current measures of values are adequate. The (Peterson 1994). Rokeach Value Survey, for example, may not be sufficiently complete or its definitions of values Rokeach and Rokeach (1980) argue that val- may be too abstract or vague to predict behavior ues are not simply hierarchically prioritized but accurately. that each is interrelated in a complex system of beliefs and attitudes. Thus, a belief system may be Kristiansen and Hotte (1996) argue that val- relatively enduring, but changes in one value may ues researchers must pay much closer attention to lead to changes in others and in the whole system. the intervening factors in the values–behavior rela- When are personal values likely to endure, and tionship. For example, those factors may include when are they likely to change? Rokeach argues the way in which individuals engage in moral that individuals try to maintain a consistent con- reasoning. Making a behavioral choice requires ception of themselves that reflects their morality the direct application of very general values. How and competence. When their actions or beliefs is this done? What do people consider in trying to contradict this self-conception, they feel dissatis- make such a decision? Do they rely on ideological fied and change is likely to occur to bring their commitments to moral principles? Do they take actions or beliefs into line. Grube et al. (1994) into consideration the immediate context or cir- review a number of studies in which researchers cumstances? How much are they influenced by attempted to uncover contradictions in subjects’ social norms? These questions are likely to guide

3215 VALUES THEORY AND RESEARCH research on the values–behavior connection in e Se the future. ng lf-T ha r C an o sc t e s n s Universalism d e Self-Direction e n n THE SCHWARTZ SCALE OF VALUES n c e e p O A major evolution of the Rokeach Values Survey is Simulation Benevolence found in the cross-cultural values research of Schwartz (see especially Schwartz 1992 and Smith and Schwartz 1997). Like Rokeach, Schwartz has Hedonism Conformity Tradition focused on the measurement of values that are assumed to be universal. To that end, Schwartz has Achievement Security n o i modified and expanded the Rokeach instrument. t S a v He also has proposed a new conceptual model that e Power r lf e - s E n is based on the use of the new instrument in more n o h a C n than fifty countries around the world and more c em e than 44,000 subjects (Smith and Schwartz 1997). nt According to Schwartz (1992), values are ar- rayed along two general dimensions (Figure 1). In Figure 1. Structural relations among ten any culture, individual values fall along a dimen- motivational types of values sion ranging from ‘‘self-enhancement’’ to ‘‘self- SOURCE: Schwartz (1997), p. 87. transcendence.’’ This dimension reflects the dis- tinction between values oriented toward the pur- suit of self-interest and values related to a concern 2. Benevolence: ‘‘preservation and enhance- for the welfare of others: ‘‘It arrays values in terms ment of the welfare of people with whom of the extent to which they motivate people to one is in frequent personal contact’’ enhance their own personal interests (even at the 3. Conformity: ‘‘restraint of actions, inclina- expense of others) versus the extent to which they tions, and impulses likely to upset or harm motivate people to transcend selfish concerns and others and violate social expectations promote the welfare of others, close and distant, or norms’’ and of nature’’ (1992, p. 43). The second dimen- sion contrasts ‘‘openness to change’’ with ‘‘conser- 4. Tradition: ‘‘respect, commitment, and ac- vation’’: ‘‘It arrays values in terms of the extent to ceptance of the customs and ideas that which they motivate people to follow their own one’s culture or religion imposes on the intellectual and emotional interests in unpredict- individual’’ able and uncertain directions versus to preserve 5. Security: ‘‘safety, harmony, and stability of the status quo and the certainty it provides in society, of relationships, and of self’’ relationships with close others, institutions, and 6. Power: ‘‘attainment of social status and traditions’’ (1992, p. 43). This dimension indicates prestige, and control or dominance over the degree to which individuals are motivated to people and resources’’ engage in independent action and are willing to challenge themselves for both intellectual and emo- 7. Achievement: ‘‘personal success through tional realization. Schwartz (1992, pp. 5–12) fur- demonstrating competence according to ther postulates that within these two dimensions, social standards’’ there are ten motivational value types: 8. Hedonism: ‘‘pleasure or sensuous gratifica- 1. Universalism: ‘‘understanding, tion for oneself’’ appreciation, tolerance, and protection for 9. Stimulation: ‘‘excitement, novelty, and chal- the welfare of all people and for nature’’ lenge in life’’

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10. Self-direction: ‘‘independent thought and bers of another culture tending toward a different action—choosing, creating, exploring’’ set. Cultural variation in values is of special inter- est to sociologists, while individual-level values are Like Rokeach, Schwartz conceptualizes these closer to the interests of social psychologists. Cul- motivational types as being dynamically interre- tural values are important to sociologists because lated, with those closest together being conceptu- they reflect ways in which society balances conflict- ally linked and having the greatest influence on ing concerns between individuals and groups and one another. This model was not developed de- the dominant themes around which individuals ductively but was derived from an empirical pro- are socialized. One issue is the provision of public ject of data collection in which the Schwartz Scale goods; another is the extent to which individuals of Values was used. This instrument, which in- profess autonomy from the collectivity rather than cludes fifty-six Rokeach-style values items, is com- identifying with it. pleted by subjects who rate each item on a ten- point scale of personal importance. Unlike the To obtain cultural-level values, Schwartz (1994) Rokeach instrument, this scale does not require used the mean scores of values for each culture the respondents to rank-order the items. Through sample as the basis for plotting a new two-dimen- the use of a multidimensional scaling technique sional model. The data points thus are cultures (smallest-space analysis), statistical correlations of rather than individual respondents. Among other individual items in a survey sample are mapped in findings, Schwartz discovered that east Asian na- a two-dimensional space. Thus, each item is plot- tions emphasize hierarchy and conservatism, whereas ted on a graph, and clusters of those items consti- west European nations emphasize egalitarianism tute the domains identified in Figure 1. The major and individual autonomy. Anglo nations, includ- finding of the Schwartz project is that this basic ing the United States, fall between these extremes, visual model reappears in culture after culture. emphasizing mastery and autonomy but also hier- The system of values is essentially the same world- archy; this may explain the greater tolerance for wide, although the emphasis given to particular income inequality in countries such as the United domains varies from place to place. States (Smith and Schwartz 1997).

Schwartz’s dynamic model provides new in- Smith and Schwartz (1997) argue that values sight into the values–behavior debate. Schwartz research should take two trajectories in the future. argues that the relationship of values to behavior First, most studies now ask the respondents to (or any other variable) must be understood in the report their own value priorities, whereas, espe- context of a multidimensional system. Voting for a cially for culture-level analyses, it would be useful particular political platform, for example, can be to ask the respondents to report what they believe predicted on the basis of a person’s value priori- are the prevailing values of their culture. This may ties. Given the interrelatedness of values in Schwartz’s provide a better account of the normative milieu model, a person’s values form a system: For exam- in which people evaluate their values and deci- ple, a person who strongly endorses universalism sions. Second, most studies have examined the is unlikely to endorse its distal correlate power strength of individual commitment to particular while moderately endorsing values that are in values, but little research has dealt with the degree closer proximity. Schwartz (1996) has used data of value consensus in a culture. Because of the from these values systems to predict political sociological concern about linking cultural values behavior. and the organization of societies, this is a crucial topic. One intriguing hypothesis is that socioeco- Schwartz’s research is especially important for nomic development may enhance value consen- distinguishing values at the individual and cultural sus, while democratization may decrease it. These levels. Individuals may differ in their values, but so tendencies have broad implications for social sta- too do cultures, with the members of one culture bility and change in the future as countries pursue tending toward one set of priorities and the mem- these goals.

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INDIVIDUALISM AND COLLECTIVISM nese society. Second, collectivism is characterized by self-transcendent values. Individuals demon- In cross-cultural research on values, no concepts strate a great willingness to cooperate in the pur- have been explored in as much detail as individual- suit of collective benefits, sacrificing their self- ism and collectivism. Consistent with the underly- interest to do so. In conflicts between individual ing theme of values research that private and and collective interests, collectivists will subsume communal interests may conflict, individualism their individual interests in favor of those of the in- and collectivism speak directly to the various ways group. However, collectivists are not universally in which cultures have balanced these compet- self-transcendent. Cooperation and self-sacrifice ing goals. extend only to the boundaries of the in-group.

The concept of individualism as a cultural Individualism and collectivism are cultural con- construct has received much empirical attention, structs that define the values of societies, not those particularly since the publication of Hofstede’s of individuals. Triandis argues that individuals (1980) study of 117,000 IBM employees world- vary in their adoption of the cultural ethos. To wide. In that study, fifteen items related to employ- distinguish individualistic cultures from individu- ment goals were subdivided into related clusters alistic individuals, he uses the terms ‘‘idiocentrism’’ by using factor analysis, one of which Hofstede for the individual-level correlates of individualism labeled individualism, inspiring this line of re- and ‘‘allocentrism’’ for the individual-level corre- search. Theory and measurement in individualism lates of collectivism. An individualistic culture is and collectivism are associated primarily with defined by having a majority of idiocentrics. These Triandis (see especially Triandis 1989, 1995 and a individuals identify primarily with the values of review by Kagitcibasi 1997). In this tradition, the individualism, but not in every situation. Thus, individualistic cultures of the West are typically individualistic cultures have both idiocentrics and contrasted with the collectivistic cultures of the allocentrics, and idiocentrics are collectivistic on East and Latin America. For example, Kim et al. occasion. (1994, pp. 6–7) argue that an individualistic ethos encourages individuals to be ‘‘autonomous, self- Triandis has developed a fifty-item scale to directing, unique, assertive, and to value privacy measure the various elements of individualism and freedom of choice.’’ In contrast, ‘‘interde- and collectivism. In addition, he advocates a pendency, succor, nurturance, common fate, and multimethod approach to their study. For exam- compliance’’ characterize a collectivistic ethos. ple, Triandis et al. (1990) used several measures, including the Schwartz Scale of Values. One of the Triandis (1989, p. 52) defines collectivism in measures is the Twenty Statements Test (Kuhn terms of in-groups and out-groups: ‘‘Collectivism and McPartland 1954), which asks respondents to means greater emphasis on (a) the views, needs, finish twenty sentences that begin with the words and goals of the in-group rather than oneself; (b) ‘‘I am . . .’’ This test is used to measure the degree social norms and duty defined by the in-group of social identification or the ‘‘social content of the rather than behavior to get pleasure; (c) beliefs self’’ by disclosing the number and ordinal posi- shared with the in-group rather than beliefs that tion of group membership references to the self distinguish self from in-group; and (d) great readi- relative to the number and ordinal position of ness to cooperate with in-group members.’’ Col- individual references to the self. For example, ‘‘I lectivism is characterized by two major themes that am white’’ refers to group membership, whereas are consistent with the values dimensions of ‘‘I am kind’’ refers to a character trait. Collectivists Schwartz’s theory. First, collectivism is defined by are predicted to identify more closely with groups conservation values: conformity, tradition, and than are individualists. In Triandis et al.’s study, security. The Japanese proverb ‘‘The nail that less than one-fifth of a U.S. sample’s responses sticks up gets hammered down’’ illustrates the were social, whereas more than half of a mainland demand for conformity in the collectivistic Japa- Chinese sample’s responses were social. Using

3218 VALUES THEORY AND RESEARCH another measure, individualists and collectivists issues of cultural values and economic develop- were distinguished by attitude scales measuring ment. This line of research, which was initiated by the perceived social distance between in-group Inglehart, is summarized below. members and out-group members. Collectivists perceived in-group members as being more homo- Future research on individualistic and collec- geneous than did individualist and also perceived tivistic values is likely to proceed along three lines. out-group members as being more different from First, these concepts may become more closely in-group members than did individualists. integrated with Schwartz’s general theory of val- ues. Schwartz (1990, 1994) makes a case for this, Among the numerous findings of studies of and researchers are beginning to use measures of the values–behavior relationship, one theme is individualism/collectivism concurrently with the particularly apparent. Individualists tend to em- Schwartz Scale of Values (Triandis et al. 1990). phasize competition, self-interest, and ‘‘free rid- Second, the overarching concepts of individual- ing,’’ whereas collectivists tend to emphasize coop- ism and collectivism are becoming increasingly eration, conflict avoidance, group harmony, and refined as specific relationships between values group enhancement. Thus, in balancing individ- and other variables are examined. Triandis (1995) ual and collective needs, collectivists favor the proposes that individualism and collectivism be group more readily than do individualists. Collectivists further distinguished by horizontal and vertical also have been shown to favor equality in distribu- dimensions in which ‘‘horizontal’’ refers to egali- tive outcomes, whereas individualists favor equity tarian social commitments and ‘‘vertical’’ refers to (Kagitcibasi 1997). Because this adjudication be- social hierarchies. Vertical collectivism may char- tween the self and the collective is central to values acterize the value structure of rural India, vertical research, this theme is replayed across research individualism may characterize the structure of programs. Below, a line of research—‘‘social val- the United States, horizontal collectivism may char- ues’’—that provides a unique methodology for acterize an Israeli kibbutz, and horizontal indi- understanding these values will be examined. vidualism may characterize Sweden’s value struc- ture (Singelis et al. 1995). Third, another refinement Sociological research on values has long con- has been proposed by Kagitcibasi (1997), who sidered the relationship between values and social argues that ‘‘relational’’ individualism/collectiv- progress. For example, Weber ([1905] 1958) ar- ism be distinguished from ‘‘normative’’ individual- gued that an important factor in the rise of capital- ism/collectivism. The normative approach em- ism was the emergence of the Protestant Ethic, phasizes cultural ideals, such as an individualistic which encouraged hard work and self-control as a culture’s prioritization of rights and a collectivistic means of salvation. Thus, individuals were guided culture’s stress on group harmony and loyalty. The less by economic necessities or external coercion relational approach emphasizes differing concepts than by religious commitment. In values research, of the self in individualism and collectivism. In establishing a causal relationship between cultural individualistic cultures, the self is perceived to be values and social arrangements and outcomes is an autonomous, with clear boundaries drawn between ongoing endeavor. Triandis (1989), for example, the self and others. In collectivist cultures, the self suggests that individualism has two important struc- is perceived as more interdependent, with greater tural antecedents: economic independence and self-identification with the group. cultural complexity. Independence enables indi- viduals to pursue their own interests without fear- ing the economic consequences of deviation from SOCIAL VALUES the group. Cultural complexity, such as ethnic diversity and occupational specialization, fosters The measurement of social values constitutes a divergent interests and perspectives within a cul- unique approach in values research. More than ture, increasing individualistic orientations. An- any other approach, this one directly addresses the other strand in values research has examined the adjudication between individual and collective in-

3219 VALUES THEORY AND RESEARCH terests. The basic issue in this research is how individuals prioritize allocations between them- Other's Outcome selves and anonymous others. How much are indi- ... 5 viduals willing to sacrifice their own interests for MARTYRDOM 4 the good of the group?

ALTRUISM 3 Social values research is grounded in a larger 2 COOPERATION paradigm of experimental gaming, the most fa- 1 MASOCHISM INDIVIDUALISM Own mous example of which is the ‘‘prisoner’s dilemma.’’ ...–5 –4 –3 –2 –1 1 2 3 4 5... Outcome Although game theory is quite complex, most –1 COMPETITION experimental games have as a central theme the –2 conflict between individual and collective outcomes. –3 SADO- This is particularly true in ‘‘n-person’’ prisoner’s MASOCHISM –4 dilemma games and ‘‘commons’’ games, both of –5 AGGRESSION which are more generally called social dilemma ... games (for a general review of social dilemmas research, see Yamagishi 1994). The social values Figure 2. Vectors that define a subset of social values measure is a slight variation of these games, which (Given a particular value orientation, an actor always involve decisions that result in various pay- should select that combination of available own and offs to the self and others. These games are labora- others outcomes that has the greatest projection on tory analogues of real-world situations in which the correspondent vector) values may play a significant role in behavioral SOURCE: McClintock and Van Avermaet (1982), p. 49. choices. The example of supporting a tax levy for public education discussed at the beginning of the article constitutes a social dilemma because indi- distinguishes between altruists, cooperators, indi- vidual interests are in direct conflict with the com- vidualists, and competitors, the most common mon good. Another example is proenvironmental classifications. behavior such as not littering and recycling. The Each orientation is an indication of the prefer- classic prisoner’s dilemma refers to a hypothetical ence that is given for the outcomes for both the situation involving the choice between exposing a self and the other. Subjects may attempt to maxi- coconspirator of a crime to obtain a lenient sen- mize or minimize their own or others’ outcomes tence and remaining loyal in spite of the greater or may be indifferent to one or the other. Figure 2 personal risk in doing so. displays the universe of social values in a two- In this research tradition, social values are dimensional representation of preferences for the measured through the administration of ‘‘decom- self and the other. Altruists are defined by indiffer- posed games’’ to college students participating in ence to their own outcomes and a preference for social psychology experiments (Messick and maximizing others’ outcomes. Cooperators attempt McClintock 1968). Essentially, the subjects are to maximize both their own and others’ outcomes. presented with a series of payoffs that vary in Individualists maximize their own outcomes but consequence for both the self and a paired player. are indifferent to those of others. Competitors are The subjects are asked to choose between two and concerned with maximizing their own outcomes sometimes three outcomes. For example, a subject while minimizing others’ outcomes; that is, they may be asked which of the following outcomes attempt to maximize the difference between their would be preferable: receiving $8 while the other own and others’ outcomes. Theoretically, other person receives $2 and receiving $5 while the social values may exist, such as aggressors, who are other person also receives $5. The constellation of indifferent to the self while minimizing others’ several choices with varying outcomes determines outcomes; sadomasochists, who minimize both the subject’s social values. Primarily, the technique self and others’ outcomes; masochists, who mini-

3220 VALUES THEORY AND RESEARCH mize their own outcomes but are indifferent to more cooperation from highly moral others than others’, and martyrs, who minimize their own from less moral others. outcomes while maximizing those of others. Ex- Although noncooperators see a link between cept for occasional aggressors, these orientations morality and cooperation, they do not tend to view have not been found empirically. Subjects who the social dilemma situation as being primarily show no consistent pattern of choice are treated as moral. Cooperators are more likely to view coop- unclassifiable. eration as a moral act. Noncooperators frame the Kuhlman and Marshello (1975) have shown problem not in terms of morality but in terms of that social values influence choices in prisoner’s power: Cooperation is viewed as weak rather than dilemma games, Liebrand (1986) and McClintock moral. This is called the ‘‘might over morality and Liebrand (1988) have demonstrated their in- hypothesis’’ (Liebrand et al. 1986). Viewing coop- fluence in a variety of n-person games, and Kramer eration as both weak and unintelligent may pro- et al. (1986) have done the same thing in regard to vide the self-justification necessary for pursuing an a commons dilemma. In other words, values have egoistic goal (‘‘Van Lange 1993). The might over been demonstrated to clearly affect behavioral morality hypothesis may overstate the case for choices in these laboratory situations. noncooperators. Defectors have been found to assign more moral attributions to defection than Altruists and cooperators tend to cooperate, do cooperators (Van Lange et al. 1990). The differ- while individualists and competitors tend to defect ence may be not only that cooperators view the (not cooperate). The essence of social values is the dilemma as a moral situation more than defectors identification of individual differences regarding do but also that defectors may view their moral preferred outcomes in interdependent situations. obligations differently. Both groups are likely to One interpretation of social values is that ‘‘cooperators view self-enhancement as an important value. have internalized a value system in which satisfac- Despite the fact that cooperators view social tion with interdependent relationships is directly dilemmas as highly moral, their cooperation is not proportional to the level of collective welfare they a matter of pure altruism. They are concerned produce; competitors’ rewards are directly pro- with joint outcomes, with the self included. When portional to how much more they receive than they are exploited by noncooperators, they quickly others; and individualists are relatively indifferent defect (Kuhlman and Marshello 1975). In a study to others’ outcomes, making them most similar to by Kuhlman et al. (1993), cooperators viewed co- the traditionally conceived ‘economic person’’’ operation as a partially self-interested act. That is, (Kuhlman et al. 1986, p. 164). they recognized the self-beneficial outcomes of Studies of social values have found that collective cooperation. By contrast, competitors cooperators and noncooperators view social di- and individualists did not do this. For cooperators lemmas differently. In general, decisions in social and competitors, the difference may be explained dilemmas are evaluated in terms of intelligence by trust. Cooperators are high trusters, assuming that others will be cooperative. Competitors are and morality. Players often are seen as making low trusters, expecting others to defect as they either ‘‘smart’’ or ‘‘good’’ decisions. Intelligence themselves do (Kelley and Stahelski 1970). Com- conforms to a player’s social values. Cooperators petition therefore may be a result of a fear of tend to view cooperation as the intelligent choice, exploitation or of losing in a competitive social predicting that unintelligent others will defect. arena. Individualists were found to be high trusters Noncooperators tend to view defection as the (expecting others to cooperate), unlike competi- intelligent choice, predicting that unintelligent oth- tors. In this case, defection may be motivated ers will cooperate. This self-serving reversal does more by greed than by fear. not occur with morality, however. Van Lange (1993) found that both cooperators and noncooperators Two studies suggest that social values discov- view cooperation as moral. Both groups expect ered in the laboratory may have ecological validity,

3221 VALUES THEORY AND RESEARCH that is, be relevant to real-world situations. Bem Weber’s work drawing a link between cultural and Lord (1979) created a three-part strategy: values (Protestantism) and socioeconomic change First, they had experts list the personality charac- (the emergence of capitalism). The contemporary teristics of cooperators, competitors, and indi- work of Inglehart is concerned with the associa- vidualists. Second, they used decomposed games tion of values and economic development and to measure the subjects’ values. Third, they had with how changes in economic conditions are the subjects’ dormitory roommates describe the reflected in very different value priorities. Impor- personality of the subjects. The personal descrip- tant works in this tradition include Inglehart (1990) tions of specific individuals correlated with both and Abramson and Inglehart (1995). A good sum- the personality templates created by the experts mary is found in Inglehart (1995). and subjects’ social values as measured by the The starting point for this line of research is games. McClintock and Allison (1989) assessed Weber’s ([1905] 1958) classic association between the social values of subjects and, after several Protestantism and the rise of capitalism in the months, mailed them a request to donate their West. Protestant Europe created a new value sys- time to a charitable cause. Cooperators were more tem that replaced several dogmatic restraints on willing to donate time than were competitors and the development of medieval European society. individualists. Weber was principally interested in the shift from Social values research describes differing traditional authority, best represented by the motivational preferences and behaviors in social church, to what he called ‘‘rational-legal’’ author- dilemmas. This line of research is fascinating be- ity, which endorsed individual achievement over cause it has adopted the methodology (experimen- ascriptive status and the preeminence of the im- tal games) of ‘‘rational choice’’ theorists, who ar- personal state as an arbiter of conflicts. Crucial to gue that prosocial values always will be trumped by modernization was secularization, which was re- considerations of self-interest. Although the ex- flected in an emerging scientific worldview, and perimental paradigm is clearly artificial and per- bureaucratization, which was reflected in the rise haps contrived, it has fostered an accumulation of of organizations driven by attempts at efficiency controlled evidence that supports the basic thesis and explicit goal setting. of values research: Values are important determi- Inglehart argues that modernization has fol- nants of behavioral choice. lowed a fairly straightforward trajectory with eco- nomic growth and security at its epicenter. Corre- INGLEHART’S POSTMODERN THESIS lated with modernization has been a coherent set of values such as industriousness, equity, thrift, Values research as it is described in this article has and security. However, the achievement of eco- followed two distinct strands represented by sev- nomic security in the last twenty-five years in many eral schools of theory and research. The first is the countries around the world is fostering a change in micro-level strand. Values research at the microlevel the dominant values paradigm. Inglehart suggests has focused on individual values: what they are, that people may be experiencing a turn toward how they are measured, how they vary, and how postmodern values that emphasize individualistic they affect behavior. The various methodologies concerns such as friendship, leisure, self-expres- for measuring values, from Rokeach’s value sur- sion, and the desire for meaningful, not just wealth- vey, to the Schwartz scale, to Messick and McClintock’s creating, work. In key ways, postmodern values decomposed games, represent this strand. The follow a path similar to that of modernization second strand operates at the macro level, the level values, especially in regard to secularization and of cultures or societies. In this strand, one ques- individuation. However, they branch in other di- tion concerns the distinct cultural variations in rections on several points. In societies in which values priorities, such as Triandis’s individualism major proportions of the members are economically versus collectivism. Another question follows from secure, individuals seek to fulfill postmaterialistic

3222 VALUES THEORY AND RESEARCH aims such as environmental protection and rela- ues (Kidd and Lee 1997). These data do not sug- tional satisfaction. Individuals reject large institu- gest that those who adopt postmodern values score tions, whether religious or state-based, focusing higher on various indicators of subjective well- instead on more private concerns. They seek new being (Inglehart 1995). What changes is not their outlets for self-expression and political participa- level of happiness per se but the criteria by which tion, particularly through local activism. they evaluate their happiness.

Some evidence for the postmodern shift comes Two issues will continue to receive attention from Inglehart and Abramson’s (1994) analyses of in this line of research. First, there has been some the Euro-Barometer Surveys, which have measured debate about the role of environmentalism as a values at frequent intervals since 1970 in all the postmodern value. Does it indicate postmodern European Community nations. These surveys have commitments, suggesting that it will be valued shown a general increase in postmaterialistic values. only by economically secure societies, or is it a more inclusive phenomenon? For a discussion of Other evidence regarding the postmodern the- this issue, see Kidd and Lee (1997) and Brechin sis is drawn from the 1990–1991 World Values and Kempton (1997) along with other articles in Survey, which included data from representative that issue of Social Science Quarterly. More gener- samples from forty-three countries and more than ally, the postmodern thesis must be tested with 56,000 respondents. Using multiple indicators for cross-national time-series data to identify values the identification of modern and postmodern val- changes over time. These data also will provide ues, Inglehart tabulated mean scores for each insight into questions of causality (Granato et al. country for forty-seven values. Those scores were 1996): Do values affect economic development, or employed in a factor analysis that disclosed two vice versa? important dimensions. The first dimension con- trasts traditional authority with rational-legal au- thority, and the second contrasts values guided by CONCLUSION scarcity conditions with those guided by postmodern or security conditions. The distribution of these Values research has been of interest to sociologists values in a two-dimensional space is illustrated in throughout the history of the discipline. Recently, Figure 3. These distributions of values also corre- the study of values has produced novel empirical spond to countries, and so they can be plotted in a research programs that carefully address core ques- two-dimensional space (Inglehart 1995). For ex- tions in this field of inquiry. Most fundamentally, ample, Inglehart places the United States, Great values researchers ask what motivates behavior: Is Britain, and Canada as well as the Scandinavian it self-interest alone, self-interest and external co- countries in the postmodern end of this dimen- ercion, or a combination of self-interest, coercion, sion. China, Russia, and Germany ranked highest and internalized values? A central issue in this line in the rational-legal domain. Nigeria stood out in of questioning is the role of values in adjudicating its emphasis on traditional authority, while India, conflicts between individual and collective pursuits. South Africa, and Poland fell between an emphasis Values researchers begin with the task of val- on traditional authority and an emphasis on scar- ues measurement. What values to people hold? city values. Which ones do they prioritize? How do values These data do not suggest that once a country differ between members of society and between achieves a certain level of economic security, a different cultures? Rokeach supplied the most sweeping change in values follows. The process is common measure of values, and Schwartz expanded gradual, with segments of the population shifting that measure. Messick and McClintock supplied a from generation to generation. Hence, even in very different and innovative measure of social ‘‘postmodern’’ societies, many, if not most, of the values within the paradigm of game theory re- members are likely to emphasize ‘‘modernist’’ val- search. Schwartz, Triandis, and Inglehart have

3223 VALUES THEORY AND RESEARCH

RATIONAL-LEGAL AUTHORITY

–1.00 –.80 –.60 –.40 –.20 0 +.20 +.40 +.60 +.80 +1.00 +1.00 +1.00

Abortion +.80 OK +.80

Thrift Determination Responsibility +.60 Discuss Interested +.60 in politics politics Divorce OK Politics important +.40 Change Trust people +.40

Not Homosexual State/employee Independence happy management OK +.20 Imagination +.20 Hard RATIONAL-LEGAL Tolerance Woman work Affect needs Money Ecology balance Child POST- 0 children needs SCARCITY Women's Post- 0 both parents MODERN movement Friends materialist Technology State important values Reject ownership Life out-groups TRADITIONAL State Have Leisure satisfaction SCARCITY VALUES –.20 –.20 responsible Trust science Freedom free important POSTMODERN VALUES equality choice In good Jobs to own health nationality –.40 –.40 Respect Good and evil Want parents are clear many –.60 children –.60 Respect authority Work Family important important Obedience National pride –.80 –.80 R. is religious God is important Religion important –1.00 –1.00 –1.00 –.80 –.60 –.40 –.20 0 +.20 +.40 +.60 +.80 +1.00

TRADITIONAL AUTHORITY

Figure 3. Variation in the values emphasized by different societies: traditional authority versus rational-legal authority and scarcity values versus postmodern values

SOURCE: Source: Inglehart (1995), p. 389.

made valuable contributions to the understanding interaction. Do values motivate behavior? How are of values cross-culturally. Of particular note is the values related to other motivators of behavior? apparent universality in the conceptual organiza- How do individuals increase or decrease their tion of values worldwide, while much variation in commitment to particular values? How do socie- the cultural commitment to particular values has ties undergo values changes? How are conflicts been observed. between values adjudicated between individuals, between individuals and their communities, and Beyond measurement, values researchers have between different cultures? Each of the research been concerned with the role of values in social

3224 VALUES THEORY AND RESEARCH traditions described in this article has made a Michod, ed., The Origin of Values. New York: Aldine contribution to an understanding of the complex de Gruyter. values–behavior relationship. Rarely, however, has Hofstede, G. 1980 Culture’s Consequences: International the question of values acquisition and retention Differences in Work-Related Values. Thousand Oaks, been addressed. Given the enormous progress in Calif.: Sage. cross-cultural values research, it is likely that this Inglehart, Ronald 1990 Culture Shift in Advanced Indus- domain will garner a great deal of research atten- trial Society. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press. tion in the next few years. ——— 1995 ‘‘Changing Values, Economic Develop- ment, and Political Change.’’ International Social Sci- ence Journal 145:379–403. REFERENCES ——— and Paul R. Abramson 1994 ‘‘Economic Security Abramson, Paul R., and Ronald Inglehart 1995 Value and Value Change.’’ American Political Science Review Change in Global Perspective. Ann Arbor: University of 88:336–354. Michigan Press. Kagitcibasi, Cigdem 1997 ‘‘Individualism and Collectiv- Allport, G. W., P. E. Vernon, and G. Lindsey 1960 A ism.’’ In J. W. Berry, M. H. Segall, and C. Kagitcibasi, Study of Values. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. eds. Handbook of Cross-Cultural Psychology, vol. 3. Bos- Ball-Rokeach, Sandra J., and William E. Loges 1992 ton: Allyn and Bacon. ‘‘Value Theory and Research.’’ In E. F. Borgatta and Kelley, Harold H., and A. J. Stahelski 1970 ‘‘Social M. L. Borgatta, eds., Encyclopedia of Sociology, vol. 1. Interaction Basis of Cooperators’ and Competitors’ New York: MacMillan Beliefs about Others.’’ Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 16:66–91. Bem, Daryl J., and Charles G. Lord 1979 ‘‘Template Matching: A Proposal for Probing the Ecological Kidd, Quentin, and Aie-Rie Lee 1997 ‘‘Postmaterialist Validity of Experimental Settings in Social Psychol- Values and the Environment: A Critique and Reap- ogy.’’ Journal of Personality and Social Psychology praisal.’’ Social Science Quarterly 78:1–15. 37:833–846. Kim, Uichol, Harry C. Triandis, Cigdem Kagitcibasi, Blake, Judith, and Kingsley Davis 1964 ‘‘Norms, Values, Sang-Chin Choi, and Gene Yoon 1994. ‘‘Introduc- and Sanctions.’’ In R. E. L. Faris, ed., Handbook of tion.’’ In U. Kim, H. C. Triandis, C. Kagitcibasi S.-C. Modern Sociology, Boston: Rand McNally. Choi, and G. Yoon, eds., Individualism and Collectiv- ism: Theory, Method and Applications. Thousand Oaks, Brechin, Steven R., and Willett Kempton 1997 ‘‘Beyond Calif.: Sage. Postmaterialist Values: National versus Individual Explanations of Global Environmentalism.’’ Social Kluckhohn, Clyde 1951 ‘‘Values and Value Orientation in the Theory of Action.’’ In T. Parsons and E. A. Science Quarterly 78:16–20. Shils, eds., Toward a General Theory of Action. Cam- Feather, Norman T. 1975 Values in Education and Society. bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. New York: Free Press. Kluckhohn, Florence R., and Fred L. Strodtbeck 1961 Granato, Jim, Ronald Inglehart, and David Leblang Variations in Value Orientations. Westport, Conn.: 1996 ‘‘The Effect of Cultural Values on Economic Greenwood Press. Development: Theory, Hypotheses, and Some Em- Kohn, Melvin L. 1969 Class and Conformity: A Study in pirical Tests.’’ American Journal of Political Science Values. Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey. 40:607–631. Kristiansen, Connie M., and Alan M. Hotte 1996 ‘‘Mo- Grube, Joel W., Daniel M. Mayton, and Sandra J. Ball- rality and the Self: Implications for the When and Rokeach 1994 ‘‘Inducing Change in Values, Atti- How of Value-Attitude-Behavior Relations.’’ In C. tudes, and Behaviors: Belief System Theory and the Seligman, J. M. Olson, and M. P. Zanna, eds., The Method of Value Self-Confrontation.’’ Journal of So- Psychology of Values: The Ontario Symposium, vol. 8. cial Issues 50:153–174. Mahwah, N.J.: Erlbaum. Hechter, Michael 1992 ‘‘Should Values Be Written Out ———, and Mark P. Zanna 1994 ‘‘The Rhetorical Use of of the Social Scientist’s Lexicon?’’ Sociological Theory Values to Justify Social and Intergroup Attitudes.’’ 10:214–230. Journal of Social Issues 50:47–66. ——— 1993 ‘‘Values Research in the Social and Behav- Kuhlman, D. Michael, Clifford Brown, and Paul Teta ioral Sciences.’’ In M. Hechter, L. Nadel, and R. E. 1993 ‘‘Judgments of Cooperation and Defection in

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Van Lange, Paul A. M. 1993 ‘‘Rationality and Morality in ORIGIN OF THE IDEA OF VOLUNTARY Social Dilemmas: The Influence of Social Value Ori- ASSOCIATIONS entations.’’ In W. B. G. Liebrand, D. M. Messick, and H. A. M. Wilke, eds., Social Dilemmas: Theoretical It is generally acknowledged that the origins of Issues and Research Findings. New York: Pergamon. voluntary associations are in the writings of early ———, B. G. Liebrand, and D. Michael Kuhlman 1990 Reformation leaders such as Martin Luther and ‘‘Causal Attribution of Choice Behavior in Three N- John Calvin (Hooker 1997). Calvin taught that all Person Prisoners Dilemmas.’’ Journal of Experimental believers should participate equally in church deci- Social Psychology 26:34–48. sions. The way to accomplish this equality was to Weber, Max 1958 [1905] The Protestant Ethic and the see the church as a free and voluntary association Spirit of Capitalism. New York: Scribner’s. of members; at the same time, to become a mem- Williams, Robin M. 1960 American Society: A Sociological ber, an individual had to be approved by the Interpretation. New York: Knopf. congregation. An early expression of this demo- cratic church model developed in New England ——— 1968 ‘‘The Concept of Values.’’ In D. L. Shils, towns, with the local Congregationalist church as ed., International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 16. New York: Free Press. the prototypical voluntary association. Yamagishi, Toshio 1994 ‘‘Social Dilemmas.’’ In K. S. When Alexis de Tocqueville based Democracy Cook, G. A. Fine, and J. House, eds., Sociological in America on his tour of the United States in the Perspectives on Social Psychology. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. 1830s, he took particular note of the degree to Zavalloni, M. 1980 ‘‘Values.’’ In H. C. Triandis and R. W. which Americans formed groups to serve personal Brishan, eds., Handbook of Cross-Cultural Psychology, interests and solve problems from the mundane to vol. 5. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. the profound. Tocqueville (1956) was particularly impressed by New England small towns with their DAVID R. KARP autonomous local church congregations, whose citizens gathered in ‘‘town meetings’’ and voted on projects, from building schools and roads to car- ing for the poor. Current American nostalgia for VIOLENCE local control to preserve the moral order may owe See Crime Rates; Criminology; Crowds and much to the almost sacred aura given to the read- Riots; Family Violence; Sexual Violence and ing of Tocqueville’s description of early American Exploitation; Terrorism. society.

CHARACTERISTICS AND OBJECTIVES OF VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS

The 1990s saw renewed interest in and concerns Research on voluntary associations was limited about voluntary associations and their roles in until recently, with most people accepting their society. On the international level, countries that importance to a free society and concentrating on had been part of the Soviet Union and its power questions of demographic characteristics and the bloc continued to form and experiment with what contributions they made to local communities they called ‘‘informal groups,’’ which had the es- (Irwin et al. 1997). sential characteristics of voluntary associations. That is, those groups were independent of control One of the most consistent findings about from outside sources, people were free to join or voluntary associations (Cutler 1976) was that indi- leave them, and members established their own viduals with higher socioeconomic status (SES) objectives and goals and developed means that were more likely to participate in voluntary asso- might achieve them. Among the most important ciations. Age, race, and gender (while influenced developments arising from these informal groups strongly by SES) also were identified as important was the emergence of political parties as part of factors in membership, with middle-aged persons, the struggle to establish democratic governments. whites, and males more likely to be members.

3227 VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS

Gender differences in voluntary association CURRENT RESEARCH membership have been studied in terms of rates of In the United States, Putnam (1996) developed the participation as well as differences in the types of hypothesis that voluntary associations might well organizations to which each sex belongs. Histori- have run their course as he recounted the tale of cally, women’s participation rates in voluntary as- ‘‘Bowling Alone,’’ suggesting that the decline of sociations (McPherson and Smith-Lowin 1986) were voluntary associations was bringing with it a de- lower than men’s. Furthermore, the groups to cline in the country’s civic health. His hypothesis which women belonged tended to be smaller, sparked renewed interest in voluntary associations single-sex, and expressive rather than instrumen- and their place in American society. tal. Still, in the 1980s, Knoke (1986) reported that the gender gap was narrowing as more women While Putnam was suggesting the decline of entered the professional ranks. voluntary associations, Wuthnow (1994) was re- porting on the large and apparently growing num- Studies of the effect of race on voluntary ber of Americans who were joining small groups association membership provided inconsistent find- that seemed to have the characteristics of volun- ings. For example, Hyman and Wright (1971) tary associations. Wuthnow’s national survey of documented a sharp increase in membership American adults found that ‘‘exactly forty percent among blacks between 1955 and 1962 (sharper of the adult population of the United States claims than that among whites). However, blacks contin- to be involved in a small group that meets regularly ued to be less likely to belong to a voluntary and provides caring and support for those who association other than the local church congrega- participate in it‘‘(1994, p. 45). Assuming that an tion and its Bible study groups. Knoke (1986, p.4) American adult belonged only to one small group, summarized more recent research with the state- Wuthnow estimated that at the time of his study, ment that ‘‘researchers generally found that blacks’ there were at least three million small groups participation rates fell below whites’ but disagreed active in the United States, with approximately on whether the gap could be traced to black SES one group for every eighty people, assuming group disadvantages.’’ size averages of close to twenty-five. Drawing on a variety of sources, Wuthnow subdivided these small Researchers interested in the way nonpolitical groups as follows: voluntary associations influence political partici- pation have found that individuals who are mem- Bible study and related religious groups: 1.7 million bers of such organizations are more likely to vote and participate in politics (Sigelman et al. 1985; Self-help groups: 500,000 Wolfinger and Rosenstone 1980; Milbrath and Special-interest groups (political, sports, Goel 1977; Rogers et al. 1975). book and/or discussion): 750,000 (1994, p.76) Voluntary associations range in size from groups of four or five persons to those with hun- These figures contrast sharply with earlier dreds of thousands of members worldwide; struc- attempts to estimate the number of voluntary tures vary from very informal with little leadership associations active in American society. Rose (1967) and few norms or guiding rules to highly struc- estimated that there were over 100,000 such asso- tured with formal leadership, codes of conduct, ciations in the United States, and Hyman and and elected and appointed offices. These differ- Wright (1971) reported that 57 percent of the ences reflect different goals and the ability to American adult population did not belong to a influence civic and political affairs. voluntary association. However, local and regional studies found higher participation rates. For ex- Some associations, such as the American Medi- ample, Babchuk and Booth’s Nebraska study (1969) cal Association, labor unions, and churches that found that 80 percent of the adult population are hierarchic in structure or practice infant bap- belonged to at least one voluntary association. tism, may have some of the characteristics of vol- More recently, Knoke observed that ‘‘perhaps one untary associations, but they are not seen as such third of U.S. adults belong to no formal voluntary in the definition adopted here. organizations and only a third hold membership

3228 VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS in more than one (not including churches)’’ (1986, to the great issues of the time: slavery and its moral p. 3). Excluding churches may help account for dilemmas, industrialization, and economic crisis. much of the discrepancy in the figures provided by The Harvard group has so far tracked detailed various scholars. life histories of some fifty-five voluntary associa- The highest figure provided for membership tions that have enrolled 1 percent or more of in voluntary associations among adult Americans American adults at some point in their history. came from the 1990–1991 World Values survey. Four-fifths of these associations still exist, with Galston and Levine (1997, p. 2) reported that that most of them paralleling the three-tiered govern- survey showed that ‘‘82 percent of Americans ment structure with local, state, and national belonged to at least one voluntary association, a branches. Although many groups have come and rate exceeded only by Iceland, Sweden and the gone at the local level, a more balanced historical Netherlands.’’ This survey was carried out as view sees voluntary associations as vital links be- Wuthnow was doing his study of small groups and tween local and national civil life. The social histo- rian Alexander Hoffman was cited as stating that Putnam was bemoaning the decline of at least ‘‘local institutions and organizations may best be some kinds of voluntary associations. understood as branch offices and local chapters Evidence of concerns about growth and de- . . . the building blocks of a ‘nation of joiners.’. . . cline in voluntary associations can be found in Americans enlisted in local church groups, frater- events such as the agreement between Lions Clubs nal lodges, clubs, and other organizations that International and the Junior Chamber Interna- belonged to nationwide networks’’ (Skocpol tional ( JCs) to form a global partnership to boost 1997, p. 3). membership and encourage lifelong service to the There is evidence of a decline in some types of community. Lions International (1998) reported voluntary associations even as new small groups 1.4 million members representing 43,700 clubs in emerge. For example, Skocpol (1996) noted that 185 countries, while the Junior Chamber reported since the 1960s, the Christian Coalition has been 322,000 members in 9,000 chapters in 123 na- one of the few cases of local to national federations tions. The members of JCs typically have been in growing, while some, such as the Lions, Rotary, the under-40 age bracket; the intent of the new and the Junior Chamber, have found themselves collaboration is to have them join Lions Clubs as with an aging population and in a process of slow they move up the age ladder. Both groups would decline or even death. Thus, the new alliance be encouraged to work more closely together in between the Lions and the Junior Chambers men- community service. In this way, they hope to stem tioned above may be seen as an effort at revitalization. the age creep that has brought stagnation and Current research about voluntary associations decline to many voluntary associations. has revealed a decline of same-sex organizations, Skocpol and her colleagues in the Harvard growing numbers of college-educated and profes- Civic Engagement Project have begun to docu- sional women members, and the replacement of ment the local, state, and national linkages of family-oriented by professional associations. As voluntary associations, in the process challenging Skocpol put it, ‘‘the best educated people are still the assumption that the strength of American civic participating in more groups overall, but not in the life ever lay in the local focus of voluntary associa- same groups as their less well-educated fellow tions. In her historical overview, Skocpol (1997) citizens’’ (1997, p. 5). identified events such as the Revolutionary War At least in the short run, the educational gap, and the subsequent electoral politics, along with which is reflected in the occupational and income the development of an extraordinarily extensive gaps, seems more of a threat to the well-being of and efficient national postal system, as key factors civil society than does the so-called loss of the local encouraging the activities of thousands of local group. Indeed, Wuthnow’s data, supported by and extralocal voluntary associations. Major growth recent research on small faith communities in the spurts occurred between 1820 and 1840, from U.S. Catholic Church (D’Antonio 1997), suggests after the Civil War to the end of the century, and in the opposite: Small associations are alive and boom- the 1930s. These growth spurts seem to be related ing at the local level, with more than a little sup-

3229 VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS port from national organizations that provide re- production and transmitting of social meanings. gional gatherings, bring together diverse racial This is an intersubjective process which may yield and ethnic groups, and provide a wide range of objectivated and taken-for-granted meanings. If literature that urges outreach as a part of their internalized, these meanings become the source mission. Their members may be spending more of personal identity and goal-formation of the time working in soup kitchens and other service association. Thus voluntary associations can be activities. Meanwhile, other small groups are sup- seen not only as part of the western culture heri- porting local teenage sports clubs rather than tage but also as cultures in themselves’’ (Raivio and participating in union-style bowling leagues. Heikkala 1998, p. 1). Among Wuthnow’s findings was that social support in these small groups tends to focus on the CONCLUSION individual; the groups themselves revealed tend- encies to see political and social issues in a conser- Voluntary associations generally are seen as cen- vative vein. Outreach seldom got beyond the soup tral ingredients of a pluralist democratic society. kitchen state of concern for others. Millions of Americans belong to hundreds of thou- sands of these associations, as do growing num- To the extent that these new groups cut across bers of people worldwide. Among the more im- class, gender, and age lines, they may be fulfilling portant research findings has been the multifaceted the hope expressed by Skocpol (1997, p. 5) that nature of voluntary associations’ growth and im- Americans will find new ways to work together, pact: Some associations have remained strictly ‘‘not just on ‘helping the poor’ but ‘doing with’ rather than ‘doing for’ if we want to revitalize the local; some have grown from local to state, na- best traditions of American voluntarism.’’ tional, and international levels; and not a few have grown from the top down, such as the American Legion and the PTA. Their influence on local, NEW DIRECTIONS state, and national governments has led to much important legislation, such as the GI Bill fostered Among the new directions in voluntary associa- by the American Legion. tion activity is the development of an interdiscipli- nary relationship between social work and veteri- A review of the literature and current research nary medicine. Built on the premise that ‘‘democracies challenges the nostalgic view that what is needed are based on the value of the worth and dignity of to restore vitality to American democracy is a each person, and the empowering of persons to return to localism and a shrinking national govern- take action in their own lives’’ (Granger and ment. Instead, these findings suggest that the cur- Granger 1998), Colorado State University has es- rent trend toward the growth of a variety of types tablished a Human-Animal Bond Center (HABIC). of voluntary associations, within and across na- Its goal is to provide animal-assisted therapy and tional boundaries and working with rather than activities in partnership with community health, apart from governments, is the best formula for mental health, education, and human service pro- the revitalization of American political democ- grams. The founders of this program extend the racy. The limited evidence from other societies respect for humans to animals and to the environ- suggests that that same formula applies to all ment as a crucial element in the survival of a societies seeking to model Western democracies. democratic society. The essential factor in their vision is the linkage of voluntary associations with formal groups such as social work agencies and REFERENCES veterinary medicine societies. 1998 ‘‘Joining Forces to Promote Volunteerism, Mem- bership Growth.’’ Association Management 50:24. At the international level, scholars in Finland are going beyond studying the functional role of Babchuk, Nicholas, and Alan Booth 1969 ‘‘Voluntary voluntary associations in the stability and growth Association Membership: A Longitudinal Analysis.’’ of democratic societies. They propose that ‘‘from American Sociological Review 34:31–45. the point of view of social constructionism volun- Cutler, Stephen J. 1976 ‘‘Age Differences in Voluntary tary associations can be seen as forums for the Association Membership.’’ Social Forces 55:43–58.

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D’Antonio, William V. 1997 ‘‘Small Christian Commu- Tocqueville, Alexis de [1836] 1956 Democracy in America, nities in the Catholic Church: A Study in Progress’’ In ed. and abridged by Richard D. Heffner. New Robert S. Pelton, ed., Small Christian Communities: York: Mentor. Imagining Future Church. Notre Dame, Ind.: Univer- Wolfinger, Raymond E., and Steven J. Rosenstone 1980 sity of Notre Dame Press. Who Votes? New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. Galston, William A., and Peter Levine 1997 ‘‘America’s Wuthnow, Robert (ed.) 1991 Between States and Markets: Civic Condition: A Glance at the Evidence.’’ Brookings The Voluntary Sector in Comparative Perspective. Prince- Review. 15:23–26. ton, N. J: Princeton, University Press. Granger, Ben P., and Georgia V. Granger 1998 ‘‘Volun- ———, 1994 Sharing the Journey: Support Groups and tary Association Development and the Human-Ani- America’s New Quest for Community. New York: Free Press. mal Bond.’’ http://www/friends-partners.org/friends/ audem/audem93/granger.htmlopt-other-unix-english. WILLIAM V. D’ANTONIO Hooker, Richard 1997 ‘‘Voluntary Associations.’’ World Cultures Home Page: http://www.wsu.edu:8080/ dee/GLOSSARY/VOLUNTA.HTM. Hyman, Herbert H., and Charles R. Wright 1971 ‘‘Ameri- VOTING BEHAVIOR can Adults: Replication Based on Secondary Analyses of National Sample Surveys.’’ American Sociological In addition to sociologists, scholars from many Review 36:191–206. different fields, including history, political science, psychology, and geography, have studied elections Irwin, Michael, Charles Tolbert, and Thomas Lyson and voting behavior. In current American sociol- 1997 ‘‘How to Build Strong Home Towns.’’ American Demographics N.Y. Vol 19:42–47. ogy, however, these topics are largely neglected. Major advances have been made in related disci- Knoke, David 1986 ‘‘Associations and Interest Groups.’’ plines, yet as of one of the pioneers, the sociologist Annual Review of Sociology 12:1–21. Rice (1928, p. p.vii) stated: ‘‘The phenomena of McPherson, J. Miller, and Lynn Smith-Lowin 1986 ‘‘Sex politics are functions of group life. The study of Segregation in Voluntary Associations.’’ American group life per se is a task of sociology.’’ In general Sociological Review 51:61–79. terms, despite variations in emphasis between dif- Milbrath, Lester W., and M. L. Goel 1977 Political ferent approaches, the sociological study of voting Participation. Chicago: Rand McNally. behavior is concerned with the way individuals Morgan, Patrick 1997 ‘‘Renovating Civil Society.’’ IPA obtain, select, and process information related to Review, March, pp. 29–30. the political arena; the various forces that shape Putnam, Robert D. 1996 ‘‘The Strange Disappearance this process; the relevance individuals attribute to of Civic America.’’ American Prospect 24:34–49. the political sphere; and how they decide to par- Raivio, Risto, and Juha Heikkala 1998 ‘‘Voluntary Asso- ticipate in or refrain from specific political actions. ciations as Cultures.’’ http://www.uta.fi/laitokset/ Elections provide a convenient focus, a point where sosio/culture/firstassociat.htm. the often elusive and latent processing of political information manifests behavioral correlates such Rogers, David L., Gordon L. Bultena, and Ken H. Barb 1975 ‘‘Voluntary Association Membership and Politi- as voting or abstaining and supporting one candi- cal Participation: An Exploration of the Mobilization date or the other. In contrast, forecasting election Hypothesis.’’ Sociological Quarterly 16:305–318. returns is not a primary goal of the sociological study of voting behavior, although the general Rose, Arnold M. 1967 The Power Structure. New York: Oxford University Press. public, parties, and politicians are interested mostly in this aspect. Much applied research served these Sigelman, Lee, Philip W. Roeder, Malcolm E. Jewell, immediate needs and interests in the past and and Michael A. Baer 1985 ‘‘Voting and Nonvoting’’: continues to do so. Still, in the field of voting A Multi-Election Perspective.’’ American Journal of Political Science 29:749–765. behavior, pure (academic) and applied research peacefully coexist; cross-fertilization rather than Skocpol, Theda 1996 ‘‘Unravelling from Above.’’ Ameri- mutual irreverence characterizes their relationship. can Prospect. 25:20–25. ——— 1997 ‘‘Building Community Top-Down or Bot- The study of voting behavior began in the late tom-Up? America’s Voluntary Groups Thrive in a eighteenth century ( Jensen 1969), although most National Network.’’ Brookings Review 15:16–19. of the very early work does not meet strict schol-

3231 VOTING BEHAVIOR arly standards. In the course of its development as strategies, and the public’s attitude toward World an academic discipline, two different strands that War II stimulated the rapid development of mod- are still discernible have emerged. The first strand— ern survey research from about the mid-1930s aggregate data analysis—is characterized by the use through the 1940s and the establishment of survey of actual election returns compiled for geopoliti- research centers in both the academic and com- cal units such as wards, districts, and counties. mercial sectors (Converse 1986). These centers Those returns are compared with census data, include the Survey Research Center/Institute for providing a sociodemographic profile of those Social Research (ISR) at the University of Michi- areal units. Starting in the late nineteenth cen- gan and the National Opinion Research Center tury, there developed a school of quantitative (NORC) at the University of Chicago on the aca- historiography that made extensive use of maps demic side and Gallup’s American Institute of representing voting and/or census information by Public Opinion on the commercial side, to name using different shades and colors (Frederick Jack- just a few early organizations that are still leaders son Turner in the United States and André Sieg- in the field. fried in France). The mere visual inspection and somewhat subjective interpretation of those maps Modern voting research based on the survey by the Turner school were supplemented and then method typically uses small but randomly selected replaced by more vigorous statistical techniques, samples of about 1,000 (rarely more than 2,000) in particular correlation analysis, inspired by the eligible voters. Information is collected through sociologist Franklin Giddins at Columbia. One of the use of standardized questionnaires that are Giddins’s students, Rice (1928), demonstrated the administered by trained interviewers in person or utility of quantitative methods in politics. At the increasingly over the telephone. Advances in mod- University of Chicago, interdisciplinary coopera- ern communication technology such as the Internet tion in the social sciences produced some of the are likely to change the face of scholarly survey most outstanding work of that time (e.g., Gosnell research even more drastically in the very near 1930). The advent of modern survey research in future. ‘‘Standardized’’ means that a question’s the 1930s and 1940s, however, obscured the aggre- wording is predetermined by the researcher and gate approach for quite some time. that the interviewer is supposed to read questions exactly as stated and in the prearranged order. For The second strand in the study of voting be- the most part, the response alternatives also are havior—analysis of survey data—also had some early predetermined (‘‘closed questions’’); sometimes, forerunners. Polling individuals about their voting for select questions, verbatim answers are rec- intentions (‘‘straw polls’’) or past voting decisions orded (‘‘open questions’’) and subsequently sorted started in the late nineteenth century. In one of into a categorical scheme. In contrast to aggregate- the most extensive efforts, more than a quarter level analysis and the use of official election re- million returns from twelve midwestern states were turns, survey-based research on voting behavior tabulated by a Chicago newspaper for the 1896 relies on self-reports by individual citizens. Thus, it presidential contest between McKinley and Bry- is subject to bias and distortion resulting from ant. In the 1920s, straw polls conducted by news- question wording, dishonest answers, memory fail- papers and other periodicals were quite common ure, and unstable attitudes even if the sample is and popular. Their reputation was ruined, though, properly drawn. Its major advantage is the une- by the failure of the Literary Digest poll to foresee quivocal linkage of demographic traits (e.g., age, the landslide victory of Franklin D. Roosevelt in sex, ethnicity, and social class) and political atti- the 1936 election. By that time, however, pioneers tudes and behavior on the level of the individual. of modern public opinion research such as George Gallup, Archibald Crossley, and Elmo Roper had started to use more rigorous sampling methods as AGGREGATE DATA ANALYSIS well as trained interviewers to ensure a proper The use of aggregate data in studying voting be- representation of all strata of the electorate (Gal- havior poses formidable methodological problems, lup [1944] 1948). yet it is the only approach available to study voting Interest in voting and political behavior and behavior before the mid-1930s. For example, the concern with mass communication, marketing Germans voted Hitler into power in genuinely

3232 VOTING BEHAVIOR democratic elections in the late 1920s and early while congressional elections typically follow a 1930s. The voting behavior of Germans in the very simple pattern: Incumbents are rarely defeated. Weimar Republic has been subject to much debate The first two studies were conducted by and controversy in political sociology. The earlier Lazarsfeld and his associates at Columbia Univer- consensus that Hitler’s support came predomi- sity. Their main intention was to ‘‘relate preceding nantly from the lower middle classes was chal- attitudes, expectations, personal contacts, group lenged by later studies (e.g., Childers 1983; Falter affiliations and similar data to the final decision’’ 1991) that contended that his support had a much (Berelson et al. 1954, p.viii) and trace changes of wider base cutting across all social groups. opinion over the course of a campaign. Emphasiz- Findings based on aggregate data analysis of- ing the particular set of political and social condi- ten depend heavily on seemingly technical details tions and its importance for this process, the Co- of preparing the database and the choice of spe- lumbia group restricted its studies to one community cific statistical techniques. As a rule, findings are (Erie County, Ohio, in 1940 and Elmira, New more reliable if the geopolitical units are small. York, in 1948) and interviewed the same respon- However, even if the greatest care is exercised, dents repeatedly: up to seven times in 1940 and there is always the danger of an ‘‘ecological fal- four times in 1948. Repeated interviews, or a lacy.’’ To use a contemporary example, if the vote ‘‘panel design,’’ became a standard feature of for a white candidate increases with a rising per- more sophisticated voting studies, while the major centage of white voters across voting districts, it is studies to come abandoned the focus on one plausible to assume that people have voted along community in favor of nationwide representation. racial lines, yet this need not be the case. Perhaps Several major findings emerged from the Erie ethnic minorities in predominantly white districts County study (Lazarsfeld et al. [1944] 1968). First, are more likely to vote for a white candidate than people tend to vote as they always have, in fact as they are elsewhere. Therefore, they, not the white their families have. In the Michigan school of voters, may be responsible for the increased share voting behavior (see below), this attitude stability of the white candidate. was conceptualized as ‘‘party identification,’’ a A solution to the ecological inference prob- stable inclination toward a particular party that for lem has been proclaimed (King 1997), but despite the most part develops during adolescence and some progress, that claim appears to be overstated. early adulthood. In spite of all the remaining shortcomings, though, Second, attitudes are formed and reinforced aggregate data analysis is an indispensable tool for by individuals’ membership in social groups such tracing patterns of voting behavior over time in a as their social class, ethnic group, and religious sociohistorical analysis (e.g., Silbey et al. 1978) or group and by the associations they belong to. analyzing contemporary voting behavior when suf- More concretely, the research team found that ficiently detailed and reliable survey data are not people of lower social status, people in urban available. Particularly for local or regional studies, areas, and Catholics tended to be Democrats while there may not be sufficient funds to conduct ap- people of higher social class, people in rural areas, propriate surveys or the research interest may and Protestants were more likely to be Republi- develop only after the elections have taken place. cans. Subsequently, the alliance of particular seg- ments of the population with specific parties was SURVEY-BASED VOTING RESEARCH amply documented despite modifications in its particular form. More so than in the United States, The Columbia School. Four landmark studies voting behavior in the major European democra- connected with the presidential elections of 1940, cies (notably Britain and West Germany) could be 1948, 1952, and 1956 mark the establishment of explained largely by the links between social groups scholarly survey-based research on voting behav- and particular parties (Lipset and Rokkan 1967), ior (Rossi 1959). In essence, those studies pro- although those links have been weakening. vided the core concepts and models used in con- temporary voting research. Reviewing those studies Third, change does occur, and people under provides an introduction to present-day theories cross-pressures are the most likely to change. A of voting behavior in U.S. presidential elections, cross-pressure occurs when the set of different

3233 VOTING BEHAVIOR group memberships provides conflicting stimuli. 1954; Campbell et al. 1960). In contrast to Lazarsfeld For example, in 1940, Protestant blue-collar work- and associates, their studies used national sam- ers experienced a pull toward the Republicans on ples, thus expanding the geographic coverage, but the basis of their religious affiliation and a pull only two interviews, one shortly before and one toward the Democrats because of their class posi- shortly after the elections. In addition, the Michi- tion. In the United States today, the impact of gan group introduced far-reaching changes in the religious affiliation is more complicated, but the conceptualization of the voting process. On the general notion of cross-pressure remains important. basis of its national study of 1948, those research- ers felt that social group memberships have little Fourth, Lazarsfeld and colleagues developed direct impact on the voting decision. Instead, they the concept of a ‘‘two-step flow of information.’’ focused on ‘‘the psychological variables which in- According to this concept, most people are not tervene between the external events of the voter’s directly persuaded by the mass media even if they world and his ultimate behavior’’ (Campbell et al. are susceptible to change. Instead, they tend to 1954, pp. 85–86). In particular, they considered follow opinion leaders, who are the informal lead- three concepts: party identification, issue orienta- ers in the various social networks (family, friends, tion, and candidate orientation. Party identification associates at the workplace) in which individuals refers to the sense of personal attachment an are involved. These leaders pay close attention to individual feels toward a party irrespective of for- the media; they redisseminate and validate media mal membership or direct involvement in that messages. With the ever-increasing impact of mass party’s activities. It is thought of as a stable attitude media (television and more recently the Internet) that develops early in life. In contrast, both issue over the last fifty years, this result of the 1940 study orientation and candidate orientation depend on may not reflect the situation today. Unfortunately, the context of a particular election. Issue orienta- it is very difficult to prove media effects conclu- tion refers to individuals’ involvement in issues sively, and the cumulative empirical evidence has they perceive as being affected by the outcome of not been able to settle a long-standing controversy an election. For example, if individuals are con- about the extent of media effects. cerned about the economy and feel that it makes a The 1948 Elmira study was designed to test difference whether the country has a Democratic further and if necessary modify the findings of the or a Republican president, this will have an impact earlier study and integrate the results into the on their voting decisions. Similarly, candidate orien- body of existing knowledge (see Berelson et al. tation refers to individuals’ interest in the personal- 1954, pp. 327–347, for a comparative synopsis of ity of the candidates and to a possible preference several major studies). As a matter of fact, its main that derives from the personal traits of the candi- contribution lies in the refinement of several as- dates. For example, Ronald Reagan portrayed him- pects that were not covered sufficiently in the Erie self as a firm and determined leader but also as a County study. However, the Elmira study still failed caring and understanding father. In that way, he to show systematically the links between the efforts was able to attract many voters otherwise attached of the various institutions in the community and to the Democrats. the decisions of the voters. The focus on those The Michigan model posits a ‘‘funnel of cau- links was the key rationale for limiting these stud- sality.’’ The social factors emphasized by the Co- ies to one community, a feature that invites doubt lumbia school are not dismissed outright but are whether the findings can be generalized to all viewed as being at the mouth of the funnel, having American voters. an indirect effect only through the three central The Michigan School. The sociological ap- psychological variables, particularly party identifi- proach of the Columbia school was subsequently cation. Party identification in turn affects issue overshadowed by the social psychological model orientation and candidate orientation as well as of the Michigan school that came to dominate having a direct effect on the voting decision. The survey-based voting research for many years. After simplicity of this model is both its strength and its a smaller study in 1948 (Campbell and Kahn 1952), weakness. It clearly marks the shift of emphasis to the Michigan team, led by Campbell, conducted psychological processes of individual perception major studies in 1952 and 1956 (Campbell et al. and evaluation, but it does not explicitly address

3234 VOTING BEHAVIOR the social and political context. However, in The from sometimes radical critiques that can be American Voter (Campbell et al. 1960), the Michi- grouped into three categories: challenges to the gan group presents a much more comprehensive allegedly derogatory image of the American elec- analysis of the 1956 elections, addressing topics torate and its implications for the democratic proc- such as the role of group membership, social class, ess, assertions that the findings are valid only for and the political system without, however, explic- the 1950s, and a methodological critique of itly expanding the basic model. operationalization, measurement, and model speci- fication. Most of the methodological critique is too Additional concepts that have been used widely technical to be discussed in this article (see, in subsequent research include the concept of a Asher 1983). normal vote and the typology of elections as main- taining, deviating, or realigning (Campbell et al. One of the earliest and most vocal critics was 1966) and an assessment of mass belief systems Key (1966). Using a reanalysis of Gallup data (Converse 1964). The concept of a normal vote from 1936 to 1960, he developed a typology of follows directly from the basic model: If all voters ‘‘standpatters,’’ ‘‘switchers,’’ and ‘‘new voters’’ and follow their long-standing inclinations (vote ac- asserted that the global outcome of those elections cording to party identification), they produce a followed a rational pattern derived from an ap- normal vote. Comparing actual election returns praisal of past government performance. Hence, with the (hypothetical) normal vote allows one to as a whole, the electorate acts responsibly despite assess the impact of contemporaneous, mostly the fact ‘‘that many individual voters act in odd short-term factors. In a maintaining election, the ways indeed’’ (Key 1966, p. 7). party with the larger number of partisans wins, but its vote share may be somewhat different from its The most comprehensive effort to review normal share as a result of short-term factors. If American voting behavior over time, a critique of short-term factors lead to the defeat of that party, the second type, was presented by Nie et al. (1976), the elections are considered deviating. Realigning based on the series of Michigan election studies elections mark a major shift in basic allegiances. from 1952 to 1972. Still working within the frame- Such shifts are rare and typically are not accom- work of the Michigan model, those authors found plished in a single election. In the 1930s, the significant changes in the relative importance of American electorate shifted toward the Demo- its three central factors: a steady decrease in the crats as a consequence of economic depression level of party identification, particularly among and Roosevelt’s New Deal, which promised a way younger groups, and a much stronger relative out. However, given their long-term nature, proc- weight of issue orientation and candidate orienta- esses of dealignment and realignment are difficult tion. In a turbulent period of internal strife and to determine in strict empirical terms (Dalton et al. social change (civil rights, the Vietnam War, Wa- 1984; Lawrence 1996). tergate), the electorate became more aware of issues and much more critical of parties and the With respect to the nature of mass belief established political process. Nie et al. (1976) found systems, Converse’s (1964) article triggered a long- a decomposition of the traditional support bases lasting debate that has been settled. Converse for both Democrats and Republicans, all adding asserted that the vast majority of the American up to an ‘‘‘individuation’ of American political people have little interest in politics, that their life’’ (p. 347). opinions on issues lack consistency and stability over time, and that those opinions are mostly Still largely following the path of the Michigan ‘‘non-attitudes.’’ Consequently, a large portion of school, much research in the 1980s was directed the electorate does not vote at all; if those people toward issue voting, which reflects a continuing do vote, their vote is based mostly on partisanship decline in stable party attachments through politi- and/or a candidate’s personality, not on an inde- cal socialization and/or group memberships. In pendent and careful evaluation of the issues. particular, the impact of economic conditions on electoral outcomes was investigated both in the Critique of The American Voter and subse- United States and in other major Western democ- quent refinements. Like other landmark empiri- racies (Eulau and Lewis-Beck 1985; Lewis-Beck cal studies, The American Voter was not exempt 1988; Norpoth et al. 1991). The findings were

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diverse, contingent on the specification of the for the analysis of mass political behavior (e.g., research question and the national context, yet Green and Shapiro 1994). Other criticism has one general pattern emerged and was confirmed come from within the rational choice camp, lead- beyond the United States in many national elec- ing, for example, to an ‘‘expressive model of vot- tions in the 1990s: Political actors perceived as ing’’ (Brennan and Lomasky 1993) that shifts the better able to handle economic matters than their focus away from the instrumental aspect of voting competitors have a significant advantage, and per- but maintains the conceptual and terminological ceived economic competence is strongly related to framework. an individual’s voting decision. The literature in political psychology is too Fiorina’s (1981) concept of retrospective voting extensive to be discussed in detail here; overviews can be seen as a bridge between the classic Michi- are provided by Lau and Sears (1986), Sniderman gan model and the newer directions that have et al. (1991), and Mutz et al. (1996), among others. emerged in the last two decades. Fierina posits that However, the contribution of this approach to the both party identification and issue orientation are discussion of two long-standing controversial top- largely dependent on the evaluation of past gov- ics must be mentioned explicitly: media effects ernment performance. Party identification thus and political belief systems. In regard to media represents a sort of running tally of past experi- effects, a number of studies using more refined ence. It is still a long-term influence, but it is concepts (agenda setting, framing, priming) have subject to gradual change and is based more on suggested a more direct and stronger impact of cognition than on affection. media than previously had been assumed (see More Recent Approaches. With some simpli- Kinder 1998; Zaller 1996), but a generally ac- fication, one can discern three major directions in cepted model of how the mass media influence the voting research in the last fifteen to twenty years, political process has not emerged. In regard to each anchored in a different discipline: Rooted in political belief systems or the lack thereof, the economic theory, rational choice models have been notion of a politically uninformed or ignorant and applied to voting (as well as to many other forms of irrational electorate has strong implications for social behavior); drawing on more general psycho- normative theories of democracy and, on a practi- logical theories, the subfield of political psychol- cally level, campaign strategists. There continues ogy studies in a comprehensive way how the indi- to be strong and largely undisputed empirical vidual perceives and processes political information, evidence that many Americans have rather limited with voting being only one specific aspect; and the factual knowledge of specific bills and policies, the focus on reference groups on both the macro level makeup of political institutions, and even their such as class or religion (an important strand in elected representatives. However, it is controver- European research on voting) and the micro level sial whether that lack of specific knowledge mat- (social networks) has reemphasized the sociologi- ters and whether voters are nevertheless able to cal perspective. make ‘‘correct’’ or ‘‘reasonable’’ choices on the basis of more implicit forms of information proc- Rational choice models see the voter as care- essing (Delli Carpini and Keeter 1996, Lau and fully evaluating the pros and cons of each party or Redlawsk 1997). In both areas, political psychol- candidate, assessing its utility (consumer models ogy has not settled the controversy, but it has as in Himmelweit et al. 1985) and proximity to the provided enhanced conceptualizations to guide voter’s own position (spatial models as in Enelow more productive empirical analyses. and Hinich 1984, 1990; directional models as in Rabinowitz and MacDonald 1989), and then vot- In regard to sociological perspectives, com- ing for the closest or most useful party and/or munity studies (as in the Columbia school) have candidate. It is doubtful, however, whether such attempted to assess the impact of the local context models adequately portray the actual process of on the decision making of the individual. Context reaching a voting decision except among the small information is gathered by using block-level cen- segment of highly informed and highly motivated sus data or tracing and interviewing members of citizens. The rational choice approach has been the social network of the primary respondents critized more generally as conceptually inadequate (Huckfeldt 1986; Huckfeldt and Sprague 1995).

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On the macro level, the social cleavage approach, The emergence of new democracies after the long dominant in European voting research (see demise of the Communist bloc in eastern Europe below), has gained some attention in the United in the late 1980s and the continuing process of States (see Brooks and Manza 1997). European integration, including the creation of European Union as a single political and not just Voting Behavior in Other National Contexts. economic entity, have created new challenges and The Michigan school of voting behavior has con- opportunities for voting research in Europe. With tinued to have a major impact on the emergence of the introduction of a common currency in 1999, a survey-based voting research in other Western continuing reduction of national sovereignty, and democracies (see Beyme and Kaase 1978; Butler a generally strengthened position of the European and Stokes 1976; Heath et al. 1985; Rose 1974) and Parliament in exercising control over the execu- electoral research today (e.g., Kaase and Klingemann tive branch (European Commission), European 1998). A strict replication of the basic model, elections will lose their stigma as second-order however, has rarely been feasible because of con- elections. Studies of European elections in 1974, siderable differences in political systems, party 1979, and 1994 suffered from limited funding and organizations, and electoral rules. In particular, broke no new conceptual ground. However, they attempts to devise valid measures of the key con- did establish the fact that national rather than pan- cept of party identification have produced mixed European issues dominated voting choices (Schmitt results at best (e.g., Budge et al. 1976). and Mannheimer 1990; Van der Eijk and Franklin 1996). This is likely to change, but it is too early to Despite considerable variation across Euro- tell the role these elections will play in the further pean democracies and within specific countries, process of European unification and whether vot- political parties articulate specific programmatic ing behavior in those elections will follow patterns positions derived from basic ideological beliefs different from those in national elections. that bind all party members, and parliamentary votes typically follow party lines. Political parties, The methodological problems of the Euro- then, dominate the political contest, and most pean election studies in achieving functional equiva- major parties have their roots in social cleavages lence of the instruments (questions) and ensuring relating to class, religion, region, or ethnicity. uniform quality standards in sampling and inter- Consequently, such social group memberships have viewing are even more formidable in the new been powerful determinants of voting behavior eastern European democracies. Apart from the (Lipset and Rokkan 1967). Much of the European technical aspects of conducting valid and reliable debate in the last twenty years, however, has fo- surveys, there may be inherent limits to exporting cused on evolving changes in the electorate that the survey method (Bulmer 1998). Rather than result in more volatile voters. First, the impact of relying solely on survey data and taking them at social (class) origin on the individual life course face value, analysts must employ a more compre- in general (educational attainment, occupational hensive approach that integrates quantitative and opportunities, marriage and family, etc.) has de- qualitative research, such as the one used by White clined, leading to a more idiosyncratic definition et al. (1997) in their study of Russian voters. In the of self-interest and as a consequence a less prede- absence of a stable party structure and stable termined voting pattern. Second, a growing political institutions more generally and with the disenchantment with established political parties relative novelty of voting in free elections, it is and politicians in general has weakened the once unrealistic to expect the Michigan model or any highly internalized norm of political participation other ‘‘reductionist’’ model to provide an ade- through voting and increased the propensity to quate description of voting behavior in east- ern Europe. vote for new and often extremist parties as a token of protest. Thus, the once stable alliances between Beyond Europe, it is doubtful whether the parties and certain segments in the electorate concept of voting is functionally equivalent to along social cleavages have weakened (Crewe and voting in the United States or western Europe Denver 1985; Franklin et al. 1991; Miller et al. because of systemic differences and traditions. For 1990), though there is no consensus whether ‘‘class example, even if one accepts the premise that voting’’ has ended (e.g., Manza et al. 1995). Japan is a pluralist democracy (Richardson 1997),

3237 VOTING BEHAVIOR an intricate net of mutual obligations governs ing behavior will have to build bridges between the much social behavior, including voting, and for various disciplines and incorporate the sociologi- many years relevant electoral competition occurred cal perspective. only within one dominant party. Still, the Michi- gan model has guided much Western research on Japanese voting behavior (Flanagan et al. 1991). REFERENCES Asher, Herbert B. 1983 ‘‘Voting Behavior Research in the 1980s.’’ In Ada W. Finifter, ed., Political Sci- OUTLOOK ence. Washington, D.C.: American Political Science Compared to the United States, research on vot- Association. ing behavior in western Europe has been tied Berelson, Bernard, Paul F. Lazarsfeld, and William N. more closely to the study of mass political behavior McPhee 1954 Voting: A Study of Opinion Formation in a in general, satisfaction with democracy, the par- Presidential Campaign. Chicago: University of Chi- ties, the politicians, and, the stability of the politi- cago Press. cal system despite a continuing orientation toward Beyme, Klaus von, and Max Kaase (eds.) 1978 Elections the Michigan model and its variants. What Euro- and Parties. London: Sage. pean research has to offer are not better micro Brennan, Geoffrey, and Loren Lomasky 1993 Democracy models of voting behavior but detailed trend and Decision: The Pure Theory of Electoral Preference. analyses of cross-national comparative data that New York: Cambridge University Press. put voting into a broader context of political be- havior (e.g., Klingemann and Fuchs 1995). As a Brooks, Clem, and Jeff Manza 1997 ‘‘Social Cleavages and Political Alignments: U.S. Presidential Elections, result of the systemic differences within Europe 1960 to 1992.’’ American Sociological Review 62:937–946. and the methodological limitations of the data- base, no unified theory of voting behavior has Budge, Ian, Ivor Crewe, and Dennis Fairlie, eds. 1976 emerged. For each individual (national) election, Party Identification and Beyond. London: Wiley. there is a plausible explanation, at least in retro- Bulmer, Martin (ed.) 1998 ‘‘Exporting Social Survey spect, drawing on well-recognized factors such as Research.’’ American Behavioral Scientist (special is- perceived economic competence and leadership sue) 42(2). image, but the relative weight of each factor varies Butler, David, and Donald Stokes 1976 Political Change from one election to the next. As information and in Britain, 2nd ed. New York: St. Martin’s. communication behavior is undergoing drastic Campbell, Angus, Philip E. Converse, Warren E. Miller, changes as a result of technological advances and Donald E. Stokes 1966 Elections and the Political (Internet) and the ever-increasing presence of the Order. New York: Wiley. media, it will become even more difficult to deter- mine the relative weight of each factor in a voter’s ——— 1960 The American Voter. New York: Wiley. choice. The Columbia studies dealt with voters in a ———, Gerald Gurin, and Warren E. Miller 1954 The relatively contained world in which the amount of Voter Decides. Evanston, Ill.: Row, Peterson. information and the number of transmission chan- ———, and Robert L. Kahn 1952 The People Elect a nels were limited; voters in the twenty-first century President. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Institute for Social will be faced with an overload of information and Research. will be as closely connected to the political world Childers, Thomas 1983 The Nazi Voter. Chapel Hill: (or its competing representations) as they want to University of North Carolina Press. be. At best, more knowlegeable voters will be able to make better informed choices; at worst, more Converse, Jean M. 1986 Survey Research in the United perplexed voters will succumb to the most skillful States: Roots and Emergence. Berkeley: University of public relations managers. Somehow voters will California Press. have to reduce this complexity, and turning to Converse, Philip 1964 ‘‘The Nature of Belief Systems in social groups for guidance is a likely strategy. Mass Publics.’’ In David Apter, ed., Ideology and Dis- While it will be important to continue to study the content. New York: Free Press. processes of cognition and information processing, Crewe, Ivor, and David Denver (eds.) 1985 Electoral the real key to voters’ ‘‘rationality’’ may lie in their Change in Western Democracies: Patterns and Sources of social relations. More than ever, the study of vot- Electoral Volatility. New York: St. Martin’s.

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Dalton, Russell J., Scott C. Flanagan, and Paul Allen Bundestagswahl 1994. Opladen, Germany: Westdeut- Beck, eds. 1984 Electoral Change in Advanced Indus- scher Verlag. trial Democracies: Realignment or Dealignment? Prince- Key, Valdimer Orlando, Jr. 1966 The Responsible Elector- ton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ate. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, Harvard Uni- Delli Carpini, Michael X., and Scott Keeter 1996 What versity Press. Americans Know about Politics and Why it Matters. New Kinder, Donald 1998 ‘‘Communication and Opinion.’’ Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. Annual Review of Political Science 1:167–197. Enelow, James M., and Melvin J. Hinich 1984 The Spatial King, Gary S. 1997 A Solution to the Ecological Inference Theory of Voting. New York: Cambridge Univer- Problem. Princeton, N.J. Princeton University Press. sity Press. Klingemann, Hans-Dieter, and Dieter Fuchs 1995 Citi- ———1990 Advances in the Spatial Theory of Voting. New zens and the State (vol. 1 of Max Kaase and Kenneth York: Cambridge University Press. Newton, eds., Beliefs in Government). Oxford, UK: Eulau, Heinz, and Michael Lewis-Beck (eds.) 1985 Eco- Oxford University Press. nomic Conditions and Electoral Outcomes: The United Lau, Richard, and David P. Redlawsk 1997 ‘‘Voting States and Western Europe. New York: Agathon Press. Correctly.’’ American Political Science Review 91:585–598. Falter, Jürgen W. 1991 Hitler’s Wähler. Munich: Beck. ———, and David Sears 1986 Political Cognition. Hills- Fiorina, Morris P. 1981 Retrospective Voting in American dale, N.J.: Erlbaum. National Elections. New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univer- sity Press. Lawrence, David G. 1996 The Collapse of the Democratic Presidential Majority. Boulder, Colo.: Westview. Flanagan, Scott C., Shinsaku Kohei, Ichiro Miyake, Brad- ley M. Richardson, and Joji Watanuki 1991 The Japa- Lazarsfeld, Paul F., Bernard Berelson, and Hazel Gaudet nese Voter. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. (1944) 1968 The People’s Choice. 3rd ed. New York: Columbia University Press. Franklin, Mark, Tom Mackie, and Henry Valen, eds. 1991. Electoral Change: Responses to Evolving Social and Lewis-Beck, Michael 1988 Economics and Elections: The Attitudinal Structures in Seventeen Democracies. Cam- Major Western Democracies. Ann Arbor: University of bridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Michigan Press. Gallup, George (1944) 1948 A Guide to Public Opinion Lipset, Seymour Martin, and Stein Rokkan (eds.) 1967 Polls. Princeton, N.J. Princeton University Press. Party Systems and Voter Alignments. New York: Free Press. Gosnell, Harold 1930 Why Europe Votes. Chicago: Uni- Manza, Jeff, Michael Hout, and Clem Brooks 1995 versity of Chicago Press. ‘‘Class Voting in Capitalist Democracies since World War II.’’ Annual Review of Sociology 21:137–162. Green, Donald P., and Ian Shapiro 1994 Pathologies of Rational Choice Theory. New Haven, Conn.: Yale Uni- Miller, William L., Harold D, Clarke, Lawrence Leduc, versity Press. and Paul Whiteley 1990 How Voters Change. New York: Oxford University Press. Heath, Anthony, Roger Jowell, and John Curtice 1985 How Britain Votes. New York: Pergamon Press. Mutz, Diana C., Paul M. Sniderman, and Richard A. Brody (eds.) 1996 Political Persuasion and Attitude Himmelweit, Hilde, Patrick Humphreys, and Marianne Change. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Jaeger 1985 How Voters Decide. Milton Keynes, UK: Open University Press. Nie, Norman H, Sidney Verba, and John R. Petrocik 1976 The Changing American Voter. Cambridge, Mass.: Huckfeldt, Robert 1986 Politics in Context: Assimilation Harvard University Press. and Conflict in Urban Neighborhoods. New York: Agathon Press. Norpoth, Helmut, Michael Lewis-Beck, and Jean- Dominique Lafay (eds.) 1991 Making Governments ———, and John Sprague 1995 Citizens, Politics, and Pay. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Social Communication. New York: Cambridge Univer- sity Press. Rabinowitz, George, and Stuart Elaine MacDonald 1989 ‘‘A Directional Theory of Issue Voting.’’ American Jensen, Richard 1969 ‘‘American Election Analysis: A Political Science Review 83:93–121. Case History of Methodological Innovation and Dif- fusion.’’ In Seymour M. Lipset, ed., Politics and the Rice, Stuart A. 1928 Quantitative Methods in Politics. New Social Sciences. New York: Oxford University Press. York: Knopf. Kaase, Max, and Hans-Dieter Klingemann (eds.) 1998. Richardson, Bradley 1997 Japanese Democracy. New Ha- Wahlen und Wähler: Analysen aus Anlass der ven, Conn.: Yale University Press.

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Rose, Richard (ed.) 1974 Electoral Behavior: A Compara- Snidermann, Paul M., Richard A. Brody, and Philip E. tive Handbook. New York: Free Press. Tetlock 1991 Reasoning and Choice. New York: Cam- Rossi, Peter A. 1959 ‘‘Four Landmarks in Voting Re- bridge University Press. search.’’ In Eugene Burdick and Arthur Brodbeck, Van der Eijk, Cees, and Mark N. Franklin 1996 Choosing eds., American Voting Bahavior. Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. Europe? Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Schmitt, Hermann, and Renato Mannheimer (eds.) 1990. White, Stephen, Richard Rose, and Ian McAllister 1997 ‘‘The European Elections of 1989.’’ European Journal How Russia Votes. Chatham, N.J.: Chatham House. of Political Research (special issue) 19(1). Zaller, John 1996 ‘‘The Myth of Massive Media Impact Silbey, Joel H., Allan G. Bogue, and William H. Flanigan, Revived: New Support for a Discredited Idea.’’ In eds. 1978 The History of American Electoral Behavior. Diana C. Mutz, Paul M. Sniderman, and Richard A. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. Brody, eds., Political Persuasion and Attitude Change. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

MANFRED KUECHLER

3240 W

WAR the possibility of war. Does a capitalist economy make a state more or less likely to initiate wars? Do The ubiquity and importance of war have made democratic states start wars less often than autoc- analyses of its causes a central concern of scholars racies do? Is increasing nationalism likely to cause for over two millennia. Many of the fundamental more wars? Is the ethnic composition within and questions about the causes of war were raised by between states an important determinant of war? Thucydides in the fifth century B.C., but the vast amount of work on the topic since that time has There is also no consensus on which model of produced ongoing debates instead of generally individual decision making is most appropriate for accepted answers. Studies of war can be divided the study of war. Is the decision to go to war based into three broad categories (reviews of the litera- on a rational calculation of economic costs and ture using similar frameworks are provided by benefits, or is it an irrational outcome of distortion Waltz 1959; Bueno de Mesquita 1980; and Levy in decision making in small groups and bureaucra- 1989). The first type takes the system as whole as cies? Are wars based on nationalist, ethnic, or the unit of analysis and focuses on how character- religious conflicts generated more by emotions or istics of the interstate system affect the frequency values than by rational choices? of war. States are the unit of analysis in the second type, which explores the relationships among the THE INTERSTATE SYSTEM AND WAR political, economic, and cultural features of par- ticular states and the propensity of states to initiate Most studies of war that use the interstate system wars. The third type analyzes war as an outcome of as the unit of analysis begin with assumptions from choices resulting from small group decision making. the ‘‘realist’’ paradigm. States are seen as unitary Some debates focus on characteristics of the actors in realist theories, and their actions are interstate system that are thought to increase or explained in terms of the structural characteristics decrease the chance of war. Are wars more likely of the system. The most important feature of the during a period of economic prosperity or one of interstate system is that it is anarchic. Unlike poli- economic contraction? Which is more likely to tics within states, relations between states take maintain peace, a balance of power in the interna- place in a Hobbesian state of nature. Since an tional system or a situation in which one state is anarchic system is one in which all states con- hegemonic? Has the increasing power of transnational stantly face actual or potential threats, their main organizations such as the United Nations changed goal is security. Security can be achieved in such a the likelihood of war in the contemporary world? system only by maintaining power. In realist theo- ries, the distribution of power in the interstate Social scientists also disagree about the effects system is the main determinant of the fre- of political and economic factors within a state on quency of war.

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Although all realist theories agree on the im- Debates about power transitions and hegemonic portance of power distribution in determining stability are of much more than theoretical inter- war, they disagree about which types of power est in the contemporary world. Although the de- distributions make war more likely. Balance-of- mise of the Soviet Union has left the United States power theories (Morgenthau 1967) suggest that an as an unchallenged military hegemon, American equal distribution of power in the system facili- economic superiority is being challenged by the tates peace and that an unequal distribution leads European Union (EU) and emerging Asian states to war. They argue that parity deters all states from ( Japan in the short run, perhaps China in the long aggression and that an unequal power distribution run). If power transition and hegemonic stability generally will result in the strong using force against theories are correct, this shift of economic power the weak. When one state begins to gain a prepon- could lead to great-power wars in the near future. derance of power, a coalition of weaker states will If the main challenge is from the EU (the most likely scenario), it will be interesting to see if the from to maintain their security by blocking the cultural heritage of cooperation between the United further expansion of the powerful state. The coali- States and most of Europe will be sufficient to tions that formed against Louis XIV, Napoleon, prevent the great-power war that some theories and Hitler seem to fit this pattern. predict. Hegemonic stability theory (Gilpin 1981) sug- Another ongoing debate about systemic causes gests exactly the opposite: that unequal power in of war concerns the effects of long cycles of eco- the system produces peace while parity results in nomic expansion and contraction. Some scholars war. When one state has hegemony in the world argue that economic contraction increases the system, it has both the incentive and the means to chance of war, since the increased scarcity of maintain order. It is not necessary for the most resources leads to more conflict. Others have sug- powerful state to fight wars, since its objectives can gested the opposite: Major wars are more com- be achieved in less costly ways, and it is not rational mon in periods of economic expansion because for other states to challenge a state with over- only then do states have the resources necessary to whelming power. Gilpin notes that the periods of fight. Goldstein’s (1988) research suggests that British and U.S. hegemony were relatively peace- economic expansion tends to increase the severity ful and that World Wars I and II occurred during of great-power wars but that economic cycles have intervening periods in which power was distrib- no effect on the frequency of war. uted more equally. Since balance-of-power and Two important changes in the last fifty years hegemonic stability theories seem to explain some may make many systemic theories of war obsolete but not all of the cases, what is needed is a theory (or at least require major revisions). The first is specifying the conditions under which either par- technology. Throughout history, technological ity or hegemony leads to war. changes have determined the general nature of warfare. By far the most significant recent devel- Balance-of-power and hegemonic stability ar- opment has been the availability of nuclear weap- guments are not applicable to all wars, only those ons. Since the use of these weapons would result in between great powers. A third attempt to explain ‘‘mutually assured destruction,’’ they may have great-power war is power transition theory (Organski made war much less likely by making it irrational 1968). This theory suggests that differential rates for both parties. Of course, the broadening prolif- of economic growth create situations in which eration of nuclear weapons raises serious prob- rising states rapidly catch up with the hegemonic lems, as does their existence in currently unstable state in the system and that this change in relative states such as the Russian federation. A second power leads to war. Organiski argues that the technological change that may alter the nature of rising state will initiate a war to displace the war is increasing dependence on computers. Al- hegemonic state. This final part of the argument is though computers have increased the accuracy questionable, since it seems at least as plausible and precision of many types of military technol- that the hegemonic state will initiate the war against ogy, they also leave the countries using them vul- the rising challenger to keep the small advantage it nerable to new kinds of attacks by ‘‘hackers’’ who still has (Levy 1989, p. 253). could not only disarm military operations but

3242 WAR bring whole economies to a halt by disrupting the ments of destruction), it is no longer rational for computer systems necessary for their operation. states to wage war. The long period of relative peace that followed the triumph of capitalism in The second significant change in the last half the nineteenth century and the two world wars of the twentieth century has been the develop- that came after the rise of protectionist barriers to ment and increasing power of transnational or- free trade often are cited in support of liberal ganizations such as the United Nations. Most theo- economic theories, but those facts can be explained ries of war begin with the assumption that the by hegemonic stability theorists as a consequence interstate system is anarchic, but this is no longer of the rise and decline of British hegemony. valid. If the military power of the United Nations continues to grow, that organization could be- In contrast to the sanguine views of capitalism come more and more effective at preventing wars presented by liberal economic theories, Marxists and suppressing them quickly when they start. Of argue that economic problems inherent in ad- course, it remains to be seen whether powerful vanced capitalist economies create incentives for existing states will cede more power to such war. First, the high productivity of industrial capi- institutions. talism and a limited home market resulting from the poverty of the working class result in chronic Theoretical debates about the systemic causes ‘‘underconsumption’’ (Hobson [1902] 1954). Capi- of war have not been resolved, in part because the talists thus seek imperial expansion to control new results of empirical research have been inconclu- markets for their goods. Second, Lenin ([1917] sive. To take one example, equality of power in the 1939) argued that capitalists fight imperialist wars interstate system decreased the number of wars in to gain access to more raw materials and find more the nineteenth century and increased the number profitable outlets for their capital. These pressures in the twentieth century. Proponents of each the- lead first to wars between powerful capitalist states ory can point to specific cases that seem to fit its and weaker peripheral states and then to wars predictions, but they must admit that there are between great powers over which of them will get many cases it cannot explain. At least part of the to exploit the periphery. problem is that systemic theories have not incor- porated causal factors at lower levels of analysis, In contrast to the stress on the political causes such as the internal economic and political charac- (power and security) of war in most theories, the teristics of states. Since the effects of system-level Marxist theory of imperialism has the virtue of factors on war are not direct but always are medi- drawing attention to economic causes. However, ated by the internal political economy of states and there are several problems with the economic the decisions made by individual leaders, com- causes posited in theories of imperialism. Like plete theories of the causes of war must include most Marxist arguments about politics, theories of these factors as well. imperialism assume that states are controlled di- rectly or indirectly by dominant economic classes and thus that state policies reflect dominant class CAPITALISM, DEMOCRACY, AND WAR interests. Since states are often free of dominant One of the longest and most heated debates about class control and since many groups other than the causes of war concerns the effects of capital- capitalists often influence state policies, it is sim- ism. Beginning with Adam Smith, liberal econo- plistic to view war as a reflection of the interests of mists have argued that capitalism promotes peace. capitalists. Moreover, in light of the arguments Marxists, by contrast, suggest that capitalism leads made by liberal economists, it is far from clear that to frequent imperialist wars. capitalists prefer war to other means of expanding markets and increasing profits. Liberal economic theories point to the wealth generated by laissez-faire capitalist economies, the With the increasing globalization of econo- interdependence produced by trade, and the death mies and the transition of more states to capitalist and destruction of assets caused by war. Since economies, the debates about the effects of capi- capitalism has increased both the benefits of peace talism, trade, and imperialism on war have be- (by increasing productivity and trade) and the come increasingly significant. If Adam Smith is costs of war (by producing new and better instru- right, the future is likely to be more peaceful than

3243 WAR the past, but if Marxist theorists are right, there is the rational-choice theory of war developed and will be an unprecedented increase in economically tested by Bueno do Mesquita (1981). based warfare. Bueno de Mesquita begins by assuming that The form of government in a country also may the decision to initiate war is made by a single determine how often that country initiates wars. dominant ruler who is a rational expected-utility Kant ([1795] 1949) argued that democratic states maximizer. Utilities are defined in terms of state (with constitutions and separation of powers) initi- policies. Rulers fight wars to affect the policies of ate wars less often than do autocratic states. This other states, essentially to make other states’ poli- conclusion follows from an analysis of who pays cies more similar to their interests. Rulers calcu- the costs of war and who gets the benefits. Since late the costs and benefits of initiating war and the citizens are required to pay for war with high taxes probability of victory. War is initiated only when and their lives, they will rarely support war initia- rulers expect a net gain from it. tion. Rulers of states, by contrast, have much to gain from war and can pass on most of the costs to This parsimonious set of assumptions has been their subjects. Therefore, when decisions about used to generate several counterintuitive proposi- war are made only by rulers (in autocracies), war tions. For example, common sense might suggest will be frequent, and when citizens have more that states would fight their enemies and not their control of the decision (in democracies), peace allies, but Bueno de Mesquita argues that war will generally will be the result. be more common between allies than between enemies. Wars between allies are caused by actual Empirical research indicates that democratic or anticipated policy changes that threaten the states are less likely than are nondemocratic states existing relationship. The interventions of the to initiate wars, but the relationship is not strong United States in Latin America and of the Soviet (Levy 1989, p. 270). Perhaps one reason for the Union in eastern Europe after World War II illus- weakness of the relationship is that the assumption trate the process. Other counterintuitive proposi- that citizens will oppose war initiation is not always tions suggest that under some conditions a state correct. Many historical examples indicate that in may rationally choose to attack the stronger of two at least some conditions citizens will support war allied states instead of the weaker, and under some even though it is not in their economic interest to conditions it is rational for a state with no allies to do so. Nationalism, religion, ethnicity, and other initiate a war against a stronger state with allies (if cultural factors often are cited as important causes the distance between the two is great, the weaker of particular wars in journalistic and historical state will be unable to aid the stronger). Although accounts, but there still is no general theory of the these propositions and others derived from the conditions in which these factors modify or even theory have received strong empirical support, override economic interests. Many classical socio- many have argued that the basic rational-choice logical arguments suggested that these ‘‘premodern’’ assumptions of the theory are unrealistic and have and ‘‘irrational’’ sources of war would decline over rejected Bueno de Mesquita’s work on those time, but the late twentieth century has demon- grounds. strated the opposite. Nationalist and ethnic wars have become more common and intense. This Other analyses of the decision to initiate war raises the general issue of the factors affecting the focus on how the social features of the decision- choices individuals make about war initiation: Can making process lead to deviations from rational these factors be modeled as rational maximization choice. Allison (1971) notes that all political deci- of interests, or is the process more complex? sions are made within organizations and that this setting often influences the content of decisions. He argues that standard operating procedures DECISION MAKING AND WAR and repertoires tend to limit the flexibility of Although the assumptions may be only implicit or decision makers and make it difficult to respond undeveloped, all theories of war must contain adequately to novel situations. Janis (1972) focuses some assumptions about individual decision mak- on the small groups within political organizations ing. However, few theories of war focus on the (such as executives and their cabinet advisers) that individual level of analysis. One notable exception actually make decisions about war. He suggests

3244 WHITE-COLLAR CRIME that the cohesiveness of these small groups often Lenin, V. I. (1917) 1939 Imperialism. New York: leads to a striving for unanimity that prevents a full International. debate about options and produces a premature Levy, Jack S. 1989 ‘‘The Causes of War: A Review of consensus. Other scholars have discussed com- Theories and Evidence.’’ In Philip E. Tetlock, Robert mon misperceptions that distort decisions about Jarvis, Paul Stern, and Charles Tilly, eds., Behavior, war, such as the tendency to underestimate the Society and Nuclear War. Oxford, UK: Oxford Univer- capabilities of one’s enemies and overestimate sity Press. one’s own. In spite of these promising studies, Morgenthau, Hans 1967 Politics among Nations. New work on deviations from rational choice is just York: Knopf. beginning, and there still is no general theoretical Organski, J. F. K. 1968 World Politics. New York: Knopf. model of the decision to initiate war. Waltz, Kenneth 1959 Man, the State, and War. New York: Columbia University Press. CONCLUSION EDGAR KISER The failure to develop a convincing general theory of the causes of war has convinced some scholars that no such theory is possible, that all one can do WELFARE is describe the causes of particular wars. This pessimistic conclusion is premature. The existing See Poverty; Public Policy Analysis; Social literature on the causes of war provides several Security Systems. fragments of a general theory, many of which have some empirical support. The goal of theory and research on war in the future will be to combine WELL-BEING aspects of arguments at all three levels of analysis to create a general theory of the causes of war. See Quality of Life.

(SEE ALSO: Global Systems Analysis: Peace; Revolutions; Terrorism) WHITE-COLLAR CRIME In his 1939 presidential address at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Society, Ed- REFERENCES ward H. Sutherland used, with great effect, the Allison, Graham 1971 Essence of Decision. Boston: Lit- term ‘‘white-collar crime.’’ In an interesting intro- tle, Brown. duction to his discussion of Sutherland, Green Bueno de Mesquita, Bruce 1980 ‘‘Theories of Interna- (1990) noted that in 1901, 1907, and 1935, respec- tional Conflict: An Analysis and Appraisal.’’ In Ted tively, Charles Henderson, Edward Alsworth Ross, Robert Gurr, ed., Handbook of Political Conflict. New and Albert Morris had ‘‘anticipated’’ the ideas York: Free Press. Sutherland had presented, after conducting much ——— 1981 The War Trap. New Haven, Conn.: Yale research, in 1939. Sutherland depicted a white- University Press. collar criminal as any person of high socioeco- Gilpin, Robert 1981 War and Change in World Politics. nomic status who commits a legal violation in the Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. course of his or her occupation (Green 1990). Later he defined white-collar crime as criminal Golstein, Joshua 1988 Long Cycles. New Haven, Conn.: acts committed by persons in the middle or upper Yale University Press. socioeconomic groups in connection with their Hobson, J. A. (1902) 1954 Imperialism. London: Allen occupations (Sutherland 1949). Since that time, and Unwin. the concept has undergone some modification Janis, Irving 1972 Victims of Groupthink. Boston: Hough- and ‘‘has gained widespread popularity among the ton Mifflin. public’’ but ‘‘remains ambiguous and controver- Kant, Immanuel (1795) 1949 ‘‘Eternal Peace.’’ In C. J. sial in criminology’’ (Vold and Bernard 1986). Friedrich, ed., The Philosophy of Kant. New York: More specifically, some definitions have deleted Modern Library. the class of the offender as a consideration.

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Edelhertz (1970) defines white-collar crime as an proof of violations of law), (2) poor people are not ‘‘illegal act or series of illegal acts committed by the only ones who commit crime, and (3) his nonphysical means and by concealment or guile, theory of differential association constituted an to obtain money or property, to avoid payment or approach that could explain a general process loss of money or property, or to obtain business or characteristic of all criminality. personal advantage.’’ Sutherland held that typical crime ‘‘statistics’’ Others have attempted to refine the definition picturing the criminal population as made up by differentiating between occupational and cor- largely of lower-class, economically underprivileged porate contexts (Clinard and Quinney 1973: Clinard people give a false impression of noncriminality and Yeager 1980), clarifying the difference be- on the part of the upper classes, including re- tween and among government, corporate, organi- spected and highly placed business and political zational, and occupational crimes (Coleman 1994; persons (Sutherland 1949). His white-collar crimi- Green 1990; Punch 1996) and avoiding the use of nality included some of the following: misinterpre- the term ‘‘crime’’ by substituting ‘‘law violations’’ tation of the financial statements of corporations, that involve the violator’s position of power manipulation of the stock exchange, bribery of (Biderman and Reiss, 1980). Tappan (1947) said public officials to obtain desirable contracts, mis- that white-collar crimes are not ‘‘crimes’’ if they representation in advertising and salesmanship, are not included in legal definitions. embezzlement and misuse of trust funds, dishon- est bankruptcies, and price-fixing. He quoted the While various writers measure the extent of Chicago gangster Al Capone calling such practices white-collar crimes in terms of the number of ‘‘legitimate rackets’’ (Sutherland 1949) to differen- ‘‘violations’’ (Clinard and Yeager 1980) or the tiate them from the more violent rackets of the extent of harm done to the public, business, or the underworld. environment (Punch 1996), others focus on dollar costs. Reiman (1995) modified the cost estimates Sutherland held that white-collar criminals are of white-collar crimes by the U.S. Chamber of relatively immune because of the class bias of the Commerce (1974) and made those figures applica- courts and the power of their class to influence the ble to 1991. Among his categories were consumer administration of the law. As a result of this class fraud, credit card and check fraud, embezzlement bias, the crimes of the ‘‘respectable’’ upper class and pilferage, insurance fraud, receiving stolen generally are handled differently than are the property, and securities theft and fraud. His total crimes of the lower class. To compensate for this amounted to $197.76 billion for 1991. Reiman class bias, Sutherland argued that official convic- noted that those figures compared favorably with tion statistics must be supplemented by evidence Clinard’s estimate of $200 billion for one year of criminal violations from other sources, such as (1990) and with a similar figure reported in U.S. hearings before regulatory commissions, civil suits News and World Report (1985). Reiman notes that for damages, administrative hearings, and various his own estimate, is on the conservative side but other procedures outside criminal court prosecu- that it is ‘‘almost 6000 times the total amount taken tions (Vold and Bernard, 1986). in all bank-robberies in the US in 1991 and more than eleven times the total amount stolen in all Coleman (1994) says that because ‘‘Suther- thefts reported in the FBI Uniform Crime Reports land’s work focused almost exclusively on business for that year’’ (1995, p.111). Reiman’s figures ap- crimes and especially violations of federal eco- parently do not include any of the vast amounts of nomic regulations’’ and because he failed ‘‘to de- money lost in the savings and loan scandal. These vote more attention to violent white-collar crimes,’’ a issues are elaborated on below. debate sprang up about whether white-collar crime is really crime. Since business offenses were han- Green (1990) states that Sutherland’s three dled as civil or administrative matters, Suther- main objectives were to show that: (1) white-collar land’s detractors suggested that white-collar crimi- crime is real criminality because it is law-violative nals were not ‘‘real’’ criminals. Coleman states, behavior (Sutherland asserted that civil lawsuits ‘‘Had the argument focused on flammable clothes resulting in decisions against persons or corpora- that burned helpless children,’’ Sutherland would tions should be considered convictions and are have been in a stronger position. Still, Coleman

3246 WHITE-COLLAR CRIME suggests, Sutherland would have encountered re- (person) is considerably more problematic than sistance. When he made his address in 1939, crime delineating white-collar crime. He agrees with Suth- was seen as something that happened primarily erland that white-collar crime is inexorably limited among immigrants and poor people. The idea that to occupational opportunity. business leaders should be considered criminals had an un-American sound to it. Moreover, corpo- In their analysis of corporate violations, Clinard rate executives were not likely to support such and Yeager (1980) say that while corporate crime ideas. Coleman holds, however, that Sutherland is white-collar crime, occupational crime is a differ- won the first round of this debate with the scholars ent type of white-collar crime. Building on earlier who criticized him. work by Clinard and Quinney (1973), they suggest that ‘‘occupational crime is committed largely by Tappan was one of the first to criticize Suther- individuals or by small groups of individuals in land’s position. Tappan, who was trained as both a connection with their occupations.’’ They include lawyer and a sociologist, asserted that crime, if under this type ‘‘businessmen, politicians, labor legally defined, was an appropriate topic of study union leaders, lawyers, doctors, pharmacists, and for sociologists (1947). Accordingly, he felt that employees who embezzle money from their em- actions that were not against the law were not ployees or steal merchandise and tools. Occupa- crimes and that persons who had not been con- tional crimes encompass income tax evasion; ma- victed of criminal charges were not criminals. nipulation in the sale of used cars and other Sutherland, following Sellin (1951), held that Tap- products; fraudulent repairs of automobiles, tele- pan’s criterion of legal conviction was too far vision sets, and appliances; embezzlement; check- removed from the offense, which may go unde- kiting; and violations in the sale of securities’’ tected, unprosecuted, and/or unconvicted (Green (1980, p. 18). 1990). Burgess (1950) agreed with Tappan that Sutherland erred in failing to distinguish between Clinard and Yeager, in agreement with Suth- civil and criminal law. However, Vold and Bernard erland’s opinion of what constitutes law violation, (1986) suggest that a scientifically adequate theory say that ‘‘a corporate crime is any act committed by of crime must explain all behaviors that have the corporations that is punished by the state, regard- same essential characteristics, whether or not the less of whether it is punished under administra- behavior has been defined as a crime by criminal tive, civil, or criminal law’’ (1980, p. 16). They also justice agencies. Sutherland initiated his attempt state that Sutherland conducted the first research to develop such a theory with his theory of differ- in this area and that his book White Collar Crime ential association, which he felt could explain both (1949) should have had the title of their book: lower-class and white-collar crime. Corporate Crime. Biderman and Reiss (1980) considered white- Green has extended the work of Clinard and collar crime to consist of ‘‘violations of law, to Quinney and Clinard and Yeager and that of which penalties are attached, and that involve the others in Occupational Crime (1990). He claims that use of a violator’s position of significant power, corporate crime almost always occurs within the influence, or trust in the legitimate economic or course of one’s occupation, and thus the term political institutional order for the purpose of ‘‘occupational crime’’ encompasses corporate of- illegal gain, or to commit an illegal act for personal fenses. To Green, occupational crime refers to any or organizational gain.’’ Coleman (1994) defines act punishable by law that is committed through white-collar crime as a ‘‘violation of the law com- an opportunity created in the course of an occupa- mitted by a person or group of persons in the tion that is legal. Green goes on to say that the course of their otherwise respected and legitimate criterion of a legal occupation is necessary, since occupational or financial activity.’’ Green (1990) otherwise the term could include all crimes. A points out that the terms ‘‘respectable’’ and ‘‘sig- legal occupation, he indicates, is one that does not nificant power or influence’’ employed in these in itself violate any laws. Thus, the term would definitions do not represent an improvement of exclude persons with occupations that are illegal Sutherland’s definition because they are relative to begin with, such as bank robbers and profes- terms. Because of such problems, Green seems to sional con men. He lists four types of occupational suggest that pinpointing the white-collar criminal crime: (1) crimes for the benefit of an employing

3247 WHITE-COLLAR CRIME organization, (2) crimes by officials through their dividuals, whether employee or employer) and state-based authority, (3) crimes by professionals organizational crimes, which include both corpo- in their capacity as professionals, and (4) crimes by rate and government crimes. individuals as individuals. Poveda (1994, p. 70) asserts with some justifi- Coleman (1994) has noted both the tendency cation that the design of a typology depends on the to redefine the concept of white-collar crime to theoretical biases of the researcher. He says that include any nonviolent crime based on conceal- scholars need to be aware of the diversity of white- ment or guile (Webster 1980) and the tendency to collar crime in considering explanations. Poveda impose new terms such as ‘‘occupational crime,’’ suggests that there are two traditions, both of ‘‘corporate crime’’ (discussed above), ‘‘elite devi- which can be traced to the initial Sutherland– ance,’’ ‘‘corporate deviance,’’ and ‘‘organizational Tappan debate. One school, the Sutherland school, crime’’ (not to be confused with ‘‘organized crime’’). focuses on the offender as the defining character- Coleman states that ‘‘the whole point behind most istic of white-collar crime. The other school em- criminologists’ concern with white collar crime is phasizes the offense as the central criterion of to give the same kind of attention to the crimes of white-collar crime (Poveda 1994, p. 39). Both tradi- the powerful and privileged that is given to com- tions are alive and well. mon offenders.’’ He states that the term ‘‘white- collar crime’’ best serves this purpose or goal and is too useful a conceptual tool to be thrown out: TRENDS IN RESEARCH: CORPORATE, ‘‘Because it clearly identifies a specific problem of OCCUPATIONAL, AND great concern to people around the world, ‘white ORGANIZATIONAL CASES collar crime’ has become one of the most popular phrases ever to come out of sociological research’’ Punch, Reiman, Clinard and Yeager, Green, and (Coleman 1994, p. 5). Coleman are unanimous that interest in white- collar crime emerged or gathered speed after the Coleman (1994) clearly acknowledges that some Watergate scandal in the 1970s. It does seem that of the criticisms of Sutherland’s original definition while there was early excitement over Sutherland’s are valid; for example, (1) responsibility for some initial 1939 address, interest quickly waned. In the white-collar offenses is attributable to groups, and late 1940s, interest in social order seemed to pre- (2) many white-collar offenses are committed by dominate. Clinard and Yeager (1980) reviewed the persons from the middle levels of the status hierar- events of the 1960s and 1970s, describing the chy. Coleman (1994) states that in a major respect, occasional corporate conspiracies and environ- however, Sutherland’s views seem relevant. One mental abuses that came to the public’s attention. of the central issues in early debates about the They noted how the short and suspended sen- definition of white-collar crime was whether the tences given to Watergate offenders contrasted term should include violations of civil as well as ‘‘sharply with the 10-, 20-, 50-, and even 150-year criminal law. As the study of white-collar crime has sentences given to burglars and robbers.’’ Reiman, developed over the last fifty years, many criminologists beginning with the first edition The Rich Get Richer have sided with Sutherland’s view that it should and the Poor Get Prison (1979), has been a consis- include both civil and criminal violations (Wheeler tent critic of the different ways in which justice has 1976; Schrager and Short 1978; Braithewaite 1979; been meted out to the poor and the well to do. Clinard and Yeager 1980; Hagar and Parker 1985). Clinard and Yeager (1980), in what Punch Following the lines of other students, Cole- (1996) calls the piece of research that is closest to man states that a typology of white-collar crimes is Sutherland’s legacy, conducted the first large-scale needed (1994, p. 10). He suggests that while a comprehensive investigation of the law violations humanistic perspective might focus on the conse- of major firms since Sutherland’s pioneering work. quences of white-collar crimes for victims (prop- Sutherland (1949) conducted his study on seventy erty losses versus physical injury), a more useful of the two-hundred largest U.S. nonfinancial cor- typology might center on differences between of- porations. The study of Clinard and Yeager (1980) fenders. Thus, he suggests a dichotomy between involved a systematic analysis of federal adminis- occupational crimes (consisting of offenses by in- trative, civil, and criminal actions initiated or com-

3248 WHITE-COLLAR CRIME pleted by twenty-five federal agencies against the mistakes in judgment rather than to harmful, self- 477 largest publicly owned manufacturing (For- ish, profit-oriented motives followed by an inten- tune 500) corporations and 105 of the largest tional cover-up of brutal consequences, Punch sets wholesale, retail, and service corporations in the the record straight. One of the most chilling of his United States in the period 1975–1976. Thus, they cases is the Three Mile Island nuclear accident in had a total sample of 582 corporations. Clinard Pennsylvania in March 1979. A series of incidents and Yeager found the following: involved (1) a leaking seal, (2) leading to feedwater pumps that failed to come into operation and A total of 1,553 federal cases were begun remove heat from the core (3) because of blocked against all 582 corporations during 1975 and pipes stemming from (4) valves having been left in 1976 or an average of 2.7 federal cases of the wrong position after routine maintenance some violation each. Of the 582 corporations, 350 days earlier and (5) that could not be seen because (60.1 percent) had at least one federal action the control switch indicator was obscured. Through brought against them, and for those firms that further accidents, mounting tension, and delays, had at least one actions brought against them, danger increased and a complete meltdown loomed. the average was 4.4 cases. (1980, p. 113) Then, ‘‘almost by coincidence, and perhaps be- Six main types of violations were reported by cause of a new shift supervisor checking the PORV Clinard and Yeager (1980): administrative, envi- [pilot-operated relief valve], the stuck relief valve ronmental, financial, labor, manufacturing, and was discovered. More as an act of desperation than unfair trade practices. Their evidence shows that understanding. . . the valve was shut’’ (p. 126). ‘‘often decisions on malpractice were taken at the Punch then quotes Perrow (1984, p. 29): highest corporate levels, that records were de- stroyed or ingeniously doctored by executives and It was fortunate that it occurred when it did; their accountants and that the outcomes of these incredible damage had been done with substan- decisions can have serious economic, financial, tial parts of the core melting, but had it political, personal, and even physical consequences’’ remained open for another thirty minutes or so, (Punch 1996, p. 52). and HPI [high-pressure injector] remained throttled back, there would have been a Punch (1996) focused on selected cases, mainly complete meltdown, with the fissioning mate- from other countries, that bear on his hypothesis rial threatening to breach containment. that business is crimogenic, i.e., it justifies or toler- ates illegal behavior. This parallels Clarke’s (1990) What Punch (1996) describes in his recount- contention that crime and misconduct are en- ing of this case and others includes the following: demic to business and that the key to understand- 1. Earlier warnings by an efficient inspector ing them lies in recognizing the structure that the about the inherent dangers in nuclear business environment gives to misconduct both in plant procedures had been brushed aside; terms of opportunities and in terms of how mis- the inspector then had been subjected to conduct is managed. Punch states that his underly- strong informal control in an attempt to ing purpose is to use his cases to ‘‘unmask the deflect his message. underlying logic of business and the submerged social world of the manager’’ (1991, p. 213). Punch 2. Profitability (based on the productivity of states, however, that he is not asserting that most privately run industry) was the top prior- companies are guilty of criminal behavior. Indeed, ity, and this is a problem in most he says that ‘‘there are companies which explicitly corporations. set out to conform to the law; they maintain a 3. Management responds to crises such as record of no transgressions’’ (p. 214). In short, the one described (by Perrow, Punch, and Punch focuses on companies that engage in corpo- others) by keeping things running. rate deviance. 4. Regulatory agencies tend to compromise If after reviewing the works of Clinard and rather than enforce the rules governing Yeager (1980) and Sutherland (1949), a student of safety; indeed, they appear to ‘‘have a dual crime still is inclined to conclude that the term function both to regulate and promote an ‘‘white-collar crime’’ refers to harmless or small industry’’ (p. 255).

3249 WHITE-COLLAR CRIME

Among his conclusions, Punch writes: trols but ‘‘raised the limit of federal protection on deposits to $100,000; brokers could make commis- When cleared of radioactive debris, Unit Two sions on them, investors received higher interest will remain in quarantine for thirty years rates and the S&L attracted new funds while enjoy- until it is dismantled as planned along with ing a federal safety net’’ (Punch 1996, p. 16). As Unit One, which will then have reached the quoted by Punch (1996), the Federal Home Loan end of its working life. Until 2020, then, Unit Bank-Board reported the following to Con- Two at Three Mile Island in the middle of the gress in 1988: Susquehanna River will remain a silent sentinel to a disturbing case of incompetence, Individuals in a position of trust in the dishonesty, complacency, and cover-up. (pp. institution or closely affiliated with it have, in 134–135). general terms, breached their fiduciary duties; traded on inside information; usurped opportu- This conclusion is disturbingly similar to that nities for profits; engaged in self-dealing; or made earlier by Clinard and Yeager (1980) as they otherwise used the institution for personal noted the evasion of responsibility by many of the advantage. Specific examples of insider abuse corporate managers in their study and the unethical include loans to insiders in excess of that climates that disregarded the public’s welfare (p. allowed by regulation; high-risk speculative 299). Punch (1996) found a similar criminal cli- ventures; payment of exorbitant dividends at mate in cases that involved Thalidomide and its times when the institution is at or near effects on pregnancy, originating in Germany; the insolvency; payment from institutions’ funds Guiness affair in England involving illegal finan- for personal vacations, automobiles, clothing, cial dealings; the Italian affair involving business, and art; payment of unwarranted commissions politics, organized crime, and the Vatican Bank; a and fees to companies owned by a shareholder; case in the Netherlands involving deviance in a payment of ‘‘consulting fees’’ to insiders or shipbuilding conglomerate; and the savings and their companies; use of insiders’ companies for loan scandal in the United States. association business; and putting friends and The savings and loan scandal, covering the relatives on the payroll of the institutions. period 1987–1992, represents one of the greatest (U.S. General Accounting Office 1989, p. fraud cases in the twentieth century (Mayer 1990; 22). Pizzo et al. 1989; Thio 1998). Thio stated that this Calavita and Pontell (1990) categorized these fraud cost taxpayers $1.4 trillion. Coleman (1994) fraudulent practices as ‘‘unlawful risk-taking,’’ ‘‘loot- explained that the rise in interest rates in the 1980s ing,’’ and ‘‘covering-up.’’ Their work indicates that created serious economic problems for many sav- this type of corporate crime was unlike that re- ings and loan associations (thrifts) as their invento- ported by writers such as Clinard and Yeager ries of low-interest fixed-rate mortgage loans be- (1980), which was designed to enhance corporate came increasingly unprofitable. The thrifts had profits; rather, the savings and loan affair revealed been restricted until then by government regula- premeditated looting for personal gain. They called tions and were losing money. Punch (1996) sug- this kind of crime ‘‘a hybrid of organizational and gests that the election of Ronald Reagan to the occupational crime’’; this was crime by the corpo- presidency accelerated an ideology of deregula- ration against the corporation, encouraged by the tion that held that business should be freed from state, and with the taxpayer as the ultimate victim undue rules and restrictions and that market for- (Calavita and Pontell 1991). ces should be given free rein to enhance competi- tion. Deregulation of the industry did take place, Those studies of corporate, organizational, and this meant that interest rates were not rigid, and occupational crimes appear to follow Suther- financing could be offered with no down payment, land’s initial focus and concerns and to establish and loans could be given for consumer and com- what might be called a Sutherland school of white- mercial purposes. Those developments opened collar crime. Other researchers besides those men- up opportunities for unscrupulous businesspersons tioned earlier have made valuable contributions to who moved in and exploited the thrifts for devious this growing field, including Geis (1968), Braithewaite purposes. Deregulation not only loosened con- (1984), and Vaughn (1983).

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OFFENDERS AND OFFENSES It is relevant, then, to ask whether the laws on white-collar crime are applicable to corporations The focus on offenses has been referred to by as well as to individuals. After reviewing the his- Poveda (1994) as a second school of thought that torical development of laws creating various white- follows Tappan’s tradition and is distinct from collar crimes (embezzlement and theft, unfair com- Sutherland’s tradition with its emphasis on the petition, bribery and corruption, endangerment offender. Social class, of course, has always been at of consumers and workers, and environmental the center of this debate in terms of its relationship degradation), Coleman (1994) explained that the to white-collar crime. While Sutherland empha- laws involving criminal intent have been extended sized that many violations were committed by to include corporations, stating that ‘‘it is now respectable persons in the course of their occupa- common for corporations to be charged with crimi- tions, Tappan argued for the recognition of the nal violations of the regulatory statutes as well as law in defining crime. Poveda states that more serious offenses’’ (p 125). As will be seen the law of course specifies which acts are to be below, conviction and punishment are different criminalized regardless of who commits them. matters. In this view the defining characteristic of white-collar crime is the offense rather than the offender. The problem of defining white-collar CONVICTIONS AND SENTENCING crime from this perspective becomes one of In the 1980s, Wheeler directed a series of studies deciding which subset of crimes is ‘‘white at Yale University that focused on both offenders collar.’’ By separating white-collar crime from and offenses as well as on a comparison of white- the characteristics of the offender, white-collar collar and conventional crimes. Wheeler et al. crime in the legal tradition ceases to be linked (1982, 1988) focused on eight white-collar offenses to any particular social class. (1994, p. 40) in the federal system, which they clustered into Edelhertz (1970) objected to Sutherland’s as- three types organized by complexity: (1) the most sertion that white-collar crimes must occur in the organized: antitrust and securities fraud, (2) inter- course of the offender’s occupation. He argued mediate: mail fraud, false claims, credit fraud, and that that definition excludes offenses such as in- bribery, (3) the least organized: tax fraud and bank come tax evasion, receiving illegal Social Security embezzlement. Their studies included only con- payments, and other similar offenses, that he con- victed offenses, not violations of civil or adminis- sidered white-collar crime. Edelhertz’s work sug- trative regulations. They found that white-collar gests that the class of the offender need not be criminals are better educated, older, and more central to the concept of white-collar crime but likely to be white and well off financially compared that the offense should be the central considera- with conventional criminals. They also found that tion. In this respect, he reflected Tappan’s stance. female white-collar offenders are more similar to According to Poveda (1994), criminologists who conventional criminals than to their male counter- focus on the offense have come to dominate views parts. In an analysis of the Yale data, Daly (1989) among workers in the justice system and have found substantial differences between male and become more numerous among criminologists female white-collar offenders. Daly raised ques- since Edelhertz modified Sutherland’s definition tions about whether the term ‘‘white collar’’ should in the 1970s. be applied to women since they seldom committed offenses as part of a group, made less money from Shapiro (1990) also suggests that the analysis their crimes, and were less educated. Box (1983) of white-collar crime must shift from a focus on the suggested that female workers had fewer criminal offender to focus on the offense, particularly when opportunities than men. In another important violations of trust situations and norms are in- tangent to their findings, Weisbund et al. (1991) volved. She argues that the leniency shown to argued that much white-collar crime is engaged in white-collar criminals accused of securities fraud by middle-class individuals, revealing an unexpected has resulted from the social organization of their source of inequality in the Justice Department. offenses and the problems of social control they posed rather than from class biases involving In the area of sentencing, Wheeler and col- higher status. leagues (1982) found that higher-status defendants

3251 WHITE-COLLAR CRIME charged with white-collar crimes were more likely Parker, and Mann, Coleman concludes that ‘‘the to receive jail sentences than were lower-status evidence leaves little doubt that white collar of- defendants. In explanation, they suggested that fenders get off much easier than street offenders because most cases against high-status defendants who commit crimes of similar severity’’ (1994, p. were never prosecuted, the few cases that were 157). He notes, however, that ‘‘there is some evi- prosecuted were compelling. They also noted that dence that the punishment for white-collar of- the research was conducted shortly after the Wa- fenses has been slowly increasing in recent years‘‘(p. tergate scandals, when judges were more attentive 157). Coleman still maintains that while there is to misdeeds attributed to greed. In another study increasing severity of punishment, such prosecu- of sentencing and status, Hagar and Parker (1985), tors remain rare. He says that ‘‘Leo Barrile [1991] in an analysis of data on persons charged with concluded that only 16 cases of corporate homi- criminal and noncriminal acts, observed differen- cide have [ever] been charged, only 9 of those tial sentencing of employers, managers, and work- made it to trial, and in only three cases were ers. They found that compared with workers, man- corporate agents sentenced to prison’’ (p. 157). agers were more likely and employers were less likely to be charged under the criminal code. Employers were instead more likely to be charged IMPLICATIONS FOR RESEARCH AND with Securities Act violations that carried less stigma THEORY and a shorter sentence. They noted that employers are in positions of power that allow them to be Poveda (1994) notes that ‘‘in spite of the recent distanced from criminal events and obscure their work on white collar offenses, our knowledge of involvement. Finally, they stated that Sutherland white-collar crime is much more circumscribed noted an ‘‘obfuscation as to responsibility’’ that than that of conventional crime and draws more accompanies corporate positions of power. Thus, heavily upon official crime statistics’’ (p. 79). He employers face securities charges rather than crimi- says that Wheeler and associates concluded that nal charges that require a demonstration of malice. the vast majority of white-collar offenders are nonelite offenders who look like average Ameri- The Clinard and Yeager study (1980) did not cans. Wheeler and colleagues argued that Suther- include street criminals. The authors note that land’s definition was narrowly focused on the there is more leniency for corporate than for other upper class and ignored the middle group of white-collar offenders. In their study, it was found offenders. Poveda suggests that ‘‘it is time to con- that only 4 percent of sanctions handed out for sider alternate approaches to gaining knowledge corporate violations involved criminal cases against about white-collar crime, approaches that circum- individual executives. Of the fifty-six convicted vent the official statistics.’’ (1994, p. 79) because of executives in large corporations, 62.5 percent re- the need to gather more information about crimes ceived probation, 21.4 percent had their sentences in large organizations. Poveda states that ‘‘large suspended, and 28.6 percent were incarcerated (p. organizations have the power and resources to 287). Among the latter defendents, two received control public information about themselves to a six-month sentences and the remaining fourteen much greater extent than other kinds of offend- received sentences averaging only nine days (1980). ers’’ (1994, p. 79). He asserts that researchers will Relevant here are criticisms of legislation de- have to penetrate the curtain of secrecy that may signed to control crime. Geis (1996) points out enclose illegal behavior. that legislation dealing with ‘‘three strikes’’ has Poveda proposes that there is a need to study given a ‘‘base on balls’’ to white-collar offenders accidents and scandals. He cites the suggestions of and indicates an underlying class, ethnic, and ra- Molotch and Lester (1974), who showed how rou- cial bias that seeks to define criminals as ‘‘others’’ tine news events are managed by political actors in rather than confronting the more costly crimes of society: corporations, labor unions, the president, community leaders and the corporate world. members of Congress, and so on. These actors After reviewing a number of studies of sen- define issues for the public construct the news. tencing, including studies by Shapiro, Wheeler Only accidents and scandals ‘‘penetrate this con- and colleagues, Clinard and Yeager, Hagar and structed reality of the news by catching these

3252 WHITE-COLLAR CRIME major actors off guard. While accidents are There seems to be agreement that criminologists unplanned, scandals involve planned events but are some distance away from developing an ade- they must typically be disclosed by an inside in- quate theory of white-collar crime. Wheeler and former to an organization because they involve associates, Yeager and associates, Poveda, Braithwaite, sensitive information (Poveda 1994, p. 80). Poveda Coleman, and others have contributed to concept suggests that these events often reveal the inci- development and theory building in this field. dence of white-collar crime. He says that the Chal- Thus, Reed and Yeager (1996) have emphasized lenger disaster was an ‘‘‘accident’ that led to disclo- the need to assess how notions of self-interest sures of questionable judgment by the National become merged with corporate interests and the Aeronautics and Space Administration and the conditions under which these socially constructed Morton Thiokol Corporation’’ (p. 81). Punch (1996) interests lead to socially harmful outcomes. Wheeler has undertaken research that focused on accidents (1992) has addressed a similar concern with and scandals. This research involved case studies motivational and situational processes that drive of the savings and loan scandal, the Three-Mile individuals to risk involvement in white-collar crime. Island nuclear accident, and many others. Braithwaite Coleman also asserts that the related theoretical has written about the drug companies and their problems of motivation and opportunity must be record of fraud in testing, price-fixing, and the understood. He considers the neutralization of provision of perks for medical practitioners ethical standards by which white-collar criminals (Braithwaite 1984). justify their pursuit of success, the secrecy that shields corporate actions, and the opportunities It is important to note that research in Britain provided by the legal and judicial systems essential by Clarke and in Britain, Holland, and the Untied links in the development of an understanding of States by Punch and others suggests that corpo- this type of crime. rate, organizational, and occupational crime in the Braithwaite (1984) also draws on the structure industrial world have more common elements of opportunity in attempting to understand or- than differences. Moreover, cybercrime, relying ganizational crime but is perhaps best known for heavily on the Internet, has increased greatly ac- his concept of reintegrative shaming. In his ap- cording to a report by the British Broadcasting proach, he utilizes control theory, specifying the Corporation. Fraud employing stolen credit cards processes by which corporate offenders are en- and stolen identities would appear to have world- couraged to strengthen their stake in conformity. wide similarities as a result of the growing use of He asserts that the other kind of shaming— the World Wide Web. stigmatization—has the effect of reinforcing of- Punch has noted that researchers are increas- fenders in their criminality. ingly targeting accidents, disasters, and scandals in There is an apparent need for a continued the business world. He has not noticed any slack- focus on occupational and corporate deviance and ening of the calculative nature of business, as on individual and organizational offenders in the evidenced in the transfer of technology and manu- field of white-collar crime. Interest has been grow- facturing to developing nations. Noting the exist- ing in the field, and there is reason to believe that ence of, if not an increase in, the number of academic researchers, government agencies, and shrewd players on the world scene and the growth legislatures must communicate with one another of unregulated markets, Punch expects fresh scan- more if progress is to be made in the important dals not only in the United States but in eastern matter of constructing better deterrents to white- Europe and the Far East (1996, pp. 268, 269). collar crime. However, as suggested by Punch and There is, then, growing agreement that a focus on others, investigators must search more closely for accidents, disasters, and scandals will provide a the dark, irrational side of organizations—incom- growing database on white-collar crime and its petence, neglect, ambition, greed, power—as well various types and that such a database will lead to as for motives and structures that allow managers the development of a more adequate theory of to practice deviance against the organization. It is white-collar crime. This would seem to be a pre- clear that while many researchers argue for a focus requisite for the development of an adequate sys- on the organization and others emphasize the tem of deterrence of white-collar crime. need to study individual offenders, there is a grow-

3253 WHITE-COLLAR CRIME ing acceptance of the need to explore all avenues Strikes and You’re Out: Vengeance as Public Policy. that lead to white-collar crime. Indeed, there seems Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage. to be a clamor among researchers that not only Geis, Gilbert, ed. 1968 White Collar Crime. New York: must motivation and opportunity be studied but Atherton Press. that the subcultures that facilitate immoral behav- Green, Gary S. 1990 Occupational Crime. Chicago: Nel- ioral structures should be analyzed to understand son Hall. white-collar or any other type of crime. Hagar, John, and Patricia Parker 1985 ‘‘White Collar Crime and Punishment: The Class Structure and REFERENCES Legal Sanctioning of Securities Violations.’’ Ameri- can Sociological Review 50:302–316. Barrile, Leo 1991 ‘‘Determining Criminal Responsibil- ity of Corporations.’’ Paper presented at the Ameri- Mayer, Martin 1990 The Greatest Ever Bank Robbery: The can Society of Criminology, San Francisco, November. Collapse of the Savings and Loan Industry. New York: Scribner. Biderman, Albert, and Albert J. Reiss 1980 Data Sources on White Collar Lawbreaking. Washington D.C.: Na- Molotch, Harvey, and Marilyn Lester 1974 ‘‘News as tional Institute of Justice. Purposive Behavior: On the Strategic Use of Routine Events, Accidents, and Scandals.’’ American Sociologi- Box, Steven 1983 Power, Crime, and Mystification. New cal Review 39:101–112. York: Tavistock. Braithwaite, John 1979 Inequality Crime and Public Policy. Pizzo, S., M. Fricker, and P. Muolo 1989 Inside Job: The London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Looting of America’s Savings and Loans. New York: McGraw-Hill. ——— 1984 Corporate Crime in the Pharmaceutical Indus- try. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Poveda, Tony 1994 Rethinking White-Collar Crime. Westport, Conn.: Praeger. Burgess, Ernest W. 1950 ‘‘Comment to Harting.’’ Ameri- can Journal of Sociology 56:25–34. Perrow, Charles 1984 Normal Accidents. New York: Ba- sis Books. Calavita, Kitty and Henry Pontell 1991 ‘‘Other People’s Money Revisited: Collective Embezzlement in the Punch, Maurice 1996 Dirty Business: Exploring Corporate Savings and Loan and Insurance Industries.’’ Social Misconduct. London: Sage. Problems 38: 94–112. Reed, Gary E., and Peter Cleary Yeager 1996 ‘‘Organiza- ——— 1990 ‘‘Heads I Win, Tails You Lose: Dergulation, tional Offending and Neoclassical Criminology: Chal- Crime, and Crisis in the Savings and Loan Industry.’’ lenging the Reach of a General Theory of Crime.’’ Crime and Delinquency 36:309–341. Criminology 34:357–382. Chamber of Commerce of the United States 1974 A Reiman, Jeffrey 1995 The Rich Get Rich and the Poor Get Handbook on White Collar Crime. Washington, D.C.: Prison, 4th ed. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Chamber of Commerce of the United States. Sellin, Thorsten 1951 ‘‘The Significance of Records of Clarke, M. 1990 Business Crime Cambridge, U.K.: Pol- Crime.’’ Law Quarterly Review 67:489–504. ity Press. Schrager, Laura S., and James P. Short 1978 ‘‘Toward a Clinard, Marshall B., and Richard Quinney 1973 Crimi- Sociology of Organizational Crime.’’ Social Problems nal Behavior Systems, 2nd; ed. New York: Holt, Rinehart 25:407–419. & Winston. Shapiro, Susan 1990 ‘‘Collaring the Crime, Not the ———, and Peter C. Yeager. 1980 Corporate Crime. New Criminal: Reconsidering the Concept of White Col- York: Free Press. lar Crime.’’ American Sociological Review 55: 346–365. Coleman, James 1994 The Criminal Elite: The Sociology of Sutherland, Edwin H. 1949 White Collar Crime. New White Collar Crime, 3rd; ed. New York: St. Martin’s. York: Dryden Press. Daly, Kathleen 1989. ‘‘Gender and Varieties of White Tappan, Paul 1947 ‘‘Who Is the Criminal.’’ American Collar-Crime.’’ Criminology 27: 269–294. Sociological Review 12:96–102. Edelhertz, Herbert 1970. The Nature, Impact and Prosecu- Thio, Alex 1998 Deviant Behavior, 5th ed. New York: tion of White Collar Crime. Washington D.C.: U.S. Addison-Wesley. US News & World Report 1985 May 20. Government Printing Office. Vaughn, Diane 1983 Controlling Unlawful Organizational ——— 1996 ‘‘A Base on Balls for White Collar Crimi- Behavior: Social Structure and Corporate Misconduct. nals.’’ In David Shicor and Dale Seckrest, eds., Three Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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Vold, George, and Thomas J. Bernard 1986 Theoretical with few or no guidelines because the widowed Criminology, 3rd ed. New York: Oxford Univer- person tends to be ‘‘roleless,’’ lacking clear norms sity Press. or prescriptions for behavior (Hiltz 1979). Webster, Wilham 1980. ‘‘An Examination of FBI The- ory and Methodology Regarding White Collar Crime Investigation and Prevention.’’ American Criminal WIDOWHOOD ACROSS CULTURES Law Review 17:275–286. Human behaviors generally are guided by the Weisbund, D., S. Wheeler, E. Waring, and N. Bode 1991 dominant prescriptions and proscriptions embed- Crimes of the Middle Classes: White Collar Offenders in ded in particular societies, and this is reflected in the Federal Courts. New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univer- wide cross-cultural variations among those who sity Press. have lost a spouse through death (Lopata 1996). Wheeler, Stanton 1992 ‘‘The Problem of White Collar For example, the situation of Hindu widows in Crime Motivation.’’ In Kip Schlegel and David India has undergone numerous changes, ranging Weisbund, eds., White Collar Crime Reconsidered. Bos- ton: Northeastern University Press. from extremely harsh treatment in the past to slow but steady improvement in the modern era. The ———, and E. Waring. 1988 ‘‘White Collar Crimes and custom of suttee—the wife’s self-immolation on her Criminals.’’ American Criminal Law Review 25:331–357. husband’s funeral pyre—has long been outlawed ———, D. Weisbund, and N. Bode 1982 ‘‘Sentencing but periodically reappears, especially in rural ar- the White-Collar Offenses.’’ American Sociological Re- eas. Even today, widows in that highly patriarchal, view 47:641–659. patrilineal, and patrilocal society experience isola- ——— 1976 ‘‘Trends and Problems in the Sociological tion and a loss of status. Their remarriage rate is Study of Crime.’’ Social Problems. 23:523–534 very low. Widows often face a difficult life that is influenced by vestiges of patriarchal and religious JAMES E. TEELE dogma and exacerbated by economic problems that force them to become dependent on sons, in- laws, and others. Widowers, by contrast, are en- WIDOWHOOD couraged to remarry soon and add progeny to the patriarchal line. Israel is another place where the Marriages that do not end in divorce eventually society and religion are strongly patriarchal and dissolve through the death of a spouse. The stress women lose status in widowhood. Jewish mourn- of bereavement derives largely from the disorgani- ing rituals ‘‘tend to isolate the widow and tie her to zation caused by the loss of the deceased from the the past rather than providing means of creating a social support system of the survivor. The death of new life’’ (Lopata 1996). Moreover, women who a marital partner requires the development of lose husbands through civilian causes of death alternative patterns of behavior so that the survi- encounter greater difficulties than do those whose vor can maintain satisfactory relations with the husbands are killed in the military. War widows family, the kin group, and the community and and their families receive preferential treatment sustain his or her personal equilibrium. Families through government policies that give them spe- exhibit considerable diversity in their attempts to cial recognition, numerous benefits, and many accomplish these transitions. The difficult and more alternatives for improving their status and sometimes devastating transition to widowhood prestige than is possible in more traditional socie- or widowerhood necessitates a reintegration of ties. Remarriage, for example, is is a much more roles suitable to a new status. If children are acceptable alternative for women in Israel than it is present, parental death precipitates a reorganiza- in India. tion of the family as a social system. Roles and status positions must be shifted, values reoriented, All societies are undergoing various degrees and personal and family time restructured. The of transition. Korea is a society whose transitional potential for role strains and interpersonal con- problems are dramatically reflected in the situa- flicts becomes evident as relationships are lost, tion of widows. Earlier in Korean history, widow- added, or redefined (Pitcher and Larson 1989). hood resulted in a loss of status and remarriage Loneliness becomes a major problem. In many generally was prohibited. Husbands tended to be modern societies, this adaptive process proceeds much older than their wives and to have a higher

3255 WIDOWHOOD mortality rate, and a large number were killed in lion widowed persons, 85 percent of whom were wars. Moreover, widowers remarried, whereas most women. However, people in the widowed category widows remained single. All these factors contrib- may leave it through remarriage. Hence, the num- uted to a widening ratio of widows to widowers ber of people who have ever experienced spousal over the years. Under the impact of moderniza- loss is much greater than is indicated by these data. tion, including increased urbanization and indus- trialization, Korean society is being transformed, For some decades, the widowed female has and with it the conditions surrounding the status outnumbered her male counterpart by an ever of widowhood. This transformation includes a widening margin. Three factors account for this: shift from authoritarian societal and familial sys- (1) Mortality among females is lower than it is tem in a primarily rural environment toward sys- among males, and therefore, greater numbers of tems based on more equalitarian norms. Widows women survive to advanced years, (2) wives are began to move to the cities, and this had advan- typically younger than their husbands and conse- tages and disadvantages. On the one hand, they quently have a greater probability of outliving could accompany their sons and take advantage of them, and (3) among the widowed, remarriage urban services and the possibility of new friend- rates are significantly lower for women than for ships. On the other hand, the move removed them men. Other factors that contribute to the prepon- from their extended families and neighborhood derance of widows include war, depressions, and friends and the communal supports in their rural disease pandemics. villages. Living with a son in the city often strained For several reasons, widowhood has become the daughter-in-law relationship. In addition, be- largely a problem of aged women. Each year in the ing distanced from the relatively stable and inte- United States, deaths of spouses create nearly a grated life of their villages and lacking friendship million new widows and widowers. Among people networks in their new environment often left them 65 years of age or over, roughly half the women vulnerable to loneliness, especially in the case of compared with about 14 percent of the men are the elderly widowed. Presumably, succeeding gen- widowed. (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1997). Ad- erations with greater personal resources will en- vances in medical technology and the pervasiveness counter fewer adaptational requirements. health programs have extended life expectancy. While survivors face certain common prob- The probability of mortality before middle age has lems and role strains both within and outside the decreased, and for the most part widowhood has immediate family, it is difficult to specify a norma- been postponed to the later stages of the life cycle. tive course of adjustment. This is the case because Gains in longevity have been more rapid for women the widowed are a heterogeneous group charac- than for men. Thus, the growing proportion of terized by wide differences in social and psycho- elderly females accents their higher rates of wid- logical characteristics. It also is due to the fact that owhood. About one-fourth of all married women spousal loss evokes a panorama of emotional and will become widows by age 65, and one-half of the behavioral responses from the survivors, depend- remaining women will be widowed by age 75. ing on factors such as the timing and circum- During that age span, only one-fifth of men will stances of the spouse’s death. For example, a wife lose their wives. It is projected that the ratio of whose husband was killed in a military battle will widows to widowers will increase dramatically from respond differently than she would if he had com- nearly six to one currently to ten to one over the mitted suicide or suffered a long terminal illness. next quarter century. Many other antecedent conditions, such as the Because the large majority of the widowed are quality of the marital relationship, affect the be- women, most studies have concentrated on them, reavement reactions and coping strategies of while the social consequences for men who lose survivors. their spouses has remained a comparatively unex- plored area since Berardo (1970) called attention THE DEMOGRAPHICS OF WIDOWHOOD to this gap three decades ago. Widowers, although fewer in number, face many of the same adjust- Census data for the United States show that at the ments that confront their female counterparts. At end of the 1990s there were more than 13.5 mil- the same time, there is ambiguous evidence that

3256 WIDOWHOOD suggests that widowers have greater vulnerability family and social ties, and experience greater diffi- compared to their female counterparts, while other culty in becoming proficient in domestic roles studies present the situation of widows as more (Berardo 1968, 1970). Higher mortality and sui- problematic. This disagreement in findings results cide rates also suggest greater distress among in part from the failure of many studies to control widowers. for the confounding influences of factors such as age, social class, income, health, and retirement. Continuous widowhood has been associated with a loss of income and an increased risk of poverty. Two-fifths of widows fall into poverty at RESEARCH FINDINGS ON WIDOWHOOD some time during the five years after the death of their husbands. Female survivors, for example, In making the transition from marriage to have dramatically higher proportions in poverty widowedhood, the bereaved often are confronted than do their divorced counterparts, although both with a variety of personal and familial problems groups experience economic risk resulting from and are not always successful in adapting to those the ending of their marriages that may impede circumstances. This is reflected in the findings that their and their families’ adjustment to a new life- compared with married persons, the widowed con- style (Morgan 1989). There is some evidence that sistently have higher rates of mortality, mental disorders, and suicide (Balkwell 1981; Smith et al. widowers also suffer a decline in economic well- 1988). While there is a consensus that bereave- being, although to a lesser degree than do their ment is stressful, research on its effects on physical female counterparts (Zick and Smith 1988). Poor health has yielded inconsistent results. The evi- adjustment to widowhood thus may be related to a dence shows that the widowed experience poorer lack of finances. Elderly individuals often have health than do the married, but the reasons for below-average incomes before the death of a spouse. this difference are unclear. They may be unwilling or unable to seek employ- ment and are likely to face discrimination in the Because widowhood is most likely to occur in labor market (Morgan 1989). The younger wid- the elderly, research has focused on that popula- owed are more likely to have lost a spouse sud- tion. However, there is some evidence that the denly and therefore may be unprepared to cope transition to widowhood varies by developmental with a lower financial status. stage. Older widows adapt more readily because losing a spouse at an advanced age is more the Life insurance has become a principal defense norm, making acceptance of the loss easier than it against the insecurity and risk of widowhood in is for those who are young when widowed. Griev- urban industrial society with its nuclear family ing over the death of a husband or wife at older system. It is a concrete form of security that may ages can be exacerbated if additional significant help a bereaved family avoid an embarrassing others also die, requiring multiple grieving. This dependence on relatives and the state in the case can cause bereavement overload, which makes it of an untimely death. However, the amount of difficult for the survivor to complete the grief insurance obtained is often insufficient to meet work and bring closure to the bereavement proc- the needs of the survivors. Even in instances in ess (Berardo 1988). There is a consensus that the which adequate assets have been accumulated, distress associated with conjugal bereavement di- many surviving wives are not prepared to handle minishes over time. Grief becomes less intense as the economic responsibilities brought about by a the years pass, but this is not a simple, linear husband’s death (Nye and Berardo 1973). Presum- process. The emotional and psychological traumas ably, in the future, a better educated and occupa- of grief and mourning may recur sporadically long tionally experienced population of widows, espe- after a spouse has died. cially those who were involved in a more equalitarian marital relationship of shared responsibilities, will Gender differences in adaptation to widow- be better able to cope with their new single status. hood have been widely debated. The evidence suggests a somewhat greater vulnerability for wid- Widowhood often leads to changes in living owers (Stroebe and Stroebe 1983). Men are less arrangements. Reduced income may force surviv- likely to have same-sex widowed friends, are more ing spouses to seek more affordable housing. They likely to be older and less healthy, have fewer also may choose to relocate for other reasons, such

3257 WIDOWHOOD as future financial and health concerns, a desire to most partners return to their former level of func- divest themselves of possessions, and a desire to be tioning within a couple of years after the loss of a near relatives or friends (Hartwigsen 1987). Most spouse, some never recover and continue to have often, survivors living alone are women, usually poor levels of functioning. elderly widows. Isolation and lack of social support There are also specific factors that make ad- can lead to deterioration in their physical and justment in widowhood or divorce more difficult, mental well-being. Compared with elderly cou- including age, gender, race, and socioeconomic ples, they are much more likely to live in poverty status. Adjustment to the loss of a spouse in either and less likely to receive medical care when it is case appears to be more difficult for younger needed (Kasper 1988). women. Some analysts argue that age is a con- founding factor because younger women are more WIDOWHOOD AND DIVORCE studied as divorcees and older women more stud- ied as widows and because divorce is more com- Similarities and Differences. Early epidemiological mon among the young and widowhood more com- analyses suggested that more deleterious effects mon among the old. The latter factor means that were associated with separation and divorce than one’s adjustment is somewhat dependent on those with widowhood. However, later surveys found who have gone before and can help socialize a higher levels of physical and psychological distress person to the new role. However, more recent among the widowed than among the divorced. research suggests that younger women still face (Kitson et al. 1989). These contradictory findings more adjustment problems (Kitson et al. 1989; have not been reconciled. However, for many Gove and Shin 1989). Analyses suggest that the decades, researchers also have perceived a num- young and the old bereaved differ in both the ber of similarities in adjustment between the two intensity of grief and patterns of grief reactions, groups. For both, there are accompanying disrup- especially with respect to adverse health and psy- tions in lifestyle related to changes in income, chological outcomes within the first two years social interactions, definitions of self, lost emo- after the demise of a husband (Sanders 1988). It tional attachment, and general psychological well- appears that younger widows experience a differ- being. For example, similarities in adjustment have ent adjustment than do older widows, in part been noted with respect to mode of death or cause because they have fewer cohort friends who are of divorce, including the amount of prior warning also widows. or preparation a person has before either event, the degree of responsibility felt, and the cause of Younger survivors are developmentally ‘‘out the event. The more unexpected the loss is, the of sync’’ with their cohorts, and this exacerbates more responsibility one feels for the loss and their sense of loneliness and need for companion- wonders whether he or she could have prevented ship (Levinson 1997) Their expectations may be it or helped the spouse and the more difficult the different because they have more years ahead and adjustment is. more potentially eligible marital partners in the future than do older widows. Blacks appear to Another similarity is that whether a spouse is have an easier time adjusting to the loss of a spouse lost through divorce or widowhood, the length of through divorce than do whites, and black fe- time for adjustment shows considerable variabil- males, who may receive more familial support ity. The degree of emotional attachment affects than whites do, appear to adjust more easily than the degree of anxiety and depression associated do white females. Finally, income and financial with the loss of a partner, and in both cases the security play a major role in adjustment: Those attachment declines as time passes. Emotional near poverty have the most difficult time coping attachment is a normal outcome of the tendency with the loss of a spouse. Female survivors have for people to form strong affectional bonds to more problems coping with the loss of income significant others and is not pathological. How- than do their male counterparts, often because ever, the accumulative changes that occur with the their incomes are tied to health insurance, retire- loss of a partner make those who are divorced or ment, and other benefits that accompanied the widowed more vulnerable to psychological and husband’s occupation. Men have more difficulty physical illness, suicide, accidents, and death. While than do women handling the household chores

3258 WIDOWHOOD that were often the responsibility of their wives. infection, shared environment, and lack of ade- Future male cohorts may have less difficulty with quate daily care, also may influence the higher this because of changes in the socialization of male mortality rates of the widowed. children and the rising age at first marriage, and Studies of whether anticipatory grief or fore- the fact that young men have to cope with house- warning of the pending death of a spouse contrib- hold responsibilities on their own before marriage. utes to adjustment to bereavement have yielded conflicting results (Roach and Kitson 1989). Some WIDOWHOOD AND REMARRIAGE suggest that anticipation is important because it allows the survivor to begin the process of role The probability of remarriage is significantly lower redefinition before the death, whereas unanticipated for widows than for widowers, especially at the death produces more severe grief reactions. Survi- older ages. It appears that while a large majority of vors who have experienced unexpected deaths of older widows remain attracted to and interested in their spouses report more somatic problems and men in terms of companionship, for a variety of longer adjustment periods than do those who reasons only a small minority report a favorable anticipated the loss. Anticipatory role rehearsal attitude toward remarriage (Talbott 1998). Some does not consistently produce smoother or more may feel they are committing psychological big- positive adjustment among the bereaved. It ap- amy and therefore reject remarriage as an option pears that the coping strategies employed by survi- (DiGiulio 1989). There is also a tendency to ideal- vors vary with the timing and mode of death, ize the former partner, a process known as sanctifi- which in turn influence the bereavement outcome. cation (Lopata 1979). This makes it difficult for widows to find a new partner who can compare favorably with the idealized image of the deceased SOCIAL SUPPORT AND REINTEGRATION (Berardo 1982). Widows also remarry less fre- It has been suggested that social support plays an quently than do widowers because of the lack of important role in the bereavement outcome and eligible men and the existence of cultural norms acts as a buffer for stressful life events, but the that degrade the sexuality of older women and research is somewhat inconclusive, partly as a discourage them from selecting younger mates. result of difficulties identifying those support ef- Many women manage to develop and value a new forts which produce positive outcomes and those and independent identity after being widowed, which do not and the fact that support needs leading them to be less interested in reentering the change over time. Nevertheless, there is evidence marriage market. that the extent to which members of the social There are other barriers to remarriage for the network provide various types of support to the widowed. Dependent children limit the opportu- bereaved is important in the pattern of recovery nities of their widowed parents to meet potential and adaptation (Vachon and Stanley 1988). Avail- mates or develop relationships with them. Older able confidants and access to self-help groups to children may oppose remarriage out of concern assist with emotional management can help coun- for their inheritance. Widowed persons who cared ter loneliness and promote a survivor’s reintegration for a dependent spouse through a lengthy termi- into society. The social resources of finances and nal illness may be unwilling to risk bearing that education have been found to be particularly influ- burden again. ential in countering the stresses associated with the death of a spouse. Community programs that provide education, counseling, and financial serv- WIDOWHOOD AND MORTALITY ices can facilitate the efforts of the widowed and their families to restructure their lives. The increased risk of mortality for widowed per- sons has been widely reported. Men are at a greater For many older widows, a substantial period risk than women after bereavement. The causes of of future living alone remains: on average, another these differences are unknown. Marital selection fourteen years or more. Borrowing from occupa- theory posits that healthy widowers remarry quickly, tional career models, some researchers have sug- leaving a less healthy subset that experiences pre- gested that adopting a ‘‘career of widowhood’’ mature mortality. Other factors, such as common orientation may facilitate the recovery and well-

3259 WIDOWHOOD being of these survivors: ‘‘That is, for most per- ment of Parent Child Relations.’’ Journal of Marriage sons, widowhood need not be considered the end and the Family 56:908–922. of productive life, but rather the beginning of a Balkwell, Carolyn 1981 ‘‘Transition to Widowhood: A major segment of the life course, and one that Review of the Literature.’’ Family Relations 30:117–127. should be pursued vigorously in order for it to be Bennett, Kate Mary 1997 ‘‘Longitudinal Study of Well- successful and fulfilling’’ (Hansson and Remondet being in Widowed Women.’’ International Journal of 1988). In this perspective, the widowed are en- Geriatric Psychiatry 12:61–66. couraged to seek control over their existence by Berardo, Donna H. 1982 ‘‘Divorce and Remarriage at actively construing their own life courses. The Middle-Age and Beyond.’’ Annals of the American assumption is that they will adapt better if they Academy of Political and Social Science 464:132–139. plan for where they want to be at different poten- ——— 1988 ‘‘Bereavement and Mourning.’’ In Hannelore tial stages during the entire course of widowhood. Wass, Felix M. Berardo, and Robert A. Neimeyer, This plan might include the following phases: ‘‘a eds., Dying: Facing the Facts, 2nd ed. New York: time for emotional recovery; a time for taking Hemisphere. stock, reestablishing or restructuring support rela- Berardo, Felix M. 1968 ‘‘Widowhood Status in the tionships, and formulating personal directions for United States: A Neglected Aspect of the Family Life- the future; a time for discovering a comfortable Cycle.’’ Family Coordinator 17:191–203. and satisfying independent lifestyle, and for deter- ——— 1970 ‘‘Survivorship and Social Isolation: The mining an approach to maintaining economic, Case of the Aged Widower.’’ Family Coordinator psychological, and social functioning; perhaps a 19:11–25. time for personal growth and change; and a time ——— 1992 ‘‘Widowhood.’’ In Edgar F. Borgatta and for reasoned consideration of one’s last years and Marie L. Borgatta, eds., Encyclopedia of Sociology. New assertion of a degree of control over the arrange- York: Macmillan. ments surrounding one’s own decline and death.’’ ——— 1995 ‘‘Widowhood.’’ In David Levinson, ed., There is considerable heterogeneity among Encyclopedia of Marriage and the Family. New York: the survivor population and thus in their ability to Simon & Schuster, Macmillan. implement a successful ‘‘career in widowhood.’’ Campbell, Scott, and Phyllis R. Silverman 1996 Widower: They differ, for example, in relational competence, When Men Are Left Alone. Amityville, New York: that is, characteristics that help them acquire, Baywood Publishing Company. develop, and maintain personal relationships that Clark, Philip G., Robert W. Siviski, and Ruth Weiner are essential for social support (Hansson and 1986 ‘‘Coping Strategies of Widowers in the First Remondet 1988). Establishing a new and satisfying Year.’’ Family Relations 35:425–430. autonomous identity after the loss of a spouse is DiGiulio, R. C. 1989 Beyond Widowhood. New York: never easy. The probability of achieving that goal Free Press. can, however, be enhanced through counseling Dimond, Margaret, Dale A. Lund, and Michael S. Caserta strategies designed for individual circumstances 1987 ‘‘The Role of Social Support in the First Two and programs that help survivors avoid desolation Years of Bereavement in an Elderly Sample.’’ Geron- coupled with meaningful social and familial sup- tologist 27:599–604. port systems. Dykstra, Pearl A. 1995 ‘‘Loneliness Among the Never and Formerly Married: The Importance of Suppor- (SEE ALSO: Death and Dying; Filial Responsibility; Remarriage; tive Friendships.’’ Journal of Gerontology 50B: S321–S329. Social Gerontology) Gove, Walter R., and Hee-Choon Shin. 1989 ‘‘The Psy- chological Well-Being of Divorced and Widowed Men and Women.’’ Journal of Family Issues 10:122–144. REFERENCES Hansson, Robert O., and Jacquline H. Remondet 1988 Arbuckle, Nancy Weber, and Brian de Vries 1995 ‘‘The ‘‘Old Age and Widowhood: Issues of Personal Con- Long-Term Effects of Later Life Spousal and Paren- trol and Independence.’’ Journal of Social Issues tal Bereavement on Personal Functioning.’’ The Ger- 44:159–174. ontologist 35:637–647. Hartwigsen, G. 1987 ‘‘Older Widows and the Transfer- Aquilino, William S. 1994 ‘‘Later Life Parental Divorce ence of Home.’’ International Journal of Aging and and Widowhood: Impact on Young Adults’ Assess- Human Development 25:195–207.

3260 WORK AND OCCUPATIONS

Hiltz, Starr R. 1979 ‘‘Widowhood: A Roleless Role.’’ In Stroebe, Margaret S., and Wolfgang Stroebe 1983 ‘‘Who Marvin B. Sussman, ed., Marriage and Family. Col- Suffers More: Sex Differences in Health Risks of the lected Essay Series. New York: Hayworth Press. Widowed.’’ Psychological Bulletin 93:279–299. Hong, Lawrence K., and Robert W. Duff 1994 ‘‘Widows Talbott, Maria M. 1998 ‘‘Older Widows’ Attitudes to- in Retirement Communities: The Social Context of wards Men and Remarriage.’’ Journal of Aging Stud- Subjective Well-being.’’ The Gerontologist 34:347–352. ies.’’ 12:429–449. Kasper, Judith D. 1988 Aging Alone—Profiles and Projec- U.S. Bureau of the Census 1997 ‘‘Marital Status of the tions. Baltimore: Commonwealth Fund. Population, by Sex and Age, 1996.’’ Current Popula- Kitson, Gay C., Karen Benson Babri, Mary Joan Roach, tion Reports. Series P20–491. and Kathleen S. Placidi 1989 ‘‘Adjustment to Widow- Vachon, Mary L.S., and Stanley K. Stylianos, 1988 ‘‘The hood and Divorce.’’ Journal of Family Issue 10:5–32. Role of Social Support in Bereavement.’’ Journal of Levinson, Deborah S. 1997 ‘‘Young Widowhood: A Life Social Issues 44:175–190. Change Journay.’’ Journal of Personal and Interpersonal Zick, Cathleen D., and Ken R. Smith 1988 ‘‘Recent Loss 2:277–291. Widowhood, Remarriage, and Changes in Economic Littlewood, Jane 1994 ‘‘Widows’ Weeds and Women’s Well-Being.’’ Journal of Marriage and the Family Needs: The Re-feminization of Death, Dying and 50:233–244. Bereavement.’’ In Sue Wilkonson and Celia Kitzinger, eds., Women and Health: Feminist Perspective. New FELIX M. BERARDO York: Taylor and Francis. DONNA H. BERARDO Lopata, Helen Z. 1973 Widowhood in an American City. Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman. ——— 1979 Women as Widows. New York: Elsevier. WORK AND OCCUPATIONS ——— 1996 Current Widowhood. Thousand Oaks, Work is the defining activity in people’s lives. In Calif.: Sage. most of the world, it is a matter of survival, but Morgan, Leslie 1989 ‘‘Economic Well-Being Following work also places people in stratification systems, Marital Termination: A Comparison of Widowed shapes their physical and emotional well-being, and Divorced Women.’’ Journal of Family Issues and influences their chances for social mobility. 10:86–101. Although the term ‘‘work’’ generally is used to Murdock, Melissa E. et al. 1998 ‘‘Contribution of Small denote the exertion of effort toward some end, Life Events to the Psychological Distress of Married economically it refers to activities oriented toward and Widowed Older Women.’’ Journal of Women and producing goods and services for one’s own use or Aging 10:3–22. for pay. The conception of work as a means of Nye, F. Ivan, and Felix M. Berardo 1973 The Family: Its generating income underlies most sociological Structure and Interaction. New York: Macmillan scholarship on work and most of the available Pitcher, Brian L., and Don C. Larson 1989 ‘‘Elderly statistics. Unpaid productive work, including that Widowhood.’’ In Stephen J. Bahr and Evan T. done in the home (indeed, homemaking is the Peterson, eds., Aging and the Family. Lexington, largest occupation in the United States) and volun- Mass.: Heath. teer work, tends to be invisible. This article focuses Roach, Mary J., and Gay T. Kitson 1989 ‘‘Impact of primarily on paid work. Forewarning and Adjustment to Widowhood and Divorce.’’ In Dale A. Lund, ed., Older Bereaved Spouses. New York: Hemisphere. EVOLUTION OF WORK Sandell, Steven B., and Howard M. Iams 1997 ‘‘Reduc- Although contemporary work differs dramatically ing Women’s Poverty by Shifting Social Security from work in the past, the evolution of the organi- Benefits from Retired Couples to Widows.’’ Journal zation of production and people’s attitudes to- of Policy Analysis and Management 16:279–297. ward work have important legacies for workers Sanders, Catherine M. 1988 ‘‘Risk Factors in Bereave- today. For much of human history, work and ment Outcomes.’’ Journal of Social Issues 44:97–11. home lives were integrated: Most work was done at Smith, Jack C., James A. Mercy, and Judith A. Conn 1988 or near the home, and people consumed the prod- ‘‘Marital Status and the Risk of Suicide.’’ American ucts of their labor. The predecessors of the mod- Journal of Public Health 78:78–80. ern labor force were nonagricultural workers, in-

3261 WORK AND OCCUPATIONS cluding servants and skilled artisans who made in sub-Saharan Africa, and 38 (Italy, Spain, Japan) and sold products. The development of industrial to 48 percent (Norway, Denmark, Sweden) in the work supplemented human effort with machines, advanced industrial countries. introduced a division of labor that assigned spe- cialized tasks to different workers, and ushered in In the United States, more than 46 percent of a wage economy. In Europe, industrial work began the labor force was female in 1998. Just as the U.S. as cottage industry, in which middlemen brought labor force has become more diverse in gender, it unfinished goods to cottagers—often women and has become more diverse in its racial and ethnic children—who manufactured products. However, composition. As the ‘‘baby bust’’ cohorts replace the exploitation of energy sources that could fuel the baby boom cohorts, the U.S. labor force is large machines, the growing number of displaced aging. Smaller cohorts of young workers will lead peasants forced to sell their labor, and the expan- employers to turn to other labor sources, such as sion of markets for industrial goods made it more immigrants, to fill low-wage, entry-level jobs. economical to shift industrial work to factories. Although child labor has all but disappeared The ensuing Industrial Revolution in the West laid in advanced industrial nations, children are a sig- the foundation for modern work and created the nificant presence in the labor force in many devel- modern labor force. Some workers in developing oping countries. According to the International countries continue to do agricultural or other Labour Organization (ILO) (1996, number 16), in subsistence work; others work in industrialized the mid-1990s, three to four of every ten sub- sectors, although seldom with the protections ad- Saharan African children between ages 10 and 14 vanced industrial countries afford their workers. worked to help support themselves and their fami- lies. In some Asian countries, more than three children in ten are in the labor force (Bangladesh, THE LABOR FORCE Bhutan, East Timor, Nepal), and in several Latin In developed societies, the labor force—people American countries, at least one child in four who are employed or are seeking paid work— works for pay (Bolivia, Brazil, Dominican Repub- includes most adults. In Western industrialized lic, Guatemala, Haiti, and Nicaragua). Child labor nations, it ranged in the middle 1990s from less in Third World countries is partly a product of a than half the adults in Ireland, Italy, and several global economy that makes impoverished children Middle Eastern and north African countries to particularly attractive to Western-based multina- around 80 percent in Denmark, Cambodia, China, tional corporations in their worldwide search for Iceland, Rwanda, Solvenia, and Burundi (United cheap and docile workers. Nations 1999). Extent of paid work. The amount of time The composition of the labor force is in a people spend at paid work has changed through continual flux. Although women and children were the centuries. In the early decades of industrializa- well represented in the earliest labor force in tion, adults and children often worked fourteen- Western countries, as industrial labor replaced hour days, six days a week. After labor organiza- agricultural work, wage workers became increas- tions won maximum-hours laws and overtime pay, ingly male. However, as the growth of jobs labeled the average workweek shrank for European and ‘‘women’s work’’ has drawn increasing numbers of American workers, although in some countries women into the labor force worldwide, the labor hours are increasing for some workers. In 1997, force has become more sex-balanced. Women’s Japan’s workers logged more hours of work than participation in the formal labor force varies cross- did those in other countries for which records are nationally, however. In the 1990s, according to the available, averaging 1,990 hours annually, with United Nations, women’s share of the labor force U.S. workers second at 1,904 hours. Germany’s ranged from one in nine (Iran) to one in four and Denmark’s workers average the fewest hours workers (Turkey) in the Middle East and in north of paid work per year: 1,573 and 1,665, respec- African countries. In Latin American countries, tively (ILO 1998, number 25, p. 31). Declines in three to four in ten workers were female; as were work hours mask a division in the extent of paid 38 (Indonesia) to 48 percent (Cambodia) in south- work, with growing numbers either putting in very east Asia, 38 (South Africa) to 50 percent (Burundi) long workweeks or working part-time. In many

3262 WORK AND OCCUPATIONS industrialized countries, the proportion of work- especially those in traditionally male blue-collar ers employed part-time has doubled since the jobs—acquire most of their skills on the job, whereas 1970s; indeed, the growth in part-time jobs almost professionals and clerical workers acquire their entirely accounts for the growth of total employ- skills largely before beginning employment. Jobs ment in industrialized countries (ILO 1996, num- in advanced industrial societies—especially high- ber 17, p. 28). This growth reflects both demand- technology jobs—tend to require both more and side and supply-side forces. Teenagers and women different kinds of skills, such as precision and with children disproportionately opt for part-time flexibility, as well as formal knowledge (Hodson jobs to leave time for school or unpaid family and Parker 1988). In postindustrial societies, knowl- work, and employers structure some jobs as part- edge and technical expertise have become increas- time to avoid paying fringe benefits. The increased ingly important for good jobs. As a growing num- number of jobs structured as part-time has caused ber of jobs require at least some college, work- growth in the number of persons who work part- ers without a high school diploma face difficul- time involuntarily. ties finding jobs that pay well and provide ad- vancement opportunities. Moreover, workers dis- Unemployment and underemployment. placed from production jobs need new skills for Throughout history, people seeking adequately reemployment, and so refraining has become in- paid employment usually have outnumbered jobs, creasingly important. leaving some would-be workers unemployed or underemployed. According to the ILO (1998, num- Job outcomes. The processes that allocate ber 27, p. 6), one-third of the world’s workers are workers to occupations, employers, and jobs are underemployed (850 million persons) or unem- important because those elements strongly affect ployed (150 million persons), and unemployment workers’ earnings. Although thousands of distinct is in the double digits in several countries, includ- labor markets serve different locales and occupa- ing Botswana, Spain, Finland, Puerto Rico, Barbados, tions, to understand the job-allocation process, it and Poland (United Nations 1999). Globalization is necessary to distinguish primary markets that fill contributes to unemployment as multinational com- jobs characterized by high wages, pleasant work- panies draw people in developing countries into ing conditions, the chance to acquire skills, job the labor force and then put them out of work security, and opportunities to advance from sec- when they close plants in pursuit of cheaper labor ondary markets that fill low-paid, dead-end, low- (Dickinson 1997). In 1996, unemployment in the security jobs. Firms in the primary sector fill non- industrialized countries ranged from 4 percent in entry-level jobs through internal labor markets Norway to over 11 percent in Germany, with that provide employees with ‘‘ladders’’ that con- intermediate levels in Sweden, the United King- nect their jobs to related jobs higher in the organi- dom, and the United States. (At the end of 1998, zation. The failure of secondary-market jobs to U.S. unemployment had fallen to 4.3 percent, provide job ladders that reward seniority, along although the rates for racial and ethnic minorities with low pay and poor working conditions, en- and youth were much higher.) In general, official courage turnover (Gordon 1972). Both statistical statistics in industrialized countries underestimate discrimination and prejudice disproportionately unemployment by excluding ‘‘discouraged work- relegate certain workers—the young, inexperi- ers’’ who have stopped looking because they can- enced, and poorly educated; racial and ethnic not find jobs for which they qualify. minorities; immigrants; and women—to jobs filled Preparing for jobs. Workers’ education and through secondary labor markets. training affect the jobs they obtain. Schools teach vocational skills (including literacy and numeracy), WORK STRUCTURES inculcate traits that employers value (e.g., punctu- ality, ability to deal with bureaucracies), and pro- In classifying the paid work people do, social vide credentials that signal the ability to acquire scientists refer to industries, occupations, estab- new skills. Vocational education provides skills lishments, and jobs. An industry is a branch of and certification. In Germany, for example, voca- economic activity that produces specific goods or tional training is a major source of workers’ skills. services. An establishment is a place where em- In the United States, in contrast, many workers— ployees report for work, such as a firm or plant. An

3263 WORK AND OCCUPATIONS occupation refers to a collection of jobs involving States, 28 percent were concentrated in just 5 of similar activities across establishments, whereas a the 503 detailed occupational categories—secre- job is a set of similar work activities performed at a tary, bookkeeper, manager, clerk, and registered specific establishment. In 1990, the U.S. Census nurse—and over half worked in just 19 of the 503 Bureau distinguished 503 ‘‘detailed’’ occupations occupations distinguished by the Census Bureau. (for example, funeral director, meter reader, x-ray Men, in contrast, are spread more evenly across technician) that it grouped into six broad catego- occupations: The top five—manager/administra- ries: managerial and professional specialties; tech- tor, production supervisor, truck driver, sales su- nical, sales, and administrative-support occupa- pervisor, and wholesale sales representative—ac- tions; service occupations; precision production, counted for 19 percent of all employed men. craft, and repair occupations; operators, fabrica- However, within-occupation sex segregation (many tors, and laborers; and farming, forestry, and fish- jobs share a single occupational title) means that ing occupations. The steady growth in the number job segregation is considerably more pervasive of occupations since the Industrial Revolution than is occupational segregation. reflects the increasing division of labor in complex societies. This elaboration of the division of labor In every country, the sexes are segregated into is more visible at the job level. The U.S. Depart- different jobs, although the extent of occupational ment of Labor’s Dictionary of Occupational Titles sex segregation varies sharply across nations: It is lists several thousand job titles, and the approxi- highest in Middle Eastern and African nations and mately 130 million employed Americans hold about lowest in Asian/Pacific nations (Anker 1998). In a million different jobs. advanced industrial nations, it correlates positively with women’s labor force participation, paid ma- Occupational structure. The distribution of ternity leave, and the size of the wage gap (Rosenfeld workers across occupations in a society provides a and Kalleberg 1990). Levels of sex segregation in snapshot of that society’s occupational structure. European countries reflect both postindustrial eco- Comparing societies’ occupational and industrial nomic structures that concentrate women in sales structures at different times or across nations re- and service jobs and adherence to norms of gen- veals a lot about their economic and technological der equality. Independent of these forces, custom- development and the job opportunities available arily male production jobs remain outside the to their members. For example, in 1870, agricul- reach of most women, and women continue to ture employed half of all American workers; in the dominate clerical occupations (Charles 1998). 1990s, it provided jobs for about 2 percent. The effects of changing occupational and industrial The last thirty years has witnessed worldwide structures—driven largely by the disappearance of declines in occupational sex segregation (Anker smokestack industries and the explosion of service 1998). Integration occurs primarily through women’s jobs in the United States—are expressed in the entry into customarily male occupations rather sharp decline in a worker’s chances of getting a than the reverse. Falling levels of occupational sex unionized skilled production job. Hit hardest by segregation can mask ongoing job-level segrega- the dwindling number of these jobs are the white tion (Reskin and Roos 1990). Training workers for men who once monopolized them. In contrast, the nontraditional jobs and enforcing antidiscrimination growing number of management jobs in the United laws and affirmative-action regulations appear to States created a record number of managerial be the most effective remedies for reducing sex positions in the 1990s. This growth has helped to segregation. integrate managerial jobs by sex and race. Occupations and jobs also are segregated by Job segregation by sex and race. One of the race. For example, before World War II, American most enduring features of paid work is the differ- blacks were concentrated in farming, service, and ential distribution of male and female and white unskilled-labor jobs in the secondary sector of the and minority workers across lines of work and economy, such as domestic worker, porter, and places of employment, with minorities and white orderly. War-induced labor shortages opened the women concentrated in the less desirable jobs door to a wider range of jobs for blacks, and (Carrington and Troske 1998a, 1998b). In 1990, antidiscrimination regulations (especially Title VII among all gainfully employed women in the United of 1964 Civil Rights Act) further expanded blacks’

3264 WORK AND OCCUPATIONS opportunities. As a result, racial segregation across countries permit unequal pay for equal work and occupations has declined sharply in the United the degree to which workers are segregated into States since 1940, especially among women. There unequally paying jobs on the basis of sex, race, or is little systematic cross-national research on job ethnicity. In the United States, the 1963 Equal Pay segregation or job discrimination by race, although Act that outlawed wage discrimination by race, scattered studies document both around the world. national origin, and sex and declining occupa- For example, Moroccans are excluded from semi- tional segregation by race have reduced the racial skilled jobs in the Netherlands, West Indians face gap in earnings among men and almost eliminated discrimination in Canada, and Vietnamese and it among women. The disparity in earnings be- the aboriginal populations encounter it in Aus- tween the sexes has declined more slowly because tralia (ILO 1995, number 12, pp. 29–30). of the resilience of sex segregation. Hence, in 1998, women employed full-time year-round earned Workers’ experience and preferences influ- 74 percent of the annual earnings of their male ence where they work and what they do, but at counterparts. The wage gap varies across nations least as important are the operation of labor mar- (and across occupations and industries within coun- kets—the mechanisms that match workers to jobs tries). In the first half of the 1990s, pay inequality and set wages—and employers’ preferences and was lowest in Australia, Egypt, Kenya, Jordan, and personnel practices. Sociologists have documented New Zealand, where women averaged about 80 the importance of personal networks for workers’ percent of what men earned, compared to a low of employment outcomes (e.g., Fernandez and just 60 percent in Korea (ILO 1997, number 22). Weinberg 1997). Employers favor the use of social Factors that can reduce the wage gap among full- networks to recruit workers because of their effi- time workers include equalizing the sexes’ educa- ciency, low cost, and ability to provide information tional attainment and labor-market experience, unavailable through formal sources. However, be- creating sex-integrated jobs, and implementing cause people’s acquaintances tend to be of the pay systems that compensate workers for the worth same sex and race, recruiting through employees’ of a job without regard to its sex composition. networks effectively excludes sex- and race-atypi- cal workers. Occupational prestige. Social standing is con- ferred on persons partly on the basis of their jobs. Layoffs and Displacement. U.S. data for the In fact, social scientists have treated the distinction 1980s and 1990s indicate that trends in job dis- between blue-collar and white-collar jobs as a rough placement rates roughly parallel those for unem- proxy for workers’ social status. However, to cap- ployment. Between 1993 and 1995, 12 to 15 per- ture the effects of one’s type of work on one’s cent of workers lost a job because their companies social status, more sophisticated ways to measure closed, their jobs were cut, or work was slack. occupational prestige are needed. The most com- Depending on economic conditions, between 25 monly used is the Duncan Socioeconomic Index and 40 percent of displaced workers remain job- (SEI)(Duncan 1961), which assigns a score to each less one to three years later, and reemployed occupation on the basis of its incumbents’ average workers typically earn less than they did in their educational and income levels. The occupational previous jobs (Economic Report of the Presi- status hierarchy is quite stable over time and across dent 1999). cultures (Treiman 1977). Within societies, the oc- cupational standing of workers is highly stratified. REWARDS FOR EMPLOYMENT In the United States, for example, most workers have occupations with relatively low SEI scores. People seek jobs that maximize extrinsic rewards— income, prestige, the chance for promotion, and Intrinsic rewards: job satisfaction. In advanced job security ( Jencks et al. 1988)—as well as intrin- industrialized countries, many workers see a job as sic rewards—satisfaction and autonomy. Earnings a place to find fulfillment, self-expression, and are the primary incentive for most workers. How- satisfaction. Workers in routine jobs try to imbue ever, pay differs sharply across individuals and them with challenge or meaning, in part by creat- social groups. Substantial racial, sex, and ethnic ing a workplace culture. These adaptations con- inequality in pay characterize all industrial socie- tribute to the high levels of satisfaction Americans ties, although their extent depends on whether report with their jobs. Nonetheless, not all jobs are

3265 WORK AND OCCUPATIONS satisfying, and not all workers are satisfied. On the countries provide no paid maternity leave: New assumption that dissatisfied workers are less pro- Zealand and the United States (ILO 1998, number ductive, employers in the United States and other 24, pp. 18–19). Employers’ increasing reliance on advanced industrialized countries have devised female workers and politicians’ desire for women’s strategies such as workplace democracy, job-en- support should bring more family-friendly policies richment programs, and ‘‘quality circles’’ to en- and practices in the twenty-first century. hance job satisfaction. According to Lincoln and Kalleberg (1990), however, Japanese and German TRENDS IN WORK workers, who show the lowest levels of satisfaction, are among the world’s most productive. Control of work. As Marx recognized, whenever different actors control the tools of production and perform work, control over the work process WORK AND FAMILY is potentially a matter of contention. Employers In expanding the factory system, the Industrial have relied on a variety of tactics to control the Revolution separated work and family, creating a labor process: paternalism, close supervision, em- division of labor that mandated domestic work for bedding control into the technology of work, women and market work for men. Although women deskilling work, and bureaucratic procedures such increasingly hold paid jobs, paid employment has as career ladders (Edwards 1979). Workers have not exempted them from primary responsibility resisted more or less effectively through collective for domestic work. Role overload and its concomi- action, including attempts to create a monopoly of tant stresses are risks for all workers, but especially their skills or the supply of labor. At the end of the for employed mothers, who accounted for 70 twentieth century, several factors had given em- percent of married mothers and 60 percent of ployers the upper hand in the struggle for control, single mothers in the United States in 1996. Women including the decline of labor unions in Western have adapted by working part-time, sacrificing industrialized societies (ILO 1997, number 22, p. leisure time, renegotiating the domestic division 7), the disappearance of lifetime job protection in of labor in their families, cutting out some domes- formerly communist societies, an increasing tech- tic tasks, and purchasing more services. (The trend nological capacity to monitor workers electroni- toward purchasing more services has fueled the cally, access to a global ‘‘reserve labor army,’’ and growth of service jobs in fast-food chains, child the use of nonstandard employment relationships care, and cleaning services and thus has increased (see below). the demand for low-wage workers.) What em- Technological change. The history of work is ployed parents want most is flexible scheduling a chronicle of technological innovation and its (Glass and Estes 1997), although organizational transformation of the production of goods and pressure prevents some from taking advantage of services. Employers invest in technology to in- it when it is available (Hochschild 1997). crease productivity, contain labor costs, and con- trol how work is done. According to some observ- Just as paid work competes with workers’ do- ers (e.g., Braverman 1974), employers seek technical mestic obligations, the demands of family life in- advances in order to reduce workers’ control over terfere with workers’ ability to devote themselves the labor process and employ less skilled and thus entirely to their jobs. Thus, employers have two cheaper labor. Some analysts see technological incentives to reduce work–family conflicts: reduc- change as a threat to skilled jobs; others see tech- ing absenteeism and turnover and increasing work- nology as creating more of those jobs. The devel- ers’ productivity and organizational commitment opment of microelectronic technology has brought (Glass and Estes 1997). Many employers in ad- this debate to the fore. vanced industrial societies have provided some of their employees with assistance with child care. Innovations in microprocessor technology have The governments of most advanced industrialized permitted advances in information processing and countries have mandated programs such as paren- robotics that are revolutionizing the production of tal leave, state-run nurseries, and guaranteed bene- goods and services. Robots work around the clock, fits for part-time workers. Among the 152 member perform hazardous tasks, and have low operating nations of the ILO, only two advanced industrial costs. Although technical advances enhance jobs,

3266 WORK AND OCCUPATIONS they also subject workers to technological control tween 1970 and 1990, the number of textile and (an estimated 80 percent of U.S. workers are elec- footwear jobs doubled, tripled, or more in Korea, tronically monitored, for example [ILO 1998, no. Indonesia, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Malaysia 24, p. 25]) and, by improving productivity, lead to where production workers earn from one-fifth to job losses. In industrialized nations, for example, one-half as much as do their counterparts in ad- microelectronic technology has eliminated some vanced industrial countries. Meanwhile job growth unskilled jobs and facilitated work transfers that in developing countries leads to the dispropor- shift tasks from paid workers to consumers such as tionate employment of teenagers and young adult banking transactions. By making it possible to women, who work for lower pay than do adult men. export jobs to cheaper labor markets, technology Just as jobs move in search of cheaper work- has reallocated jobs from the workers who once ers, workers move in search of better-paying jobs. performed them to lower-paid workers in other Often, however, the outcome of this migration is parts of the world. Although technological change low-skilled, low-paid employment in domestic or has created jobs, it has eliminated more job— service work. However, skilled technical and pro- particularly less-skilled ones—than it has created fessional jobs also draw workers in global migra- and has eroded skills in middle- to low-skill jobs tion streams. In the mid-1990s, according to the such as clerical work (Hodson and Parker 1988). ILO (1995, number 13), 70 million immigrants— Its creation of new highly skilled jobs has contrib- most from the Third World—resided in countries uted to the economic polarization of workers and other than their nations of birth. The globalization spurred the migration of well-educated workers of competition among employers has made work- from developing to advanced industrial countries ers on different continents into competitors for (Hodson 1997). jobs, held down wages, and militated against cam- The globalization of work. Although segments paigns to improve working conditions in Third of the economy such as service work are organized World establishments while eroding job security locally, production work increasingly is organized in First World production facilities (Hodson and in a global assembly line (Dickinson 1997). For Parker 1988; Dickinson 1997). jobs in which technology preempts skill, multina- The externalization of work and the erosion tional corporations’ worldwide pursuit of low-wage of jobs. By the middle of the twentieth century, the docile labor and microelectronic technology and normative employment relationship between em- cheap transportation reduce the friction associ- ployers and workers had become standardized in ated with moving production around the globe. As many industrialized societies. This standard em- a result, there has been a steady exportation of ployment arrangement typically involves the ex- jobs from industrialized countries to the Pacific change of labor by a worker for a fixed rate of pay Rim, Latin America, and the Caribbean, where (hourly wages or a weekly, monthly, or annual labor is cheap and tractable and labor laws are salary) from an employer, with the labor per- lenient. This redistribution of manufacturing jobs formed on a preset schedule—usually full-time— from advanced industrial nations to developing at the employer’s place of business, under the nations—fueled by the growth of multinational employer’s control, and often with the shared corporations—has given birth to an international expectation of continued employment. However, division of labor in which the United States and to cut costs and enhance flexibility, employers are other advanced industrial nations have become increasingly ‘‘externalizing’’ work in terms of physi- postindustrial societies that specialize in produc- cal location administrative control and the dura- ing services rather than goods, while workers in tion of employment (Pfeffer and Baron 1988). less developed countries manufacture products, often under unsafe conditions. For example, be- This externalization is seen in the increasing tween 1980 and 1993, semi-industrialized and in- number of persons working for pay at home and dustrialized countries in the Americas and Europe the growth of nonstandard employment relation- lost 30 to 70 percent of their jobs in the textile and ships (Barker and Christensen 1998). Neither home- footwear industries, while African and Asian coun- work nor nonstandard employment relations are tries have experienced astronomical job growth in new. Only after unions won the right to bargain those industries (ILO 1996, vol. number 18). Be- collectively and statutory rights protecting work-

3267 WORK AND OCCUPATIONS ers did homework and nonstandard employment and Christensen 1998). In summary, employment relations give way to standard employment rela- relations must be seen as falling on a continuum tionship in advanced industrialized countries. In from long-term attachments under bureaucratic the 1990s, however, the trend seemed to have control to weak connections of uncertain duration reversed. In 1995, for example, eight million Ameri- (Pfeiser and Baron 1988). Most research on work cans, at least two million Europeans, six million and occupations in industrial societies has dealt Filipinos, and one million Japanese worked for pay with the former end of the continuum. Techno- at home. Millions of these homeworkers telecommute logical change and globalization are shifting jobs— (ILO 1998, number 27, p. 23). Many workers, even in industrial countries—toward the latter end. especially women, opt for homework as a way to earn wages while supervising their children ( Jurik 1998). However, part of the price of this flexibility REFERENCES is a lack of protection by health and safety regula- Anker, Richard 1998 Gender and Jobs: Sex Segregation of tions or maximum-hours rules, and these workers Occupations in the World. Geneva: International are outside the reach of organizing efforts. In Labour Office. addition, whether homework involves children is Barker, Kathleen, and Kathleen Christensen 1998 Con- difficult to monitor even in countries strongly tingent Work: American Employment Relations in Tran- opposed to child labor (ILO 1995). sition. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press. Work is externalized in a second way: Firms Carrington, William J., and Kenneth R. Troske 1998a ‘‘Sex Segregation across U.S. Manufacturing Firms.’’ contract with individuals for specific duties (inde- Industrial and Labor Relations Review 51:445–464. pendent contractors) or with intermediary organi- zations that employ workers rather than directly ———, and Kenneth R. Troske 1998b ‘‘Interfirm Segre- employing all the persons who do work for them. gation and the Black/White Wage Gap.’’ Journal of Although contracting has long been common for Labor Economics 16:231—260. some forms of work (e.g., agricultural labor), em- Charles, Maria 1998 ‘‘Structure, Culture, and Sex Segre- ployers around the world are increasingly con- gation in Europe.’’ Research in Social Stratification and tracting out jobs formerly done by their own em- Mobility 16:89–116. ployees in everything from construction and Dickinson, Torry D. 1997 ‘‘Selective Globalization: The manufacturing to human resources and security. Relocation of Industrial Production and the Shaping Worldwide, more than one in four service workers of Women’s Work.’’ In Randy Hodson, ed., Research are contract laborers. By outsourcing these func- in the Sociology of Work—Globalization of Work, vol. 6. tions to contract workers or independent contrac- Greenwich Conn.: JAI Press. tors, employers avoid the obligation to provide Duncan, Otis Dudley 1961 ‘‘A Socioeconomic Index for long-term employment and short-circuit protec- All Occupations.’’ In Albert J. Reiss, Otis Dudley tive labor laws that apply to employees. Other Duncan, Paul K. Hatt, and Cecil C. North, eds., nonstandard employment relationships include Occupations and Social Status New York: Free Press. temporary work and part-time work, both of which Economic Report of the President 1999 Washington, disproportionately employ women, members of D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. racial and ethnic minorities, and young workers. Edwards, Richard 1979 Contested Terrain: The Transfor- The growth of nonstandard employment rela- mation of the Workplace in the Twentieth Century. New York: Basic Books. tionships has led some observers to predict an end to work organized through standard employment Fernandez, Roberto M., and Nancy Weinberg 1997 relations or the bifurcation of employment rela- ‘‘Sifting and Sorting: Personal Contacts and Hiring tions, with firms hiring core workers who enjoy the in a Retail Bank.’’ American Sociological Review benefits of standard employment and creating 62:883–902. explicitly temporary connections with peripheral Glass, Jennifer L., and Sarah Beth Estes 1997 ‘‘The workers who lack benefits and job security (Smith Family Responsive Workplace.’’ Annual Review of 1997; Leicht 1998). According to the U.S. Bureau Sociology 21:289–313. of Labor Statistics, the proportion of U.S. workers Gordon, David M. 1972 Theories of Poverty and Unemploy- in nonstandard work is slowly increasing (Barker ment. Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books.

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Hochschild, Arlie 1997 The Time Bind: When Work Be- WORK ORIENTATION comes Home and Home Becomes Work. New York: Metropolitan. The sociology of work emerged as a specialty area Hodson, Randy 1997 ‘‘Introduction: Work from a Global in the 1980s, when the American Sociological Perspective.’’ In Randy Hodson, ed., Research in the Association prepared a compendium of course Sociology of Work—Globalization of Work, vol. 6. Green- syllabi for the area and a number of textbooks wich Conn.: JAI Press. appeared. The name of this sociological subfield is ———, and Robert E. Parker 1988 ‘‘Work in High Tech new, but the general area is not. The sociology of Settings—A Literature Review.’’ In Richard L. Simpson work represents an integration of two long-stand- and Ida Harper Simpson, eds., Research in the Soci- ing specialties: industrial sociology and occupa- ology of Work, vol 4. Greenwich Conn.: JAI Press. tions/professions. It also draws from industrial International Labor Organization 1995 Homework. Re- and organizational psychologists and sociologists’ port for the eighty-two seconnd Session of the Inter- attempts to integrate stratification and organiza- national Labour Conference, ILO, Geneva, Switzerland. tion literatures to better understand the employ- ——— 1995–1998 World of Work: The Magazine of the ment relationship. ILO. Selected issues as noted: Geneva, Switzerland. The study of the employment relationship Jencks, Christopher, Lauri Perman, and Lee Rainwater encompasses a multitude of topics ranging from 1988. ‘‘What Is a Good Job? A New Measure of how the individual is initially matched to a job to Labor-Market Success.’’ American Journal of Sociology all that happens on the job (being paid, becoming 93:1322–57. satisfied or dissatisfied, forming cliques, etc.) and Jurik, Nancy 1998 ‘‘Getting Away and Getting By: The to turnover (quitting or being dismissed). Consid- Experiences of Self-Employed Homeworkers.’’ Work ered important to these topics are the orientations and Occupations 25:7–35. employees have toward their work, the topic of Leicht, Kevin 1998 ‘‘Work (If You Can Get It) and this article. Occupations (If There Are Any)? What Social Scien- tists Can Learn from Predictions of the End of Work Definitions of work abound, but most include and Radical Workplace Change.’’ Work and Occupa- the following features. First, although groups or tions 25:36–48. collectivities may be viewed as actors involved in Lincoln, James R., and Arne L. Kalleberg 1990 Culture, work (e.g., work groups, task groups, teams, or Control and Commitment: A Study of Work Organization committees), the focus of attention, and therefore and Work Attitudes in the U.S. and Japan. New York: the unit of analysis, is usually the individual. Sec- Cambridge University Press. ond, the individual is involved in physical or men- Pfeffer, Jeffrey, and James N. Baron 1988 ‘‘Taking the tal activity. Third, this activity usually involves Workers Back Out: Recent Trends in the Structuring some form of payment, but pay is not necessary for of Employment.’’ Research in Organizational Behavior an activity to be considered work. This allows 10:257–303. people involved in housekeeping activities to be Reskin, Barbara F., and Patricia A. Roos 1990 Job Queues, included, along with family members who labor to Gender Queues: Explaining Women’s Inroads into Male support a family enterprise and volunteer helpers. Occupations. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Fourth, the activity involves the production or Rosenfeld, Rachel A., and Arne L. Kalleberg 1990 ‘‘A creation of something. Fifth, this usually is a good Cross-National Comparison of the Gender Gap in or service. Sixth, this good or service is valued by Income.’’ American Journal of Sociology 96:69–106. the individual or others and thus usually is con- Smith, Vickie 1997 ‘‘New Forms of Work Organiza- sumed by either or both. Work thus is defined as tion.’’ Annual Review of Sociology 21:315–339. the mental or physical activity of an individual directed toward the production of goods or serv- Treiman, Donald J. 1977 Occupational Prestige in Com- ices that are valued by that individual or others. parative Perspective. New York: Academic Press. United Nations 1999 Statistics Division Home Page, ‘‘Orientation to work,’’ unfortunately, is a term Social Indicators Home Page. wwww.un.org/depts/ without a clear or precise meaning. Generally, it is unsd/social. used to refer to two broad areas: (1) motivation to work and (2) responses to work. The first area BARBARA F. RESKIN covers why people work and for some time has

3269 WORK ORIENTATION occupied the attention of industrial and organiza- This does not mean that interest in alienation tional psychologists, who analyze need hierarchies, is dead. Three things have happened. First, inter- self-actualization, and intrinsic and extrinsic moti- est has shifted to conceptualizing and measuring vations. The second area has more often attracted positively worded concepts such as like job satis- the attention of sociologists. It takes the activity of faction. Second, scholars have moved away from work as given and addresses the ways in which the picture of capitalist work settings universally individuals react to it. Job satisfaction and commit- producing alienated workers and gone on to for- ment have been given the most attention when mulate a picture of multidimensional work set- sociologists study reactions to work. tings and multimotivated employees who respond to work in varying ways. Third, out of this more This article is organized around work motiva- pluralistic image of work, several concepts—for tion and responses to work, but it places those example, work motivation, self-actualization, job topics the context of the social organization of the satisfaction and commitment—have emerged in workplace. With only a few exceptions, work oc- an attempt to bring more precision to descriptions curs in a social setting that has been called a of how individuals are oriented to their work. ‘‘contested terrain’’ by Edwards (1979). Sociolo- Thus, alienation has been absorbed into several gists want to go beyond strictly individualistic other concepts. portrayals of human behavior and are especially A particular line of research has implications interested in understanding how this social set- for understanding alienation: Following more a ting, the workplace, affects an individual’s work Marxian picture of work, it has been assumed that orientation. The explanations of this influence, the more formal and bureaucratic the workplace often referred to as social control arguments, are is, the more alienated (dissatisfied) the workers discussed here. Finally, gender differences in work are. This assumption has been challenged with the orientations need to be addressed. However, be- argument that formal rules and regulations actu- cause the concept of alienation is related to job ally increase satisfaction in the workplace because dissatisfaction and has been so prevalent in socio- they provide guidelines that apply to all and thus logical accounts of work, it is considered first. protect workers from arbitrary and unfair treat- ment. Although workers may not like the rules, the authority system is perceived as legitimate because ALIENATION all workers are treated according to the same formal rules. Research supports this more positive Sociologists continue to draw from Marx in refer- portrayal of formal rules and regulations. ring to an alienated individual as being separated or estranged from certain aspects of work that give meaning and significance to that work and to life WORK MOTIVATION as a whole. For Marx, these aspects of work are Historically, sociologists have flirted with psycho- control over the product, control over the work logical concepts such as work motivation and work process, creative activity, and social relations with involvement and have disagreed about the rele- others. Clearly, a negative side of work is por- vance of those concepts to the study of social trayed when alienation is the concept of interest. phenomena. For example, among the authors of A survey of journals and sociology of work the sociology of work textbooks in the past two texts over the past several decades suggests that decades, only Hall (1986) gives critical attention to sociologists have lost interest in this concept. For the theoretical and empirical literature on the example, indexes for 1980s texts (e.g., Kalleberg topic. Any treatment of work orientation must and Berg 1987) do not include the term ‘‘aliena- include this material, however, because most cur- tion,’’ and the Price and Mueller (1986) handbook rent literature is an offshoot of or a reaction to on the measurement of major organization con- those theories. cepts does not devote a chapter to alienation. Even Work motivation is the internal force that in 1990s texts and anthologies (e.g., Hodson and activates people to do the work associated with Sullivan 1995; Wharton 1998), alienation is given their jobs. Two theoretical traditions have been only limited attention. dominant. First, need theories argue that individu-

3270 WORK ORIENTATION als are motivated by internal needs that usually and emphasizes cognitive and rational processes. develop early in life and often are not consciously The underlying assumption is that motivations to recognized. Maslow (1954) identified a hierarchy work vary substantially from one individual to the of needs and claimed that higher-order needs next and are mutable across time and space (Vroom (goals) cannot be met until lower-order needs are 1964; Lawler 1973). Motivations reflect the inter- met sequentially. This hierarchy begins at the bot- play of effort, expectations about outcomes, and tom with basic physiological needs and ends at the the importance or value given to those outcomes. top with self-actualization. Others have modified Put another way, a person’s motivation to behave Maslow’s hierarchy into a continuum with fewer in a particular way is a function of the expected levels and with the idea that lower-order needs results and how valuable those results are to that may reemerge at later stages as unmet. Herzberg person. Until recently, this theory has been domi- (1966) was more interested in job satisfaction and nant in studying work motivation in industrial and argued that individuals are motivated by two types organizational psychology. of factors: ‘‘Motivators’’ are the more intrinsic Sociologists are generally aware of these moti- features of work, such as responsibility, advance- vation theories and, like psychologists, now give ment, and achievement, whereas ‘‘hygiene’’ fac- less attention to need theories. However, unlike tors characterize the workplace and include pay, psychologists, they have not been overly interested job security, and working conditions. When moti- in the theories per se of work motivation. In fact, vators are present, employees are satisfied, but if psychologists have led the way in developing theo- they are absent, employees are not. When the ries of motivation, and sociologists usually are a hygiene factors are present, employees are neither generation behind in adopting or rejecting those dissatisfied nor satisfied, but when they are absent, theories. For example, Smither (1988) mentions employees are dissatisfied. McClelland (1961) ar- equity, behavioral, and goal-setting theories as gued that certain socialization environments pro- receiving much attention in the psychological work duce a need for achievement and that individuals motivation literature. Although equity theory has socialized in that manner strive for excellence in been explored for some time experimentally by whatever they undertake. Management scholars sociologists, there is no evidence that sociologists were especially interested in this theory since it have adopted in significant way any of these ‘‘newer’’ suggested who should be hired or promoted. Fi- approaches to work motivation. What sociologists nally, McGregor (1960) argued that assumptions do in practice matches the expectancy model more about human nature and motivation have resulted closely. The picture is one in which ‘‘the fit’’ of an in two approaches to organizational design. The- individual’s characteristics and expectations with ory X is based on the assumption that individuals the actual work conditions forms the basis for are basically lazy and are motivated primarily by whether that individual is motivated. extrinsic rewards such as pay. Theory Y assumes that humans act responsibly and contribute their What sociologists have emphasized instead of skills and talents when their intrinsic needs, such motivation theory is socialization to work, that is, as self-actualization, are met. This distinction is how individuals learn their work roles. This is not not unlike the classic dichotomy between functionalist surprising given the long-standing interest of both and Marxian portrayals of society and human nature. sociologists and social psychologists in socializa- tion processes. One stream of thought in this area Overall, these need theories have lost favor. concerns socialization into professional roles, where The empirical support is weak, the use in applied a popular strategy is to examine career stages. settings has proved difficult because of problems Another approach is represented by the work of associated with measuring need levels and attempt- Kohn and Schooler (1982), who not only argue for ing to alter personality patterns that have devel- the intergenerational class-based transmission of oped in childhood, and the significance of the work values but also propound and demonstrate environment has been neglected. reciprocal effects: An individual’s work orienta- The second dominant perspective—expect- tions (e.g., self-direction) are affected by job condi- ancy theory—comes from organizational and in- tions, but those orientations also affect the kinds dustrial psychologists. It bypasses the issue of needs of jobs with which the individual is associated.

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RESPONSE TO WORK: JOB SATISFACTION individual expects and values that is crucial in determining the satisfaction level. A popular argu- Although the wording of definitions for ‘‘job satis- ment that has an expectancy logic associated with faction’’ has varied dramatically across disciplines it comes from the justice literature. A theme com- and scholars, there is a near consensus on what the mon to all distributive justice theories is that an concept is. Smith et al. (1969) succinctly define it individual compares his or her actual reward with as the degree to which individuals like their jobs. what is believed to be just or fair. Individuals The common element across definitions like this is expect a just reward and are dissatisfied if a reward the idea of the individual positively responding is unjust. Another frequently used general per- emotionally or affectively to the job. spective for understanding the effect of work con- The major issues in the study of job satisfac- ditions on job satisfaction is social exchange the- tion are (1) What produces job satisfaction? (2) ory, which also relies on an expectancy logic. As What are the consequences of differing levels of developed initially by Homans (1958) in the study job satisfaction? and (3) Is it a global or unitary of small groups and extended to the study of concept, or should facets (dimensions) of it be organizations by Blau (1964), exchange theory investigated? argues that individuals enter social relations in anticipation of rewards or benefits in exchange for Two dominant arguments exist regarding the their inputsand/or investments in the relation- determinants of job satisfaction. The first is that an ship. Simply put, workers are satisfied with their individual’s job satisfaction is determined by the jobs if the rewards they value and expect are given dispositions or ‘‘personality’’ traits that an em- to them in exchange for their work effort and ployee brings to the workplace. In simple terms, performance. individuals vary along a continuum from a nega- tive to a positive orientation. These dispositions It is impossible to summarize here the thou- are reflected in a person’s responses to work con- sands of studies conducted on the determinants of ditions as well as to aspects of life such as family job satisfaction. Instead, a list of variables that have satisfaction and more general life satisfaction. The been found to have some relationship with job second argument is considered more ‘‘sociologi- satisfaction is provided (the sign indicates the cal’’ and emphasizes the importance of the work direction of the relationship with regard to satis- conditions an employee experiences. This approach faction): variety (+), pay (+), autonomy (+), instru- is closer to a Marxian perspective in that it is the mental communication (+), role conflict (−), role structural conditions of the workplace that make overload (−), work group cohesion (+), work in- work rewarding or not rewarding; any individual volvement (+), distributive justice (+), promotional dispositional differences that exist wane in impor- opportunities (+), supervisory support (+), task tance in the face of these structural features. significance (+), and external job opportunities (−). Spector (1997) provides a more complete Although sociologists give lip service to the account of the determinants and correlates of job disposition argument, the literature unequivocally satisfaction. documents a stronger interest in identifying the features of work that affect job satisfaction. Within The debate over which work conditions affect this perspective, however, there is considerable job satisfaction continues to direct the research of disagreement about which features of work are sociologists, but a more interesting question in- important. One major debate concerns whether volves the disposition versus situation debate. So- extrinsic (e.g., pay and fringe benefits) or intrinsic ciologists devote much effort to cataloging and (e.g., self-actualization and task variety) features of operationalizing the objective structural features work are more important. Following a needs frame- of work, and little attention is given to identifying work or arguments from neoclassical economics and measuring the dispositional traits of individu- about economic rationality leads one to argue that als. Evidence, however, continues to mount that the extrinsic features must exist before the intrin- individuals exhibit basic dispositional traits (e.g., sic features become important. In contrast, an negative and positive affectivity) that are relatively expectancy argument would state that any of these stable throughout their lifetimes and over differ- features can be important and that it is the fit of ent employment situations (Watson and Clark what is found in the workplace with what the 1984). This research strongly suggests that work-

3272 WORK ORIENTATION ers with positive dispositions usually are more back about job performance. Combining scores satisfied with their jobs regardless of the work for these two factors will show the person to be conditions, while those with negative dispositions neither satisfied nor dissatisfied for the composite seem not to be satisfied with anything. scale. In such situations, the rule of thumb is that scales developed to measure various satisfaction Another issue concerns the consequences of dimensions should not be combined. However, job satisfaction. Two outcomes have received the global job satisfaction scales—those which ask more most attention, primarily because of their practi- generally about liking one’s job—can be used to cal significance to any business enterprise: job represent a person’s general affective reaction to a performance and withdrawal behavior, which in- job. Sociologists more often use these global scales cludes absenteeism and voluntary turnover. The and assume that work is experienced and responded satisfaction–performance argument is of long-stand- to globally. ing interest and thus has generated considerable empirical data. The hypothesis is that satisfaction The facet approach clearly becomes more im- is positively and causally related to productivity, portant in applied research. If an employer wishes and support is provided by meta-analyses showing to alter the work setting to increase job satisfac- a positive correlation of .25. In short, satisfied tion, a global scale will be only somewhat helpful; a workers perform better, but the relationship is not scale that captures satisfaction with pay, routinization, a strong one. The weakness of this relationship communication, and the like, will provide the could be due to the difficulties associated with information necessary to implement specific struc- measuring job performance, however. tural changes. Numerous established measures of job satisfaction, both global and facet-based, exist With regard to the satisfaction–withdrawal re- (see Cook et al. 1981; Price and Mueller 1986; lationship, the hypothesis is that the most satisfied Spector 1997). employees will be the least often absent and the least likely to quit voluntarily. The meta-analyses for the satisfaction–absenteeism relationship sug- RESPONSE TO WORK: WORK gest that the relationship is between -.10 and -.15, COMMITMENT which is weak at best. The findings for the satisfac- Although some concepts, such as Dubin’s (1956) tion–turnover relationship are stronger (meta-analy- central life interest and Lodahl and Kejner’s (1965) sis correlation of -.25), but the conclusion is that job involvement, go back more than three dec- job satisfaction serves more of a mediating func- ades, most of the interest in work commitment has tion. That is, the structural features of work (e.g., emerged fairly recently, to a large extent during a promotional opportunities) and employee charac- time when interest in job satisfaction has been teristics (e.g., education) directly affect job satis- diminishing. If employee commitment is defined faction (and commitment), which in turn affects as the level of attachment to some component or turnover. aspect of work, the door is opened to a large The final issue here is whether job satisfaction number of types of commitment. The most com- is a unitary concept or is a complex of many facets mon strategy adopted for understanding various or dimensions. Since a fairly large number of work types of commitment is to differentiate between the components and the foci of commitment. features are known to affect job satisfaction, it is logical to expect that individuals can be satisfied There are numerous potential foci of commit- with some of these but not others. The data sup- ment, with those receiving the most attention port this logic. In particular, there is evidence that being commitment to work, the career, the organi- for almost any distinct feature of the work situa- zation, the job, and the union. It is organizational tion—pay, autonomy, variety, work group cohe- commitment, however, that has received the most sion, feedback—satisfaction scales can be devel- theoretical and empirical attention (Mueller et al. oped that divide into distinct (but related) factors 1992). Considerable interest exists in how workers along these dimensions. This poses not only a form and manage their commitments to multiple theoretical problem but also a scale construction foci (Hunt and Morgan 1994; Lawler 1992; Wal- problem. As a simple example, a person may be lace 1995). For example, if a worker is strongly satisfied with the pay but not satisfied with feed- committed to his or her career, will this translate

3273 WORK ORIENTATION into a similarly strong commitment to his or her Without question, affective organizational com- employer (organization)? Although some suggest mitment has dominated the scholarly interest of that commitment is a zero-sum phenomenon by those who study organizational commitment. It is which commitment to an employer must decline if strongly positively related to job satisfaction and commitment to one’s career increases, research negatively related to absenteeism and turnover. consistently shows that most commitments to mul- These relationships indicate the importance of tiple foci are positively related. studying and understanding employee commit- ment not only to address the practical issues con- Three components of commitment have re- fronting human resource managers but also to ceived the most attention (Meyer and Allen 1997): address classical sociological concerns about the affective commitment, continuance commitment, ‘‘glue’’ that holds social groups together. and normative commitment. Affective commitment refers to a worker’s emotional attachment to an organization. Organizational and industrial psy- SOCIAL CONTROL IN THE WORKPLACE chologists are given credit for initiating interest in this concept. They argue that commitment inter- This article began with a description of the work- venes between various features of work and indi- place as a contested terrain, a social setting in vidual characteristics and the outcomes of absen- which employer and employee struggle for con- teeism and voluntary turnover. Sociologists (e.g., trol. The image that comes from most economists Lincoln and Kalleberg 1990) tend to see the struc- is that monetary rewards are what motivate both tural conditions of work as the ultimate causes of employers and employees: Employers want to maxi- affective commitment. The evidence generally is mize profits, and workers want high pay for their consistent with the claims from both disciplines work. The implication of this for workers is that (Hom and Griffeth 1995; Mueller and Price 1990). they will be satisfied and committed if their pay is Continuance commitment treats a person’s degree high, and if it is not, they can quit to take another of attachment as a function of the costs associated job. This argument and causal linkage have been with leaving an organization. In practice, it has challenged both empirically and theoretically in been operationalized as the employee’s stated in- sociology. There are three issues here. First, as was tention to stay (or leave). This form of organiza- alluded to above, pay is only one of many factors tional commitment can be traced back to Becker’s that affect satisfaction and commitment. Second, (1960) side-bet theory. Individuals are portrayed employers, not workers, historically have had the upper hand in controlling the workplace and es- as making investments (e.g., seniority, a pension tablishing the employment relationship. Third, fund, coworkers as friends) when they are em- job satisfaction and commitment can and are ma- ployed in a particular organization. These side nipulated by employers to increase productivity bets accumulate with tenure and thus become and retain employees. There have been several costs associated with taking employment elsewhere. different historical accounts of how this employer An employee will discontinue employment only control occurs (e.g., Clawson 1980; Edwards 1979; when the rewards associated with another job Jacoby 1985; Vallas 1993), but two basic models outweigh the accumulated side bets associated dominate the literature. They can be differenti- with the current one. Although the evidence for ated by whether the social control is direct or the reasoning behind this theory has not been indirect and by the importance given to worker supported, research has consistently shown a rela- satisfaction and commitment in the control process. tively strong negative relationship (meta-analysis correlation of -.50) between intent to stay and The historically dominant model of the work- voluntary turnover. Much of the literature identi- place portrays direct control of workers by the fies intentions to stay or leave as intervening be- employer. Direct supervisory monitoring, ‘‘ma- tween affective commitment and turnover. Norma- chine control,’’ and strictly defined divisions of tive commitment refers to the felt obligation to labor are used to control the behavior of employ- stay with an employer. Remaining attached to an ees. In such instances, job satisfaction and organi- organization is what one should do even if one is zational commitment may emerge to increase per- not emotionally attached or has only a limited formance, but they are viewed as secondary to the investment. direct control that is essential to maximizing work-

3274 WORK ORIENTATION ers’ productivity. The other model relies much less Research consistently has shown that women on direct supervision and control by the produc- are just as satisfied (and often more satisfied) with tion process and instead argues that high-perform- their jobs as their male counterparts are. This is ance employees are controlled indirectly by ma- viewed as a paradox because women’s jobs are on nipulating work structures that in turn produce the average ‘‘worse’’ jobs with lower pay, less satisfied and committed workers. It is the satisfied autonomy, and fewer advancement opportunities. and committed workers, then, who will be the Several arguments have been offered to account most productive. Lincoln and Kalleberg (1990) for this paradox (Phelan 1994; Mueller and Wal- argue for this model (called the ‘‘corporatist’’ lace 1996). Justice-related arguments center on (1) model) in their study of U.S. and Japanese work- women accepting their lower rewards because of ers. Concretely, they find that organizational struc- their lower inputs, (2) women being socialized to tures that facilitate participation, integration, indi- accept the idea that lower rewards are all they are vidual mobility, and legitimacy result in more entitled to, and (3) women being satisfied because satisfied and committed employees. This socio- they are comparing their rewards to those of other logical interest in workplace control has practical women, who also receive less. The consensus seems implications. The same dichotomy is recognized to be that the ‘‘other women as referent’’ explana- in human resource management (HRM), where tion best explains the paradox. The major compet- the direct strategy is called the control strategy and ing explanation is that women and men value the indirect strategy is called the commitment different aspects of work. This leads directly to the strategy (Arther 1994). Similarly, in education, question of gender differences in work values. concern with low achievement scores among U.S. Probably the most popular explanation for students has resulted in a debate over the organiza- the gender satisfaction paradox is that men value tional design of schools (Rowan 1990). The more extrinsic rewards (e.g., pay, benefits, and author- direct approach, also called the control strategy, is ity) more than women do, while women value based on an elaborate system of bureaucratic con- intrinsic rewards (e.g., social support) more than trols for regulating classroom teaching and stan- men do. As a consequence, women are not less dardizing student learning opportunities and out- satisfied when they receive less pay and are pro- comes. The more indirect approach, also called moted less often than are men. Research findings the commitment strategy, rejects bureaucratic con- strongly reject this argument, however. Women trols and standards and argues instead for innova- and men hold essentially the same workplace val- tive working arrangements that support teachers’ ues (Hodson 1989; Phelan 1994; Mueller and Wal- decision making and increase their involvement in lace 1996; Rowe and Snizek 1995; Ross and the tasks of teaching. The claim for the second Mirowski 1995). approach is that satisfied and committed teachers are critical to improving student performance. These similar workplace values do not mean, Without question, then, worker satisfaction and however, that men have the same degree of work– commitment still constitute a major component in family conflict as do women. Research shows that the critical debates about social control in the this conflict is greater for women (Glass and Estes workplace, worker productivity, and societal out- 1997). This finding only adds to the paradox: If comes such as student achievement. women have worse jobs and experience more work–family conflict, why are they so satisfied with their jobs? GENDER DIFFERENCES

Associated with the increase in sociological inter- THE FUTURE est in gender inequalities over the last three dec- ades has been an increased concern with whether The last two decades in the United States have the work orientations of women and men are witnessed considerable change in the workplace. different. Two questions have received consider- Organizations have downsized, hired more tem- able attention. One concerns whether women and porary (contingent) workers, and outsourced pro- men have different work values, and the other duction tasks to become more flexible in compet- refers to what is called the gender job satisfaction ing in an increasingly global marketplace. In paradox. addition, the income gap between the top and

3275 WORK ORIENTATION bottom segments of society has grown, labor un- Hom, Peter W., and Rodger W. Griffeth 1995 Employee ion membership has declined to an all-time low, Turnover. Cincinnati: South-Western College Publishing. and although unemployment continues to be low, Homans, George C. 1958 ‘‘Human Behavior as Ex- job expansion has occurred mainly in the service change.’’ American Journal of Sociology 63:597–606. sector, where many jobs do not have advancement Hunt, Shelby D., and Robert M. Morgan 1994 ‘‘Organi- potential. All this suggests that in the future work- zational Commitment: One of Many Commitments ers can expect to move from employer to em- or Key Mediating Construct?’’ Academy of Manage- ployer more often. Also, workers can expect to ment Journal 37:1568–1587. find that their employers are less concerned with Jacoby, Sanford 1985 Employing Bureaucracy. New York: whether employees are satisfied and less inter- Columbia University Press. ested in gaining a long-term commitment from them. As a consequence, occupational or career Kalleberg, Arne, and Ivar Berg 1987 Work and Industry. New York: Plenum. commitment may become a more important moti- vating factor for workers than is organizational Kohn, Melvin, and Carmi Schooler 1982 ‘‘Job Condi- commitment or job satisfaction. Without doubt, tions and Personality: A Longitudinal Assessment of this changing landscape for the employment rela- Their Reciprocal Effects.’’ American Journal of Sociol- ogy 87:1257–1286. tionship will keep sociologists interested in study- ing and understanding work values, job satisfac- Lawler, Edward III. 1973. Motivation in Work Organiza- tion, and commitment. tions. Monterey, Calif.: Brooks/Cole. Lawler, Edward J. 1992 ‘‘Affective Attachments to Nested Groups: A Choice-Process Theory.’’ American Socio- REFERENCES logical Review 57:327–339. Arther, J. B. 1994 ‘‘Effects of Human Resource Systems Lincoln, James, and Arne Kalleberg 1990 Culture, Con- on Manufacturing Performance and Turnover.’’ Acad- trol and Commitment: A Study of Work Organization and emy of Management Journal 37:670–687. Work Attitudes in the United States and Japan. Cam- Becker, Howard 1960 ‘‘Notes on the Concept of Com- bridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. mitment.’’ American Sociological Review 66:32–40. Lodahl, Thomas, and Mathilde Kejner 1965 ‘‘The Defi- Blau, Peter M. 1964 Exchange and Power in Social Life. nition and Measurement of Job Involvement.’’ Jour- New York: Wiley. nal of Applied Psychology 49:24–33. Clawson, Dan 1980 Bureaucracy and the Labor Process. Maslow, Abraham 1954 Motivation and Personality. New New York: Monthly Review. York: Van Nostrand Rheinhold. Cook, John, Susan Hepworth, Toby Wall and Peter McClelland, David 1961 The Achieving Society. New York: Warr 1981 The Experience of Work. New York: Aca- Van Nostrand. demic Press. McGregor, Douglas 1960 The Human Side of Enterprise. Dubin, Robert 1956 ‘‘Industrial Workers’ Worlds: A New York: McGraw-Hill. Study of the Central Life Interests of Industrial Workers.’’ Social Problems 3:131–142. Meyer, John P., and Natalie J. Allen 1997 Commitment in the Workplace: Theory, Research and Application. Thou- Edwards, Richard 1979 Contested Terrain. New York: sand Oaks, Calif.: Sage. Basic Books. Mueller, Charles W., and James Price 1990 ‘‘Economic, Glass, Jennifer L., and Sarah Beth Estes 1997 ‘‘The Psychological, and Sociological Determinants of Vol- Family Responsive Workplace.’’ Annual Review of untary Turnover.’’ Journal of Behavioral Economics Sociology 23:289–313. 26:2181–2199. Hall, Richard 1986 Dimensions of Work. Beverly Hills, ———, and Jean E. Wallace 1996 ‘‘Justice and the Calif.: Sage. Paradox of the Contented Female Worker.’’ Social Herzberg, Frederick 1966 Work and the Nature of Man. Psychology Quarterly 59:338–349. Cleveland: World. ———,———, and James L. Price 1992 ‘‘Employee Hodson, Randy, and Teresa Sullivan 1995 The Social Commitment: Resolving Some Issues.’’ Work and Organization of Work. Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth. Occupations 19:211–236. ——— 1989 ‘‘Gender Differences in Job Satisfaction: Phelan, Jo 1994 ‘‘The Paradox of the Contented Female Why Aren’t Women More Dissatisfied?’’ Sociological Worker: An Assessment of Alternative Explanations.’’ Quarterly 30:385–399. Social Psychological Quarterly 57:95–107.

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Price, James, and Charles W. Mueller 1986 Handbook of 1961; Freud 1928; Jung 1938) or the social (e.g., Organizational Measurement. Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger. Weber 1963; Durkheim 1965; Wach 1958) dimen- Ross, Catherine, and John Mirowski 1996 ‘‘Economic sions of religion. An Oglala Lakota’s (‘‘Sioux’’ in and Interpersonal Work Rewards: Subjective Utili- Algonquian) vision reveals these two interactive ties of Men’s and Women’s Compensation.’’ Social aspects of religion. Forces 75:223–246. The Plains Indians in America were noted for Rowan, B. 1990. ‘‘Commitment and Control: Alterna- their vision quests, and periods of fasting and life- tive Strategies for the Organizational Design of cycle rituals often were associated with those quests. Schools.’’ In C. Cazden, ed., Review of Research in Education. Washington, D.C.: American Educational However, the vision of Black Elk, a Lakota shaman, Research Association. occurred spontaneously when he was 9 years old and was stricken by fever and other physical mala- Rowe, Reba, and William Snizek 1996 ‘‘Gender Differ- dies (Neidardt 1972, pp. 17–39). His vision began ences in Work Values: Perpetuating the Myth.’’ Work with two men dressed in traditional garb but shaped and Occupations 22:215–229. like slanting arrows coming from the sky to get Smith, Patricia, Lorne Kendall, and Charles Hullin 1969 him. As a little cloud descended around him, the The Measurement of Satisfaction in Work and Retire- young Black Elk rose into the sky and disappeared ment. Chicago: Rand McNally. into a large cloud bank. He saw an expansive white Smither, Robert 1988 The Psychology of Work and Human plain across which he was led by a beautiful bay Performance. New York: Harper and Row. horse. As he looked in the four directions, he saw Spector, Paul E. 1997 Job Satisfaction: Application, Assess- twelve black horses in the West, twelve white horses ment, Causes, and Consequences. Thousand Oaks, in the North, twelve sorrel horses in the East, and Calif.: Sage. twelve buckskin horses in the South. After the Vallas, Steven P. 1993 Power in the Workplace. Albany: arrival of Black Elk, the horses formed into lines State University of New York Press. and formations to lead him to the ‘‘Grandfathers.’’ Vroom, Victor 1964 Work and Motivation. New York: Wiley. As this heavenly equine parade proceeded, horses appeared everywhere, dancing and frolicking and Wallace, Jean E. 1995 ‘‘Professionals in Bureaucracies: changing into all types of animals, such as buffalo, A Case of Proletarianization or Adaptation?’’ Admin- deer, and wild birds. Ahead lay a large teepee. istrative Science Quarterly 40:228–255. Watson, David, and Lee Clark 1984 ‘‘Negative Affectivity: As Black Elk entered the rainbow door of the The Disposition to Experience Aversive Emotional tepee, he saw six old men sitting in a row. As he States.’’ Psychological Bulletin 96:465–490. stood before the seated figures, he was struck by Wharton, Amy 1998 Working in America. Mountain the fact that the old men reminded him of the View, Calif.: Mayfield. ancient hills and stars. The oldest spoke, saying, ‘‘Your grandfathers all over the world are having a council, and they have called you here to teach CHARLES W. MUELLER you.’’ Black Elk later remarked of the speaker, ‘‘His voice was very kind but I shook all over with fear now, for I knew that these were not old men WORLD RELIGIONS but the Powers of the World and the first was the Power of the West; the second, of the North; the Religious life throughout the world, regardless of third, of the East; the fourth, of the South; the the specific tradition, exhibits both personal-psy- fifth, of the Sky; the sixth, of the Earth.’’ chological and communal-social aspects. Of course, persons within the diverse religious traditions of The spokesman of the elders gave Black Elk the world perceive the spiritual dimension of their six sacred objects. First, he received a wooden cup faith as transcending both the individual psycho- full of water, symbolizing the water of the sky that logical and emotional as well as the corporate and has the power to make things green and alive. social aspects of their faith’s expressions. None- Second, he was given a bow that had within it the theless, two major academic strands of religious power to destroy. Third, he was given a sacred studies over the last century have focused pri- name, ‘‘Eagle Wing Stretches,’’ which he was to marily on either the psychological (e.g., James embody in his role as shaman (healer and diviner)

3277 WORLD RELIGIONS for his tribe. Fourth, he was given an herb of power sociologists of religion such as Joachim Wach (1958) that would allow him to cleanse and heal those have tempered earlier tendencies toward socio- who were sick in body or spirit. Fifth, he was given logical reductionism. Wach sought to understand the sacred pipe, which had as its purposes a strength- the nature of religion by examining traditions ening of the collective might of the Lakota tribe throughout the world and noting the primary and a healing of the divisions among the Lakota, to elements they shared. He identified religious ex- allow them to live in peace and harmony. Finally, perience as the basic and formative element in the Black Elk received a bright red stick that was the rise of religious traditions around the world and ‘‘center of the nation’s circle’’ or hoop. This stick then investigated the expression of this experience symbolized a sacred focusing of the Lakota nation in thought, action, and community. and linked the Lakota to their ancestors as well as Wach said that there is a symbiotic relation- to those who would follow them. ship between religion and society. On the one Black Elk’s vision ended with a flight into a hand, religion influences the form and character foreboding future in which the Lakota would en- of social organizations or relations in the family, counter white-skinned ‘‘bluecoats’’ who would clan, or nation as well as develops new social threaten the sacred hoop of the Lakota nation. institutions such as the Christian church, the Bud- Many years later, as Black Elk reflected on his dhist sangha, and the ‘‘Lakota nation.’’ On the vision, he realized that even in the devastating other hand, social factors shape religious experi- upheaval caused by the wars between his nation ence, expression, and institutions. For example, in and the ‘‘bluecoats,’’ his people had been given the Black Elk’s vision, the role of the warrior in Lakota sacred objects and rituals that would allow them to society is expressed through the two men who rise above mundane exigencies and to heal the come to escort Black Elk into the sky, and in his nation and restore the hoop in times of trouble. later mystical venture into the future, Black Elk as Lakota shaman (wichash wakan is one who converses The vision of Black Elk makes it clear that what with and transmits the Lakota’s ultimate spiritual sometimes appear to be perfunctory religious ritu- power, or Wakan) becomes the ultimate warrior als, fantastic myths, or arcane ethical injunctions who battles a ‘‘blue man’’ (perhaps representing often have their roots in a deep sense of the personified evil or the dreaded ‘‘bluecoats’’). Lakota contact between human beings and that which social conventions that name the natural direc- they have experienced as a divine power. This tions as four (North, South, East, West) are modi- article emphasizes the social aspects of world relig- fied by Black Elk’s vision to include Sky and Earth, ions, but it is important to keep in mind that the making six vision directions that influence the religious experiences codified in the social institu- number of elders Black Elk encounters in the tions of the world’s religions are not fully captured heavenly teepee and the number of sacred objects by psychological or sociological explanations alone. he is given. Here the shaman’s vision modifies There has been a tendency in the academic study social conventions even as it creates a social of religion to interpret religious experiences and subconvention for other visionaries who also name behavior by reducing them to psychological or the directions as six. The objects are conventional social causes or antecedents. For example, Sigmund implements of Black Elk’s culture that are empow- Freud (1928) reduces religious experiences to un- ered to serve symbolically as multivocal conveyors conscious projections of human needs that he of sacred knowledge and wisdom. Finally, Black likens to infantile fantasies that rational humans Elk’s vision can be viewed sociologically as con- should grow beyond. A contemporary of Freud, firming the corporate sacredness (the sacred hoop) Emile Durkheim (1965, p. 466), has a tendency to of the nation of the Lakota. For example, a Lakota’s reduce religions to their social functions: ‘‘If relig- vision was powerful and meaningful only to the ion has given birth to all that is essential in society, extent that the tribe accepted it. In this sense one it is because the idea of society is the soul of can understand why Durkheim would say that religion.’’ religion, in this case the Lakota’s, is society writ large in the sky. While the pioneering work of Max Weber and Durkheim laid the groundwork for much of con- However, for Wach and for scholars, such as temporary social analysis of religion, comparative Niman Smart (1969), who follow his lead, the

3278 WORLD RELIGIONS forms and expressions of religious life are best transiency, and passivity, only religious experi- understood as emanating from religious experi- ences bring with them a consciousness of an en- ence. Smart identifies six dimensions that all relig- counter with a ‘‘holy other’’ sacred reality. ions share: (1) ritual, (2) mythological, (3) doctri- nal, (4) ethical, (5) social, and (6) experiential. The Whether a founding religious experience is author of this article has provided an interpreta- immediate and direct, such as the Buddha’s tive framework for understanding the necessary nontheistic enlightenment experience of Nirvana, interdependence of these six elements of religious or cumulative and indirect, as was the lengthy traditions in Two Sacred Worlds: Experience and exodus journey of the Hebrews, religious experi- Structure in the World’s Religions (Shinn 1977). These ences are, in Wach’s terms, ‘‘the most powerful, dimensions of the religious life form the structure comprehensive, shattering, and profound experi- of this analysis of the social aspect of world religions. ence’’ of which human beings are capable (1958, p. 35). Wach concludes that a necessary criterion of genuine religious experience ‘‘is that it issues in RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE action. It involves imperative; it is the most power- ful source of motivation and action’’ (1958, p. 36). Building on the insights of William James and Consequently, religious experiences may be viewed Rudolph Otto (1946), more recent scholars such as the wellspring of religion both in the formation as Wach, Smart, and Mircea Eliade (1959) seek the of a new religious tradition and in the origin of the origin of religion in the religious experience of a founder or religious community. These scholars faith of the later generations. assert that genuinely religious experiences include Even if one accepts the primacy of religious an awareness or an immediate experience of an experience, it is important to note that founding ultimate reality or sacred power, whether a theistic religious experiences are deeply immersed in the divinity as in the case of the God(s) of Judaism, social and cultural realities of their time and place. Christianity, and Islam or a nontheistic transcen- For example, whether immediate and direct or dental reality as in the case of the Buddhists’ cumulative and indirect, religious experiences in- Nirvana or the Hindus’ Brahman/Atman. James evitably are expressed in the language and con- suggests that transcendental or mystical experi- cepts of the persons and culture in which they ences are immediate apprehensions of the divine arose. Black Elk’s vision of Wakan in the form of that are marked by ineffability, a noetic quality, the six Grandfathers clearly reflects the Lakotas’ transiency, and passivity. From one perspective, social and political structure as well as their ideal- ineffability can be understood as the inability of ized notions of nation and nature. The Thunder language to relay the emotional and cognitive Beings and Grandfathers who are the personifications content of a peak religious experience; it also may of Wakan Tanka (‘‘Great Power’’) obviously arise be described as a failure of language to capture the from the natural, linguistic, and social environ- divine subject of such an experience, that is, the ments of the Lakota. So does the conception of ultimate reality itself. Nonetheless, religious expe- Wakan itself as a pervasive power that permeates riences inevitably are understood as providing animal and human life as well as that of nature. A new states of knowledge that cannot be grasped contemporary Lakota has said, ‘‘All life is Wakan.’’ fully by the discursive intellect. This noetic dimen- So also is everything which exhibits power whether sion of religious experience often is described as in action, as in the winds and drifting clouds, or in the revelation of new knowledge (i.e., illumina- passive endurance, as the boulder by the wayside. tion) that is provided by religious experiences. In fact, it is precisely an awareness of an encounter Religious experiences occur to persons who with a sacred reality in religious experiences that have already been socialized. The most obvious differentiates these experiences from nonreligious social tool is the language used to express even the peak experiences (e.g., an aesthetic peak experi- most profound religious experiences. The ineffa- ence of a piece of music). Religious experiences ble nature of religious experiences requires the also tend to be marked by brevity (i.e., transiency) use of metaphors or extensions of everyday lan- and the passivity of the person having the experi- guage, as in the case of Black Elk, and to some ence. While aesthetic, political, and erotic peak extent, the experience itself is shaped by the lan- experiences may be characterized by ineffability, guage in which it is expressed.

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Divine names usually are borrowed from the theistic position as the god above all gods. Al- social and linguistic environment of the founder though the Bhagavata Purana recounts the lilas, or or founding community. For example, the exodus play, of Krishna as though the author were describ- experience of the Hebrew people was interpreted ing historic figure, it is clear to textual scholars that by them as a liberating religious experience fos- there are two essentially distinct and dynamic tered by the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. story traditions arise from the Brahminical Krishna This God, whose name is given in the Book of of Bhagavad Gita fame and from the indigenous Exodus as Yahweh (‘‘I am who I am’’), is also called cowherd Gopala Krishna associated with the west- El Elyon (‘‘God most high’’), El Shaddai (‘‘God of ern Indian Abhira tribes. the mountain’’), and Elohim (usually translated as ‘‘God’’). Moses probably borrowed the name Although devotees of either Allah or Krishna ‘‘Yahweh’’ from the Midianites. El Elyon was the now perceive their divinity and his name as having high god of Salem (later called Jerusalem) and was been ‘‘from the beginning,’’ there is little doubt worshiped by King Melchizedek. It also is known that the local social and linguistic environments that the Canaanite high god of the same period provided both content and context for the names was named El and appears in different cultic sites of the divinities in these two traditions. Perhaps throughout the ancient Near East. Although it is the most radical example of theistic amalgamation clear that the Hebraic religious texts understand is that of the Indian goddess Kali. Described in Yahweh and El quite differently than do their medieval Indian texts as being synonymous with known local counterparts, the Hebrew high god literally dozens of local and regional goddess names embraced the local deity nomenclatures while modi- and traditions, Kali is a latecomer to the Indian fying their meanings. theistic scene as one who is given the primary attributes of many gods and goddesses. The mytho- In a similar fashion, the divinity of the man logical tale of the birth of Kali reveals an amalga- Jesus is acknowledged in early Christian texts mation process that gave birth to this great god- through references to earlier Jewish apocalyptic dess now worshiped by millions in India as the language and expectations. In the Jewish apocalyp- ‘‘Supreme Mother.’’ Finally, the concept and ex- tic literature (e.g., I Enoch), the ‘‘Son of Man’’ pressions of the nontheistic Nirvana experienced appears as a righteous judge who will come to by the Buddha were fundamentally shaped by the earth to signal the beginning of the heavenly king- notion of reincarnation or rebirth and other meta- dom and God’s rule. As an eternal savior, the Son physical assumptions common to most religious of Man will come to save the righteous followers of traditions in India in the fifth century B.C. God and destroy all those who ignore him. In those linguistic borrowings, however, significant These examples show that while religious ex- modifications of the original conceptions are made perience of the sacred may be the initiating point to adjust the titles and expectations to the man of the world’s religious traditions or an individ- Jesus as perceived by his followers. For example, ual’s faith, that experience is given shape and Jesus comes as the Son of Man not primarily as a substance by the linguistic and social context out stern and vengeful judge but as a savior who is of which it arises. It is also true, however, that life- himself the sacrifice. This linguistic and concep- altering religious experiences such as those de- tual transformation reflects the dependence of scribed above shape the language and traditions language on experience as much as it reveals the through which they are expressed. This symbiotic social and linguistic dimensions of religious relationship occurs in the other dimensions of experience. religious life that are shared by the world’s religions. Similar examples of borrowed—and trans- formed—god names abound in religious litera- MYTH AND RITUAL ture and history throughout the world. In Saudi Arabia in the sixth century, Mohammed elevated a Formative religious experiences contain within local polytheistic Meccan god, Allah, to the status them impulses to expression (myth) and re-crea- of an international deity. In tenth-century Indian tion (ritual) that later become routinized and then Puranic literature, devotees of the god Vishnu institutionalized. Core myths and rituals, there- promote his avatar, called Krishna, to a supreme fore, attempt to convey and re-create the experi-

3280 WORLD RELIGIONS ence of the founder or religious community. Both lands even today. Similarly, Muhammad’s audi- myths and rituals rely on symbols whose content tory experience of Allah on Mount Hira, which must be shared in order for them to have meaning resulted in his recording of the Qur’an, constitutes for the religious group that uses them. Symbols the sacred history of millions of Muslims on all the have not only shared cognitive meanings but also continents. Finally, even though scholars are confi- common emotional significance and value. That dent in their judgment that the life of Krishna as is, symbols do not simply convey intellectual un- told in the tenth-century Bhagavata Purana is really derstanding but also engender an emotive re- an anthology of stories borrowed from earlier sponse. Furthermore, religious symbols are inte- Krishna traditions, these lilas, or ‘‘playful episodes,’’ grative and transforming agents in that they point told as a single life of Krishna have inspired relig- to realities that have been encountered but are ious experiences, poetry, and rituals that still en- hidden from everyday vision and experience. Paul liven the lives of millions of Hindus throughout Ricoeur (1972) says that symbols yield their mean- the world. From even this selective set of examples ing in enigma, not through literal or direct transla- of founding myths, it is clear how deeply they tion. Symbols, therefore, suggest rather than expli- drink from the social, linguistic, and institutional cate; they provide ‘‘opaque glimpses’’ of reality wellsprings of their time and place. rather than definitive pictures. Understood in this fashion, the journey from symbol to myth is a short The generative function of core myths is shared one for Ricoeur, who takes myth to be a narrative by certain rituals that attempt to ‘‘represent’’ in a form of the symbol. Put simply, myths are narra- spatial and physical context the core experience of tives or stories of the sacred and of human encoun- a religious tradition. From one perspective, core ters with it. rituals are those that emerge from sacred narra- tives or myths as their active component. From a As stories of sacred powers or beings, myths second perspective, core rituals represent repeti- fall into two basic categories: expressive and reflec- tive, institutionalized behavior and clearly are im- tive. Expressive myths are sacred narratives that mersed in the social sphere of religious life. For attempt to relate the founding or codifying relig- example, the Christian narrative that relates the ious experiences of a religious tradition, while Last Supper of Jesus as a sacramental event (e.g., reflective mythic narratives are composed subse- Mark 14:12–26) is physically presented in the early quently to integrate the sacred experience into Christian love feast that becomes the Lord’s Sup- everyday life. For example, Black Elk’s ‘‘re-telling’’ per (Eucharistic ritual or Mass) of later Christian of his vision experience becomes an expressive myth or sacred narrative for the Oglala Lakota to churches. which they refer again and again in reflective The work of Victor Turner (1969) in a tradi- stories of the Thunderbeings or the Grandfathers, tional African religious context provides a vocabu- wherein the Lakota attempt to extend the lessons lary for the religious and social transactions that of this experience to later problems they encoun- take place in core myths and rituals. Turner de- ter. Nearly every extant religious tradition tells scribes three phases in ritual reenactments that and retells its sacred narrative of the founder’s attempt to (1) separate or detach the participant or founders’ encounter with the sacred reality. from everyday consciousness and social position, Black Elk’s vision becomes such a story for the (2) provide a moment of liminality and communitas Oglala Lakota. of shared experience with participants in rituals, The story of the exodus of the Hebrews is and then (3) reintegrate ritual participants back recounted as a symbolic and founding narrative of into everyday life with its social roles and struc- God’s liberation for Jewish people of all times. The ture. Liminality is the neutral psychological and stories of the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus social state of transition between one’s former form the core myths of Christians when one un- social roles and consciousness and the new status derstands a myth to mean ‘‘sacred narrative’’ rather one assumes beyond the ritual. Communitas for than ‘‘untrue story.’’ Likewise, the story of the Turner is a mode of social relationship that is Buddha’s arduous meditative journey culminating marked by an egalitarianism that is uncommon in in the attainment of Nirvana inspires religious the stratified roles and relationships of the every- thought and behavior throughout all Buddhist day world. Consequently, Turner would argue

3281 WORLD RELIGIONS that religious rituals may provide an in-between, was given all become central elements of the horse or liminal, moment of social and psychological dance ritual. experience that religious devotees often assert In Islam, the Hajj is one of the five pillars of includes an encounter with their sacred power or faith that is incumbent on all Muslims to honor reality. and embody. The Hajj is a pilgrimage that reenacts The Passover narrative in the Book of Exodus the spiritual journey of Muhammad with periods provides a good example of a core myth that is of fasting, prayer, and meditation that culminate later enacted, in this case in a Passover meal. In its with ritual circumambulations of the Ka’ba, the literal meaning, the Passover myth refers to the black stone in the central mosque of Mecca that is tenth plague, when the angel of death killed Egyp- the seat of Allah’s throne. In the Hindu devotional tian firstborn children while sparing the Hebrew traditions, it is common for dramatic perform- children just before the exodus journey. In its ances, stylized ritual dance forms such as Bharata symbolic sense, the Passover story that is ‘‘re- Natyam, and temple dramatic readings to convey presented’’ in the Passover sacrificial meal symbol- episodes of the encounter of devotees with the izes Yahweh’s power of liberation. To the extent divine. Consequently, theatrical dramatic produc- that the story of the exodus reveals the beginning tions of the lilas, or playful pastimes, of the cowherd of Yahweh’s covenantal relationship to the He- god Krishna are enjoyed by villagers throughout brew people, the Passover ritual attempts to re- India not simply as theatrical events but as repre- create or revivify that relationship. sentations of Krishna’s delightful divine play. The daily ritual reenactment that occurs before the Beyond the community’s social embodiment shrines of Krishna, Kali, and other Indian divini- of the sacred story of Israel’s encounter with ties is called puja and is a ritual ceremony that Yahweh in a festive and communal sacrificial ritual probably emanates from the stylized honorific of the Passover, the social aspects of both the myth behavior one accords to a royal guest. Here the and the ritual are evident. Sacrifices were the social precursors to religious ritual are evident, common mode of worship for the pre-Mosaic even though they are transformed by the religious tribal religions as well as for the contemporary narrative and ritual context into which they are placed. cults in Moses’ day. It is very likely that the Passo- ver ritual described in Exodus 12 derives from a Scholars across a variety of disciplines and combination of a nomadic animal sacrifice and an perspectives have asserted the interconnection of agricultural feast of unleavened cakes, both of myth, ritual, and the religious community. Per- which predate the exodus event. While the He- haps the most clear summary of this relationship is brews’ experience of Yahweh in the exodus jour- given by Bronislaw Malinowski, who says, ‘‘An ney reshapes both the story and the ritual as a intimate connection exists between the word, the liberation event, both the Hebrew myth and the mythos, the sacred tales of a tribe, on the one hand ritual have antecedents in the social and religious and their ritual acts, their moral deeds, their social world of which they were a part. organization, and even their practical activities on the other’’ (1954, p. 96). Malinowski indicates that Similarly, the baptism and Eucharist rituals in while core myths and rituals may have their origin the Christian faith are core rituals that stem from in founding religious experiences, they also serve the religious narratives that gave birth to them. as social ‘‘warrants’’ for the primary beliefs of the Likewise, traditional nontheistic Theravada forms society out of which they arise and which they help of Buddhist meditation appear to stem directly shape. From this perspective, myths and rituals from the Buddha’s spiritual struggle and release serve primarily as vehicles that legitimate social but draw on Jain and Hindu forms that predate institutions. Core myths and rituals appear to be them. Among the Oglala Lakota, the horse dance charged with the difficult task of representing and ritual was taught by Black Elk to his tribe in a re-creating founding religious experiences. They fashion that replicated as closely as possible the also reflect and embrace their social and cultural vision he received. Therefore, the six old Grandfa- contexts. Furthermore, not all myths and rituals thers, the horses representing the four cardinal serve this primary and essentialist function; cer- directions, and the various sacred implements he tain myths, rituals, and religious behaviors diverge

3282 WORLD RELIGIONS considerably from the impetus the core narrative The most obvious intrusion of social norms seems to suggest. and processes into the religious life occurs in moral decision making. The natural and social worlds in which people live provide challenges and ETHICS problems that require an ethical response. Conse- Malinowski and Wach make clear that ethics arise quently, life in the world poses many situations not partly as a result of religious experience but also anticipated in the religious texts and routinized participate fully in social processes. While relig- ethical norms of religious traditions. As a result, ious experiences may give rise to immediate ex- over time, ethical systems often come to reflect the pression (core myths) and reenactments (core ritu- surrounding secular culture and social norms as als), they also give impetus to new attitudes and much as they do the basic religious impulse from intentions, which are reflected in norms for behav- which they are supposed to derive their direction. ior. In the Christian context, such behavior is This process is mediated during the life of the claimed to be the mark of a ‘‘reborn’’ person founder whose authority and behavior provides a whose conduct manifests the tangible effects of an model for action. In subsequent generations, how- experience of God. Conversely, the ethical norms ever, individuals and institutions such as the Pope, and traditions that arise within a religious institu- the Buddhist sangha (community of elders), and tion may reflect as much the mores of the sur- the Lakota tribal council often determine the ethi- rounding culture and society as they do the experi- cal norms of a community. When ethical state- ence upon which the institution was founded. ments and positions stray too far from their initial Social factors such as language, family roles, and impulses, they are in danger of mirroring the social customs play a role in the process of the society they intend to make sacred. Put simply, externalization of the religious life in ethical laws. while ethical impulses may originate in religious James says simply that behavior is the empirical experiences, the ethical laws, norms, and tradi- criterion for determining the quality and validity tions that are constituted in scriptures and institu- of a religious experience. The distinction he makes tional pronouncements often distort the moral imperative by including rationalizations that con- between the person who has a religious experience form to social, not religious, expectations. and the person who undergoes a religious conver- sion is the distinction between having a highly An example of the difference between ethical charged peak experience and living a new life born impulse and moral law can be found in the He- of that experience. brew notion of a covenantal relationship with God. Moses and the exodus tribes experienced a It appears that all religious traditions evidence compassionate, mighty, jealous, and demanding an interdependent and necessary relationship of God. The laws of the early Hebrews, therefore, conduct to experience so that what is experienced were viewed not only as commandments arising as an ecstatic encounter with the divine is ex- from a stern leader or group of legalistic lawmak- pressed as a new and integrated mode of living. ers but also as expressions of an appreciative and The committed ethical life of a devotee, then, is liberating relationship with God. The Sinai story ideally understood as an active extension of relig- of the transmission of the Ten Commandments is ious experience expressed through communal or intended to reveal the Hebrews’ ethical relation- shared norms. While an immediate religious expe- ship with Yahweh. It was on that holy mountain rience may provide a core religious impulse (e.g., that the covenant between Yahweh and his people to love God and one’s neighbor in the Christian was given concrete expression. However, this rela- context or to fear Allah in the Muslim context), tionship was marked by infidelity on the part of that impetus becomes manifest in the concrete Yahweh’s people. Therefore, for many of them, situations of social behavior. For example, the the codes of conduct contained in the Ten Com- nontheistic enlightenment experience of the Buddha mandments and the Levitical Code were experi- resulted in a sense of detachment from the world enced as the oppressive laws of a judgmental God. that was linked to enduring traditions of metta and karuna (love and compassion) and resulted in Jesus summarized the essence of ethical be- ‘‘detached compassion’’ as the complex ethical havior in a twofold commandment to love God norm the Buddha modeled for his disciples. and love one’s neighbor that was enjoined on all

3283 WORLD RELIGIONS who would count themselves as disciples of God. THEOLOGY AND DOCTRINES However, the teachings of Jesus and the com- mandment of love have led over the centuries to Just as religious experience may result in the for- disputes about whether Christians should engage mation of a religious movement that tells the in war, permit abortions, treat homosexuals as founding story of contact with a sacred power equals, and allow divorces. Institutionalized Chris- (core myth), tries to re-create that experience for tian churches in their many forms have decreed the beginning and subsequent communities (core what proper ethical conduct is with regard to such rituals), and impels new believers to act in accord- issues, and those norms vary and even contradict ance with this vision or revelation (ethical impulse each other within and across Christian religious leading to institutionalized ethics), so it is that traditions. This is the difference between the im- even very early in a religious tradition’s history perative to love God and love one’s ‘‘neighbor’’ questions and criticisms arise that must be an- and ethical laws that must express divine love in swered. Religious reflection takes a variety of forms complex and rapidly changing social contexts and that touch the total corporate life of a religious situations. Seemingly universal laws such as ‘‘Do community. Sacred scriptures often encompass not kill’’ mean something quite different to a expressive myths that relate in narrative form the Lakota warrior who may kill (and sometimes scalp) founder’s or founders’ contact with the sacred his enemy (but not a fellow tribesman) than they core rituals in outline or in full, ethical injunctions do to a Muslim who is encouraged to kill an infidel and moral codes, and reflective myths, doctrines, who defames Allah or to a Buddhist who is en- and explications that attempt to answer believers’ joined not to kill any living being. questions and unbelievers’ skepticism. Almost in- evitably, members of a religious community are Even among seemingly similar traditions, such provoked from without and within to explain how as the Hindu devotional sects, ethical norms can their sacred reality is related to the origin of the vary immensely. In the Kali goddess tradition, community and perhaps even to the origin of the animal sacrifice is still commonly practiced as a world. Consequently, reflective myths that repre- way of returning to the goddess the life-giving sent second-level or posterior reflection are incor- force she has bestowed on her creation. Some porated to explain those beginnings. devotees of Kali have interpreted her mythological destruction of demons as a model for their own Three distinct but interrelated purposes and behaviors and have followed suit as thieves and functions of reflective myths are to (1) explain murderers in the Indian Thuggi tradition. By con- origins, (2) rationalize aspects of core beliefs, and trast, Kali devotees such as Rahmakrishnan under- (3) provide an apologetic defense of the faith to stand Kali to be a transcendent ‘‘ocean of bliss’’ disbelieving insiders or outsiders. A good example who engenders peacefulness and nonviolence in of reflective theologizing is the development of her disciples. the biography of the Buddha. The oldest Pali texts essentially begin the life of the Buddha with his What is true of all these religious traditions disillusionment with the world at age 29, when he around the world is that persons usually are taught was already a husband and a father. The early texts what constitutes proper or ethical behavior, and in indicate that his name was Siddhartha and that his that context, ethics are learned conceptions born father, Suddhodana, ruled a small district in the of the social process and its experiences. Conse- north Indian republic of the Sakyas. This early quently, ethical norms and their expression often story indicates that Siddhartha was married at the reflect the social environment in which religious age of 16 or 17, had a son, and then became traditions arise. A clear expression of this fact is disillusioned with the human suffering he saw found in the Hindu religious tradition’s embrace around him and renounced the world to seek of the caste system that sacralizes a socially elitist spiritual liberation while leaving his family behind. and patriarchal social system that predates Hindu- ism. Caste distinctions that are sacralized in the Approximately five hundred years after the mythical and theological texts of the Hindu tradi- death of the Buddha, two separate ‘‘biographies’’ tion serve as warrants for social roles and norms were written that contained accumulated legends that undergird not only the Hindu traditions but not only about the miraculous birth of the Buddha also those of the Buddhists and Jains in India. but also about the great renunciation. The birth

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story describes the descent of the Buddha from death, and rebirth that the Hebrews encountered the heavens as a white elephant who miraculously in Palestine. For the Palestinian farmer, Canaanite enters his mother’s side and is born nine months or Israelite, the question was, ‘‘Is it Yahweh or Baal later as a fully functioning adultlike child. These to whom one should offer sacrifices and give biographies describe the Buddha’s physical fea- allegiance if one’s crops are to prosper?’’ The two tures (captured in religious images and icons) as Genesis creation stories explain not only who is including the lengthened ears of an aristocrat, a responsible for the origin of life on earth but also smoothly shaped conical bump on the top of the how one can explain human illness, suffering, and head indicating his intelligence, and other marks death in the context of the God who led the that foretell his later enlightenment. Hebrews out of Egypt. In Africa and India, the numerous and sometimes contradictory creation These latter-day scriptures recount his renun- stories one finds in a single religious tradition ciation of the world in a full-blown, theologized reveal less about the illogical nature of some reflec- story of encounters with an ill man, a decrepit old tive myths than they do about the human need to man, a dead man, and a religious ascetic. The story have questions of birth, death, suffering, social of the Buddha’s four visions provides a fuller relationships, and the founding of the tribe placed explication of the reasons for his renunciation. in the context of a tradition’s ultimate reality. Both the birth story confirming the Buddha’s sa- cred origins and the story of the four visions of the When religious traditions develop full-fledged Buddha (a rationalization of his renunciation) rep- social institutions, it is common for sacred texts resent reflective myths that fill in biographical and other interpretative theological texts to ex- gaps in earlier stories of his life in light of his later plain the necessity of those religious organizations enlightened status. and their officials. Whether it is the early church fathers’ explanations of the seat of Peter on which Parallels to the biographical history of the the Pope sits in the Roman Catholic tradition or a Buddha can be found in the scriptural stories of Lakota visionary myth that explains the role of the the miraculous births of Jesus, Mahavira (founder shaman in the community, reflective myths and of the Jains), Krishna, Kali, and Muhammad, among theologies develop as intellectual and institutional others. A similar genre of reflective myths can be rationalizations for the extension of the founding found in the creation stories that often are added experiences and tradition into all aspects of life dozens of years or even centuries after the found- and society. Religious councils, theological tradi- ing experience. Good examples of this process are tions, sectarian disputes, and doctrinal formulas the Hebrew creation stories told in Genesis 1 and all arise as socialized institutions that attempt to Genesis 2. God’s creation in seven days is the explicate, defend, and provide an apology for a youngest creation story (the priestly story of the religious faith firmly embedded in the personal seventh century B.C. that is told in Genesis 1:1– and social lives of its adherents. For example, 2:4a) and is placed at the beginning of the book of Islamic theology extends the influence of the Genesis. It is likely that the Akkadian myth of Qur’anic faith into the economic, political, and Tiamat served as a model for this story of the social lives of the Muslim people. Likewise, from creation of the world out of a watery chaos. birth and family relationships through wars and death, the Lakota’s life was experienced within the The older Yahwist creation story, found in sacred hoop. Genesis 2:4b ff., is set in a desert environment instead of a primeval ocean and very likely goes The extension of religious faith into all aspects back to the tenth century B.C. A decidedly more of life is justified in scriptures and doctrinal tracts anthropomorphic story, the Yahwist Garden of by the reflective process of mythmaking and Eden story, was added at least three to four hun- theologizing. Peter Berger (1969) calls such activ- dred years after the exodus experience. Neither ity the construction of a nomos. A theological nomos the priestly story nor the Yahwist story received its is essentially a socially constructed worldview that present form until the sixth or seventh century attempts to order all of human experience in the B.C., when both were called upon to explicate the context of a sacred reality, whether theistic (e.g., creative power of their Hebrew God set against the Krishna or Allah) or nontheistic (e.g., Nirvana). Canaanites’ theology of nature’s seasonal birth, Such theological reflection is determined to a

3285 WORLD RELIGIONS great extent by the social and human circum- finite expressions’’ (1971, p. 156). According to stances that give rise to the questions that must be Novak, the basic conflict is between the human answered as well as the language and social con- spirit and all institutions. ventions through which the reflections are ex- No religious institution has escaped criticism pressed. However, Wach reminds us that the pro- phetic function of religious traditions often shapes of its creeds, dogmas, ethics, and authoritative the social environment to a religious vision and pronouncements from those within the tradition not simply vice versa. Puritan society in colonial who insist that the essential faith demands revi- America is an example of religious faith shaping sions of the institution’s expressions of that faith. social mores and institutions. These criticisms give rise not only to reform move- ments but also to schisms and new sects that emerge as a result of the clash between the re- INSTITUTIONS ceived faith in its textual and social forms and the religious experiences and impulses of a reformer Religious institutions arise as the fullest and most or critic within the organization. Martin Luther obvious social expression of a religious faith. They was a reformer whose critique of his received are equally the home for the core myths and rituals Roman Catholic heritage was both personal and to be enacted and the loci of the religious commu- theological. Similarly, the numerous Buddhist sects nities whose individual and collective needs must that arose in the first hundred years after the death be met. Religious institutions vary from formal of the Buddha gained their impetus from quarrels collectivities such as the Christian church, the over doctrine, lifestyle, and interpretations of the Muslim mosque, the Hindu temple, and the Bud- essential nature of the faith. The Sunni and Shi’a dhist sangha to their extended representations in (also called Shi’ite) branches of Islam have dozens festivals and ceremonial events such as weddings of contemporary expressions that emanate from a and funerals. It is within the social institution that fundamental split in the tradition that occurred communitas understood as a spiritual leveling of shortly after the death of Muhammad and focused religious adherents exists alongside a religious on the source of authority for future proclama- community in which social differentiation and tions in Islam. Typical of other religious traditions, hierarchies usually persist. Religious institutions Islam gave early birth to a pietistic mystical tradi- are usually the most deeply embedded social as- tion, known as Sufism, which has consistently pect of religion, since it is their task to control the criticized both major theological branches of that external conduct of their members through rites, religion for their legalistic and worldly focus to the rituals, and ethical norms while providing an eco- detriment of the nourishment of the spiritual life. nomic and political power base through which The Kabbala is a similar type of mystical reform they can compete with other social institutions. tradition within Judaism. From one perspective, Simply put, religious institutions are to a great sectarian and schismatic movements are attempts extent socially constructed realities that provide to recapture the original experience and spirit of a for the habituation and rationalization of religious religious tradition in response to institutionalized thought and behavior. forms of worship and expression that appear de- James (1961) viewed the church, synagogue, void of the core spirit that gave birth to them. or other religious organization as a ‘‘secondhand’’ Nonetheless, in those cases where the new move- extension of the religious life. In terms of institu- ment or sect survives its charismatic beginning, it tional leadership, Abraham Maslow (1970) distin- necessarily develops the same institutional forms guishes between ‘‘prophets’’ (i.e., those who found (religious community, rituals, ethics, etc.) that it the religion) and ‘‘legalists’’ (those who regulate, rejected in its predecessor and that are experi- systematize, and organize religious behavior in enced by some faithful later generations as too institutional forms). Even from this brief discus- distant from its spiritual foundation and in need of sion of the interrelationships of the primary as- reform. This pattern of dissatisfaction with institu- pects of the religious life, one can see why Michael tional codifications of religious experience, a time Novak says, ‘‘Institutions are the normal, natural of spiritual innovation or reform, and then institu- expression of the human spirit. But that spirit is tionalization of the reform is one that continues in self-transcending. It is never satisfied with its own all the major religious traditions in the world,

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producing new sects or, in rare cases, altogether apart from more established Christian churches. new religious traditions. Other NRMs, such as Scientology, were the imagi- native offspring of idiosyncratic founders such as L. Ron Hubbard, a science fiction writer who NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS promised ‘‘total freedom’’ to all who would prac- tice his strict regimen of psychological and spiri- The attempt to reform a traditional religion in a tual ‘‘clearing.’’ Still other NRMs were imports given cultural setting sometimes has produced a from Asia with gurus such as Maharishi Mahesh new religious movement (NRM) that threatens the Yogi (Transcendental Meditation) and Guru Maharaj established norms and values of the host society, Ji (Divine Light Mission) who taught their own not just the established religious institution. Often particular Hindu meditational paths to enlighten- an NRM emanates from an established religion as ment. One NRM, the Unification Church of Sung a reform or even extension of that tradition. An Mung Moon, was essentially a syncretistic blend of example is early Christianity, which some Jewish Christian missionary and Korean folk religious and non-Jewish converts saw as fulfilling Jewish traditions. The Reverend Moon claims to have had prophecy and others regarded as a dangerous and a special revelation on Easter Sunday in 1936, heretical sect that threatened both the Jewish and when Jesus appeared to him and asked that Moon the Roman institutions of Jesus’ time. When the complete the messiah’s work. Moon’s revelation connection with the established tradition is more led to a new scripture called The Divine Principle, tenuous, the new revelation and resulting behav- new rituals, and a worldwide mission to unify all ior distance themselves almost immediately from Christian and world faiths. traditional institutional forms. For example, Jo- seph Smith’s discovery of lost tablets of scripture Finally, some of the NRMs of the l960s in not only ‘‘completed’’ the Christian revelation and America were not ‘‘new’’ at all but instead were scriptures but essentially replaced them. Smith’s traditional faiths of other cultures seeking con- Mormonism promoted theological (e.g., preemi- verts in an American mission field. One such nence of the Book of Mormon), ethical (e.g., po- NRMs was the International Society for Krishna lygamy), and other views and practices that were at Consciousness (ISKCON), more commonly called odds not only with traditional Christian norms the Hare Krishnas. While lumped together with and institutions but also with those of American other NRMs, the Hare Krishnas practice what is society. Such NRMs often generate considerable more properly understood as a traditional form of opposition from both religious and political au- devotional (bhakti) Hinduism centering on the god thorities who perceive a threat to their worldview Krishna. This devotional Hindu faith was brought and the norms that come from that nomos. In the to America in 1965 by the Hindu sage A. C. first century after the death of Jesus, his followers Bhaktivedanta Prabhupada. Prabhupada was an were martyred by Roman authorities who consid- acharya, or spiritual teacher, whose lineage traces ered them members of an NRM outside the pro- back to the Krishna reformer Chaitanya in the tection of law afforded Jews in the Roman Empire. sixteenth century and whose own guru asked him Likewise, by the end of the nineteenth century in to bring the Hare Krishna faith to English-speak- America, the Mormons not only were attacked by ing people. While adapting his teachings to a their Christian neighbors asheretical ‘‘cult’’ but foreign culture as all missionaries must, Prabhupada were for a time denied the legal right to hold taught the same Indian scriptures (e.g., Bhagavata property and to marry. Purana), rituals (e.g., worship before Krishna im- ages and chanting Krishna’s name), religious dress Approximately one hundred years after groups (e.g., saffron robes), and ethics (e.g., vegetarianism such as the Mormons, the Seventh-Day Adventists, and ritual cleanliness) that had been taught by and the Theosophical Society were considered Indian masters for centuries. While the Krishna ‘‘cults’’ to be suppressed, a new wave of NRMs faith originated over 2,000 years ago, part of what (also called ‘‘cults’’) flooded America. Some of made this religion seem so new and different to those NRMs were essentially splinter groups of American youths and religious institutions was its Christians (e.g., Jesus movements) whose evangeli- evangelical missionary and ecstatic devotional ele- cal fervor and communitarian lifestyle set them ments (e.g., public chanting and dancing), which

3287 WORLD RELIGIONS were innovations of Chaitinya’s reform nearly 400 mentalism is the dominant voice. Islamic states years ago (see Shinn 1987a). such as Pakistan, Iran, and Afghanistan reveal how religious institutions are interwoven with political Whatever the origin or character of NRMs, institutions in ways that suppress tolerance of they represent external challenges to established other faiths. Adding tribal or ethnic loyalties to the religions in much the same way that sectarian mix only increases the difficulty of achieving reforms represent internal challenges. From the interreligious tolerance and harmony. The Catho- point of view of formative religious experiences, lics and Protestants in Northern Ireland, the NRMs offer alternative spiritual paths to religious Bosnian Muslims and Serbian Christians in Bosnia- seekers who do not find spiritual satisfaction in Herzegovina and the Tamil Hindus and Singhalese their natal or traditional religious institutions (Ell- Buddhists in Sri Lanka all represent inseparable wood 1973; Richardson 1985; Shinn 1993). The blends of political, ethnic, and religious exclusiv- host society’s response to NRMs often reveals the ity. Therefore, one mode of interaction of world extent to which that society’s secular or religious religions will be intolerance of and sometimes institutions satisfy the needs of its populace (Robbins violence toward other faiths created to a great and Anthony 1981; Barker 1982; Wilson 1981). extent by the socialization of religious institutions When religious institutions have stagnated or by the nationalistic and ethnic norms of the people strayed from their spiritual source, challenges and and cultures they intend to save. alternatives arise from within. Likewise, evangeli- cal and missionary ventures from religions around Second, in areas where religions have coexisted the world take whatever opportunity they are given for a long time, it is common for accommodations to provide alternative paths to spiritual fulfillment. and even assimilation to occur that reflect the common home. For example, Hinduism, Bud- dhism, and Islam have coexisted for more than INTERSECTION OF WORLD RELIGIONS nine hundred years in India, and in spite of their One tendency of insitutionalized religious tradi- sometimes violent interactions, remarkable inno- tions is to seek to become world religions. The vations have occurred. Leaders from the Muslim impetus to spread a religion throughout the world King Akbar to the Hindu sage Gandhi have sought sometimes comes from the exclusivistic theologi- to bring about mutual respect among the religions cal claims that assert the superiority of one faith of India and all the world. Likewise, devotional over another (e.g., Christianity and Islam). Some Hinduism historically has often bridged religious religious traditions actively seek less to convert divides by inviting people of all faiths and castes to others than to assimilate other religions into their join in its worship. In the case of Sikhism, Guru own theology and practice (e.g., Hinduism). Still Nanck blended devotional Hindu traditions with others spread to other lands and cultures after certain Islamic tenets to form a syncretistic new being forced out of their homelands (e.g., Judaism faith in the sixteenth century. A similar phenome- and Buddhism). The broad reach of world relig- non occurred in Iran, where Zoroastrian and Is- ions has resulted in multifaith societies such as lamic roots gave rise in the nineteenth century to India (e.g., Hinduism, Islam, Sikkhism, and Jainism), the Baha’i faith, which incorporates the scriptures China (e.g., Confucianism, Buddhism, and Tao- and symbols of all the major world religions into a ism), and the United States (e.g., Christianity, new syncretistic religion. While the birth of such Judaism, and Islam), where different religions have new syncretistic world religions is rare, what does coexisted for centuries. What can one expect of occur often—and probably will increase—is the the interaction of world religions as rapid commu- adoption of ideas (e.g., reincarnation and imper- nications and travel bring people and their relig- sonal divinity) and practices (e.g., vegetarianism ious faiths face to face in ever greater numbers in and meditation) from one faith by persons of the twenty-first century? another faith. First, it should be expected that wherever Third, some religious individuals and institu- religious institutions are interwoven with political tions will continue to seek dialogue with and un- and cultural institutions, resistance to or rejection derstanding of persons of other faiths while main- of other world faiths will occur. This tendency will taining their own religious ideas and practices. For be exacerbated in areas where religious funda- example, Mahatma Gandhi was deeply influenced

3288 WORLD RELIGIONS by the Christian and Muslim scriptures and near is a system of symbols that simultaneously at- the end of his life sought peace between Hindus tempts to express and reveal dimensions of sacred and Muslims when few others could rise above experience beyond that of the everyday by using communal loyalties. Still, when shot by an assassin, socially conditioned language and conceptions. Gandhi uttered the name of his Hindu family Likewise, the general order of existence (nomos) divinity, Rama. Gandhi appreciated the teachings that is formulated in the myths, rituals, and ethical and practices of other world religions but died a norms of a religious tradition emerges from the Hindu. In a similar fashion, the Buddhist Sarvodaya social consciousness, communal norms, and shared Movement in Sri Lanka borrows liberally from conceptions of the community which give rise Gandhi’s ideas and disciples even as it embeds its to those elements. Finally, what Berger calls work in Buddhist ideas and practices. So too the ‘‘legitimation’’ and Geertz calls ‘‘factuality’’ repre- Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., learned the sent nothing other than broad-based social accept- rudiments of nonviolent action from Gandhi’s ance of certain religious beliefs. Consequently, teachings while situating them within his Christian from their inception in religious experience to theology and faith. Thus, even when certain ideas their full social expression in concrete institutions, are transferred from one faith to another out of religious traditions involve an interplay between respectful dialogue and interaction, it is common personal and social forces. No aspect—experien- for one’s native tradition to remain at the core of tial, mythical, ritual, ethical, doctrinal, or institu- one’s thought and action. tional—of any of the world’s religious traditions escapes some social conditioning, and no culture On a more formal level, there have been many or society is left unchallenged by its religious attempts at interfaith dialogue in which the formu- expressions and lifestyles. lation of a common theology (i.e., ‘‘perrienal phi- losophy’’) or practice for all religions has been sought (see Shinn 1987b). The Christian Trappist REFERENCES monk Thomas Merton spent many of the last years Barker, Eileen (ed.) 1982 New Religious Movements: A of his life reading about and having a dialogue with Perspective for Understanding Society. New York: Edwin persons of other faiths. He was accidentally killed Mellon Press. in Bangkok, Thailand, during an interfaith confer- Berger, Peter 1969 The Sacred Canopy: Elements of a ence with Christian, Buddhist, and other monks Sociological Theory of Religion. Garden City, N.Y.: from Asia. Most efforts at interfaith dialogue arise Doubleday. when individuals seek to understand their own ———, and Thomas Luckmann 1967 The Social Con- faith better and to transcend the institutional re- struction of Reality. New York: Doubleday. flections of a limited time and place. Both formal and informal dialogues are certain to increase as Durkheim, Emile 1965 The Elementary Forms of the Relig- ious Life, trans. Joseph Ward Swain. New York: ‘‘the global village’’ becomes a reality and world Free Press. religions become increasingly familiar in all lands. Eliade, Mircea 1959 The Sacred and the Profane, trans. Willard R. Trask. New York: Harper and Brothers. CONCLUSION Ellwood, Robert S., Jr. 1973 Religious and Spiritual Groups in Modern America. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Pren- Clifford Geertz argues that each world religion is tice-Hall. essentially ‘‘(1) a system of symbols which acts (2) to establish powerful, pervasive, and long-lasting Freud, Sigmund 1928 The Future of an Illusion, trans.W. D. moods and motivation in men by (3) formulating Robson-Scott, Horace Liveright, and the Institute of Psychoanalysis. London: Hogarth Press. conceptions of a general order of existence and (4) clothing these conceptions with such an aura of Geertz, Clifford 1968 ‘‘Religion as a Cultural System.’’ factuality that (5) the moods and motivations seem In Michael Banton, ed., Anthropological Approaches to uniquely realistic’’ (1968, p. 1). This socio-anthro- the Study of Religion. London: Tavistock. pological definition of religion embraces in a clear James, William 1961 The Varieties of Religious Experience: and simple fashion most of the interpretation of A Study in Human Nature. New York: Collier. underlying relationships that this article has de- Jung, Carl 1938 Psychology and Religion. New Haven, scribed. Any religion, whether established or new, Conn.: Yale University Press.

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Malinowski, Bronislaw 1954 ‘‘Myth in Primitive Psychol- Shinn, Larry D 1977 Two Sacred Worlds: Experience and ogy.’’ In Bronislaw Malinowski, Magic, Science and Structure in the World’s Religions. Nashville, Tenn.: Religion. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday. Abingdon. Maslow, Abraham H. 1970 Religions, Values, and Peak ——— 1987a The Dark Lord: Cult Images and the Hare Experiences. New York: Penguin. Krishnas in America. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Neidardt, John G. 1972 Black Elk Speaks. New York: ——— 1987b ‘‘Inside the Mind of the Infinite: Dialogue and Understanding in Interfaith Encounters.’’ In Pocket Books (from field notes contained in Ray- Larry D. Shinn, ed., In Search of the Divine: Some mond J. DaMillie 1984 The Sixth Grandfather: Black Unexpected Consequences of Interfaith Dialogue. New Elk’s Teachings given to John Neihardt. Lincoln: Univer- York: Paragon. sity of Nebraska Press). ——— 1993 ‘‘Who Gets to Define Religion? The Con- Novak, Michael 1971 Ascent of the Mountain, Flight of the version/Brainwashing Controversy.’’ Religious Stud- Dove. New York: Harper & Row. ies Review 19(3): 195–207. Otto, Rudolph 1946 The Idea of the Holy, trans. J. W. Smart, Ninian 1969 The Religious Experience of Mankind. Harvey. London: Oxford University Press. New York: Scribners. Richardson, James T. 1985 ‘‘The Active vs. Passive Con- Turner, Victor 1969 The Ritual Process: Structure and vert: Paradigm Conflict in Conversion/Recruitment Anti-Structure. Chicago: Aldine. Research.’’ Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion Wach, Joachim 1958 The Comparative Study of Religions. 24:163–179. New York: Columbia University Press. Ricoeur, Paul 1972 ‘‘The Symbol Gives Rise to Thought.’’ Weber, Max 1963 The Sociology of Religion, trans. Ephraim In Walter H. Capps, ed., Ways of Understanding Relig- Fischoff. Boston: Beacon. ion. New York: Macmillan. Wilson, Bryan (ed.) 1981 The Social Impact of New Relig- Robbins, Thomas and Dick Anthony 1981 In Gods We ious Movements. New York: Rose of Sharon Press. Trust: New Patterns of Religious Pluralism in America. New Brunswick: Transaction Books. LARRY D. SHINN

3290 Index

Note: Page numbers in boldface liberal/conservative Academic and Professional Affairs indicate article titles. perspectives, 1602 Program (ASA), 150 policy, 938, 943 Academic freedom, 276–278 A procedures, 2238–2240 Academic libraries. See Library Aarhus University, 2450 public funding restraints, 315 resources and services for Aaronson, Neil K., 2301, 2305 sociology public opinion on, 2274, 2277 AARP. See American Association of Academic medical center reasons offered for, 2239 Retired Persons hospitals, 1820 Abacha, Sani, 2134 spontaneous, 2233–2234, 2238 Academy of Sciences (Ukraine), Abbagnano, Nicola, 1468–1469 teenage rates, 2235 2982 Abbott, Andrew, 1636, 2262, 2263, in United States, 2180 Accelerated failure-time models, 2264, 2297 See also Family Planning; 870–871 ABCD. See Americans for Better Pregnancy and pregnancy Accidents. See Disaster research; Care of the Dying termination Society and technological risks Abdullah (Saudi Arabian crown Abraham, Karl, 650 Accornero, Aris, 1467 prince), 2132 Abrahamian, Ervand, 1871 Accountants and auditors, 2259 Abel, Theodore, 1074 Abramowski, Edward, 2118 Acculturation, 842 Abelard, 1179 Abrams, Philip, 576, 1195, 1197 African, 64–65 Abell, Peter, 2297 Abramson, Lauren, 651, 652 Mexican, 1858, 1861 Abelson, R. P., 335 Abramson, Paul, 3222, 3223 Accumulative advantage (Merton Åberg, Rune, 2452 concept), 2691 Abridged Life Table, 613, 615 Åbo Academy, 2450, 2451 Accusatory vs. inquisitorial legal Abruzzese, Alberto, 1473 Abolafia, Mitchell, 738–739 model, 479 Abruzzese, Salvatore, 1473 Abolitionism, 2270, 2725 Achen, Christopher H., 1595 Abscam, 2127–2128 Aborigines, 1069, 3079 Achievement syndrome, 848 Absolute judgment, 597–598 Abortion, 2238–2241 Achievement-oriented society, 485 Absolute monarchy, 2356 antiabortion activity, 2240, 2266, ACLS. See American Council of 2277, 2717, 2723 Absolute properties of Learned Societies criminalization effects, 2240–2241 collectives, 1592 ACLU. See American Civil and fertility determinants, 1006 Absolutism. See Dictatorship Liberties Union legal challenges to, 2240 Abstract groups, 2298 Acquaintance rape, 2558–2559, 2577 legalization, 2240–2241 Abstracting and indexing services, Acquaviva, Sabino, 1469, 1470 and legislation of morality, 1608–1609 Acquired immune deficiency 1579, 1580 citation indexes, 1610–1611 syndrome. See AIDS/HIV

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Acta Sociologica (journal), 2451 peer pressure in, 1057 as divorce ground, 701, 1737 Actes de la recherche en sciences pregnancy rates, 488, 2032, 2235 Adulthood, 25–41 sociales, 1027 and self-esteem, 2513, 2534 accommodation and, 33 ACTH (adrenocorticotropic sexual behavior patterns, age norms, 29, 30, 31 hormone), 652 2551–2553 alcohol consumption rates, 95 Action sexual orientation, 2552–2553 assumption of, 25 values as transcending, 3213 social historical perspective on, 3, attachment styles, 2068 Weber’s four typologies of, 4–6 childfree, 109–111 2519–2520 socialization, 10–11, 34, delayed onset, 26, 27 Action, collective. See Collective 2852–2860, 2861 divorce effects, 706, 707–709 behavior socioeconomic status and health education continuation. See Adult Action theory, 1080 behavior, 1129 education Activities of daily living (ADL), 1653, and suicide, 3078, 3080 and family formation, 27, 1654, 1655, 1667 and temporary work, 1724 28, 34, 35 Adams, Bert N., 485–486 transition markers in, 6, 7, 8, 9 and financial independence, 29 Adams, John, 273, 584 work experience, 8–9, 11–12, and gender roles, 30, 33, 34 Adaptive behavior 13, 34 goals of, 33 by religious organizations, 2379 and youth subculture, 512, 514 and labor force participation, personal dependency and, 2066 See also Gangs; Juvenile 3262–3263 Addiction. See Alcohol; Drug abuse delinquency, theories of; and moral development, 1900, Adkins, Janet, 3085 Juvenile delinquency and 1903–1904 juvenile crime ADL (activities of daily living) scales, obstacles to, 27 Adoption (of children), 597–598 1653, 1654, 1655, 1667 and occupational and career Adler, Alfred, 1714, 1715, 1717, by gays and lesbians, 315 mobility, 1892–1894 1718, 2084, 2088 Adoption (of innovation), 677, parental relations, 2037–2038 678–679 Adler, Nathan, 460 parental roles, 27, 28, 2031–2038 diffusion research, 86–91 Administration, Weber’s three and personal dependency, types of, 230 rural sociology on, 2430 2063–2064 Adolescence, 1–18 Adorno, Theodor, 822, 1027, 2986 prerogatives of, 25 acquaintence rape, 2577 on authoritarian personality, psychological orientations in, abortion rates, 2235 317, 334, 540 32–33 acquaintance rape, 2588 and critical theory, 539, race and transition to, 35 540–541, 542, 544 AIDS/HIV risk, 2585, 2586–2587 and residence, 26, 29 alcohol use, 94, 95 and genocide theory, 1070 rituals of, 29 anomie and strain theories, 166 and German sociology, 1075, role adaptation, 32–36 1076, 1077, 1078, 1079 attitude formation, 185 and self-concept, 2508 on mass culture, 173, 1645 changing norms of, 1, 3 and social class, 33 ADPSS. See Instituto Superiore di drug abuse concerns, 710–711, socialization in, 2860, 2861–2862 Sociologia 712–713 and structural lag, 3063 Adreotti, Giulio, 2129 duration of, 5, 6 subjective indicators of, 25 Adult day care, 1657 and education, 10–11 subjective transition to, 28–30 Adult education, 18–25 educational attainment transition markers in, 7, 25, 27, acceleration of, 22, 23, 3064 predictors, 2784 28–32, 36, 2861 contemporary structures, 22–24 fertility determinants, 1005, 1010 transition variations in, 26–28 participatory research, 2039, health assessment in, 1131 Advance directives, 585–586, 587, 2040, 2041 interdisciplinary study of, 2 3064, 3083 providers of, 18, 19, 21 life course focus, 2, 3–9, 12–13, Advanced degrees, in postindustrial 1620, 2861 and structural lag, 3064 society, 2196–2197 and music, 1926 types of, 18–20 Advanced industrial societies. See and parents’ relationship, 2037 Adultery, 2541–2545 Postindustrial society

3292 INDEX

Advanced Theory of Statistics legal meaning of, 47 See also African studies; specific (Kendall), 3035 political correctness and, countries; Sub-Saharan Africa Advances in Field Theory (Wheelan et 2140, 2141 African American studies, 53–59 al.), 1013 quotas and, 49 African studies inclusion, 67 Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, The requirements of, 48 AIDS/HIV risks, 2587, 2590 (Twain), 277 as reverse discrimination, 2706 alcohol consumption rates, 94–95 Aesthetics, 1925 salary differentials and, 690, 692 alienation, 101–102 Aetna (health insurance set-aside programs in, 49, 50 assimilation, 843–844 provider), 1822 social justice beliefs and, 2706 attributional patterns, 196 Affect Balance Scale, 2303, births per woman, 2032 2304, 2306 Supreme Court cases, 50–51 case studies, 243, 244, 245 Affect, Cognition, and Stereotyping Affluence. See Wealth (Mackie and Hamilton eds.), 2244 Afghanistan census undercounts, 286 childhood poverty rates, 127 Affect control theory and impression Islamic fundamentalism, 2371, formation, 41–47 3288 city-suburb disparities, 3072 applications of, 45–46 sociodemographic profile, 2938 clinical sociology clinics, 326 cultural norms and, 2528 AFL, 1530 direct and indirect discrimination, 54–57, 143, emotions and, 43, 44–45, 780, AFL-CIO, 1532, 2148–2149 689, 691, 692, 693, 2333 2527–2528 Africa impression formation and divorce effects, 704–705, 707 abortion illegality, 2240, 2241 management, 42–44, 2506, divorce potential, 112, 126 age-set societies, 1623 2776 educational attainment, 2931, mathematical formulation, 1790 AIDS/HIV epidemic, 2585, 2591, 2932–2933 2592–2593 sentiments and, 2521 environmental equity, 789 art, 173 social perception and, 2750–2753 equality of opportunity, 826, 845 colonization, 1934 social stimuli and, 2774 experiential communities, 245 Demographic and Health Affective aggression, 68–69 feminist theory, 545 Surveys, 633 Affective-cognitive consistency filial responsibility, 1020 dependency theory and, 643, 644 model, 335, 337 genocide charges, 1071–1072 ethnonationalism, 1934, 1948 Affines, 1509 historical marriage and family fertility determinants, 1006 Affinity, 2632 structures, 121–122 Affirmative action, 47–53 fertility rates, 219–220 homelessness, 1204 admissions policies, 50, 51 fertility transitions, 627–628, household income, 1279, 1280 1008, 2178 backlash against, 2140, 2267, illegitimacy, 1259 2499, 2706 health-care systems, 381 illicit drug convictions, 714 bans on, 51 historical empires, 2999 income inequality, 3048 categories affected, 48–49 legal ethnography, 1549, 1550 infant and child mortality, 1328 civil rights and, 47, 48, 49, life expectancy, 623 intelligence testing, 1360, 2330 2496, 2497 military dictatorships, 3002, 3003 interracial marriage civil service examinations and, 49 multilingualism, 2909 demographics, 124, 1776 consent decrees and, 49 national boundaries, 1934 Islam adherents, 2950 controversy in, 47, 49 political and governmental job segregation, 3264–3265 as discrimination remedy, corruption, 2132–2134 juvenile crime rates, 1490, 1491 693, 694 population factors, 2182 language and dialects, 2901 enforcement of, 47 poverty in, 2216 life expectancy, 1631 equality of opportunity and, slave trade from, 320, 321 marriage demographics, 124, 49, 833 slavery and involuntary servitude 1775, 1776 gender and, 50, 1063 in, 2501–2503, 2604–2608 military service, 1879, 1880 goals and timetables, 48 sub-Saharan population growth, music, 1926 government contracts and, 49, 50 628, 1008 nonmarital childbearing, 125

3293 INDEX

per capita income, 1280 relgious core myths and rituals, Uniform Crime Reports political alienation, 102–103 3281–3282 definition, 492 poverty level, 2215 unifying themes, 65–66 victimization rates, 499 poverty theories, 1287, 2333– Afrocentricity, 54, 2140 Aggregate data analysis, voting 2334 Against Our Will: Men, Women, and behavior, 3232–3233 prejudice, 2243–2246 Rape (Brownmiller), 2587, Aggregate (ecological) level professional representation, 2260 2589–2590, 2592 relationships, vs. individual level effects, 1594–1595 protest movements, 2266 Agarwal, Priya, 180 See also Civil rights movement Age appropriateness, life cycle and, Aggregative fallacies, 1592 remarriage rates, 126, 2388 1623, 1625, 1626 statistical analysis of, 1593–1594 residential segregation indices, Age Discrimination in Employment Aggression, 68–78 57, 2500–2505 Act, 1397 affective vs. instrumental, 68–69 retirement, 2407 Age effects, definition of, 80, 81 as sexual violence factor, 72, rural conditions, 2428–2429 Age frequency distribution, 659 2576–2583 segregation and desegregation, Age of Reason, 2206 basic definitions of, 68–69 2491–2499, 2601, 2608 Age patterns causes of, 69–75, 2774 slave experience, 54–58, 64, cohabitation, 1750 collective, 349, 2777 121–122, 320, 321, 2491–2492, crude death rate, 610–611 cues, 74 2599–2601 divorce rates, 1742, 1743, escalation cycle, 74–75 social deprivations, 322 1745–1747 frustration leading to, 73, sociolinguistics, 2901, 2908–2909 first marriage rates, 620, 1425, 349, 2670 status attainment, 3044, 3046 1742, 1743, 1744–1745 and genocide, 1070 stereotypes, 64, 2243 life-course variations, 1618 inhibiting factors, 2774 subculture of male violence, remarriage rates, 1742, 1743, intervention, 75–76 664, 665, 666 1748 macro-level theories of deviance suburbanization, 3074–3075 spousal, 1744 on, 664, 671 suicide rates, 3078, 3079 underemployment, 1721, 1724 media violence effects on, 272, underemployment, 1721, 1722 See also Birth and death rates; 1762–1763, 2858 urban migration, 532 Cohort perspectives meta-analysis of sex differences urban riots, 555–556, 557, 558 Age pyramids, 609–612, 635 in, 2531–2532 urban underclass, 3198–3200 as bar graph, 610, 611, 612 modeling theory and, 2858 white immigrant experience cohort perspective, 345, 609 removal of self-regulatory comparison, 2333–2334 Age stratification theory, 79–80 inhibitors to, 74 white-black relations theories, rewarding outcomes of, 2774 53–54, 56 Agency concept, 221, 1854, 2217, 2220, 2221 self-esteem and, 72, 2516– and Wisconsin model, 2784 Marxist, 2645 2517, 2777 women in labor force, 123 and revolutions, 2414 self-presentation and, 2506 See also Class and race; Race as sexual violence factor, 72, 2591 African National Congress Agency for Health Care Policy and sibling, 331 (ANC), 2047 Research, 1157, 2399–2400, 2401 social exchange theory on, 2670 African primitive art, 173 Agency for International Development, 932 social learning theory on, African slave trade, 54, 320, 321, 70–71, 75, 1716 2597, 2598, 2599, 2600, 2601 Agenda-control power, 2165–2166 African studies, 60–68 Agersnap, Torben, 2451 See also Crime, theories of; Crime rates; Juvenile delinquency American scholarship, 66–67 Age-set societies, 1623, 1624 and crime; Sexual violence Age-standardized crude death rate cultural and social institutions, and exploitation; Violence 63–65 (ASCDR), 611, 613 AGIL (Adaptation, Goal attainment, Ageton, Suzanne, 1492 and geography, 60 Integration, Latent Pattern participatory research, 2040 Aggravated assault Maintenance) system, 1554–1555, and peoples, 61–63 absolute rates, 497 1559–1560, 1978, 2005

3294 INDEX

Aging. See Aging and the life course; life endurancy and, 1631–1632 and development of cities, Cohort perspectives; Filial life span and, 1631 305–306, 634 responsibility; Intergenerational life-course trajectories and, in Indonesia, 2976–2977 relations; Intergenerational 83–85, 1614–1621 Marxist theory on, 2460–2461 resource transfer; Long-term in Mexico, 1858 care; Long-term care facilities; long-term care and care facilities, Retirement; Widowhood 1652–1678, 1826 and modernization theory, 1885 ‘‘Aging and Dying’’ (Marshall and mental illness rate decrease, in newly industrializing Levy), 583 1838–1839 countries, 1317 Aging and Society (Riley et al.), 1618 moral judgment and, 1903–1904 and rural sociology, 86–91, 677, Aging and the life course, 78–86 morbidity and, 1137 678, 2429, 2431–2433 age-period-cohort effects, 80–81 never-married population, 125 Agriculture Department, U.S., 88, 148, 2214, 2235, 2283 alcohol consumption patterns, 94 ‘‘new’’ old people, 345, 3061 AHCPR. See Agency for Health Care American family patterns, person-centered research, 84–85 Policy and Research 120, 129 phenomenological investigation, AHEAD. See Asset and Health case studies, 244–245 2103 Dynamics Among the Oldest Old cohort perspectives, 342–347 primary/secondary, 1137 Ahlquist, Karen, 1925 as demographic factor, 636 quality-of-life research, 2300, AHS. See Association for Humanist 2304–2305 demography of, 1159 Sociology religion and, 2965 depression risk, 652, 653, Aid to Families with Dependent 656, 1839 remarriage rate, 1779 Children, 967, 1284, 1286, 1288, effect of childlessness on, retirement and, 2401–2410 2799, 2803, 2804, 2961, 3198 110–111 sexual behavior patterns, AIDS/HIV, 2585–2592 effects of early life 2555–2556 and Asian sex trade, 2607 decisions on, 83 social definitions of, 1315 bisexuality as risk factor, 2559, effects of early traumas and social security systems and, 2795, 2586, 2590 deprivations on, 82–83 2798–2799, 2802–2803 and civil liberties, 316, 318 eldercare provisions, 129–130, social structural changes and, and condom protection, 957, 1019 3064–3065 2559, 2560, 2586, 2587, 2590, family structure trends and, 129, social structures and, 345–346, 2592, 2593 925–926 3063–3064 and courtship practices, 487, 489 female population, 2177 socioeconomic status and, 1138 death rates, 222, 224, 2592 filial responsibility and, 1018 structural lag concept, 3060–3062 depression in patients, 656 gender issues and, 83 suicide rate, 3078 epidemiology, 814, 2576 health assessment, 1131 welfare-state convergence theory gay men and, 112, 2555, 2559, health behavior, 1139 and, 426–427 2570, 2585–2586, 2587, 2588, health care, 1139 widowhood and, 3256–3257 2590, 2591 health promotion and, 1168–1169 See also Life course international situation, 2591– heterogeneity research, 81–82 Agnew, Robert, 166, 664 2593 history-personal biography Agnew, Spiro, 2126 intravenous (IV) drug use and, interrelationship, 82 712, 2576, 2577, 2578, 2579, Agnosticism, 2383 increased numbers of 2580, 2582 Agrarian political parties, 2155 elderly, 2180 legislation of morality and, 1579 Agrarian society, 2810, 2811 intergenerational relations, 1018, prostitution and, 2559, 2560, 1386, 2037–2038, 2707 transition from, 2176 2561, 2582, 2607 Japanese sociology on, 1482 Agribusiness, 2433 rape and, 2576, 2585 labor-force participation and, Agricultural innovation, 86–92 research history, 2586–2690 1524 adoption-diffusion of, 86–91, 677, risk factors in United States, leisure and, 1585–1587 678, 2460 2586–2588 in less developed countries, 931 agribusiness and, 1222 risk reduction in United States, and life cycle transitions, 1624 capital requirements, 1222 2588–2591

3295 INDEX

as sexual behavior research Prohibition/organized crime postmodern cultural theory impetus, 2550, 2561, relationship, 2019, 2127 and, 2173 2585–2587 as rape excuse, 2577 stable measurement of, 2346, and sexually risky behavior, religion and, 94–95 2350–2352 2559, 2586 sexually transmitted diseases and, and work orientation, 3270 Ajax (Trojan hero), 3079 2587, 2588, 2589 Alinksy, Saul, 325 Ajzen-Fishbein model, 2785 social characteristics in use of, Allah, 3280, 3284 Akan, 54 93–96 Allardt, Erik, 2450 Akbar (king of India), 3287 See also Alcoholism; Drug abuse Allen, Carolyn, 1648 Ake, Claude, 641 Alcohol, Drug Abuse, and Mental Allgeier, Elizabeth Rice, 2558 Akers, Ronald, 667 Health Administration, 1157 Allied Irish Bank, 1042 Alamán, Lucas, 1856 Alcohol myopia, 73–74 Allison, Graham, 3244 Alan Guttmacher Institute, 2239 Alcoholics Anonymous, 96, 715, 853 Allison, Scott T., 3222 Alapuro, Risto, 2452 Alcoholism, 95–97 Allocation theory. See Alaskan Natives, 95 depression and, 655 Credentials theory Alba, Richard, 843 disease concept, 96–97, 1816 Allport, Floyd, 679 Albania, sociodemographic as divorce factor, 1737 Allport, Gordon, 1400, 2084, 2085, profile, 2938 genetic factors, 97 2087, 3214 Albanians (ethnic), 2362, 2608 health risks, 93, 94, 1640 All-Russian Public Opinion Research Center, 2982 Alberoni, Francesco, 1469, 1470 and life course, 1839 All-volunteer force (AVF), 1877– Albert, Hans, 822, 1077 medical treatment of, 521 1881, 1882 Albigensian heresy, 2968 medicalization of, 1816 Almond, G., 2917 Albrecht, Milton, 172–173 racial, ethnic, and religious Altercasting, 3097 Albright, Madeleine, 1064, 1244 factors, 94–95, 135 Alternative dispute resolution, 1550 as self-destructive behavior, 3077 Albrow, Martin, 227 Alternative lifestyles, 106–114 stigmatization of, 1815 Alcohol, 92–99 childfree adults, 109–111, 634, aggression linked with, 73–74, as suicide predictor, 3078– 1506, 1625, 2035 3079, 3081 984–985 and companionship family bankruptcy linked with, 205 Alexander II, Pope, 2967–2968 concept, 1506 community assessment Alexander, Jeffrey, 1704, 1710 countercultures, 459–462 process, 366 Alexis Carrel Foundation, 1026 as demographic research area, consumption decline, 95 Alford, Robert, 2166 636–636 and criminalization of deviance, ALFs. See Assisted living facilities divorce and remarriage, 112–113, 521, 525, 526 Alger, Chadwick F., 1948 126, 2387–2393 death rates from, 1640 Algeria, 1865, 1866 and family size, 977 and drunk driving, 93, 164–165, anticolonial revolution, 3001 gay and lesbian, 111–112, 1640, 1641 2545–2547, 2567 corruption in, 2132 and drunk-driving reform See also Cohabitation; Singlehood fertility decline, 628 movements, 2722, 2725, 2877 Alternative medicines, 654–655 interethnic hate, 2529 ethnicity and, 94–95 Althauser, Ronald P., 1985– sociodemographic profile, 2938 Finnish studies, 2451, 2453 1986, 1987 and terrorism, 3137 gender and, 94, 1640–1641 Althusser, Louis, 226, 721, 1645, and wartime rape, 2580 homelessness and, 1204 1753, 1784 Alienation, 99–106 incest and, 1274 Altruism, 114–120 critical theory and, 540 and legislation of morality, definition of, 114 1576–1577 definitions of, 99–100 during disaster, 684 peer influence and use of, 667 Marxist theory of, 100, 697, 1705 family care, 1657–1658 physical effects of, 92–93, measurement of, 100–102 history of, 114–115 1640, 1642 political, 100–104 parental, 1508

3296 INDEX

reciprocal, 115, 1657–1658, 2882, American Demographics Index of Well- responsibility; 2883–2884 Being, 2687 Intergenerational relations; research on, 116–117, 2774 American Economic Review, The, 2920 Intergenerational resource transfers; Kinship and self-presentation and, 2506 American Educational family types situational variables, 116–117 Association, 3207 American Federation of Labor, 1530 as socialist ideal, 2847 American Enterprise Institute, 1601 American Federation of Labor- sociobiological view of, 115, 118, American Evaluation Association, 864, 866 Congress of Industrial 2882–2884 Organization, 1532, 2148–2149 American Evasion of Philosophy, The sociological context of, 117–118 (West), 2220 American Federation of State, theories of, 115, 2774 County, and Municipal American Express Company, 2402 and values research methods, Employees, 372 American families, 120–133, 142 3220, 3221 American Fertility Association, 2588 African American, 121–122, 2333 ‘‘Altruism and Prosocial Behavior’’ American Hospital Association, 588 American Indian, 120–121, 134 (Batson), 118 American Indian Movement, blended, 112–113, 126, Alwin, Duane F., 2704, 2706 137, 1298 2390–2391 Alzheimer’s disease, 1839 American Indian Policy Review childbearing patterns, 125, Commission (1976), 136 AMA. See American Medical 2032–2033 Association American Indian studies, 133–140 cross-national comparisons, 130 Ambedkar, B. R., 251 alcohol abuse rates, 95, 135 division of labor in, 1, 122, 2034 Ambiguity anthropological, 2888, 2890 effects of long-term trends on, authoritarian personality’s 127–130 demographic, 133–134 intolerance of, 334 elder members, 120, 129–130 and dependency theory, 134–135 conformity experiments, 401, 402 historical gender roles, 122 discrimination, 57, 58, 135 and emergence of crowd historical overview, 120–124 divorce rates, 126 behavior, 558 immigration effects, 122–123 family structures, 120–121, 134 replication and, 2396 kinship system, 1502–1503, 1504, interracial marriage Ambrosini, Maurizio, 1472 1511, 1514–1515 demographics, 1776 Amerasia (journal), 179 labor-force participation, 1524, life expectancy, 1169 American Academy of Arts and 1525–1526 pan-Indian movement, 136–137 Sciences, 1039, 2682 life-cycle perspective, 1625 political and legal status, 135–136 Fundamentalism Project, 2372, marital laws on affines and potlatch reciprocity, 2883–2884 2945 cousins, 1509 religious experience and symbols, American Anti-Slavery Society, 2270 marriage and, 1734, 1735, 1738 3277–3278, 3279, 3281, 3282 American Association of Retired Middletown study findings, 364 reservation conditions, 135 Persons, 2148 and military sociology, 1882 social and economic status, American Betrayed (Grodzin), 181 monolithic model, 106 134–135 American Board of Internal parental coalitions, 331 tribal genocidal massacres, 1070 Medicine, 588 parental rewards and costs, tribal sovereignty doctrine, 136 American Cancer Society, 588 2034–2035 underemployment, 1721 American Civil Liberties Union, parental subsidies, 2035 urbanization, 136–137 315–316, 318 single-parent. See Single-parent See also Indigenous peoples American College of Physicians, 588 households American Journal of Sociology, 176, American Committee for the structural modifications, 113 325, 583, 735, 1528, 1606 Outlawry of War, 2270 two-child norm, 2182 Middle Eastern studies articles, American Community Survey, 284–285 values, 106 1864, 1870 American Council of Christian widowhood, 126 on research funding sources, Churches, 2370 See also Alternative lifestyles; 2398, 2399 American Council of Learned Divorce; Family and sociology of literature Societies, 406 household structure; Filial articles, 1646

3297 INDEX

American Legion, 3230 blue laws, 1560 education and status attainment, American Lives (Clausen), 1616, 1620 as capitalistic, 99, 143–144 1987–1988, 2713–2714, 2783–2784, 2929–2934, American Medical Association, case studies, 243–248 3043, 3045 1148, 2261 censorship and regulation of educational institutions, 145, lobbying activity, 1826 expression in, 268, 270–279 762–770 Patient Self-Determination Act, census, 282–287, 493 and endogamy, 634 586–587, 588 characteristics of, 140–141 ‘‘equal pay for equal work’’ American Medical International, childhood sexual abuse data, 289 right, 372 1821 childless marriages in, 2035 and ethnic minority American National Elections church-state separation, 146, socialization, 2862 Studies, 2476 2356, 2357, 2358 and ethnic status American Occupational Structure, The city systems, 306–307 incongruence, 3051 (Blau and Duncan), 260–261, class and race in, 319, 321–323 2713, 3035–3036 fertility decline study, 626 class-based voting, 604 American Pain Society, 588 fertility transitions, 1007, and clinical sociology history, 2178, 2180 American Prospect, The (Winter), 368 323–326 foreign-controlled pharmaceutical American Psychiatric Association, and Cold War-era triad, 332 companies, 1827 111, 1832–1833 common law system, 465– ‘‘frontier mentality,’’ 1933 American Psychological Association, 472, 476, 477 1360, 1876 fundamentalism in, 2361, communitarianism, 361 2368–2373 conference on death (1956), 581 community studies and reform, and globalization, 140 validity standards, 3207, 364–366 3210, 3211 government publications, 1613 comparative health-care systems, and governmental division of American Revolution, 473–474, 374, 375, 376, 377, 379 2138, 2865, 3000, 3229 power, 1954 complex organizations, 143–144 American society, 140–148 health care industry, 1818–1829 corporate organizations, 442–444 abortion policy and procedures, hegemonic stability theory corruption in, 2124–2128 2180, 2238, 2239–2240 and, 3242 countercultures, 459–462, 2366 African American studies, 53–59 high infant mortality rate, courtship in, 484–485 130, 140 age-specific fertility rates, 2180 crime data sources, 492–498 higher education focus, 1180 age-stratification system, 1623 crime surveys, 498–500 homicide rate, 68 aging population, 3061 criminological theory, 503–505 immigrants and population agricultural innovation, 87–90 cultural anthropology, 2892 changes, 636 AIDS/HIV risk factors, immigration waves, 122–123 2586–2588 daily time use, 3160 as democracy, 603, 606 income distribution, 130, 140, AIDS/HIV risk reduction, 142, 1278–1290, 2705– 2588–2591 and demographic training, 636–637 2706, 3048 alcohol control laws, 1577 denominational affiliations, indirect and direct discrimination alcohol-consumption decline, 95 2376–2377 in, 689–692 alienation theory, 99, 101–104 direct and indirect individualism characterizing, 142 American Indian studies, discrimination, 143, 689–692 industrialization and, 141, 143 133–140 disaster research, 682, 686, 687 infant and child mortality, 633 anomie and, 166 divorce history, 700–703 and intergenerational mobility, anthropological studies, 2888, divorce patterns, 125–126, 2712, 2713–2714 2890, 2893 127–128 Iranian sociologists’ presence in, assimilation and, 143, 178 divorce rates. See subhead 1868–1869, 1870, 1873 bankruptcy sources, 206–207 marriage divorce rates below Islamic presence in, 2380–2381, birth and death rates, 2180 drug abuse rate and treatment, 2950–2951 birth rate decline, 2032 710–718 Jewish affiliations, 2377

3298 INDEX

Jewish population’s success in, and Moral Majority campaign, religious political influence in, 2332, 2333 462, 1580, 2371, 2717, 2361–2362 juvenile violence, 1484–1485, 2719, 2723 remarriage in, 112–113, 1487–1489 national surveys, 578 2387–2393 labor movements, 143, 1528, and nationalist self-determination retirement practices, 2402–2407 1529–1531, 1532–1534 policy, 1945 romantic love complex in, labor-force participation trends, new religious movements, 2366 1698–1699 1524, 3262 occupation and status attainment, rural sociology and, 2426–2429, and language issues, 2908–2909 2785–2786, 3045–3046, 3265 2430–2432 lawyers in, 468–471, 477–478 occupational prestige scores and science-based technologies, 2461 legal system, 473–474, 476, (1964–1989), 1999 478–480 organizational demographics, secondary data analysis and data archives, 2473–2481 legislation of morality, 1575– 395, 396 secularization and, 2484 1577, 1579–1580 organizational restructuring, 2011–2012 segregation and desegregation in, liberalism/conservatism, 1596– 2491–2499 1599 organized crime in, 2018–2021 sexual behavior in, 2537–2548, life expectancy, 114, 196, 199, overlapping identities in, 2549–2561 1628–1631, 2180 1939–1940 sexual harassment issue in, life expectancy ranking, 1631 participatory research, 2040 1880–1881 life histories and narratives, 1633, peace mediation by, 2048 smoking deaths, 1639–1640 1634, 1635 penal policies, 2054–2057 social problems, 2760–2764 life tables, 612, 614, 615, 1630 pluralism vs. political elite debate, Social Science Data Archives, 575, 2624–2625 life-cycle patterns, 1626 576, 579–580 police force development, longitudinal research, 1684 Social Security system, 2795– 2111–2113 long-term care and care facilities, 2799, 2800, 2802, 2803–2805 political correctness in, 1653, 1655, 1656, 1659, 1661, social stratification, 142–143, 2139–2142 1664–1671 2815–2816 political organizations in, long-term care funding, social surveys, 577–578 2148–2149 1658–1659, 1663 socialization agents, 2858, 2862 major institutions, 142–146 political party system in, 2154, 2164 sociomoral politicization in, marginal employment, 1719–1725 2361–2362 and popular culture, 2168–2169, sport sociology in, 2987 marriage and divorce rates, 112, 2170–2172 125–126, 140, 700–706, 1738, and status incongruence, 3054 population, 2180 1741–1749 suburbanization and, 311, pornography in, 2184–2188 See also subhead remarriage below 3070–3076 as postindustrial, 2197, 2199 marriage rates by regions and suicide rates, 3078 poverty in, 2213–2215, 2715 states, 1749–1750 time use research, 3164 power elite consolidation in, 2624 Marxist sociology and, 1754 and tourism, 3167, 3169 pragmatism development in, mass media research, 1761–1766 and transnational corporations, 2217 and mass society theory, 3174–3175, 3176 probation and parole in, 1773–1774 unemployment in, 3263 2252–2259 medical sociology funding Uniform Commercial Code, sources, 1814 as pronatalist, 2034 474, 476 Mexican relations, 1856–1857, protest movements, 2264–2271 urban land use in, 311 1858, 1859, 1860, 1936, 1937 publishing industry, 1648 and urban system, 3194–3196 Middle Eastern migrants to, quality of life, 2300–2301 and urban underclass, 513, 1865–1866, 2380–2381, racial categories, 2332 3198–3200 2950–2951 and rape, 2576–2577, 2579–2580 utopian designs and, 2849, military establishment, 144 religious organizations in, 3203–3204 military sociology, 1875–1882 145–146, 2376–2381, 2485 voluntary associations, 3227–3231

3299 INDEX

voting behavior research, and Society for the Study of Amnesty International, 2723 3233–3238 Social Problems formation, AMOS (computer software), 1914 welfare system beliefs, 2705–2706 2759 Amphetamines, 713 and white-collar crime, 3245– sociology of art program, 172 Amplification theory of 3254 and Soviet sociology, 2980 criminalization, 525 widowed persons in, 3256–3257 Teaching Services Program, 150 Amsterdam Treaty (1997), 1935 and woman suffrage, 703 Web sites, 413, 1606 Amsterdamska, Olga, 2459 See also American family; specific Yinger address on Anal sex, 2567, 2581 aspects of society counterculture to, 460 Analysis, levels of. See Levels of American Sociological Association See also International associations analysis and other sociological in sociology; International ‘‘Analysis of Propaganda: A Clinical associations, 148–157 Sociological Association Summary’’ (Lee), 325 aligned associations, 153 American Sociological Review, 153, Analysis of variance and covariance, 156, 1528, 1606 American Sociological Society, 157–164 1422, 1424 ‘‘Concepts of Culture and Social adjusting for covariates, 161–162 Systems,’’ 565 applied sociology programs, applicability, 163–164 paper on coalition formation 155–156 attribution theory and, 192–193 theories, 330 and Code of Ethics, 836–840 basic concepts and procedures, paper on suicide, 3080 computer access survey, 406 158–160 papers on formal models, 2028 Culture Section, 562, 1646 for bivariate relationship, 661 papers on Middle East, categorical and limited diversity commitment, 156 1864, 1870 dependent variables, 3037– electronic access to journals, 1606 papers on social 3038 founding of, 1422–1423 incongruence, 3049 covariance structure models, goals of, 148 papers on sociology of 3037 literature, 1646 health-policy analysis, 1159 decomposing sums of squares, interdisciplinary ties, 153 on research funding sources, 159–160 2398, 2399 key governance changes, 151–152 definition of variance, 158, American Sociological Society. See and literary sociology, 1646 659–660 American Sociological experimental design and analysis, Mathematical Sociology Association Section, 1791 157–158 American Sociologist (journal), 2042 Medical Sociology Section, 1158, factor analysis and, 905–921, American Soldier, The (Stouffer), 1813, 1814 3036 1876, 1881 membership trends, 148–149 general linear model, 162–163 American Statistician, The interrupted time series, Methodology Section, 3034 (journal), 407, 409 1691–1692 and Middle Eastern American Statistics Index, 1613 less than normally distributed sociology, 1869 American Student Union, 3069 variables, 1796–1800 Peace and War Section, 1876 American Voter, The (Campbell et log-linear model, 3116 political pressures and activism, al.), 3235 longitudinal research and, 153–155, 156 Americans for Better Care of the 1685–1686, 1689, 1691–1692 publications and programs, Dying, 588 in mass media research, 1764 149–150, 1646 Americans with Disability Act, 1133 measures of association and, See also American Sociological America’s Children: Key National 1804–1812, 1966 Review Indicators of Well-Being multivariate models, 2028 Rational Choice Section, 2375 (journal), 2685 nonparametric statistics and, Amin, Idi, 2133 regional and state associations, 1962–1963 152, 153, 154 Amin, Samir, 641, 1706 regression with dummy variables, Section on Microcomputing, 407 Aminzade, Ron, 1707 162–163 sectors of, 1426, 2913 Amish, 89, 460, 461 retrospective data collection and, social survey questionnaires, 578 Ammerman, Nancy, 2378 1685–1686

3300 INDEX

sample selection bias and, Angrosino, Michael, 1636 boundary maintenance 2437–2444 Angyll, Andreas, 2084 concept, 1931 scientific explanation and, Ani, Marimba, 54 and courtship study, 483 2467–2468 Animal Farm (Orwell), 2139 and cross-cultural analysis, specification of variables Animal rights movement, 2722, 3230 547–548, 550, 2893 and, 1803 Animism, 65 cultural approaches, 563, statistical graphics and, 3015, Anisogamy, 2884–2886 564, 567 3018 Annals of Epidemiology cultural diffusion theories, structural equation modeling (Roueché), 814 675–676 (SEM) and, 1922 ‘‘Année School’’ (Durkheim culture and personality studies, summary measures, 160–161 group), 1032 2080–2081 tabular, 3107–3126 Année Sociologique, L’ (journal), 1024, definition of, 2888 and typologies, 3181–3182 1025, 2917–2918 ‘‘emic-etic’’ frame, 550, 564, validity generalization and, ‘‘Anniversary effect’’ (death and 2091–2092, 2889 3210–3211 dying), 584 and ethnography, 852, 853 See also Covariance; Variables Annual Review of Sociology (journal), and feminist theory, 990 Analysis of Variance, The 1606, 2762 and functionalism, 1030 (Scheffé), 3035 Annual Time Series Statistics for the on generative religious Analytic induction, 2297 United States, 2477 movements, 2367 Analytic metatheory, 1852, Annual Vital Health Statistics Report history of field, 2888–2892 1853–1854 (HEW Department), 497 and Latin American studies, 1537 Analytical properties of Annulment, 701, 947 collectives, 1591 Anomaly, definition of, 2025 legal systems comparisons, 1549–1550 Analytical psychology, 1714 Anomie, 164–168 linguistics approach, 2894–2895 Ancestor reverence, 1514–1515 alienation and, 100 methods, 2892–2893 Anchoring phenomenon, 594 broadened meaning of, 165 Ancient Law (Maine), 1545–1546 criminological theory of, 532, 633 and Mexican studies, 1858– 1859, 1861 Andaman islanders, 3079 critical theory and, 544 money theories, 1890–1891 Andersen, Ronald, 1152, 1814 death and dying and, 581 Polish sociology and, 2117–2120 Anderson, Benedict, 2978 division of labor and, 698 Anderson, Bo, 2673, 2702 as Durkheim concept, 164–165, rape explanations, 2579–2580 Anderson, C. A., 73 533, 581, 698, 1493, 1772 sexual behavior in children Anderson, Elijah, 244 institutional theory and, 503 research, 2551 Anderson, Gerard F., 374, 376 juvenile delinquency theory and, and social exchange theory, 2670 Anderson, Irina, 193 166, 1491, 1493–1494 social network studies, 2727, Anderson, K. B., 73 mass society concept and, 1772 2729 Anderson, Malcolm, 1932, 1934, rising expectations and, 1491 socialization concept, 2855 1936 social psychological conceptions sociocultural. See Sociocultural Anderson, Nels, 1203 of, 166–167, 1024 anthropology Anderson, T. W., 3035 strain theory and, 166 values concept, 3212 Andrews, Bernice, 196 suicide and, 165, 3079 See also Ethnography; Ethnology; Andrews, Frank M., 2300, 2303, ANOVA. See Analysis of variance Ethnomethodology 2683–2684 and covariance Antibiotics, 677 Androgyny, 999–1000, 1002 Ansari-Bradley type tests, 1960 Antidepressants, 654, 717 Aneshensel, C., 3057 Anscombe’s quartet, 3011 Anti-drug programs. See Drug abuse, Anfossi, Anna, 1470 Anthony, Susan B., 989 prevention and treatment Anger Anthropological Literature, 1611 Antigua, 2600, 3079 social norms for, 2528 Anthropology Antioch College, ‘‘Foundations of See also Aggression and age-set societies, 1624 Clinical Sociology’’ course, 325 Anglican Church, 701 applied, 2892 Anti-Semitism, 540

3301 INDEX

Nazi policies, 1066, 1067, 1070, Arbitrators, 465 Armed Forces Qualifying Test 1384, 2332 Arbuthnot, John, 1957 (AFQT), 1877 Anti-Slavery International, 2603– Arcadian tradition, 2426 Armenia, 2982 2604, 2607 Arch, Joan, 1815 genocide, 1070, 1384 Antisocial behavior. See Deviance Archaeology, 2889, 2891, 2893 Arminger, Gerhard, 1694 theories Archetypes, 1714 Armstrong, Barbara, 2403, 2406 Anti-toxics movements, 789–790 Architecture, 2259 Army Aberdeen Proving Grounds Antitrust actions, 444 scandal (1996), 1880 postmodern, 2207 Antonovsky, A., 689 Army Research Institute, 1876 Archives. See Library resources and Anxiety services for sociology Arnett, Jeffrey Jensen, 29 as childhood sexual abuse Aron, Raymond, 1025, 1027, sequel, 290 Archives de Sociologie des Religions, 1026 1073, 1356 depression with, 655 Ardigo, Achille, 1468, 1469, 1470 Aronowitz, Stanley, 542 and life course, 1839 Ardigo, Roberto, 1464, 1465 Aronson, E., 339, 340 women’s employment and, 1838 Arditi, Jorge, 2958, 2959 Arranged marriages, 1698, 1775 Aoi, Kazuo, 1480 Arendt, Hannah, 1773 Arrestees Drug Abuse Monitoring APA. See American Psychiatric program, 713 Association; American Argentina Psychological Association demographic characteristics, Arrighi, Giovanni, 1264 Apartheid, 62, 1940, 2047, 2146 1535, 1536 Arrow, Kenneth, 735, 2335, 2339, 2920 abolishment of, 2725 economic liberalization, 1539, Arrowood, A. John, 2650, 2651 and caste system, 250 1540, 1541 Arson, Uniform Crime Reports Apathy, 103, 2627 fertility decline, 627 definition, 492 Appeals court, 471–472, 476 gross national product, 1535 Art and society, 171–174 Applebaum, Barbara, 1904 health-care system, 381 African art, 64 Applied behavior analysis, 215–216 labor movement, 1532 African-American art, 64 Applied science, 2460–2461 political and social conditions, and culture, 567 Applied sociology, 168–171 1536, 1537 emotional depression incidence, American Sociological Argonauts of the Western Pacific 655–656 Association conference, 156 (Malinowski), 2890 associations, 155 Ariès, Philippe, 4, 2090, 2861 marginal categories, 173 basic sociology vs., 168, 2845 Ariga, Nagao, 1477 mass vs. elite culture issue, 173 boundaries of, 169–170 ARIMA (autoregressive moving postmodernity and, 2207 average) models, 2679, 3143– clients of, 169–170 suicide depictions, 3079 3153 internships, 171 Art Worlds (Becker), 1647 Aristocracy, 415–416 rural sociology and, 2427 Artificial intelligence, 410, 1234 Aristotle, 54, 1545, 1587, 2882 and sociological practice, Artisans, 3262 326, 2845 on communitarians, 355 Aruga, Kizaemon, 1478 Apprentice system, 27, 697 on elites, 2623 ASA. See American Sociological ‘‘Approach to Clinical Sociology, A’’ on human character association and other sociological (McDonagh), 326 differences, 1717 associations Apuzzo, Gian Matteo, 2231 on leaders, 1564 ASA Teaching Services Aquino, Corazon, 2131 on passions, 2519 Program, 150 Arab League, 1944 on personality, 2086 Asabiyya concept (social solidarity), Arab Magreb Union, 1944 on social justice, 2697, 2698 2941–2942 Arab studies. See Middle Eastern Arjomand, Said A., 1870 Asai, 356 studies; Islamic societies; Armed forces. See Military Asante, Molefi Kete, 54 Sociology of Islam sociology; War ASCDR (age-standardized crude Araji, S., 2582 Armed Forces and Society death rate), 610–611 Arbetslivsinstiutet (Sweden), 2451 (journal), 1876 Asch, Solomon, 857

3302 INDEX

conformity experiment, 401–402, immigrant newcomers, 180 Association Internationale des 403, 404, 2094, 2616 immigration and restrictions, 123, Sociologues de Langue marijuana use experiment, 523 143, 174–177 Française, 328 Ascher, William, 2678 interracial marriage Association of American University ASEAN (Association of Southeast demographics, 124, 1776 Graduates, 1868 Asian Nations), 2975–2976 occupational clustering, 181–182 Association of Russia (Russian Ash, J., 3167 research areas, 177–182 Sociological Society), 2982 Ashanti, 64, 65 single-gender communities, Assumption drag, 2678 Ashraf, Ahmad, 1870 123, 176 Assumption of homoscedasticity, 449 Asia suburbanization, 3074, 3075 Assumption of linearity, 447 abortion legality, 2240 See also Chinese Americans; Assumption of rectilinearity, 447 AIDS/HIV demographics, Japanese Americans; Korean Assyrian Empire, 1069, 2998 2591–2592 Americans; Vietnamese Asthma, 1640 Americans authoritarian Aston University, 232 Asian-American Studies Center communitarianism, 356 Asymptotic distribution theory, (University of California), 179 child labor, 3262 1957–1958 Asksum Empire, 2999 Demographic and Health Atal, Yogesh, 1292 Asplund, Johan, 2452 Surveys, 633 Ataturk, 2411, 2485 Asquith, H. H., 225 demographic transitions, 627 Atheism, public tolerance for, Assault. See Aggression; Aggravated dependency theory and, 642 316, 317 assault; Sexual violence and economic crisis, 729–730 exploitation; Violence Athletics. See Sport fertility determinants, 1006 Assembly line, 697, 699 Atkins, John R., 1513 fertility rate decline, 220, Assertiveness, aggression vs., 68 Atkinson, A. B., 2501 1008, 2178 Asset and Health Dynamics Among Atkinson, Robert, 1636 governmental and political the Oldest Old, 344 Atkinson Index, 2501 corruption, 2130–2131 Assimilation Atlantic slave trade. See African labor force composition, 3262 in American society, 143, 178 slave trade labor movements, 1532 Asian-American studies, 177, ATLAS/ti (computer software), 420 life expectancy, 623 178–179, 181 Atomist materialism, 1780–1781 preference for male babies, 627 ethnicity and, 178–179, 842–844 Attachment racial traits, 2331 of homosexual subculture, 2571 and social belonging, 2631, 2632 sex trade, 2607 and immigrant as social control, 2658 slavery and involuntary servitude, suburbanization, 3075 types of, 2632 2602–2603, 2604–2608 politically correct diversity vs., Attachment theory, 2066–2067, Southeast Asia studies, 2974– 2139–2140 2068, 2090 2978 power-conflict analysis vs., 53–54 Attainment model, 1692, 2817 See also specific countries religions and, 3288 Attention deficit hyperactivity Asian-American studies, 174–184 subcultures resisting, 459 disorder, 70 as academic discipline, 179–182 See also Multiculturalism Attenuated correlations, 1909 AIDS/HIV risk, 2590 Assisted living facilities, 1663, 1826 Attica prison (New York State), 2054 assimilation model, 177, Assisted suicide, 585, 586–587, 3083, 178–179, 181 Attitude Interest Analysis Test, 999 3084–3086 attribution and, 194 Attitudes, 184–192 Associated-dependent of aggression-prone people, 72 demographic characteristics, development, 642 175–177 balance theory and, 187, 335 Association. See Measures of discrimination, 58, 174, 175 association behavior relationship, 189 discrimination consequences, Association for Health Services belief and, 184 175–177 Research, 1158 communication-persuasion divorce potential, 126 Association for Humanist Sociology, paradigm and, 188 household structures, 127 326, 1247 congruency theory and, 336

3303 INDEX

construct validity and, 190 intentional/unintentional Social Science Data Archive, 576 definition of, 184 behavior and, 192, 194 social security system, 2797 dissonance theory and, 187– intergroup, 197 Austro-Hungarian Empire, 2362, 188, 339 interpersonal, 196–197, 2751– 2998, 3001 as employment evaluation 2752 Ausubel, D. P., 2088, 2090 influence, 1994 major theories of, 192–196 Authoritarian personality toward extramarital sex, 2542 measurement and methodology, Adorno theory, 317, 334, 540 194–195 toward premarital sex, 2568 cognitive consistency theory, 334 and prejudice, 2244 factors in changing, 188–189 object relations theory, 2064 on self-concept development, formation of, 184–185 Authoritarianism 2507, 2856 functions of, 185 communitarian, 356 societal, 197–198 as indicators, 190–191 dictatorship, 2163, 2356, 3002 sociological significance of, measurement of, 185–186, 190 196–198 kingdoms and empires, 2999–3000 organization of, 186–188 stereotypes and, 197–198, 2244 persuasion and, 2094–2098 Attrition, in panel studies, 1691 and persuasion, 2096 phenomenological theory on, Aubert, Vilhelm, 2450 and protest movement violence, 2270 2101–2102 ‘‘Audience effect,’’ 2615 as reaction to nationalist pragmatist study of, 2220 Audio information-capturing movements, 3002 reasoned action theory and, 189 technologies, 418–419 structural view of, 2163 role theory and, 2418 Augustine of Hippo, Saint, 1507 and systems theory, 3103 sentiments and, 2525 Augustus, John, 2253 See also Autocracy; Patriarchy on singlehood, 107 Austin, John, 1428 Authority situational constraints of, 189 Australia compliance with, 404 social institutions and, 185 aboriginal art, 173 conflict theory on, 415–416 source of, 189 aborigines, 3079 cultural values variation on, 3224 stability of, 188–189 common law system, 465, 471 hierarchical division of labor stereotypes and, 184, 185, 189 educational status attainment, 2784–2785 and, 696 survey research on, 3087–3094 fertility transitions, 1007 as perception of just power, values differentiated from, 2165, 2997 2828–2829 foreign-controlled pharmaceutical companies, 1827 political crime and, 2143–2146 voting behavior research on, revolution and, 415–416 3233–3234 indigenous genocide, 1069 long-term care and care sentiments and, 2519–2521 white racial, 2245–2246 facilities, 1661 as social capital element, See also Compliance and Muslim minorities, 2950, 2951 2638–2639 conformity; Liberalism/ and social exchange, 2673 conservatism; Prejudice; Public racial conflict, 321 opinion; Social values and Social Science Data Archive, Weber’s typologies, 229–230, norms; Stereotypes 576, 2477 2519–2520 Attorney General’s Commission on social security system, 2797, 2800 Autobiographies, 1636–1637 Obscenity and Pornography, woman suffrage, 703 See also Autoethnography 2184, 2185 Australian Social Trends (report), Autobiography of a Drug Addict, The Attractiveness, mate selection 2685 (Hughes), 243 and, 1777 Austria Autocracy Attribution theory, 192–200 civil law system, 477 democracy vs., 605, 606 context of, 195–196 ethnic status incongruence, 3051 leadership effectiveness in, 1565 covariational model of, 193 high suicide rate, 3079, 3082 and war initiation, 3244 definition of, 192 labor market structure, 1987, Autoethnography, 852, 1636– fundamental attribution error, 1988 1637, 2291 194, 2751 political party system, 2159 and case studies, 245

3304 INDEX

reflexive, 2293 social security funding and, Ball-Rokeach, Sandra J., 3213, 3214 Automation, 239, 699, 3266 2803, 2804 Baltes, Margaret M., 1617 Automobiles and social structural Baltes, Paul B., 1617 responses, 3063 accident risk, 2877 Baltic states, 1934, 1945, 2362 Babylon, destruction of, 1069 assembly line production, post-communist transition in, 696, 699 Babylonian Empire, 2998, 2999 2136 driver education classes, 677 BAC (blood alcohol content), sociology as discipline, 2982 93, 1641 and drunk driving, 93, 164–165, Balzer, Wolfgang, 2296 ‘‘Back to Africa’’ movements, 66 1640, 1641, 2877 Bandura, Albert, 2084 Bacon, Francis, 2456 and drunk-driving reform social learning theory, 70, movements, 2722, 2725, 2877 Baechler, Jean, 3077–3078 1716–1717, 1895, 2858 labor unions and, 1531 Baglioni, Guido, 1467, 1469 Banfield, Edward, 1467 Mexican industry, 1860 Bahaism, 3287–3288 Bangladesh, 1941 theft, 492, 497–498, 499 Bahr, Howard M., 364, 367 corruption, 2132 Autonomy. See Personal autonomy Bahrain, 1866, 1867 fertility decline, 628, 2179 Autopoiesis, 2088 Bahrdt, Hans Paul, 1076, 1078 slavery and slave-like practices, legal system, 1548, 1557–1559 Bahujan Samaj (Dalit political 2604, 3262 Autoregressive moving average party), 252 sociodemographic profile, 2938 (ARIMA) models, 2679, Bailey, Kenneth D., 3187 time use research, 3161, 3162 3143–3153 Bainbridge, William Sims, 2375, Banishment, 515, 527 Auty, Richard M., 644 2381 Bankruptcy and credit, 201–208 Availability, decision processing, 593 Bakan, David, 2058 causes of, 204–205 Average. See Mean (statistical) Baker, C. E., 269 consumer debt and, 206–207 Aversive consequences, dissonance Baker, David, 1515, 2929 international credit issues, 207 from, 339–340 Baker, Patrick, 1212 Latin American debt crisis Aversive racism, 2245 Baker, Paul, 583 (1980s), 1540 Aversive stimulation, aggression Bakhtin, Mikhail, 1758 life cycle and, 1625 and, 73 BAL (blood alcohol level), 93 myths about, 205–206 Avoidance, as childhood sexual Balance of power systems, regional variations, 203–204 abuse sequel, 290–291 332–333, 3242 trends in, 203–204 Avolio, B., 1566 Balance theory, 335–336 types of, 202–203 Axelrod, Robert M., 596, 1791 attitudes and, 187 voluntary/involuntary, 202 Axiomatic theory, 1787–1788 in family and kinship, 1511–1512 white-collar crime and, 3246, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe in history of the state, 2998 (Lemkin), 1066 3250, 3253 and social networks, 2731 Azerbaijan, 2362 Banks, Arthur, 2917 Balanced Budget Act of 1997, Banks, J. A., 225 nationalism, 1871, 1945 1144, 1146 Banks, Olive, 225 Aztec Empire, 2999 Balbo, Laura, 1472 Banton, Michael, 225, 2114, Baldwin, James Mark, 2089 2415, 2417 B Bales, Kevin, 228 Babeuf, Gracchus, 1066 Baptists, 95 Bales, Robert F., 432, 696, 1014, Bar graphs, 659, 3008–3009, 3010 baby boom 1565, 2666 Baran, Paul, 641, 1087 alienation and, 1, 100 and observation systems, 1974, cohort effects, 80, 100, 345, 1975, 1976, 1979, 1980 Barbados, 2600, 3263 1625, 2678 and small groups research, 2613, Barbalet, Jack, 786–787 demographic assumption drag 2614, 2620 Barbano, Filippo, 1469, 1470 and, 2678 Balkans, 1934, 1948 Barbe, Carlos, 1472 divorce rate and, 1747 See also Eastern Europe; specific Barbieri Masini, Eleonora, 1037, fertility rate anomaly and, 1525 countries 1038, 1040 marriage rate decline and, 1741 Balkwell, James W., 1790 Barbituates, 713

3305 INDEX

Barbur, B. R., 269 Baumgartner, F., 2085 leadership and, 1565–1569 Bardes, Barbara, 2280–2281 Baumol, William J., 2668 matching theory in, 214 Bargaining Bavelas, Alex, 1034 operant reinforcement in, distribution of winnings and, 330 Bayesian equilibrium, 330 209–210, 214, 1716, 2085, in group decision making, 597 Bayesian statistical model, 2249, 2670 Barjaba, Kosta, 1472 3039 quantitative law of effect and, 208, 214 Barkey, Karen, 1872 Bayes’s theorem, 590–591, 598 response bias, 213 Barmby, Goodwyn, 355 Bayley, David, 2114 social exchange theory and, 2670 Barnard, Chester, 1080 Bayma, Todd, 1648 social interaction theory and, Barnes, J. A., 2729 BCS. See British Crime Survey 2085 Barnett, James, 172–173 BDI. See Beck Depression Inventory social psychology research and, Baron, Lawrence, 118, 503, 505 BDSP (Grenoble, France), 576 2769–2770 Barotse, 1549 Beach, Frank, 2570 social values and norms and, Beattie, Geoffrey, 193 Barreda, Gabino, 1857 2838–2839 Beauvoir, Simone de, 988, 989, 990 Barrile, Leo, 3252 symbolic interactionism and, Barry, Marion, 2126 Beccaria, Cesare, 528 2856 Barth, F., 1931 Beck, Aaron T., 651, 653 terrorism analysis, 3141 Barthel, D. W., 1653 Beck, E. M., 2481 variable-ratio schedules in, 211 Barthes, Roland, 2168 Beck Depression Inventory, 654 voluntary action and, 209 Bartholomew, David J., 2668, 3036 Becker, David G., 643 Behaviorist psychology, 722, 1015 Barton, Allen, 683, 3182 Becker, G. S., 181, 689 Beijing Conference on Women Base rate information, 591 Becker, Gary, 722, 735, 940, 1009 (1995), 932, 1768 Basel Convention on the Control Becker, Howard S., 173, 243, 244, Bekhterev, V. M., 2979 of Transboundary Movements of 535, 536, 669, 853, 1647, Belarus, 938, 2982 Hazardous Waste and their 1925, 2297 Belgium Disposal (1989), 794 Becker, Marshall, 1814 African colonization by, 60 Bashkar, Roy, 823 Beckford, James, 2378 and ethnic status Basques, 3001 Beckman, J. H., 2301, 2305 incongruence, 3051 BASS (Belgium data archive), 576 Beer, 92, 95 fertility transition, 626 Bass, B. M., 1566, 1567 Beery, Richard G., 2859 legal system, 471, 477 Batelle Institute, 1041 Beethoven, Ludwig van, 1925, 1926 multilingualism, 2909 Bates, Frederick L., 2416 Beezley, Dana A., 2557 political and governmental Bateson, Gregory, 824 Behavior, deviant. See Deviance corruption, 2130 Batista, Fulgencio, 2134 theories political party system, 2159 Batson, C. Daniel, 118 Behaviorism, 208–217 Social Science Data Archive, 576 ‘‘Battered Child Syndrome, The’’ altruism theory, 115 social security system, 2800 (Kempe et al.), 288 applications in education, social surveys, 577 Battered women 215–216 transnational corporations, 3175 case studies of, 247 choice and preference in, Belief and family violence, 981 212–214 and conformity, 2616 Battisti, Francesco, 328 concurrent schedules of reinforcement, 212–213 Baudrillard, Jean, 1307, 2199, 2200, as generalized in collective 2206, 2207 conformity basis, 2616 behavior, 353 Bauer, Raymond A., 2299, 2682 depression theories and, 650–651 and perception of justice, 2697 Baum, Rainer C., 424 deviance theories and, 666–667 as social control, 2658 Bauman, Zygmunt, 1533, 2119, dissonance phenomena and, 339 tensions from feelings 2207, 2983 evolutionary theory and, inconsistent with, 337 Baumeister, R. F., 2513, 2514, 2880–2881 values and, 3213 2515, 2516 and German sociology, 1080 See also Social values and norms

3306 INDEX

Bell, Daniel, 847, 1039, 1345, 1348, Benson, Michael, 2660 Berthelot, J.-M., 1028 1357, 1774, 2484, 2818 Bentham, Jeremy, 355, 528, 1599, Bertilsson, Margareta, 2452 human ecology and 1600, 2087, 2963 Bertocchi, Graziella, 644 environmental analysis, 1218, Bentler, P. M., 2513 Bertranou, Fabio M., 381 1220, 1223, 1224 Bereavement, 582, 584, 649, 650 Best, Joel, 2764 as neoconservative, 1601 and widowhood, 3255, 3257, Best, Steve, 1757 postindustrial theory, 2196, 2197, 3259 2198, 2200, 2205 Best alternatives to nonagreement Bérégovoy, Pierre, 2129 (BATNA), 1955 Bell, Derrick, 58 Berezin, Mabel, 569, 1647 Beteille, Andre, 1292 Bell, Inge Powell, 3069 Berger, Bennett, 460 Bell, Wendell, 1037, 1038, 2501, Betteridge, Anne, 1868 Berger, Brigitte, 1886 2502, 2677 ‘‘Between Universal and Native: The Berger, C. Q., 3155–3156 Bell and Howell Information and Case of Polish Sociology’’ Berger, Gaston, 1038 Learning, 1607, 1608 (Kwasniewicz), 2119 Berger, Joseph, 880, 1790, 2029, Bell Curve, The (Murray and Bevans, George Esdras, 3155 2702, 2704 Herrnstein), 2330 Beyond Self-Interest (Mansbridge), 118 Berger, Mark C., 2303 Bell Laboratories, 3006 Beyond the Classics? (Glock and Berger, Monroe, 1868 Bell Telephone System, 444 Hammond), 2373 Berger, Paul, 1886 Bellah, Robert, 356, 360, 1197, 2080, Bhagavad Gita (Hindu 2484, 2713, 2918 Berger, Peter L., 226, 606, 2483, scriptures), 3280 2487, 2756, 2957–2958, Bellamy, Edward, 3203 Bhagavata Purana (Hindu 3285, 3289 Bellasi, Pietro, 1468 scriptures), 3280, 3281, 3287 Berger, Raymond, 2943 Bell-curved distribution, 661, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP; Berger, Ronald, 1636 2330, 2869 India), 2486 Berghe, Pierre van den, See Van den Belloc, Hilaire, 225 Bhopal disaster, 683, 805, 2875, Berghe, Pierre 2877–2878 Belohradsky, Vaclav, 1472 Bergin, Allen E., 2189–2190 Bhutan, 3262 Belonging. See Social belonging; Bergson, Henri, 1423 Territorial belonging Bhutto, Benazir, 2132 Bergsträsser, Arnold, 1075 Belsky, Jay, 1737 BIA. See Bureau of Indian Affairs Berk, Richard, 349, 350, 2439, 3038 Bem, Daryl J., 339, 2750, 3222 Biafra, 1941 Berkeley, George, 2217 Bem Sex Role Inventory, 1000 Bias Berkowitz, Leonard, 70, 73, 2700 Ben-David, Joseph, 2456 attribution, 194, 196, 197, Berle, Adolph, 443 Bender, Thomas, 362, 367 2751–2752 Berleant, Daniel, 421 Bendix, Reinhard, 383, 384, 387, behavioral reinforcement 1704, 1886 Berlin Conference (1884–1885), deviation and, 213 60, 1934 Bendor, S., 1511 invalid and unreliable indicators Berlusconi, Silvio, 2129 Benedict, Ruth, 178, 563, 2855, and, 1909–1910 2883, 2890 Berman, Harold J., 1555 moral development theory and, Benedikt, Moritz, 2087 Bernard, Jessie, 1067, 1727, 1736 1900, 1902–1904 Benevolence, 3216 Bernard, Thomas J., 1490–1491, panel studies and, 1691 3247 Bengtson, Vern, 1387, 1388, predictive, 3211 1389, 2707 Berne, Eric, 2084 sample selection, 2437–2444 Benin, 2604 Berners-Lee, Tim, 1445 in self-report survey voting Benjamin, Lois, 57 Bernstein, Basil, 225, 2894 research, 3232 Benjamin, Walter, 539, 541, 542 Bernstein, Edward, 2846, 2847, 2848 See also Prejudice; Stereotypes Benjamin Rose Institute Bernstein, Richard, 2219 Bible (Cleveland), 2943 Berreman, Gerald, 254 communitarian issues in, 355 Bennett, W. Lance, 1766 Berscheid, Ellen, 2700 on descent, 1513–1514 Bennett, William, 1650 Bertalanffy, Ludwig von, 1558, 3102 fundamentalist inerrancy of, Benson, Herman, 1533 Bertaux, Daniel, 1635, 2662 2368, 2369, 2370

3307 INDEX

and Hebrew religious experience, determinants; Fertility rate; population projection and, 3280, 3281, 3282, 3283, 3285 Pregnancy and pregnancy 2180–2183 on marital and filial termination prehistoric patterns, 2175–2176 responsibilities, 1508, 1511, Birth and death rates, 217–224 standardization, 2992–2995 1513 age-specific death rate, 223 in United States, 2180 suicide instances in, 3079 age-specific death rates and life See also Demographic transition; Bibliography of Japanese Sociological expectancy, 1629 Fertility determinants; Fertility Literature in Western age-specific fertility rates, 192, rates; Infant and child Languages, 1482 193, 218–219 mortality; Life expectancy Biddle, Bruce J., 2418 American Indian death rates and Birth cohort. See Cohort perspectives Bideau, A., 633 causes, 133, 135 Birth control. See Family planning Biderman, Albert D., 2682, 3247 birth rate calculation, 217–220 Birth defects, 1640 Biedenkopf, Kurt, 362 birth rate decline, 110, 122, 125, ‘‘Birthday dip,’’ in dying, 584–585 2032, 2182 Bielby, William T., 3036 Bisexuality. See Sexual orientation births to teenagers, 2235 Bienenstock, Elisa I., 2673–2674 Bishop, Yvonne M. M., 3036 comparison of crude rates, Big Five (personality traits), Bismarck, Otto von, 2797 2079–2080, 2085 610–612 Bittner, Egon, 2108–2109, 2114 Biko, Steve, 2146 crossover death rate, 1631 Bivariate relationship, 661 bilateral kinship systems, 1507–1508, death rate calculation, 220–224 correlation and regression, 457 1699–1700 death rate for term pregnancy vs. hypothetical tables, 3113 Bilingual education, 123, 1861, abortion, 2238 2140, 2908 death rates comparison for Biya, Paul, 2133 Bill of Rights (U.S.), 270, 315, 359 African Americans and Bjarnason, Thoroddur, 2452, 2453 Billson, Janet Mancini, 245 whites, 1631 Black, Cyril E., 1947 Bimodal distribution, 661 death rates from AIDS, 222, Black, D., 2108 224, 2592 Binary opposition, 1032, 1033 Black, Donald, 332, 1544, 2114 death rates from illegal Binet, Alfred, 1360, 2330 Black, Duncan, 2920 abortions, 2241 Binstock, Robert, 1388 Black Elk (Lakota shaman), death rates from life-style risks, 3277–3278, 3279, 3281, 3282 Binswanger, Ludwig, 2084 1639–1642 Black English, 2908–2909 Biocolonization, 1824 death rates from suicide, Black feminist theory, 545 Bioethics, 585, 1824, 3064 3078, 3082 Black market, 2019, 2020, Biographies, 1636–1637 demographic transitions, 425, 2021, 2136 Biology 621–623, 633, 2177–2178 Black Panthers, 460, 2267 as link to sociology, 1029 ethnic census data, 259 Black power movement, 66–67 See also Evolution: biological, historical population overview social, cultural; and, 2175–2177 Black studies. See African American studies Sociobiology, human and leading causes of Bion, Wilfred, 1979–1879 death, 222, 224 Black Vernacular English, 2909 Biopiracy, 1824 in less developed countries, 931 Black-box modeling, 2679 Biostructuralism, 1033 life expectancy and, 1628, Blackness, concepts of, 56, 62 Biotechnology industry, 1824 1629, 2177 Blair, Tony, 228, 361 Bipolar disorder, 649, 650, 1838 life tables, 611–615, 1629–1630 Blake, Judith, 974–975, 1006, 3214 Birch, M. C., 3036 maternal deaths, 2236 Blalock, Hubert M., Jr., 847, 3035, 3036 Birdwhistell, Ray, 1978 mortality modeling, 619 Blankenburg, Erhard, 1559 Birmingham Centre for mortality sex-specific rates, 222 Contemporary Cultural Studies mortality transitions, 622–623, Blascovich, J., 2512 (Great Britain), 226 624–625, 626 ‘‘Blaseization’’ (Simmel concept), Birmingham School, 1646 mortality-fertility transition 2528 Birth. See Birth and death rates; interrelationship, 628, 629 Blasphemy, 269 Childbearing; Fertility natural fertility populations, 2176 Blau, Judith, 536

3308 INDEX

Blau, Peter M., 260–261, 262, Bochner, Arthur, 248, 1636–1637, Borders. See National border 536, 2703 2291–2292 relations and cui bono criterion, 2004 Bockstaele, Jacques van, 328 Borduin, C. M., 76 on education and mobility, Bockstaele, Maria van, 328 Borel, E., 1045 260–261, 2713, 2714, 2716, Bode, N., 3251 Borgatta, Edgar, 1213, 1226, 1227, 2927, 2929 Boden, Deirdre, 2902–2903 1228, 1468, 1974–1975, and landmark division of labor 2085, 3034 Body language. See Nonverbal cues theory, 698–699 Borkenau, Franz, 1075 Body sensations and types, and model of attainment, 1692, personality theory of, 1717–1718 Born-leader concept, 1564 2782, 2817 Bogardus, Emery S., 2027–2028 Bornschier, Volker, 643 and model of social structure, Bornstein, R. F., 2063, 2064 2029, 2825, 2826, 3035–3036 Bogart, Leo, 2273 Boserup, Ester, 1708 social exchange theory, 2670, Bohannan, Paul, 1545, 1560 2671–2672, 2674, 2731, 3272 Bohemian Beats, 460–461 Bosnia, 2362, 2947, 3288 on social inequality, 2690–2691 Bohrnstedt, George W., 3034 genocide, 68, 1944, 1946, 2529 Blau, Zena Smith, 1510 Bohstedt, John, 2270 rape of women and children in, 2579 Blauner, Robert, 54, 582, 646 Boissevain, Jeremy, 2729 Boss, Medard, 2084 Blau-Duncan model, 260–261, 262 Bokassa, Jean-Bedel, 2129, Bossa nova, 1927 Blended families, 112–113, 126, 2133–2134 2390–2391 Bokszanski, Zbigniew, 2119 Bossard, James, 1776–1777 incest potential, 2583 Boldrini, Marcello, 1465 Boston Symphony, 2171 Blenker, Margaret, 2943 Boli, John, 427–428 Boswell, Terry, 645 Bloch, Marc, 384, 1891 Bolivia Botswana Block, Fred, 2163, 2198 demographic characteristics, 1535 fertility decline, 627–628 Block modeling, 1790 drug trafficking, 2135 unemployment, 3263 Blocked exchanges, 727 economic liberalization, 1539 Bott, Elizabeth, 696, 2729 Blood alcohol content, 93, 1641 revolution (1952), 2414 Bottomore, Tom, 1752, 1753, 2027 Blood, R., 696 Bolshevik Revolution. See Russian Bouchard, Thomas, 2089 Bloom, Martin, 2943 Revolution Boudon, Raymond, 2825, 2826 Blue Cross/Blue Shield, 1825, 1826 Bolte, Karl Martin, 1075 Bouglé, C., 1024, 1025 Blue laws, 1560 Bombings. See Terrorism Boulding, Elise, 1039 Blues music, 1926 Bonacich, Phillip, 2672, 2673–2674 Boundaries Blum, Lawrence, 118 Bonald, Louis de, 1770 coalitions and, 333 Blumberg, Abraham S., 2960–2961 Bonded labor. See Slavery and conformity as enforcer of, 400 involuntary servitude Blumen, Isadore, 1692, 1789 shared organizational Bonds, social. See Social belonging maintenance of, 394 Blumer, Herbert, 179, 350, 352, 1254 Bonger, William, 534 See also National border relations social contagion theory, 679 Bongo, Omar, 2133 Bourdieu, Pierre, 172, 227, 268, 416, 823, 2642, 2892, 2983, 2990 and symbolic interactionism, Book of Mormon, 3287 2221, 3095, 3096, 3098 Book of Virtues (Bennett), 1650 on class-based differences in taste, 1648–1649 Blumstein, P., 2539, 2540, Books: The Culture and Commerce of 2542, 2555 Publishing (Powell), 1647 cultural capital theory, 2626 BMD (Biomedical Computing Boolean operators, 386, 1608, definition of capital by, 2637 Programs), 2035 1610, 2296 Japanese sociology and, 1479 Board on Natural Disasters, Booth, Alan, 1737 on legal systems autonomy, U.S., 686 Booth, Charles, 853 1548, 1549 Boas, Franz, 563, 675, 2888, 2890, Bootstrapping, 2397, 2449, popular culture studies, 2892, 2893 2678, 3039 2170–2171 Bobo, Lawrence, 317, 2245 Borderline personality disorder, and social philosophy, 2757 Boccacio, 2185 291, 293 Bourgeoisie

3309 INDEX

and capitalism, 238 dependency theory and, British Sociological Association, Marx’s assessment of, 2847, 2848 642–643, 1538 1425 and mass society theory, fertility decline, 627 British Sociological Society, 1423 1772–1773 gender role changes in, 941 British sociology, 224–229 and revolution, 1198, 2410, 2412 labor movement, 1532 bureaucracy study, 232 structuralist theory of state political and social conditions, and case studies writing, 248 and, 2163 1536, 1537 law, 1578–1579 Bourgeois-Pichat, Jean, 631, 1326 political corruption, 2135–2136 life histories and narratives, Bouthoul, Secondo, 1424 racial continuum in, 2331–2332 1633, 1635 Bouvia, Elizabeth, 3084 regional stratification structures, literature, 1649 Bovone, Laura, 1473 2871–2874 Marxist cultural studies, 1756 Bower, Raymond, 677 slavery and slave-like practices, mathematical, 1791 2599, 2600, 2601, 2604 Bowlby, John, 650, 2066–2067, medical, 1814 2068, 2090 Breaching, 2100 participatory research, 2039– Bowler, Anne, 173 Breast cancer, 1640, 1641 2040, 2041 Bowling Green University, 2168 Breast-feeding, 2238 on popular culture, 2169– Box, George E. P., 3036, 3143, 3144 as fertility determinant, 1006 2170, 2171 Box, Steven, 3251 and Freudian dependency professions research, 2261–2262 theory, 2063 Box plot, 3012, 3015 on scientific knowledge, 2459 Bregantini, Luca, 1472, 1473 definition of, 661 and secularization, 2484, 2485 Breiger, Ronald L., 1787, 2298 Box-Jenkins model, 3036 British structuralism, 1034 Brenner, Neil, 1088, 1093 British West Indies, 2600 Boyatzis, Richard E., 420 Brentano, Franz, 1423 Broad, Kendal, 2764 Boyce, James K., 645 Brewin, Chris, 196 Broadcast industry. See Mass media; Boyle, Robert, 2456 Breyer, Stephen, 1099–1100 Mass media research; Television Bozorgmehr, Mehdi, 1872–1873 Brezhnev, Leonid, 2136 Broaddrick, Juanita, 2581 Bracero program, 88 Bribery ‘‘Broken heart’’ syndrome, 584 Bracketing, 2100 and governmental and political Bromley, David G., 2379 Bradshaw, York W., 644 corruption, 2123, 2127, 2128, Brook Farm (Massachusetts utopian Braga, Giorgio, 1469 2129, 2131, 2134, 2137 community), 2849 Brahman, 250 international convention Brookings Institution, 1876, 2162 Brainstorming, 2618 against, 2138 Brooks, Roy, 58 Brainwashing as white-collar crime, 3251 Brothels. See Prostitution effects of, 897–898 Bricmont, Jean, 2208 Brother-sister bonds, 1509 as extreme form of Bridge, The (periodical), 179 Broverman, D. M., 2190 persuasion, 2094 Bridges, George S., 671 Broverman, Inge K., 2089, 2190 Braithwaite, John, 530, 1491–1492, Bridges, Jeffrey, 1636 Brown, Jonathan, 2190 3250, 3253 Bridgman, Percy, 2218 Brown, Richard Harvey, 1033, Brandeis, Louis, 476 Brierley, John E. C., 1555 2200, 2207 Brando, Marlon, 2185 Briffault, Robert, 1271 Brown, Roger, 2894 Brandt, Willy, 1316 Brint, Steven, 2263, 2264 Brown, W., 2348 Brant, Joseph, 136 Britain. See British sociology; Brown v. Board of Education (1954), Braudel, Fernand, 1935, 2168, 2892, United Kingdom 2493, 2962 2917–2918 British Association of Brownmiller, Susan, 2576, Brave New World (Huxley), 1505 Economists, 370 2578–2579, 2580, 2581 Braverman, Henry, 542 British Crime Survey, 498–499 Brundtland, Gro, 1222 Brazil British Empire. See United Kingdom Brundtland Report (1987), clinical sociology, 328 British school of social 1222–1223 demographic characteristics, 1535 anthropology, 563 Brunei, 2974

3310 INDEX

Bruner, Jerome, 857 individualism and, 1303 Bursik, Robert J., 2658 Bruun, Kettil, 2451, 2453 industrial, 1312 Burt, M., 2592 Bryan, William Jennings, 2369, 2426 and modernization theory, 1885 Burt, Ronald S., 737, 738, 2693, Bryce, Lord, 2125 and negotation of power, 1951 2732, 2753, 2827 BSRI inventory, 1000 pervasiveness of, 234–235 Burton, M., 1998 Buber, Martin, 355–356 professionals and, 2263 Burty, Cyril, 2458 Buchanan, James M., 2273, 2920 semiprofessionals and, 2261 Burundi Buck-Morss, Susan, 541, 542 and social networks, 2728 genocide, 68, 107, 1066, 1070, 2629 Buddhism, 2366, 2974, 3279, 3281, in socialist societies, 2850 3283, 3284–3285, 3286, women in labor force specialization and, 697, 698 3288, 3289 percentage, 3262 theory of legal, 1497 Bueno de Mesquita, Bruce, Bus segregation, 2494–2495 3241, 3244 as unresponsive, 603 Bush, George, 1825 Buenos Aires, Argentina, 2179 Weber theory of, 229–230, 231, Bushman, B. J., 73 232–233, 603, 697, 698, 2163, Bukharin, Nikolay, 1753 Bushnell, Horace, 9 2623, 2627 Bulgaria, 2117, 2136, 2137 Business Roundtable, 2162 Burger, Warren, 461 Bulgarian Sociological Buttel, Frederick G., 1214, 1217, Burgess, Ernest W., 176, 2883, 3098 Association, 2117 1228, 2429, 2431 and Chicago School, 324, Bumpass, Larry L., 708, 2393 Bystander inaction, 115 325, 363 Bundy, Edgar, 2370 Byzantine Empire, 2998 city development theory, Burakumins, 253–254 308, 1502 Burawoy, Michael, 246, 1757 on collective behavior, 2265 C Bureau of American Ethnology, CA. See Conversation analysis on family structure 2890 evolution, 1505 Cab problem (judgment Bureau of Indian Affairs, U.S., consistency), 591 human ecology hypothesis, 1209 135, 136, 137 Cabet, Etienne, 2847, 2849 marital adjustment measure, Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1724 1726, 1727 Cable television, 271, 1768 Bureau of the Census, U.S. residential segregation survey, Cacioppo, John, 188 See Census 2500 Caesaro-papist regimes, 2357 Bureaucracy, 229–236 on white-collar crime, 3247 Caffeine, 654 agrarian, 1264 Burgess, Robert, 667 Cahiers du Musée Social, 1025 and alienation, 3270 Burglary Cahiers Internationaux de authoritarian state, 2999–3000 rate calculation, 498 Sociologie, 1026 as corporate aspect of social Cain, Glen, 2213 life, 518 Uniform Crime Reports definition, 492 Cairo Conference on Population and corporations as, 442–443 Development (1994), 932, 2233 victimization rates, 499 corruption and, 2125 Calamities. See Disaster research; Burke, Edmund, 1351, 1598, 1599 and criminal sanctions, 518, Society and technological risks Burke, Peter J., 696, 2902 526–527 Calavita, Kitty, 3250 Burke, Thomas, 773 critical theory and, 544 Calculus of Consent, The (Buchanan cultural systems of Burleson, Brant R., 1736 and Tullock), 2920 administration and, 229 Burma, 2362, 2974, 2975 Caldwell, John, 628, 1009 definition of, 229 peasant rebellion study, 2977 Calí cartel, 2135 dysfunctions in, 233–234, 235 slavery and slave-like practices in, California, Asian-American elites and nonelites in, 2627 2604, 2607, 2608 studies in, 179 formal characteristics of, 230–231 Burnout, 2528 California Bar Association, 468 formal legal rationality and, 1546 Burns, J. M., 1566 California Psychological fragmentation and, 3103–3104 Burr, Wesley, 1729 Inventory, 2076 historical sociology studies, 1198 Burrow, Trigant, 2084 California School, 853

3311 INDEX

Callahan, Daniel, 588 political system, 2359, 2360 and colonialism, 240, 320 Calment, Jeanne, 1631 prohibition legalization, 1577 and communitarian views, 360 Calvin, John, 3227 publishing industry, 1648 comparative historical analysis Calvinism, 2211, 2520 racial conflict, 321 of, 383 Cambodia, 2974, 2975, 2978 Social Science Data Archive, 576 as conducive condition for democracy, 605 fertility decline, 627 social security system, 2800 conflict theory on, 415 genocide, 68, 1069, 1070, tourism in, 3169 1384, 2975 transnational corporations, 3175 contradictions in, 1311 slavery and slave-like practices, Canadian Human Rights Act of and crime theories, 504 2604, 2606–2607 1977, 372 and criminal and delinquent women in labor force Canadian Mobility Study, 2786 subcultures, 511–512 percentage, 3262 Cancer and critical theory, 540, Cambodian Americans, 175, 180 alcohol abuse and, 93, 1640 541, 542, 544 Cambridge-Somerville Study, 1488 dietary factors, 1641 and dependency theory, 639–642 Cameroon, 2133 quality of life and, 2301 diffusion of, 1085 affinity of religion and smoking and, 1639 and division of labor, 697, 1782 family in, 936 Cancian, Frank, 87 and economic determinism, 723 and family size, 977 Canon law, 473, 1513, 1514, 1516 and economic institutions, slavery and slave-like Montesquieu’s comparative 724, 728 practices, 2604 study of, 1545 and economic sociology, 733 Camp David agreements (1978), Canova, Fabio, 644 expansion of, 1197, 1215 2048 Cantril, Hadley, 2303 and feminist theory, 989, 990 Campbell, Angus, 2299, 2300, Canvases and Careers (White and and globalization, 1084, 2303–2304, 2683, 3234, 3235 White), 172 1085, 1091 Campbell, D. T., 2324–2325, 2326, CAPI (Computer-Assisted Personal historical sociology on, 1197, 2327, 3128–3129, 3210 Interviewing), 410 1199 Campbell, Donald, 865–866, 2282 Capital and human ecology, 1215 Campbell, John Creighton, 380 accumulation of, 1089, 1093, and imperialism, 1265 Campbell, John L., 2164 1099, 1103 and individualism, 1303 Campbell, Richard T., 1692 definition of, 2637 and intellectualism, 1356 Canada financial, 1264 and kinship systems, 1502 flow of, 1088 church-state relations, 2359– and labor movement, 1528, 2361, 2362 foreign, 1087, 1088, 1268 1531–1533 clinical psychology, 327 Marx on contradictions of, 3066 and Latin America, 1540–1541 cohabitation, 109 surplus, 1265 law and origins of, 1553– divorce law reforms, 703 transfer of, 1265 1554, 1576 divorce rate, 112, 706 See also Cultural capital; Human liberalism roots of, 1597 equal pay for work of equal capital; Social capital marginal utility analysis of, 2698 Capital (Marx). See Kapital, Das value, 372 Marx case studies of, 245–246 Capital punishment. See Death family violence, 981 Marx on, 237, 774, 1783, penalty health-care system, 374, 377, 378, 2196, 3066 379, 380, 1827 Capitalism, 237–243 Marxist class structure theory legal system, 465, 471 agricultural, 2429, 2432 and, 2814, 2847 long-term care and care facilities, and alienation, 100, 697 Marxist deviance theory and, 1660–1661 in American society, 99, 143–144 669–670 multilingualism, 2909 and anomie, 164 Marxist historical materialism Muslim minorities, 2950 and class conflict, 2692 and, 543, 1704, 1782 occupational status and class-race relationship, Marxist historical specificity and, attainment, 2786 320–323 2645–2646

3312 INDEX

Marxist legal theory and, 1553 Car industry. See Automobiles Case law, 467–468, 476 Marxist leisure theory and, 1583 Carbonaro, Antonio, 1467, 1470 Case studies, 243–249 Marxist revolution theory and, Cardinal Principles of Secondary Chicago School tradition of, 2410, 2411 Education (1918), 764 243–244 Marxist sociology and, 238, 531 Cardoso, Fernando H., 642, of childhood sexual abuse, Marxist structural theory of the 1087, 1538 288, 293 state and, 2163 Cardozo, Benjamin, 476 in clinical sociology, 327 mass culture attributed to, Care of counterculture, 461–463 1645–1646 as moral reasoning basis, 1900, functionalist-structural theories materialist analyses of new phase 1902–1903 of, 244 of, 1784–1785 mother’s role and, 2036 as life histories, 245, 247– mature states of, 1309 personal dependency and, 2062 248, 1633 and modernization theory, Career line methodology of, 327 1885, 1886 definition and concept of, politics and poetics of writing, monopoly stage of, 1264, 1754 1982, 1984 247–248 neo-Marxist view of, 1078–1079 radical, 245–246 See also Occupational and career patriarchy and, 1708 mobility of reality construction, 246–247 postcommunist transitions to, Caregiver burden, 1658 retirement models, 2405–2406 2851–2852 Cargo cults, 2367 of revolutions, 1198 and postindustrial society, Caribbean News Agency, 1767 Cassubians, 2268 2194–2202, 2205 Caribbean region Caste and inherited status, 249–255 and postmodern society, Comte on, 1029 2206, 2207 African studies, 66 elites and, 2623 and power elite, 2162 Demographic and Health in Hindu society, 250–253, 3284 power-conflict analysis in Surveys, 633 context of, 53 demographic transition, 622, 627 in Japan, 253–254 and proletariat struggle, 238–239 governmental and political in Rwanda, 254 Protestant Ethic and, 2483, 2942, corruption, 2134 stratification parameters, 2810, 2943, 3222 replacement-level fertility, 220 2811 and racism, 319–321 slavery in, 2599, 2600–2601 See also Status attainment and retirement patterns, 2402 Carlsmith, M., 338, 339 Castell, Manuel, 1758 slavery linked with, 238, 239, 321 Carlson, Richard, 677 Castellano, Vittorio, 1465, 1470 and social justice theories, Carlsson, N. Gösta, 2450 Castro, Fidel, 2851 2697–2698 Carmichael, Stokely (Kwame Castro, Luis J., 620 and social security systems, 2800 Ture), 53 Catalano, Richard, 366 and societal stratification, 2865 Carmines, E. G., 2345, 2347, 2350 Catastrophes. See Disaster research; and structuralist theory of the Carnap, Rudolf, 821, 2756 Society and technological risk state, 2163 Carr, E. G., 214 Categorical models, 1849, 3037– 3038 and time use research, 3156 Carroll, Lewis, 2339 tabular analysis, 3107–3126 and transnational expansion, Carroll, Michael P., 2965 239–240, 241, 242, 1085 Catell, Raymond, 2084 Carrying capacity, 1219 and war, 3243–3244 Catherine the Great (Russian Carson, Rachel, 789, 803 See also Corporate organizations czarina), 1435 Carter, Jimmy, 712, 2048 Capitalism and Modern Social Theory Catholic Church. See Roman (Giddens), 226 Carter, Rosalyn, 588 Catholic Church Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy Cartesianism. See Descartes, René Catholic schools. See Parochial (Schumpeter), 733 Carthage, 1066, 1069 schools Caplow, Theodore, 331, 332, Cartwright, Dorwin, 335–336, 1034, CATI (Computer-Assisted Telephone 364, 367 2415, 2417, 2611 Interviewing), 410, 1802, 3092 Capone, Al, 3246 Case frame grammar, 2297–2298 Cattarinussi, Bernardo, 1468

3313 INDEX

Catton, William, 1214, 1219 CCRCs. See Continuing care nursing home residents Caudillo-cacíque power structure retirement communities profile, 1667 (Mexico), 1856 CDC. See Centers for Disease occupational categories, 697, Causal inference models, 255–267 Control 1997, 3264 and attribution theory, 193– CD-ROMs, 409, 420, 1605 occupational prestige scale, 1997 194, 195 data archives, 580, 2476 population sampling, 2444 and comparative historical secondary data sets, 2479 poverty data, 2214–2215 analysis, 387–388 and sexually explicit race and ethnicity data, and criminology, 502–504, 536 material, 2185 284–285, 286 and decision-making theory, Cell frequency, 658, 661 remarriage rates, 2387, 2388 591–592 Cella, Gian Primo, 1467 rotating panel sample, 1687 and deviance theories, 662 Censorship and the regulation of sampling procedure, 2448 expression, 267–281 and factor analysis, 908, 917–918 as secondary data analysis source, civil liberties and, 315 and longitudinal research, 1685, 2475–2476, 2480–2481 1688–1689 communitarian view of, 360 social indicator publication, 2685 and measurement errors, hate speech and, 2140 social surveys, 578 judicial treatment of, 270–272 256–257, 264–266, 1908–1909 sociologist careers and, 148 mass media, 1762–1763 and multiple indicators, standardization, 2995 1907–1923 national security and, 273–274 suburban definition, 3070 political correctness and, 2140 and path analysis, 259–260, urban underclass measurement, 455–456 pornography and, 274–275, 2184, 2212, 3199 2185–2186 of personal autonomy, 2059 widowhood data, 3256–3257 rhetoric of, 268–269 and quasi-experimental research Census Bureau, U.S. See Census designs, 2310–2327 and school curricula, 276–278 Center for Advanced Study in and social psychology, 278–279 scenarios, 1041–1042, 2678 Political Science, 172 sociolinguistics and, 2908 and simultaneous equation Center for Coordination of Research models, 261–264 and student movements, 3070 on Social Indicators, 2683 in social psychology research, See also Free speech Center for Epidemiological Studies 2771–2778 Census, 281–287 Depression Scale, 654 and statistical analysis, 3035 accuracy of, 285–287 Center for Human Resource and structural equation of agriculture, 2432 Research, 2475–2476 modeling, 1922–1923 and China studies, 300, 301 Center for Political Studies, 101 and tabular analysis, 3108–3126 County and City Data Books, Center for Sociological Studies, 1026 and voting behavior research, 2480–2481 Center for Substance Abuse 3234–3235 crime survey, 1488–1489 Prevention, 715 See also Correlation and demographers and, 637 Center for Women Policy regression analysis; demographic data, 631 Studies, 2577 Experiments; Scientific divorce statistics, 701 Center to Improve Care of the explanation document depositories, 1606– Dying, 588 Causal Inferences in Nonexperimental 1607, 2477 Centers, R., 1778 Research (Blalock), 3035 of family size, 971 Centers for Disease Control, 1162, Causal Models in the Social Sciences and first automated data 2585, 2587, 2588 (Blalock), 3036 processing machine, 406 Central African countries, 60 Causality orientations theory, 2059 labor force concept and Central African Republic, 2129, Causation, definition of, 255 measurement, 1521–1523 2133–2134 Cause and effect. See Causal marriage and divorce rates, 1744 Central America. See Latin America; inference models National Crime and Victimization Latin American studies; specific Cavalli, Luciano, 1468, 1470 Survey, 494 countries C.C.S. (Certified Clinical National Longitudinal Surveys Central economy, 1313, 2849, Sociologist), 326 data, 2476 2850–2851

3314 INDEX

Central Europe. See Eastern Europe Chapter 12 bankruptcy slum life study, 365 Central Intelligence Agency, 274, reorganization, 203 social disorganization study, 1495 898, 2144 Chapter 13 bankruptcy repayment sociological child guidance Central tendency of distribution, plan, 202–203, 205 clinics, 324 measures of, 659 Charismatic authority, 229–230 Chicago School, 431, 532–533, Centrifugal system of kinship, emotional factors in, 2519–2520 821, 843 1511–1512, 1513, 1514 irrational legal order and, 1546 Asian-American research, 176, Centripetal system of kinship, as nationalist movement 177 1510–1511, 1512, 1513–1514 leadership, 1943 case studies tradition, 243–244 Centuries of Childhood (Ariès), 2090 Charity. See Philanthropy clinical sociology, 324, 325 Cerebral arteriosclerosis, 139 Charity Organizations Societies, collective behavior studies, 2265 Cerezo, Vincio, 2135 2841 community studies, 363, 365 Ceri, Paolo, 1467 Charlemagne, 2940, 2998 deviance theory, 664–665, 2658 Certainty effect, 591–592 Charmaz, Kathy, 583 and ethnography, 852, 853 CES. See Committee on Economic Charny, Israel, 1072 and functionalism and Security Charter schools, 765–766 structuralism, 1031 Césaire, Aimé, 66 Charts and human ecology, 2822 Cesarean section, 2237 descriptive statistics, 658–659 life histories and narratives, 1633 CES-D (depression scale), 1834, 1835 graphic, 3003–3022 neighborhood focus of, 664–665 CESSDA (Council of European Chateaubriand, François-Auguste- pragmatist roots of, 2220–2221 Social Science Data Archives), René, 1771 Simmel as influence on, 1772 575, 576–577 Chattel slave systems, 2596–2597, social control perspective, 2657 CFA. See Confirmatory factor 2601, 2603 and social problems, 2759 analysis Chattopadhyay, K. P., 1291 Chicago School of Civics and Chadwick, Bruce A., 364, 367 Chaves, Mark, 2379, 2484 Philanthropy, 366 Chain migration, 177 Chavez, Hugo, 2135 Child abuse and neglect Chain of being, 1599 Chavis, David, 363 African and Asian forced labor, Chains of Opportunity (White), 2662 Chayanov, A. V., 2432 2605–2606 Chaitanya, 3287–3288 Chechnya, 1945, 2136, 2947, 3001 and family violence, 981 Chajanov, A. V., 2979 Checkoway, Barry, 3071–3072 learned aggression from, 71 Chalasinski, Jozef, 2119 Chemers, M. M., 1571 low-birth-weight babies as, 221 Challenger disaster, 2875, 2878, 3253 Chen Da, 298 treatment and prevention, 75 Chambliss, William J., 529, 530, Cherlin, Andrew J., 702, 705, 706, See also Childhood sexual abuse 1497, 2961 1390, 1391, 2393 Child care, 128–129, 2032 Champs de la sociologie française, Les Chernobyl disaster, 683, 686, 805, costs of, 2035 (Verret and Mendras), 1026 2875, 2876, 2877 employer-provided, 3266 Chancery courts, 477 Chernomyrdin, Viktor, 2136 structural lag and, 3062 Chandler, Alfred, 738 Chesler, Pat, 2089 Child care centers, 129, 359 Chaney, James, 2495 Chess, S., 2088, 2090 Child custody, 702, 707 Change. See Social change Cheung, Chau-Kiu, 1901 and sexual abuse charges, 2582 Change measurement. See Chi square, 1808–1809 and social justice, 2707 Experiments; Longitudinal Chiapas rebellion (1994), 1861, 2271 research; Quasi-experimental and support payments, 128, 708, research design; Measurement Chicago Eight, 2146 947, 2707 Chaos theory, 1212–1213 Chicago, Illinois Child fingerprinting, civil liberties and, 316, 318 Chapple, Elliot D., 1974, 1975, 1976 first juvenile court, 1485 Child guidance clinics, 324, 325 Chapter 7 bankruptcy liquidation, machine politics, 2126 202, 203, 205 Muslim immigrants, 2950 Child labor, 2036, 2605–2606, 3262 Chapter 11 bankruptcy settlement houses and social Child pornography, 274 reorganization, 203 reform, 365–3363 Child Study Movement, 2

3315 INDEX

Child support payments, 128, 708 developmental studies, 1617, and pornography, 274 and family law, 947 1624, 1686 rape theories and, 2591 and social justice, 2707 as distinct life stage, 122, 2681 treatment of, 293, 521 Childbearing family roles and, 122, 696, 2032 See also Incest age at first birth, 125 family trends and, 127–128, Childhood: A Global Journal of Child American family patterns, 125, 142, 2033 Research, 550 2032–2033 Freudian drive theory and, 1713 Childlessness. See Childfree adults average number of births per historical views of, 2035–2036, Child-rearing styles. See Family and woman, 2031–2032 2090–2091 household structure; Parental birth rates, 217–220 homuncularism and, 2090–2091 roles; Socialization by single women, 125, 634, 708, mass media influences in, Children. See Childhood 1506, 1744, 2033 1762–1764 Children of the Great Depression comparative health-care moral development stages, (Elder), 1618, 2662 systems, 374, 378 1895–1897 Children’s Bureau, U.S., 366 as demographic research nonmaternal caretakers, 128– Children’s Defense Fund, 130 129, 359 area, 635 Children’s Health Insurance gender preference in, 628 parental costs during, 2034–2035 Program, 1146 historical decline in, 2032 parental divorce effects on, Children’s rights, 1239–1240, and life-cycle demographic 127–128, 705–707, 1747, 1749, 1242–1244 1750, 2033, 2392 model, 1625 Chile parental prescriptive altruism as life-cycle transition, 1616, dependency theory and, 642 and, 1508 1623, 1625 economic liberalization, 1539, parental remarriage effects on, and lifestyle risks, 1640 1540, 1541 2391–2392 and marital quality, 1729, economic, social, and political parental roles and, 2035–2037 1730–1731, 1737, 2035, 2037 conditions, 1536, 1537 as personality influence, 2090 marriage as legitimization of, fertility decline, 627 phenomenological investigation 1734 health-care system, 381 of, 2102–2103 medicalization of, 1816 labor movement, 1532 poverty rates, 127, 1287 morbidity and mortality, 2236 lawyers in, 478 self-esteem development in, 2508, rewards and costs, 2034–2033 protest movements, 2266 2512–2513 sociobiological law of anisogamy Chin, Ko-lin, 512 on, 2884–2885 sexual behavior in, 2550–2551 Chin, Vincent, 1410 Total Fertility Rate, 627, 628, 629 socialization, 2856–2860 China studies, 297–304 See also Family planning; Family and structural lag, 3062–3063 AIDS/HIV cases, 2591–2592 size; Fertility determinants; See also Adolescence; Human Infant and child mortality; rights/children’s rights; Infant and Cold War-era triad, 332 Pregnancy and pregnancy and child mortality communist dictatorship, 3002 termination Childhood sexual abuse, 288–297, conditions counter-conducive to Childfree adults, 109–111, 634, 2581–2582 democracy, 605 1506, 1625 and Asian sex trade, 2607 delinquent subcultures, 512 rising rate of, 2035 cross-cultural issues in, 292–293 education and mobility, 3045 Childhood definitions of, 288, 292, 2581 ethnonationalist movements, aggressio-learning factors in, explanations of, 2582 1944, 1946 70, 75, 76 and family violence victim family and population policy, altruism in, 115 attributions, 196 930, 931–932, 972 attitude formation in, 185 incidence and prevalence of, fertility control, 220 censorship and, 272 288–289 fertility decline, 627 cross-cultural socialization intrafamilial, 2594 governmental and political analysis, 550 long-term effects of, 289– corruption, 2137 dependency theory and, 292, 293 health-care system, 380–381 2063–2064, 2066–2067 by other children, 2582 historical empires, 2998–2999

3316 INDEX

and historical sociology study Chiropractors, 221, 2259 Church and state, 2356–2358 of, 1198 Chirot, Daniel, 645, 2978 interpenetration model, 2356, labor movement, 1532 Chi-square test, 1965, 1966, 1967 2357, 2358, 2359–2360 mass media, 1767 Chiswick, Barry, 181–182 separation of, 146, 2356– nationalist movement, 3001 Chivalry, 483–484 2357, 2358 occupational mobility, 1988, 1993 Chlamydia, 2587, 2592 two-powers model, 2357–2358 protest movement and Chmielewski, Piotr, 2119 Church groups. See Religious organizations countermovement, 333, 2268, Chodorow, Nancy, 992–993, 994, 2270, 2718, 2721–2722, 3067 998, 1058, 2172 Church of England, 701 revolutions, 3000, 3001 Choice (book review Church of Scientology, 900, secularization, 2485 publication), 1606 2366, 3287 sex trade, 2607 Choice in Dying, 588 Churches. See Denominations; sexually transmitted diseases, Cholera, 814 Religious organizations 2592 Cholesterol levels, 1642 Churchill, Winston, 1599 slavery and slave-like Chomsky, Noam, 438, 1033, Churching of America, The (Finke and practices, 2604 1233, 2899 Stark), 2485 social change patterns, 2643, Choron, Jacques, 582 Church-sect typology, 2365, 2366–2367, 2373, 2378 2645 Chretien, James K., 2589 social gerontology, 301 Christal, R., 2085 CIA. See Central Intelligence Agency, 898 socialism and communism, 298, Christian Coalition, 3229 2849, 3002 CICD. See Center to Improve Care Christian Democratic Party (Italy), of the Dying socialist economic 2128, 2129 modifications, 2851 Cigarette smoking. See Smoking Christian Science, 2366 tourism in, 3167, 3169 Cigna (health insurance Christianity women’s equality, 990 provider), 1822 Engels’s view as true Ciller, Tansu, 2132 Chinese Americans communism, 2968 CIO. See Committee on Industrial chain migrants, 177 and ethical norms, 3283–3284 Organizations crime rates, 531 and fundamentalism, 2368–2372 Cipolla, Costantino, 824 demographic characteristics, 176 interfaith dialogue and, 3289 Cipriani, Roberto, 1473 economic system of, 182 Islamic parallels, 2937, 2939, immigration restrictions, 123, 2943 Circular reaction, 350 175, 176, 321 kinship and family typologies, Circulation mobility, 2712 income and status 1507, 1516–1517 Cirrhosis, 93, 94, 1640 attainment, 181 and new religious Cisneros, Henry, 2128 opium-use stereotype, 714 movements, 3287 Citation indexes, 1610–1611 social isolation study, 176, 178 origins, 3287 Cities, 305–314 youth gangs, 512 religious experiences and African-American segregation Chinese Communist Party symbols, 3280, 3281 indices, 2500–2504 (CCP), 298 view of human nature, 2086 alcohol consumption patterns, 94 Chinese Democracy Movement, See also Protestantism; Religious case studies, 243–244 2721–2722 movements; Religious deconcentration, 3195 Chinese Exclusion Act of organizations; Roman definition of, 305 1882, 123, 175 Catholic Church ethnic enclaves in, 2498 Chinese Laundryman, The: A Study in Christie, Nils, 2453 Social Isolation (Siu), 176 Christine de Pisan, 988 as fertility transition factor, 624 Chinese Sociological Association, CHRR. See Center for Human juvenile gangs in, 1485 297, 300 Resource Research kinship systems, 1502, 1503 Chipendale (instructional Chubais, Anatoly, 2136 mass society theory on, package), 411 Chun Doo Hwan, 2131 1772, 1773 Chirac, Jacques, 2129 Chuprov, A. A., 2979 megacities, 310–311, 312, 3197

3317 INDEX

mental illness incidence, Civil law cases, 471–472, 479–480 emergence theory and, 2718 1840, 1841 Civil law system, 464, 465–466, 471, ethnic studies and, 178–179 metropolitan areas. See 472–476, 480–481, 1554 Montgomery bus boycott as Metropolitan Statistical Areas judges in, 477 impetus for, 2493 Native American population, 136 kinship distance computation, nonviolence tactic, 2269 police forces, 2110–2112 1514 participant characteristics, 2145, political corruption in, 2125–2126 lawyers in, 478 2268–2269, 2495, 3067–3070 population distribution, 634 legal rules vs. social norms, 1546 political alienation and, 103 population of world’s largest Civil liberties, 314–319 public opinion effects of, 2277 metropolises, 3195 democracy associated with, as religious movement, 2365, population shifts and, 2179–2180, 605, 606 2374, 2377, 2493, 2719 3195–3196 liberalism’s emphasis on, 355 social stratification effects of, 142 See also Urbanization political correctness and, 2140 students and, 3067–3068, primate systems, 3196–3197 responsive communitarianism 3069–3070 quality of life ranking, 2302–2303 and, 357, 361 and urban race riots, 2270, 2495 rural societies contrasted See also Human rights/ Civil service, 603, 2127, 2130, with, 3192 children’s rights 2131, 2132 secondary data analysis, Civil rights Civil Service Retirement Act of 2480–2481 affirmative action and, 47, 48, 49 1920, 2402 settlement houses, 2841 civil liberties distinguished Civil War (U.S.), 1876, 2127 from, 315 social reform, 365–366 Irish Catholic draft riots, and critical theory, 539 and suburbanization, 311, 2269, 3069 3070–3076, 3194 and crowd behavior, 557, 558 veteran pensions, 2797 underclass. See Urban underclass and feminist theory, 989 Claes, Willy, 2130 underemployment in, 1721 pornography seen as issue of, 275 Clans. See Indigenous peoples; zoning against ‘‘adult’’ See also Censorship and Kinship systems and family types businesses, 2186 regulation of expression; Civil Clark, Burton, 1182, 1183 rights movement; See also Community; Urban Clark, Candace, 782 Discrimination; Segregation sociology and desegregation Clark, Colin, 1218 Citizens Clearing House for Civil Rights Act of 1875, 2491 Clarke, J., 1578 Hazardous Waste, 791 Civil Rights Act of 1964, 275–276, Clarke, M., 3249 Citizens for Excellence in 830, 3067 Clarkson, F. E., 2190 Education, 770 affirmative action and, 48 ‘‘Clash of civilizations’’ hypothesis, Citizens groups. See Public as civil rights movement 2940–2941 interest groups outcome, 2266, 2267, 2268 Class. See Class and race; Marxist Citizenship continuing racial discrimination sociology; Social class; Social and discrimination based on, 692, 693 and, 56, 2497 political elites; Social structure; and social security systems, as enforcement device, 2496 Status attainment 2797, 2800 equal pay for equal work Class and Class Conflict in Industrial ‘‘City, The: Suggestions for provision, 372, 2706 Society (Dahrendorf), 225–226 Investigation of Human Behavior and expanded job opportunities, Class and race, 319–323 in the Urban Environment’’ 3264–3265 academic achievement, 2933– (Park), 1772 sexual harassment coverage, 2580 2934 City of God (Augustine), 1507 Civil Rights Act of 1990, 275–276 adolescent sexual behavior City Police (Rubenstein), 2114 Civil rights movement, 58, 64, 136, patterns, 2551–2552 City-states, 2998 273, 558, 1315, 2266, 2267, African American studies, 53, Civic Forum (Czech Republic), 1532 2493–2496, 2723 56–57 Civic society, 360 and countermovement, 2267 as all-volunteer military force Civil disobedience. See Protest desegregation as focus of, issue, 1878–1879, 1880 movements; Student movements 2494–2495 ascriptive stratification, 2819

3318 INDEX

British sociological studies, 226 Classical elite theory. See Social and administration scandals, 2128, caste inherited status, 250 political elites 2276–2277, 2581, 3068 city-suburb socioeconomic Classical music. See Music and family leave act, 2033–2034 differences, 3072–3073 Classical school of criminology, and gays in the military issue, contemporary relations, 322–323 528, 535, 536 1878, 1881 courtship endogamy, 485 Classification. See Tabular analysis; and national health care Typologies plan, 2804 criminal deviance, 526, 530, 531, 534, 536 Clausen, John A., 1616, 1620, 2860 and public opinion, 2276– 2277, 2278 criminal sanctions, 517 Clear, Todd, 360 ‘‘Clear and present danger’’ Clinton, Hillary Rodham, 361–352 divorce correlates, 704–705, designation, 318 707–708 Clogg, Clifford, 1720, 3038 Clegg, Stewart R., 2201 Cloning, 879, 1824, 2091 education and mobility, 756, 757 Clemens, Elisabeth S., 604 Closed population, 616 environmental equity, 796 Clemmer, Donald, 2051–2052, Cloth making, 64 ethnic stratification, 845 2053, 2055 Clothing. See Fashions fertility transitions, 1007 Cleveland, Harlan, 1346 Cloward, Richard, 101, 513 filial responsibility, 1020 Cleveland, William S., 3006, on democracy, 603, 604, 606 historical sociology, 1198 3009–3010, 3017, 3018 on juvenile delinquency, 1945 identity politics, 1580 Client-centered therapy, 1715 on penology, 2052–2053 ilicit drug use/convictions, 713 Clinard, Marshall B., 3247, on urban gangs, 663 income inequality, 3048 3248–3249, 3250, 3252 on welfare system, 2661 inequality theories, 2692 Clinic for the Social Adjustment CLS. See Critical legal studies (CLS) of the Gifted (New York juvenile delinquency and crime, movement 1490–1492 University), 324 Club of Rome, 1038 leisure, 1584–1585, 1588 Clinical depression (depressive disorder), 649–650, 651, 656 Clubs. See Voluntary associations Marxist criminology, 534–535 Clinical Methods in Interracial and Cluster analysis. See Correlation and popular culture transmission, Intercultural Relations’’ regression analysis; Factor 2170–2172 (Haynes), 326 analysis prejudice, 2242–2246 Clinical psychology, 325, 326 Cluster sampling, 2447–2448 status attainment, 3044 Clinical sociology, 323–329 CNN (Cable News Network), 1766 stratification models, 2817–2819 first formal definition of, 326 CNN syndrome, 684 whiteness vs. blackness, 56 first known use of term, 323 Coale, Ansley J., 425–426, 619, 620, 624, 625, 626, 629, 631, See also Racism; Segregation and first use of term in print, 325 desegregation 632, 633, 634 history of, 323–326, 327 Class Structure in the Social Coalition governments, 2159 in international settings, 327–328 Consciousness (Ossowski), 2119 Coalitions, 329–334 linear models, 592–593 Class struggle, 415, 601, 697, choice of partners in, 331, 332 professional association, 155, 326 1221, 1782 in conflict theory, 414–416 and sociological practice, as basis of Marxist socialist 326, 327 modern empirical work in, ideal, 2847 330–331 theories, methods, and and industrial sociology, 1310 intervention strategies, 327 and network exchanges, 2673 oppositional framework for, 2692 ‘‘Clinical Sociology’’ (Wirth), 325 position of weaker party in, religious orientation and, 331, 332 Clinical Sociology Association, 2385, 2968 155, 326 real-life applications of, 330–333 revolutions and, 2410 Clinical Sociology Review, 326, 328 triads and, 329, 330, 331– societal stratification and, 2865 332, 465 ‘‘Clinical Study of Society, The’’ theory of state and, 2163 (Lee), 325 and war, 3242 Classes (Wright), 723 Clinton, Bill, 361–362, 791, 1144, Coase, Ronald, 735, 2340 Classes, Strata, and Power 1147, 1159, 1239, 1244, 1531, Coase theorem, 2340 (Wesolowski), 2120 1820, 1825 Cobb, Jonathan, 542

3319 INDEX

Cocaine, 711, 712, 713, 714, 715 self-esteem and, 2514–2517 Cohen, Percy, 225 Latin American traffic in, 2135 Cognitive evaluation theory, Cohen, Ronald L., 2698 See also Crack cocaine 2059–2060 Cohen, Stanley, 1578, 1579 Cocaine Anonymous, 715 Cognitive institutions, 395 Cohen, Stephen P., 2614 Cocaine cartels, 2135 Cognitive psychology Cohen, William, 1244 Cochran’s Q test, 1969 aggressive personality theory, 70 Cohn, Norman, 1071, 2367, 2968 Cockburn, Alexander, 1244 altruism theory, 115 Cohort analysis. See Cohort Code Napolèon, 474, 475, 1513 developmental invariant perspectives; Longitudinal research: Quasi-experimental Code of Ethics (American Sociological sequence, 1900, 1901 research design Association [1989] 1997), medical sociology and, 1814 Cohort perspectives, 342–348 836–840 moral development stages, 1894, Code of Ethics (National Association 1895–1907 age and period interrelations, 80–81 of Social Workers), 2842 role theory, 2417–2418, 2424 age pyramid, 345, 609 Code of Jewish Law, The (Shulkham social values and norms, Arukh), 1510 2828–2839 aging and, 342–344 Codes Cognitive resource theory, alienation and, 100 civil law, 474–476, 481 leadership model, 1568 as analysis tool, 346–347 imperial, 2999 Cognitive theories of depression, childlessness and, 110–111 Coding 651–652, 653–654 and cohort norm formation, 3064 computer-assisted content treatments, 655 compositional, 344–345 analysis, 419–420 Cohabitation, 108–109, 484, conceptual framework, 342, 343 in qualitative research, 2289, 487, 489 contextual characteristics, 2290 attitudes toward, 106, 109, 2568 343–344 Coefficient of correlation, 447, by divorced persons, 1747 cross-sectional fallacy and, 1685 449, 457 courtship and, 108, 484, and cumulative fertility rates, 220 differential, 1693–1694 487, 1779 definitions of, 80 multiple, 452, 454 and declining marriage rate, 1744 and disordered cohort flow, 345 partial, 451–453, 457 and declining remarriage divorce rate and, 1747 Coercive persuasion. See Extreme rates, 1749 on economic well-being/fertility influence: thought reform, high and extradyadic sex, 2541–2545 theory, 635 control groups, interrogation, gay male and lesbian and fallacy of cohortcentrism, and recovered memory relationships, 2545–2547 343–344 psychotherapy intercohort, 344 Coercive power. See Authority higher divorce rate linked with, 705 intracohort, 343 Cognitive anthropology, 2891 increased rate of, 131, 1506, 1750 on Japanese controlled Cognitive consistency theories, immigration, 176 334–342 population composition and, 634, 635 on juvenile crime, 189, 1488 attitudes and, 187–189 premarital, 705 labor force and, 3262 decision processing, 595 and remarriage rates, 1749, 2388 and life course, 1614, 1615, 1618, personality theory, 2084 and sexual patterns, 2539, 2540 1619, 2861–2862 Cognitive dissonance theory, 335, and life table, 612, 614–615 337–340, 893 Cohen, Albert, 510–511, 534, 1494 and life-cycle transitions, alternate versions of, 339–340 Cohen, Bernard P., 2702 1623–1624, 1625, 1626 attitudes and, 187–188 Cohen, E., 3169 and longevity of successive Cohen, G. A., 1784 belief adjustment and, 2701 cohorts, 345 Cohen, Gershon D., 2969 history of, 338 population projection and, situations promoting, 187–188 Cohen, J., 1848–1849 616–617, 2181 Cognitive distortions Cohen, Jack C., 2500 population renewal theory and, from childhood sexual abuse, 290 Cohen, Lawrence, 506 631–632 as depression model, 651 Cohen, Morris, 2218 replacement fertility and, 2181

3320 INDEX

research methods, 346–347 on labor union structure, 1533 leadership effectiveness and, social forecasting and, 2678 on money and social 1571–1572 social inequality and, 2691 exchange, 1890 leadership emergence and, 1567, 1570 social security benefits and, 2803 as neoconservative, 1601 macro-level structural theories, social structures and, 345–346, and rational choice theory, 1791, 352–354 3063–3066 2335, 2452 micro-level convergence theories, structural lag and, 3060–3061 and representational models, 2029 349–350 on student movements, 3068 social capital concept, 366, 2637, micro-level interaction theories, survey research, 2475 2638, 2639, 2640, 2733–2734 350–352 See also Longitudinal research social structural analysis, nationalism and, 1940–1941 Colby, Anne, 1620–1621 2825, 2826 nonconformity allowances in, Colclough, Glenna, 2027 on stochastic models of change, 403–404, 606 Cold War 2668, 2674 political participation and, 2339 Asian immigration and, 175 and stochastic processes, 3036 precipitating factors, 349, and ‘‘clash of civilizations’’ on white-collar crime, 3246–3247, 353, 1940 hypothesis, 2940–2941 3248, 3250, 3251, 3252, 3253 protest movements as, 2265–2271 and collapse of international on youth culture, 512 public opinion and, 2272 systems, 2362 Coleman Report, 70, 830–831, rational choice theory and, democracy and, 601 2931–2932, 2935 349–350, 2335, 2338–2339, Iron Curtain of, 1934 Collaterality models, 1515 2341 Latin American economic/ Collective behavior, 348–354 six determinants for, 353–354 political liberalization at altruism and, 114 social belonging and, 2635 end of, 1540 art production theory, 173 social movements as, 2717–2725 military sociology and, 1876, social networks and, 2734 1878, 1882 best known forms of, 348–349 social psychology studies on, bystander inaction and, 115 new nation-state formation at 2771 end of, 2362 conflict theory and, 415–416 and social values and and nuclear annihilation conformity and, 400–404, norms, 2341 fears, 3138 2615–2617 values theory and, 352, 353, peacemaking studies, 2047 contagion theories of, 350–351 3213, 3218–3219, 3222 and peacetime conscription, 1876 crowds and riots as variants of, See also Complex organizations; Polish Roman Catholic Church 349, 350–351, 553–560 Corporate organizations; and, 2357 decision making and, 595–597 Small groups and postcommunist transition, differential association theory Collective gaze, 3173 2851–2852 and, 665–666 Collective memory, 1636 and power elite, 262 diffusion processes, 679 Collective representation, 2762 protest movements and, 2271 disaster research on, 687 Collective unconscious, 1714 ‘‘strategic triangle’’ of, 331–332 emergent norm theory, 351, 354 Collectivity. See Small groups; Social Cole, Charles L., 1727 as facilitating individual belonging Colegio de Mexico, 1858, 1859 desires, 349 Colleges and universities. See Higher Coleman, James S., 410, 606, 677 free rider and, 604 education; specific institutions on conceptualizing change, group conflict resolution as, Collingridge, David, 2461 1689–1690 1111–1115 Collins, Harry M., 2459 on corporate control, 443 identity and, 1940 Collins, Patricia Hill, 545 on crowd behavior, 559 interest groups and, 604 Collins, Randall, 416, 777, 785–786, differential equation models, intergroup attributions in, 197 1708, 1710 1693 interpersonal identities in, 2221 Collor de Mello, Fernando, on equality of opportunity, 758, law as moral consciousness of, 2135–2136 829, 830–831 1575, 1576 Cologne School, 1077, 1078

3321 INDEX

Colombia Committee on Industrial persuasive, 188, 2776 demographic transition, 626, Organizations, 1530 in small-group problem 2178 Committee on Political Education, solving, 2619 drug cartels, 2135 1530, 1533–1534 and social networks, 2734 drug crop-control program, 714 Committee on the Next Decade symbolic interaction theory of, in Operations Research health-care system, 381 2767–2768 (CONDOR), 3105 lawyers in, 478 See also Internet; Language; Mass Commodity riots, 555, 556 media; Mass media research; political and social tradition, Common factor model, 908–910 Sociolinguistics 1536 Common law system, 464, 465–472, Communication of Innovations (Rogers Colonialism. See Imperialism, 474, 475, 477–478, 480–482, 1554 and Shoemaker), 678 colonialism, and decolonization and family violence, 981, 983 Communication-persuasion Color blindness (racial), 2246 and marriage, 948 paradigm (attitude change), 188 Colorado State University, 3230 Montesquieu comparative Communism. See Socialism and Colorectal cancer, 1640, 1641 study of, 1545 communism Colozzi, Ivo, 1472 rape definition, 2576 Communism, Conformity, and Civil Columbia University, 681, 2193, social conditions conducive Liberties (Stouffer), 314, 316–317 2756, 3099 to, 1547 Communist Church, 355 voting behavior research, 3232, Common Market, 548–549 Communist Manifesto (Marx), 2846 3233–3234, 3238 Common sense, 2100–2102, 2959 Communist Party (China), 2137 Column frequency and percentage, 658 Commoner, Barry, 1221, 1222 Communist Party (Italy), 2128, 2129 Colvin, Mark, 1498 Commons, J. R., 1310 Communist Party (Russia), 2136, 2357, 2850 Coming White Minority, The Communal riots, 555, 556 (Maharidge), 1580 Communality, 909, 912 and Soviet sociology, 2981 Command economy. See Central Communes, 459, 460 Communitarian Challenge to Liberalism, The (Kukathas), 356 economy Communication Communitarianism, 354–362 Commentary (periodical), 1601 and attitude change, 188 as alternative to alienation, 104 Commercial and Political Atlas censorship and regulation of (Playfair), 3005, 3006 expression, 267–281 authoritarian, 356 Commercial law, 473, 476 conversation analysis, 431–439 on civic society, 360 Commercial sex workers. See disaster reporting, 683–684 community and, 359–361 Prostitution electronic, 408, 1321 of countercultures, 460–461 Commercial speech, restrictions emotions and, 2522 critics and responses, 360–361 on, 271 gendered differences in history of, 355–356 Commission on National Goals, expression of love, 1700 impact of, 361–362 2299 Habermas theory, 543 kinship systems and, 1509, Commission for Racial Justice of the history of graphic, 3005–3007 1511–1512 United Church of Christ, 795 innovation diffusion research, new school of responsive, Commission on Applied and Clinical 678 356–361 Sociology, 326 innovations in, 1346 political theory of, 356, 2337 Commission on Human Rights, 2607 instrumentalist theory of, 2219 primary contribution of, 361 Commission on Marijuana and Drug utopian designs and, 3202–3203 Abuse, 712 intelligence and, 1380–1381 values and, 3218–3219, 3222 Commission on Obscenity and Japanese sociology studies, 1481 Pornography, 274 as marital adjustment factor, Community, 362–369 Commission Toward the Year 1730, 1735–1736, 1737 agenda-control power in, 2000, 1039 model as vehicle for, 2029 2165–2166 Commitment, as social control, 2658 as nationalism factor, 1940, 1942 alienation from, 100 Committee on Economic nonverbal cues, 1976, 1978, 1980, as anachronistic, 360 Security, 2403 2061, 3096 anomie and, 164–165

3322 INDEX belonging and, 2520, 2521 and school curricula control, Comparative judgment, 597–598 case studies of, 243, 244–245 277–278 Comparative Politics (Almond and and cities, 305 settlement houses, 365–366, 2841 Powell), 2917 civil liberties balanced with social capital and, 366 Comparative properties of needs of, 318 social disorganization theory collectives, 1592 classic perspective on, 362–363 of, 1495 Comparative-historical sociology, 383–392 communitarian view of, 358–361 social mobility and, 2714 advantages of, 2918–2919 as community of social networks and, 664– communities, 359, 363 665, 716 analytic types of, 385–388 countercultures as, 459–463 in social reform context, 365–366 civil vs. common law tradition, 472–481 and criminal sanctions, 515– social theory and transformation 516, 537 of, 366–368 court systems and law, 473–481 definitions of, 362–363 as socialist ideal, 2847, 2849 holistic comparisons, 387 disaster planning and reaction, and ‘‘strength of weak ties’’ legal systems, 1545–1551 hypothesis, 2693, 2731–2732, 683, 684, 685 and macrosociology, 1709 2791, 2792, 2827 ‘‘disorganization’’ sociological and origins of political parties, studies of, 363–365, 2220–2221 perspective on, 665 2154–2155 and territorial belonging, drug-abuse prevention programs, on revolutions, 383, 384, 2413, 3129–3132 715–717 2414, 3000–3001 urban sociology and, 3191–3197 education and, 2927 urban features, 3194 Community and Power (Nisbet), 356 expressive needs of, 272 See also Convergence theories Community and Society (Tönnies), gay and lesbian, 2570 Compensatory control, 518 2520 Gemeinschaft concept vs., 2630 Competition Community health. See Comparative Japanese sociology studies, 1480, health-care systems; Health coalitions and, 330–331 1481, 1483 promotion and health status; and sex selection theory, leisure and, 1584–1585 Medical sociology 2885–2886 long-term care facilities, Community hospitals. See Hospitals and social exchange theory, 2671 1656–1657, 1658 Community of limited liability and social values research, 3220, macro-level deviance theories thesis, 367 3222–3223 and, 662, 663–666 Community Partnership Program, Complementarity. See Mate selection and mass society theory, 1770, 716, 717 theories 1772, 1773–1774 Community service, 2254 Complete life table, 613 moral infrastructure of, 357– as criminal sanction, 515 Complex organizations, 392–400 358, 359 Community supervision, as criminal in American society, 143–144 and organizational functioning, sanction, 515 and bureaucracy, 229–235 2006–2007 Community surveys, 363–365, 1834 corporate, 244, 441–446 participation in decision Companionship family, 1502, 1506 making, 605 definitions of organizations, Comparable worth, 369–373, 2141, 393–394 participatory research and, 2706, 3048, 3265 2038–2042 demographics of, 395–397 Comparative health-care systems, division of labor in, 696 policing program, 716, 2114 373–383 environments of, 394–395 political communitarianism frameworks for comparison, and, 356 376–377 internal diversity sources among, 397–398 power structure in India, 252–253 key characteristics, 374–375 language use in, 2901–2902 public health campaigns, 1640 long-term care, 375, 378, 1655, responsive communitarianism 1659–1661 large law firms as, 469–470 and, 358–361 review of selected systems, and political power, 2163, rural sociology studies, 2428– 377–381 2997–2998 2429, 2431 and U.S. medical-industrial structure of, 2002–2014 ‘‘saved’’ argument, 367 complex, 1826–1829 survival predictors, 397

3323 INDEX

transnational, 3174–3180 and capitalism, 240 macro-level phenomena Complexity theory, 2753 causal modeling, 266 concerns, 1704 Compliance and conformity, census data, 283 as Polish sociology influence, 2118 400–406 content analysis, 418–421 on positivism, 2192, 2193, 2217 anomie concept and, 165–166 covariance structure models, belief and behavioral 3037 and secularization, 2483 typologies, 2616 data banks and depositories, ‘‘Concepts of Culture and Social classic experiments, 401–402 575, 580 System, The’’ (Kroeber and Parsons), 565 collectivism and, 3218 disaster planning and Conciliatory control, 518 control theory and, 535–536 management, 684, 685, 686 Concubines, 2601, 2602 cultural conformity vs. social mathematical simulations, 1790 belonging, 2630 for measures of association of Concurrent schedules of reinforcement, 212–213 definitions of, 400 more than two variables, 1812 deviant typologies vs., 669 nonparametric test software, 1971 Concurrent validity, 3208 factors increasing, 402–403, 2776 and observation systems, 1981 Condition of Education, The (report), 265 Frankfurt School on sources qualitative, 409–410 Conditional distributions, 2250 of, 540 and replication, 2397 Conditional mean, 447 and helping behavior, 2774 sampling standard error and intolerance of deviance, 317 detection, 2449 Conditional probabilities, 3111–3112 normative influences, 523–524, and secondary data analysis, 2481 Condom use, 957, 2559, 2560, 2586, 2587, 2590, 2592, 2593 2094, 2658 SEM (structural equation normative sanctions, 515, 2341 modeling), 908, 1692, 1910, See also Family planning 1914–1915, 1918–1923, persuasion and, 2094 CONDOR (Committee on the Next 2346–2347, 3039 Decade in Operations political correctness and, statistical graphics, 3003, Research), 3105 2138–2142 3003–3022, 3019–3020, 3022 Condorcet, Marquis de, 2339 self-presentation and, 2506 statistical packages, 3035, Conference for Security and in sentiments, 2529 3038, 3039 Cooperation in Europe, 2047 small group, 2615–2617, 2776 systems theory, 3103 Confidence intervals. See Statistical social belonging and, 3131–3132 telephone interviewing, 410, inference social exchange theory and, 1802, 3092 Confirmatory factor analysis, 907, 2670–2671 typologies, 3183–3185 915–918, 1920–1921 social networks and, 2732 See also Information society; Conflict ‘‘stakes in conformity’’ Internet definition of, 1111, 1451 theory, 665, 667 Computer Assisted Telephone global security and, 1222 values and, 3216 Interviewing (CATI), 410, industrial, 1312, 1314 See also Deviance theories; 1802, 3092 See also Conflict theory; Nonconformity; Social values Computerized Self-Administered Violence: War and norms Questionnaires, 410 Conflict management, 1015 Composite scale, 1909 ‘‘Computing in the Social Sciences’’ group resolution, 1111–1116, Comprehensive Drug Abuse and (annual conference), 407 1400, 1401 Control Act of 1970, 713 Comte, Auguste, 734, 818, 1024, leadership strategies, 1569 Compulsory education, 742, 2056 1028, 1031, 1423, 1465, 1466, negotiation of power, 1950–1955 Computational graphics 1857, 2265 (‘‘nomographs’’), 3003 on altruism, 114, 2882 Conflict subcultures, 509–510, 512 Computer applications in sociology, as clinical sociology precursor, and criminal sanctions, 516–517 406–414 327, 1029 Conflict theory, 414–417 affect control theory, 45–46 on historical progress, 2644 coalitions and, 330–332 bootstrapping and jackknifing, as Japanese sociology early cognitive consistency theories 2397, 2449, 2678, 3039 influence, 1477 and, 334–335

3324 INDEX

collective behavior theories and, and public opinion, 2276– Constitutional monarchy, 2356 351–352 2277, 2278 Constitutional personality theory, competing interests and, 415 Congress of Vienna (1815), 1933 1717–1718 criminological, 516–517, 535, Congress Party (India), 2486 Constitutional Revolution of 536, 2659 Congruency theory, 335, 336–337 1905–1911 (Iran), 1871 and educational mobility, 756, Conjugal love, 1699 Constitutions, 3000–3001 758, 2928 Conjunction fallacy, 595 Construct validity of emotion, 2522–2523 Conklin, Agnes, 324 attitudes as indicators, 190 family and religion and, 939 Connor, Walker, 1941, 1942 in long-term longitudinal studies, 1690 and German sociology, 1078 Consciousness. See Phenomenology quasi-experimental research intergroup and Conscription (military draft), design, 2324–2325 interorganizational relations 1876–1877 and, 1401 reliability and, 2346 protests against, 2269–2270, 3069 and juvenile delinquency, validity and, 3208, 3210 Consensus model 1497–1498 Construction de la sociologie, La communitarian, 359 macro-level reactions to (Berthelot), 1028 of criminal law, 516 deviance and, 670 Constructionist perspective of religious organizations, as major social order and collective action, 354 2379–2380 school, 2337 and emotions, 2523–2524 Conservation movement, 802–803 and penology, 2054–2055 of environmental sociology, Conservatism. See Liberalism/ and Polish sociology, 2119–2120 810–811 conservatism and political power, 2997 of epistemology, 823–824 Conservative Party (Great and ethnicity, 849 on sexual behavior, 2537, 2538 Britain), 2130 of holistic personality theory, and social control, 2660 Consistency, as reliability 2088 and social problems, 2762 component, 2343, 2347–2350, and medical sociology, 1813– sociolinguistics and, 2905–2906 2352–2353 1814, 1815–1816 sports sociology and, 2989 Consistency theory. See Cognitive consistency theories of popular culture, 2169, war and, 415, 3243–3244 2172–2173 Consolidated metropolitan statistical See also Game theory and area, 307 and scientific knowledge, 2459 strategic interaction; Marxist and sexual behavior, 2537–2538, sociology Consolidated Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1985, 1143 2566–2567 Conformity. See Compliance and and sexual orientation, conformity Consortium of Social Science Associations, 153 2566–2567, 2569 Confucianism, 1477, 2941 and social problems, 2762–2763 ‘‘Conspicuous consumption’’ Confucius, 1564 concept, 3168 and socialization, 2855 Conger, J. A., 1566 Constantine, John, 1729 Consumer debt, 206–207 Congleton, Roger D., 2273 Constitution, U.S. Consumer Price Index, 2213–2214 Congo River Basin, 60 banning of slavery, 2601 Consumer Reports (periodical), 864 Congregationalism, 3227 Bill of Rights, 270, 315, 359 Consumerism Congress of Racial Equality, 2269, census directive, 282 and health care industry, 1826 2495, 3069, 3070 civil liberties guarantees, 315, 316 media messages of, 1699 Congress of the United States, 1954 freedom of expression and postmodernism, 2200, 2205, corruption scandals, 2127–2128 guarantees, 268, 270–273, 2206, 2208–2209 direct election of members, 602 275–276 pressure against products made and gays in the military and protest movements, by child labor, 2607 issue, 1881 2265, 2269 survey data collection, 575 and human rights issues, 2607 public ignorance of rights tourism as, 3168 power shift to executive branch under, 318 Consumption from, 2624 as shared value, 359 and economic sociology, 736

3325 INDEX

and environmental sociology, microlevel behavior, 349–350 CORE. See Congress of Racial 800, 807 modernization and, 422–423 Equality Contagion theories, 350–351, social security systems, 2800–2801 Cornfield, Daniel B., 1533 3080, 3081 urban organization and, 3197 Cornish, Edward, 1038 Contemporary Sociology (journal), welfare state, 426–427 Corporal punishment, 76, 315 1606, 1869–1870 Convergent validity, 3210 as criminal sanction, 515 Contempt of court, 478 Conversation analysis, 431–441 and family violence, 982–983, 985 Content analysis, 417–422, Corporate organizations, 441–446 1978–1979, 1981, 2468 case studies of, 247 career advancement in, content analysis, 1979 Content validity, 3207, 3208–3209 1984–1985, 1986 and gender identity, 1002 Contested Knowledge (journal), case studies of, 244 2207–2208 sequence organization, 433–435 case studies of multinational, 246 Contextual properties of sociolinguistics and, 2895, CEOs of, 1564 collectives, 1592 2902–2903, 2904–2905 democratic decision making Contingency of reinforcement, SYMLOG observation system, in, 601 210–212 1976–1977 dominance in American society, Contingency tables. See Tabular on turn-taking, 247, 435–437, 143–144 analysis; Typologies 438, 439 European labor movements, Continuing care retirement Converse, Philip E., 2683, 1529, 1530–1532 communities (CCRCs), 1664 3234, 3235 as governing class, 604 Continuing quality improvement Cook, Karen S., 2672, 2674, 2733 health care industry, 1810–1829 (CQI), 1665 Cook, T. D., 2324–2325, 2326, 2327 and interest groups, 2151 Continuous National Surveys Cook, Thomas, 2282 (CNS), 577, 578 legal rights of, 441 Cook County, Illinois, 1485 Contraceptives. See Family planning Mexican political, 1858, 1859 Cooley, Charles Horton, 783, 1254, Contract with America, 2278 owner vs. managerial control 1313, 2089, 2218, 3098 Contract workers, 321, 2597 of, 443 ‘‘looking-glass self’’ concept, social control over, 443–444 Contracultures. See Countercultures 2089, 2344, 2512, 2750, 2856 and social networks, 2727–2728 Contribution to the Critique of Political pragmatism theory, 2218, 2219, transnational, 3174–3180 Economy, A (Marx), 722–723 2221, 2423 and white-collar crime, 3246– Control balance theory of on primary groups, 2610, 2611 deviance, 535 3254 Cooper, Anna Julia, 66 Control theory. See Social control See also Complex organizations Cooper, J., 339–340 Convenience samples, 2444 Corporatist welfare state, 377, 379 Cooperation Convention for the Prevention and Corpus Juris Civilis, 465, 473 coalitions and, 329 Punishment of the Crime of Corrections systems. See Genocide, 1066, 1072 among complex organizations, Criminology; Criminal sanctions; 393 Convention on Combating Bribery Penology of Foreign Public Officials within in-groups, 3218 Correlation and regression analysis, (1999), 2138 and social values research, 3220, 446–459 Convention on Psychotropic 3221–3222 attenuated correlations, 1909 Substances (1971), 713 Cooperative Extension Service, differential equation models, Convention on the Rights of the 2416, 2429 1693–1694 Child (1989), 1243 COPE. See Committee on Political intercorrelations among items, Convergence theories, 422–431 Education 2345, 2348, 2354 crowd behavior, 679 Cope, Edward, 1–2 linear regression, 162–163, 2251 demographic transition, 425–426 Coping, 1814 and measurement, 1795, 2345 family patterns, 426 personal dependency and, and measurement error, 1917 globalization and, 427–428 2062–2063, 2066 misleading results, 457 in industrial sociology, 422–423, role theory and, 2415 multiple indicator models, 424–425, 428 self-destructive responses, 3077 1907–1923

3326 INDEX

multiple regression, 452–456 Council on Social Work and mate selection theories, 1775 nonparametric statistics and, Education, 2845 research trends, 488–489 1957, 1969 Countercultures, 459–463, 2366, See also Sexual behavior patterns 2367, 2374 statistical methods and, Cousins, 1509, 1513 and mysticism, 460–461, 2969, 3035–3036, 3039 Covariance, 449 3287–3288 in time series, 2679 adjustments for, 161–162 outcomes of movements, 2724 See also Causal inference models attribution model, 193 student movements, 3070 Correlation coefficient for bivariate relationship, 661 Countermovements, 2717–2718 for bivariate relationship, 661 definition of, 661 Counter-urbanization, 311 definition of, 661 in event history models, 1693 Country Life Movement, 2426 measures of association and, structure models, 3037 Counts, Dorothy and David, 583 1907–1908 See also Analysis of variance and County of Washington v. Gunther and multiple indicator models, covariance; Factor analysis (1981), 372 1907–1908 Covington, Martin V., 2859 Coups d’etat, definition of, 2410 and nonparametric statisti cs, Cox, David, 872 1957 Cours de philosophie positive Cox, Oliver C., 53 scattor plot shape and (Comte), 2192 Cox regression. See Proportional direction, 661 Course in General Linguistics hazards models statistical graphics, 3015–3016 (Saussure), 1032 Cox-Stuart change, 1969 Court systems and law, 464–483 Correspondent inference theory, CPI. See California Psychological 193–194 accusatory vs. inquisitorial Inventory; Consumer Price Index models, 479–480 Corruption. See Political and Crack cocaine, 711, 714 governmental corruption appeals court, 471–472, 476 civil liberties issues, 318 Corsaro, William, 2297, 2855, 2901 civil and criminal procedures, 479–480 and sexually transmitted Corse, Sarah M., 1647, 1648, diseases, 2588 1649, 1650 determinate sentencing, 2056 Craft guilds, 697 Corsini, Raymond J., 1718, 2084 and division of powers, 1953 Craft unions, 1533 Cortese, Charles F., 2500 jurisprudential vs. sociological perspectives, 2961 Crámer, Harald, 3035 Cosby, William, 273 juvenile, 1485 Cramer’s V (measure of Coser, Lewis A., 415, 1356, 1646, association), 1809 and legal justice, 2696 2522–2523, 2817, 3039 Crane, Diana, 567, 568, 569, legal precedent, 476 Cosmopolitanism, 3132–3133 677, 2915 litigation comparison by COSSA. See Consortium of Social Crane, Robert, 173 country, 471 Science Associations Craven, Avery, 1217 and nonintervention in family Costa, Paul T., 2087 law, 949–950, 951 Craxi, Bettino, 2129 Costa Rica, 1536 probation and, 2254 Creation stories, 3285 Cost-benefit analysis triadic dilemma, 465–466 Creativity criminal sanctions and, 519–520 See also Law and legal systems; depression linked with, 655–656 public policy and, 2283 Sociology of law goal-relevant stimuli and, 2060 Cost-effectiveness analysis, 2283 Courtly love, 1697 pragmatism and, 22220 Costner, Herbert L., 3188 Courts of Indian Offenses, 137 Credentials theory, 2929–2930, Cottage industry, 3262 Courtship, 483–490 2933–2934 Cottrell, Leonard, 324, 1237, 1726, advice books, 488 Credit. See Bankruptcy and credit 1727, 3098 after divorce, 1779 Credit cards, 206–207 Couch, Arthur, 1976 and cohabitation, 108, 484, Crenson, Matthew, 2165–2166 Couch, Carl, 2222 487, 1779 Crespi, Irvin, 2274 Coughlin, Richard, 360 history of, 483–484 Cressey, Donald, 503, 507, 2020, Council of European Social Science love and, 484, 488, 489, 2052–2053 Data Archives, 575, 576–577 1698–1699 Cresson, Edith, 2130

3327 INDEX

Crews, Frederick, 2023, 2026 Criminal and delinquent probation and parole and, Crime, theories of, 502–509, subcultures, 509–515 2252–2258 527–537 characterizations of criminals, retribution and, 2056 anomie and, 166 530–531, 534, 1517 sample selection bias, 2439 communitarian, 359 deviance theory, 664, 665– three dimensions of, 2659 668, 670 community studies, 365 for white-collar crime, 3251–3252 drug users, 713–714 and consensus view, 516 See also Criminalization of control balance, 535 factors in, 1494 deviance; Police criminal behavior approach, labeling process, 668 Criminal Victimization in the United 506–507, 513, 528–529, 1575 ‘‘prisonization’’ and, 2052 States (report), 494 definitions of, 529–528 social control approach to, 521 Criminality and Economic Conditions deterrence and, 2659 stable vs. retreatist, 1494 (Bonger), 534 deviance and, 664–672, 2658 Criminal justice system Criminalization of deviance, 523–527 differential association, 666 criminal sanctions, 515–521, decriminalization trend, 521 and distinct forms of crime, 526–527, 537, 2056 drug traffic and use, 711, 505–506 data from, 530 713–714, 1577 and functional perspective, 516 defendant’s rights and, 317, 318 Durkheim on, 1575, 1577 low self-control vs. diminished determinate sentencing, 2056 historical theories, 528–529, 1575 social control, 667 due process and, 520–521 labeling theory, 243, 520, 525, macro-level origins, 662, probation and parole, 2242–2258 534–535, 1577 663–666, 672 and rape prosecution and macro-level reactions, 669–670 macro-level reaction, 670–671 defense, 2577 micro-level reactions, 662, micro-level origins, 662, 663, selection bias in disposition of 668–669 666–670 cases, 2439 politicization of, 524–526 micro-level reaction, 663, as social control, 2660 prostitution studies, 2559–2560 668–670 sociology of law and, 2960–2963 sanctions and, 667, 670–671 penal policy and, 2056–2057 trials, 479–480 sexual behaviors, 2567–2568 pornography and, 505, 2186, 2187 See also Penology sociology of sanctions, 516–518 See also Criminal and delinquent Criminal law Criminology, 527–539 subcultures; Criminal determinate sentencing, 2056 Chicago School, 532–533 sanctions; Criminology; discrimination in sentencing, Classical School, 528–529, Juvenile delinquency, 2962 535, 536 theories of evolution of, 516–519 and correlates of crime, 530–531 Crime deterrence. See Criminal and family violence, 981 and cross-border crime control, sanctions; Criminology; Social procedure, 479, 480 1935–1936 control and subgroup variation, 527 and cross-cultural analysis, 549 Crime in the United States (FBI publication), 493–494, 503 See also Criminal sanctions; and definition of crime, 529 Crime rates, 490–502 Criminology deterministic, 521 in cities, 311, 531 Criminal sanctions, 515–522 mainstream, 504 criminological studies of, deterrence theory of, 519, 525, and organized crime, 2017–2021 530–533 529, 536, 537, 667, penology, 2051–2057 2056–2057, 2341, 2650, 2659 criminological theories on, radical-Marxist, 504–505, 534–535 deviance theories on, 666–667, 503–504 and rape, 2576–2581 667, 670–671, 1575 international data of, 498– and white-collar crime, 530, discrimination in, 2962 500, 549 3245–3254 and due process, 520–521 measuring absolute vs. relative See also Crime, theories of; evolution of, 518, 526, 527–528 rates, 497–498 Criminal sanctions; Juvenile Crimes against humanity, 1429 illicit drug use and, 712, 714 delinquency, theories of; ‘‘Crimes of obedience,’’ 404 and labeling theory, 534 Juvenile delinquency and

3328 INDEX

juvenile crime; Political crime; Cronbach’s alpha, 2348–2350, 2351 Cross-dressing, 2572, 2573 Terrorism Cross-cultural analysis, 546–553 Cross-gender sexual contacts. See Crimmins, E. M., 1632 of affective responses, 42 Heterosexuality Crippen, T., 2881, 2883, 2884, 2886 of altruism, 118 Cross-impact matrices, 2678 Crisis, definition of, 2025 anthropological, 547–548, 550, Crossley, Archibald, 3232 Crisis responses, collective, 348 2888, 2893 Cross-modality fallacies, 1593 Crisis theory, 1755 of attribution, 194, 198 Cross-Polity Survey, A (Banks and on political party origins, 2154 borrowings in, 675 Textor), 2917 Critcher, C., 353, 1578 challenges and problems in, Cross-pressure theory, 3049–3050 Criterion-related validity, 3207, 3208 549–550 Cross-sectional fallacy, 1593, 1685 Critical legal studies (CLS) changes theories, 674–675 Cross-sectional surveys movement, 1548, 1556–1557 of childhood sexual abuse, cohort perspectives, 344 Critical naturalism, 823 292–293 logic model, 2297 Critical realism (Bashkar of cognition, 2891 longitudinal, 1687, 1688–1689 concept), 823 of communitarian moral marginal employment, 1722 Critical sociology, 1081 judgments, 361 Crowds and riots, 553–562 Critical theory, 539–546 of conformity levels, 400, 404 characteristic features, 554–557 criminology, 504–505 of depression manifestation, 656 collective behavior theory, 349, Frankfurt School, 539–542, 543, disaster research, 685 350–351 1752, 1754, 1757, 1758 of educational attainment, convergence theory, 679 of Habermas, 539, 542–544, 545 3044–3045 coordination of behavior of, human ecology and, 1214 of family trends, 130, 1502 559–560 legal studies, 2961 future of, 550 crowd activities, 554–555 leisure and, 1583 of health-care systems, 375–376 diffusion theories, 679 Marxist sociology and, 539, 545, of homosexual behavior, 111 emergence conditions, 557–558 1754, 1757, 1758, 2760 of income determinants, 3048 participation units in, 556–557 materialist theory and, 1785–1786 of kinship structures, 1502, 1509 predictors of participation in, 560 medical sociology and, 1815– of legal systems, 1549–1550 social psychology studies on, 1816 of love, 1697–1698 2771 and participatory research, 2040 of mate selection, 2885 spectator-bystander differentiation, 556 political elite/pluralist debate, methodological techniques and 2624–2626, 2627 sources in, 547–549 See also Draft riots; Urban riots Crowley, M., 2533 on popular culture, 2169 of moral development, 1901, on postindustrial society, 2205 1902–1903 Crude rates, 610–612, 1740–1741 post-Marxist, 1757, 1758 of occupational status attainment, standardization, 2992–2995 and poststructuralism, 544–545 3046–3047 See also Birth and death rates; pragmatism and, 2219 prestige evaluations similarities, Marriage and divorce rates and rural sociology, 2431 1998–1999 Crump, Edward (‘‘Boss’’), 2126 on scientific explanation, 2472 of rape-prone societies, Crusades, 2967–2968 2580–2581 social problems paradigm, 2760 Crutchfield, Robert, 665 of religious ethics and moral and sports sociology, 2990 Cruzan, Nancy, 586 law, 3284 Crittenden, Kathleen, 196 Cruzan v. the State of Missouri (1990), of religious myths and symbols, 3083, 3084 Croatia, 2362 3282–3283 CS. See Cluster sampling genocide, 68 secondary data analysis, CSA. See Clinical Sociology national movement, 1941 2478–2479 Association Croce, Benedetto, 1465 of socialization, 2862 CSAQ (Computerized Self- Crohn, Joel, 1411, 1412 Weber’s bureaucracy study, Administered Questionnaires), Croker, Richard, 2125 229–230 410 Cronbach, Lee, 2348 of widowhood, 3255–3256 Cuba, 2134

3329 INDEX

and criminalization of on popular culture, 2169– and mental health concepts, 2190 deviance, 524 2170, 2172 metatheory and, 1853–1854 revolution (1959), 2411, 2412 pragmatism and, 2219 modernization theory and, as socialist state, 1536, 2851 See also Ethnography; 1885–1886 Cuber, John, 1731 Sociocultural anthropology moral development theory, Cui bono criterion, 2004 Cultural Studies: A Research Annual 1900–1902 Cults (journal), 2293 music and, 1924–1927 as collective behavior, 349 Culturalists, 563 nonmaterial, 1210 counterculture, 461 Culture, 562–572 order-deficit model, 153 definition of, 2366 African institutions, 63–65 personal, 1305 and recovered memory age appropriateness and, 1623 postindustrial, 2200 syndrome, 901 alienation and, 100 postmodernist theories of, 1756, religious, 3287 American Indian, 137–138 1784, 2173, 2206–2209 Cultural analysis, 2762, 2891–2892 art and, 172–174 production of, 567, 1647– Cultural anthropology. See Asian-American personality 1648, 1925 Anthropology; Sociocultural studies, 178 recorded, 568 anthropology British sociological studies, 226, regulatory, 1103 227–228 Cultural capital, 2626, 2714 religious orientation and, and educational mobility, coethnic, 2329 2384–2385 2928, 3043 conformity levels and, 400 role theory and, 2422 human capital vs., 2928 criminal sanctions and, 518 sexual orientation and, as stratifying force, 2812 definitions of, 562–563, 566–567 2566–2567, 2569 Cultural conformity, social belonging as depression influence, 656 of sexuality, 1304 vs., 2630 development of, 1199 and social change, 2643, 2644 Cultural differentiation, 510 deviant behavior linked with, 664 social interaction definition, 2767 Cultural diversity, 1407 differing concepts of corruption, and social movement emergence, Cultural evolution. See Evolution: 2124, 2126–2127 2719–2720 biological, social, cultural diffusion theories, 675–676, and social structure debate, Cultural hegemony theory, 1753 679, 1085 563–565 Cultural identity, 1199, 1402 disaster reaction and, 686 and socialization, 2855, 2862 Cultural imperialism, 1322, 1767 emic-etic frame, 550, 564, as spousal role influence, 696 2091–2092, 2889, 2891, 2892 Cultural institutions, 1063 subcultures definition, 509 emotions and, 774, 781–785 Cultural integration, 1223 and suicide variation, 3079 and ethnic-group resources, Cultural lag, 3066 as symbolic aspect of social 847–848 Cultural markers, 1932 life, 518 ethnoscience and, 2891 Cultural pluralism. See technological, 1210 Multiculturalism Eurocentric, 55 as tool kit, 1102 Cultural production. See Art and global, 1085, 1091, 1092 and values and norms, society; Literature and high vs. mass culture debate, 2830, 3217 society; Music 565–566, 1645–1646 and values in economy, 736, 737 Cultural psychology, 548 historical perspective, 568 and variants of values, 3217, Cultural renewal, 1295 of honor, 2528 3218, 3222, 3224 Cultural resistance studies, 2170 and Latin American studies, 1537 See also Countercultures; Cross- Cultural Revolution (China; legal systems as reflection of, 472 cultural analysis; Ethnicity; 1966–1977), 3045 leisure as component of, 1583 Evolution: biological, social, Cultural selection, 1234 marginalization, 2367, 2634–2635 cultural; Popular culture; Cultural specificity, 1368 Marxist sociology and, 562, 568, Sociocultural anthropology Cultural studies, 569 1755, 1756, 1757 Culture (Czarnowski), 2118 Marxist sociology, 1756, mass media mainstreaming Culture and Evolution 1757, 1758 of, 1766 (Chmielewski), 2119

3330 INDEX

Culture and Personality Approach in Dahl, Robert A., 603–604, of social networks, 1789–1790 American Anthropology, The 1456, 2624 sources of personality data, (Mach), 2119–2120 Dahlström, Edmund, 2453 2076–2078 Culture circles hypothesis, 675 Dahrendorf, Ralf, 414, 1753, 2337, statistical distribution, 658– Culture exchanges, 675 2415, 2814 659, 661 Culture lag, 2644 and British sociology, 224, statistical graphics, 3003, Culture of poverty, 1288, 2211–2212 225–226 3011–3019, 3039 Culture war, 1580 and German sociology, 1078, statistical methods, 3034–3039 Culture: Sociological Perspectives (Hall 1079, 1080 statistical models, 2028 and Neitz), 567 Daily time use. See Time use of survey research, 3090 Cumulative distribution function, research tabular, 3107–26 2250 Daley, Richard J., 2126, 2496–2497 of time use research, 3157–3159 Cumming, Elaine, 2300 Dalit (Hindu oppressed), 252–253 of variance and covariance, Cumulative advantage/disadvantage Daly, Kathleen, 3251 157–164 theory, 84 Damaska, Mirjan, 1548, 1549 of voting behavior, 3232–3236 Cumulative scale analysis, 1801 D’Amato, Alfonse, 2125 Data banks and depositories, Cunnilingus, 2553 Damle, Y.B., 1291 573–581 Cunningham, P. B., 76 D.A.R.E. (Drug Abuse Resistance access procedures and use, Currency. See Money Education), 716, 717 579–580 Current Concepts of Positive Mental Darkness Visible: A Memoir of Madness age-period-cohort effects, 81 Health (Jahoda), 2188–2189 (Styron), 651 census, 282–287 Current life table, 612, 614 Darley, John M., 115, 116–117 computer-assisted, 409–411, 413 Current Population Survey, 284, Darrow, Clarence, 2369 concept and history, 573–575 1521, 1687, 1720, 1722, Dartmouth conference, 2047 data sharing, 576 1747, 2215 Darwin, Charles, 1031, 1209, 1466, demographic data, 609, 631 Current Research in Social Psychology 1636, 2218, 2522 information collection measures, (journal), 413 evolution by natural selection 1802–1803 Curry, Theodore R., 2961 theory, 876, 878, 2330, 2334, intercohort comparisons, 344 Curtis, R. F., 2345 2369, 2418, 2880–2881, replication and, 2397 Cuvillier, A., 1024 2885, 2889 secondary data analysis from, Cybercrime, 3253 evolution theory statements, 2473–2481 2880–2881 Cyberspace. See Internet; Web sites for social research, 2769 as influence on Marx, 573, 1782 Cyclical theories, 2644–2645 Social Science Data Archives, Cyprus, 1945 as Polish sociology influence, 575–580 2118 Czarniawska, Barbara, 2902 social survey instruments, Czarnowski, Stefan, 2118 Data analysis 577–579 Czech Republic computing technology, 408–409 World Wide Web, 406, 413 divorce rate, 706 content analysis, 417–421 See also Library resources and ethnonationalism and creation of, cross-cultural, 547–549 services for sociology 1934, 1946, 1947 demographic, 609–610, 632 Data collection. See Data banks and labor movement, 1532 general linear model, 457 depositories; Public opinion; Survey research post-communist transition in, longitudinal, 1684, 1685–1686, 2136 1689–1694 Data reduction, 906–907 sociology in, 2117 missing data treatment, 3039 Date rape, 2558–2559, 2577, 2583 tourism in, 3169 multiple indicator models, Datenreport (publications), 2685 Czech revolution (1968), 2414 1907–1923 Dating. See Courtship Czyzewski, Marek, 2119 multiple regression, 451–457 David (king of Israel), 1508 replication, 2396–2397 David, Rene, 1555 D sampling procedures, 2444–2449 Davie, Grace, 2966 Dadrian, Vahakn N., 1071 secondary, 2473–2481 Davies, James C., 2270

3331 INDEX

Davis, Beverly, 1594 self-motivation and, 584–585 Deconstructionism, postmodern, Davis, Fred, 460 seminal book on, 583 2200 Davis, Gerald F., 2668 social stressors and, 584 Deduction/induction. See Experiments; Quasi-experimental Davis, James, 411, 2684 widowhood mortality risk, 3259 research designs; Scientific Davis, Keith, 1778 See also Life expectancy; Suicide; explanation; Statistical inference Davis, Kingsley, 1006, 1030, 2690, Widowhood Deep ecology, 803 2813, 3214 Death and Identity (Fulton), 581, 582 Deep South Center for Davis-Moore hypothesis, 2813 Death and the Right Hand Environmental Justice, 791 Davy, Georges, 1026, 1425 (Hertz), 1032 Deep Throat (film), 2185 Dawes, R. M., 592–593 Death penalty Defendant’s rights, 317, 318 Dawkins, Richard, 2207, 2882 as civil liberties issue, 315 Defense Department, U.S., 144, Day, Randall D., 1729 as criminal sanction, 515 1876, 1880, 1881 Day-care facilities as retribution, 2056 Defenses (emotional), 1713–1714 for adults, 1657 Death rates. See Birth and death Defining Issues Test, 1898–1899, for children, 129, 359 rates; Infant and child mortality 1901, 1902 DDA (Danish data archive), 576 Debs, Eugene, 273, 2146 Degree of association, 1806–1811 DDT insecticide, 88 Debt. See Bankruptcy and credit Dehumanization, aggression and, 74 De Christoforo, Violet, 181 Debt bondage, 2597, 2602, 2604, Deinstitutionalization, 1657, 1841, De Civitate Dei (Augustine), 1507 2605, 2606, 2607 2660 De facto censorship, 269 Decameron, The (Bocaccio), 2185 DeJanvry, Alain, 641 De Greef, G., 1932 Decency, 2527 Delacroix, Jacques, 1709–1710 De la division du travail social Deci, E. L., 2059–2060 Delayed gratification, 668 (Durkheim), 1024 Decision-making power, 2165 Delinquent Boys (Cohen), 534 De Marchi, Bruna, 1473 Decision-making theory and Delinquent subcultures. See Criminal Death and dying, 581–590 research, 590–601 and delinquent subcultures anniversary effect, 584–585 absolute vs. comparative Delinquents, juvenile. See Juvenile judgment, 597–598 assisted suicide, 585, 586–587, delinquency, theories of; Juvenile 3083–3086 and adolescence, 12 delinquency and juvenile crime bereavement and, 582, 584, 649 coalitions, 329–333 Della Fave, Richard, 198 causes of, 1137–1138 decision processing, 593–595 Della Porta, Donatella, 1472 demographic data, 609–611 decision theories, 590–593, 598 Delli Zotti, Giovanni, 1468 depression and, 656 democratic process, 603–606 Delphi method, 2618, 2678 end-of-life preferences, 586–587 general judgment and, 598 Demagoguery, 1771 and event history analysis, 869 and group decision making, Demand Analysis (Wold and Juréen), 3035 funerals and, 582 595–597 Demarchi, Franco, 1469 Kübler-Ross’s stages of, 582 on helping behavior, 115–116 Dementia, 1839 leading causes of, 222, 224, individual differences, 595 1639, 1641 innovation-decision process, 678 Demeny, Paul, 619, 632 lifestyles and, 1639–1642 rational decision theory, 349–350 Democracy, 601–609 and living wills, 585–586, 587, systems theory, 3102–3105 and capitalism, 241–242 3064, 3083 and war, 3244–3256 and caste system in India, 252 new norms for, 3064, 3065 and widowhood, 126 and censorship and regulation of nursing home hospice units, 1671 Declaration of Independence (U.S.), expression, 267, 268 planning for, 583 2267, 2365 common understanding of, 602 and quality of dying, 585, Declaration of Rights of Man and consociational model, 2159 587–588 the Citizen (France), 475 critical theory on, 545 and ‘‘right to die’’ movement, Déclassé. See Status incongruence critiques of, 603, 604–605 585, 586, 3064, 3065, 3083 Decolonization. See Imperialism, democratization process and, risk of, 1127 colonialism, and decolonization 2159–2160

3332 INDEX dictatorships vs., 3002–3003 voting behavior research, convergence theories, 425–426 and division of powers, 3232–3238 divorce rate relationship, 112, 1952–1953 and war initiation, 605, 3244 125–126 and educational mobility, 2927 Democracy in America (Tocqueville), and historical population trends, effectiveness of, 605, 606 1515, 2966, 3227 2175–2177 elites and, 2164, 2623, Democratic National Committee, and long-term care needs, 1653, 2624–2626, 2627 2128 1654, 1655 equality and, 606 Democratic National Convention marital age, 620, 1425 (1968), 556 exclusions in, 602–603, 604 marriage squeeze factors and, Democratic Party 1775–1776 and French School of labor movement and, 1530, 1531, Sociology, 1025 men’s economic position and, 1532, 1533–1534 1525–1526 historical sociology studies liberalism and, 1596 of, 1198 in Mexico, 1859–1860 machine politics, 2125–2126 in Middle Eastern countries, individual rights and, 1238–1239 protest movements within, 2267 1866–1868 interest groups and, 604 voter classification, 3233, 3234 1950s as anomaly, 124, 1525 and Japanese sociology, 1479 Democratic Party of the Left population size and, 632–633, in labor movements, 605, 606, (Italy), 2129 635, 1219, 2176–2183 1532–1533 Democratic Republic of Congo post-World War II, 704, 1525 Latin American movement, 1537, (formerly Zaire), 68, 2133 replacement fertility and, 2181 1538, 1539 Democratic Revolutionary Party and social change, 703–704, leadership and, 1565, 2164 (PRD; Mexico), 2135 2642–2643 and Mexican studies, 1861 Demographic and Health See also Birth and death rates; origins of, 605–606 Survey, 548, 633 Fertility determinants; Infant participatory, 605, 2164, 2627 Demographic methods, 609–621 and child mortality; Marriage and peace, 2045, 2046, 2049 birth and death rates, 217–224 and divorce rates Plato’s hostility to, 3202 crime rate calculation, 491–492 Demography, 630–639 pluralist theory of, 604–605, cross-cultural research, 548–549 of AIDS/HIV, 2586–2588, 2164, 2165, 2624–2626 crude rates comparison, 610–612 2591–2593 political alienation and, 103–104 data description, 609–610, 632 alienated groups and, 102 political corruption and, descriptive statistics, 658–659 American Indian studies, 133–134 2124, 2125 fertility determinants, 1005, 1008 of American marriages, 124–126 in political organizations, 2149 hazards models, 617 of Asian Americans, 175–177 and political participation, 2339 indirect estimation, 617–618 and census, 281–287 and political party fragmentation, mortality modeling, 619 of child sexual abuse, 2581 2157–2158 nonparametric statistics, 1956– and political party systems, 2153, 1971 and China studies, 298 2154, 2159–2160 organizational knowledge as of cohabitors, 109 public opinion and, 2273 secondary data, 574 data archives for secondary rational choice theory of, 2339 population projection, 615–616 analysis, 2476 religious interests’ representation standardization, 2991–2996 definitions of, 630, 632 in, 2358–2362 unemployment rate dependency theory and, 645 renewed definitions of, 605 measurement, 1521, 1720 divorce correlates, 634, 704, representative, 602–603, 2154, See also Population 704–705 2156–2157, 2164, 2627 Demographic transition, 621–630 drug users, 710–711 and socialism, 2848 birth and death rates calculations, and equality of opportunity, Tocqueville’s study of, 601, 606, 217–224 826–827 1515, 1704, 2966, 3227 childbearing rate decline, 110, and family size, 970–972 and voluntary associations, 122, 125, 2032 formal, 631–632 3227, 3230 and city systems, 3196–3197 of labor force, 1525–2526

3333 INDEX

of legal profession, 468–469 Dentistry, 2259 Descent. See Inheritance and life cycle, 1625 Denton, Herbert, 2497 Descriptive statistics, 657–662 of nursing home residents, Denton, Nancy, 366, 2500, 2501, data distribution, 658–659, 661 1667–1668 2502–2503, 2504, 3199 summary statistics, 659–661 organizational, 395–397 Denton, Wayne H., 1736 Desegregation. See Segregation and parenting trends, 2031–2033 Denzin, Norman, 569, 1633, desegregation population policy, 635 1635, 2220 Design effect, sampling procedure, populations included in, 630–631 Dependency (personal). See Personal 2447, 2448 of poverty in less developed dependency Design of Experiments, The countries, 2216 Dependency theory, 134–135, (Fisher), 3006 639–648 of poverty in United States, , 1084, 1087–1089, 1091, Desktop computers. See Computer 2214–2215 1214, 2922 applications in sociology critics and defenders of, 644–645 as profession, 636–637 Desmond, Adrian, 2460 Latin American studies, 641–643, of rape, 2576–2577 Determinate sentencing, 2254 1535, 1538, 2922 of remarriage, 2387–2388 Determined behavior, 528, 529, 539 modernization theory vs., research areas, 635–636 639–646, 1706–1707 Determinism, 2218, 2226 and rural sociology, 2428 Dependent variable (statistical), 3038 Deterministic criminology, 521 social, 632–635, 2678–2679 Depression, 648–657 Deterrence theory suicide rates by country, 3082 aging and, 652, 653, 656, 1839 of criminal sanctions, 519, 525, U.S. suicide rates, 3078 529, 536, 537, 2056–2057, in artists, 655 of underemployment, 1720–1722 2659 case study of, 245 of widowhood, 126, 3256–3257 of criminalization, 525, 529, 536 childhood sexual abuse and, See also specific countries 290, 293 general and specific Demographic and Health Surveys processes, 2659 concomitants, 655–656 Project (Macro International), Detroit Area Studies, 2476 divorce and, 705 2178 Deurbanization, 3195 measurement of, 653–654, 1834 Deng Ziaoping, 2643 Deutsch, Karl W., 1940, 1942 risk factors, 652–653, 1836 Denisoff, R. Serge, 1927 Deutsch, Morton, 402, 1012, 1978, and self-esteem, 2514 Denmark 2620, 2917 as suicide predictor, 650, 656, family violence, 981 on social justice, 2699, 2701 3078–3079, 3081 health-care system, 374, 375, 377 Deutsche Gesellschaft für Soziologie, theories of, 650–652, 1838 legal system, 471 1074–1075, 1077, 1080 treatment of, 654–655 long-term care and care facilities, Deutscher, Irwin, 2222 types of, 649–650 1652, 1653, 1655, 1661 DeVault, Marjorie L., 1648 pornography legalization, 2188 women’s employment and, 1838 Developing countries same-sex marriage legalization, Depression (economic). See Great adult education, 23 111 Depression AIDS/STDs, 2591–2593 Social Science Data Archive, Depression Adjective Check 575, 576 List, 654 case studies of global economic changes, 246 social security system spending, Depressive disorder, 648–649, 650 2797, 2800 Deprivation. See Poverty; Relative child labor, 3262 sociology, 2450 deprivation dependency theory, 639–646, 1706 women in labor force Derrida, Jacques, 2207, 2757 percentage, 3262 Dertaux, Daniel, 1633 and environmental problems, Dennis, Norman, 225 DES cattle feed, 88 793–794, 932 Denominations Desai, A.R., 1291, 1293 ethnic political conflict, 847 decline of liberal mainline, 2379 Desai, I.P., 1291 family planning, 959–960, 972 definition of, 2365 DeSapio, Carmine, 2126 family and religion in, 944 members in United States, Descartes, René, 1302, 1781, 2218, feminist perspectives, 1708 2376–2377 2219, 3005 fertility declines, 2178–2179

3334 INDEX

fertility transitions, 627–629, 633, cross-cultural analysis, 549 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of 1005–1010 defiant vs. evasive deviance, Mental Disorders (DSM-I, DSM- Green Revolution, 89–90 523–524 II, DSM-III, DSM-IV), 649, 650, 653, 1832–1833, 1834, 1838, infant mortality rates, 221 definition problems, 2659 1840, 1841 liberation movement, 541 ecological factors, 2658 Diagnostic Interview Schedule on illness and disability, and modernization theory, 1706, (DIS), 1834 1883–1887 1815–1816 Diagnostic Products, 1824 mortality decline, 2177–2178 and labeling, 520, 669–670, Dialectic mortality levels, 622–623 1496–1497 pragmatism and, 2217, 2218 mortality modeling, 619 and legislation of morality, 1575–1576 protest and counterprotest participatory research, 2040 liberal vs. conservative, 357 movements, 2267 population, 2177–2178 macro-level origins, 662, 663–666 Dialectic of enlightenment, 541, 542 post-disaster impact, 685 macro-level reactions, 663, Dialectical Fairy Scene. See Passagen- revolutions, 2412–2413 670–671, 2660 Werk rural sociology, 2429–2430 on mental illness, 669, Dialectical materialism, 1781–1782 social security systems, 2799– 1836–1837, 1840 definition of, 1782 2801, 2803 micro-level origins, 662, 663, and French School of Sociology, time use research, 3161, 3162 666–670 1026–1027 total fertility rates, 219–220 micro-level reactions, 663, ‘‘Dialectics of Systemic Constraint transnational corporations and, 668–670 and Academic Freedom: Polish 697, 3178–3179 music and, 1926 Sociology under Socialist Regime’’ (Kwasniewicz), 2119 UN New World Information and neutralization theory on, 1496 Dialects, 2901 Communication Order, 1767 pragmatism theory and, 2221 Dianetics (Hubbard), 2366 See also Industrialization in less pure deviance/falsely accused/ developed countries; specific secret deviance distinctions, Diaphragm, 626 countries 668 Diaries, life histories, 1633 Development. See Education and Scandinavian sociology, 2453 Diarrheal diseases, 623 development; Modernization and social control, 2657–2659 Díaz, Porfirio, 1857 theory and social learning theory, Dickens, Charles, 1309 Developmental psychology, 1617, 666–667, 668, 672 Dictatorship, 1067, 1070, 2163, 1624 social stimuli effects on, 2775 2356, 3002–3003 Freudian, 1713–1714, 2088 and socialization, 2858 Dictionary of Occupational Titles, 3264 on homosexuality and bisexuality, subcultural approach to, 664, Dictionary of Sociology (Fairchild 2565–2566 2775 ed.), 326 invariant sequence in, 1900, 1901 and urban underclass, 2497–2498 Dictionary of Statistics (Mulhall), moral development stages, See also Compliance and 3005–3006, 3007, 3008 1894–1897 conformity; Criminalization of Dictionnaire critique de la sociologie personality theories, 2088, deviance; Juvenile (Boudon and Bourricaud), 1028 2090, 2092 delinquency, theories of Diderot, Denis, 1976 Piaget stages theory, 1894, Deviation from the mean (statistics). Diederich, Charles, 899 1895–1896, 2085, 2092, 2855 See Mean absolute deviation Diet. See Eating and diet quasi-experimental design, 1686 Dewey, John, 1014, 1249, 1250, Differential association theory, 507, on self-esteem, 2512–2513 1783, 3100 531, 533, 534, 537, 666, on socialization, 2855, 2856–2862 and pragmatism, 2218–2219, 668, 2775 Deviance. See Alienation; Anomie; 2220, 2423, 2955, 3098 and juvenile delinquency, Criminalization of deviance; Dezalay, Yves, 1550–1551 1495–1496 Deviance theories; Legislation of DHS. See Demographic and Differential equation models, morality Health Survey 1693–1694 Deviance theories, 662–674 Di Palma, Giuseppe, 2159 Differential parental investment behavior typology, 669 Di Pietro, Antonio, 2129 (DPI) theory, 2884–2885

3335 INDEX

Differential prediction, differential conceptualization of ‘‘disaster,’’ remedy complexities, 691–692 validity vs., 3211 682–683 sexism and, 988, 989, 1838 Differentiation, and functionalism, relationship to sociology, 687 sexual harassment and, 2591 1031, 2484 technological risk, 2874–2879 social justice beliefs and, 2706 ‘‘Differentiation and the Principle of transemergency period sociological definition of, Saving Energy’’ (Simmel), 697 behavior, 684 688–689 Diffuse collective behavior, 554 universality of generalizations, ‘‘vicious circle’’ of, 694 Diffusion of Innovations (Rogers), 678 685–686 See also Equality of opportunity; Diffusion theories, 674–681, 1030 white-collar crime issues, Segregation and desegregation agricultural innovation, 86–91, 3252–3253 Disease. See Epidemiology; Health 2429–2430, 2431 Disaster Research Center, 681–682 and illness behavior; Public collective behavior, 679 Disaster Research Group, 681–682 health; Sexually transmitted cultural diffusion, 675–676, 679 Discouraged workers, definition diseases; specific diseases definition of, 1885 of, 1720 Disengagement theory, 2300 earliest social scientific use of Discourse, political, 271, 279 Dishaw, Nancy B., 1868 term, 675 Discrete Multivariate Analysis (Bishop Disordered cohort flow, 345 et al.), 3036 of innovations, 674, 676–679 Dispersion of distribution, measures and mass media research, Discrete-time methods, and event of, 659–660, 1964 history analysis, 874–875 1763–1764 Displaced aggression, 73 Discrimination, 688–695 and modernization theory, 1885 Displaced workers, 1722–1723 and popular culture, 2168–2172 affirmative action and, 47–52, Dispute resolution and rural sociology, 2429–2430 2496, 2706 coalition process of, 332–333, 465 and social change, 2643 African Americans and, 54–58, 67, 143, 250, 845, 2333, court systems and law, 464–481 and social networks, 2732 2491–2499, 2500–2504, 2601 in group, 1111–1116 Diggins, John, 2219 aging and, 79 legal ethnographies, 1549–1550 Digman, John, 2085 American Indians and, 57, mediation and arbitration, DiIulio, John J., 2053–2054 133–134, 143 465, 479 Dill, K. E., 73 in American society, 142, 143 Disraeli, Benjamin, 1599 Dill, William S., 1005 Asian Americans and, 143, Dissociative identity disorder, 291 Dillman, Don A., 3091 174, 175 Dissonance theory. See Cognitive Dilthey, Wilhelm, 819 comparable worth remedy for, dissonance theory DiMaggio, Paul, 173, 737, 1649–1650 370–372 Distribution. See Joint distribution; sociology of music study, 1925, in criminal sentencing, 2962 Conditional distribution; Uniform 1926, 2171 decomposition approach to, distribution DiMaggio, Paul J., 1925, 1926 690–691 Distribution of mean, 3028–3029 Diop, Cheikh Anta, 66 direct/indirect distinction, Distribution-free statistics. See DiPrete, Thomas J., 1986, 688–694 Nonparametric statistics 1987, 1992 effective remedial Distributive justice. See Human Direct democracy. See Participatory intervention, 692 rights/children’s rights; Social democracy ethnicity and, 844, 848 justice Directions in Sociolinguistics (Gumperz homosexuality and, 2570 Disturbance terms, 257 and Hymes eds.), 2894 institutional racism and, 53–54 DIT (Defining Issues Test), Dirsmith, Mark, 2221 noncitizen workers and, 2608 1898–1899, 1901, 1902 Disability occupational, 1312 Divergence. See Convergence and eldercare, 1021–1022 pornography and, 275 theories stigmatization of, 1815 prejudice and, 2243 Diversity. See Multiculturalism Disaggregative (ecological) recognition as social Divination. See Futures studies as fallacies, 1592 problem, 2761 human and social activity statistical analysis of, 1593–1594 and reference group Divine Light Mission, 3287 Disaster research, 682–688 perceptions, 2753 Divine names, 3280

3336 INDEX

Division of labor, 695–700 child custody and, 702, 707, 2707 remarriage and, 112–113, 125, anomie and, 164 child support payments and, 126, 488, 708, 922, 923, 1744, Blau’s landmark theory of, 699 128, 708, 947 1746, 1748, 2387–2388, 2390–2393 capitalism and, 697, 1782 in China, 302 Roman Catholic ban on, 1516 coleadership in small groups, 696 cohabitator rates, 109, 705, 922 social justice and, 2706–2707 Durkheim on, 698, 734, 1553, consequences of, 705–708 suicide rate, 3078 1575, 1576, 1704, 2647 correlates of, 126, 705 table of rates (1970–1990), 1742 and exchange theory, 2673 courtship after, 1779 widowhood adjustment compared family and household, 1, 122, demographic effects, 634, with, 3258–3259 696, 706–707, 1708, 2034, 635, 703 2568 women’s labor-force participation determinants in, 1737 feminist theory on, 1708 and, 1525 and event history analysis, 869 gender changes in, 1502, 1624 See also Marriage and divorce factors contributing to rates; Single-parent household heterosexuality images and, 2568 increases in, 702 Divorce Registration Area (DRA), life-cycle earnings pattern and family law, 947, 949 1743, 1744 and, 1624 and family policy in less Dixon, William J., 645 in marriage, 1734, 1736 developed countries, 929 Do not resuscitate (DNR) Marxist thought on, 697–698, and family policy in Western orders, 585 1754, 1782 societies, 962, 967 Dobbelaere, Karel, 2484 and media portrayals of family and family size, 977 life, 1699 Dobbins, Frank, 738 and gender, 112, 126, 701–703, in medical profession, 1816 Dobyns, Henry, 133 707–808, 1526, 1747 as nationalism factor, 1940 Dobzhansky, T., 2885 as grandparental role factor, 696 occupational specialization as, Doctors. See Physicians grounds for, 701, 702–703 696–697, 3264 Documentary method of historical in America, 700–703 and oppositional class interpretation (Mannheim theory, 2692 in Indonesia, 938 concept), 857 in organizational structure, intergenerational relations and, Doeringer, Peter B., 1985 696–697, 699, 2002, 696, 1388–1392 Dogmatism, persuasion and, 2096 2003–2004 life course effect of, 82–83, Dohrenwend, B. S. and B. P., professions and, 2259 127–128 3056–3057 radical case studies on, 246 and life cycle, 1625 Dolby-Stahl, Sandra, 1635 reasons for, 112 life expectancy and, 126 Dolci, Danilo, 1467 in remarriages, 2390 marital adjustment and, 1726, Dollard, John, 73, 2084, 2670 routinization vs. expert 1731, 1737 Domanski, H., 2121 specialization, 698 median duration of marriage Domar, Evesy D., 2596, 2597–2598, small group, 2620 prior to, 1747 2607–2608 societal differentiations, 697 1950s anomaly, 702, 704 Domasio, Antonio, 2088 subordination of women no-fault laws, 703, 704, Domestic partners. See Cohabitation; and, 1708 1305, 1560 Same-sex marriage theoretical approaches, 697–699 and non-cohabiting frequency of Domestic partnership certificates, Division of Labor in Society, The sex, 2539 2546 (Durkheim), 698, 734, 1553, parental roles and, 2033 Domestic violence. See Family 1575, 1576 premarital cohabitation as risk violence Divorce, 700–710 factor, 705 Domhoff, G. William, 604, acceptability of, 112 rate effect on courtship, 489 2162, 2166 American patterns, 125–126, rate leveling, 112, 125, 1525 Dominant stratification ideology, 127–128, 700–703 rates by age, 1742, 1743, 2245 barriers to, 1737 1745–1747 Dominican Republic changes in, 1305 recent rate declines, 701 fertility decline, 627

3337 INDEX

forced labor, 2603 community assessment D’Souza, Dinesh, 2140 government and political process, 366 Du Bois, W. E. B., 55, 56, 58, 66, corruption, 2134 concomitant depression, 655 1071, 2428–2429 Donati, Pierpaolo, 1472 control measures, 713–714 Dualism, 1781 Donnan, H., 1933 and criminal and delinquent pragmatic critiques of, 2218–2219 Doob, J. L., 73, 3035 subcultures, 509, 512 Dube, S.C., 1292, 1293 Dooley, Kevin, 410–411 and criminalization of deviance, Dubin, Robert, 3273 523, 525, 526, 1577 Dopamine, 652, 654 Dubnick, Melvin, 2280–2281 cross-border trafficking, 1935, Dore, Ronald, 224 Duby, Georges, 1516 1936 Dornbusch, Sanford M., 1595, 1596 Due process, and criminal sanctions, decriminalization efforts, 711– Dorso, Guido, 1466 520–521 712, 717 Dos Santos, Theotonio, 640–642 Duhem, Pierre, 821 deviance theories on, 664, Dot graph, 3004 667, 672 Dühring, Eugen, 1066 Double standard, 701 as divorce factor, 1737 Duke Longitudinal Study, 2555–2556 Douglas, Ann, 2171, 2172 epidemiology, 711–712 Dumas, Roland, 2129 Douglas, Jack D., 459–460, 3079, harm-reduction policy, 712, 718, Dummy variable analysis, 454 3080, 3081 1651–1642 Dumont, Louis, 253, 1292 Douglas, Mary, 1890, 1891, 2484, Latin American drug Duncan, Beverly, 2500 2762, 2891 trafficking, 2135 Duncan, Otis Dudley, 632, 1594, Dovidio, John F., 118 and legislation of morality, 1577 2682, 2929, 3039 Downing, Brian M., 605 medical treatment of, 521 education and mobility study, Downs, Anthony, 2278, 2335, moral and social decline linked 260–261, 262, 2713, 2716, 2339, 2920 with, 359 2927 Downward mobility, 3050, North Korean trade, 2137 model of attainment, 1692, 2781, 3052–3053 organized crime profits, 2017 2782, 2817, 3042 Draft. See Conscription policy, 712–713 occupational structure model, Draft riots, 2269–2270, 3069 political correctness on, 2140 3035–3036 Drake, St. Clair, 55 prevention and treatment, 711, and path analysis, 3035, 3036 Dramaturgical school, 2768 712, 714–717 residential segregation indices, Dramaturgy. See Symbolic and rehabilitation, 899 2500 interaction theory religious practices issue, 137 scales of reward or status, 2867 DRC. See Disaster Research Center research, 717–718 and social inequality, 2690, Dream analysis, 1714 2867, 2868 and sexually transmitted diseases, Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857), 62 2578–2579 Socioeconomic Index (SEI), 1997, Dreeben, Robert, 2927 2000, 3265 subcultures, 510, 512–513 Dress. See Fashions Duncan’s regression, 3017 as victimless crime, 1577 DRG. See Disaster Research Group Dunham, H. Warren, 1833, 3055 Drug companies. See Pharmaceutical Drive theory (psychological), companies Dunlap, John T., 422 1713, 2087 Drug Enforcement Administration, Dunlop, John, 1985 Driver education classes, 677 U.S., 714, 2135, 2143–2144 Dunning, E., 2989 Droegmuller, W., 288 Drug testing, 315, 714 Dunphy, Dexter, 1979 Dror, Yehezkel, 1040 Drugs (therapeutic). See Medications Duration analysis, 869 Drug abuse, 710–719 Drunken driving, 93, 1640, 1641 Duration-dependent phenomenon. aggression linked with, 73 anomie concept, 164–165 See Life tables aging and declining rates of, 1838 reform movements, 2722, Durig, Alex, 2298 AIDS/HIV risk, 712, 2559, 2586, 2725, 2877 Durkheim, Émile, 237, 531, 568, 2587–2591 DSM-I, II, III, IV. See Diagnostic 724, 732, 734, 773, 806, 1074, in cities, 311 and Statistical Manual of Mental 1173, 1223, 1233, 1235, 1247, civil liberties issues, 318 Disorders 1272, 1274, 1303, 1314, 1423,

3338 INDEX

1537, 1932, 2193, 2639, 2640, on sentiments, 2519 East Asian demographic 2645, 2889 and small group research transition, 626 anomie theory, 164–165, 533, foundations, 2611 East India Company, 3174 581, 698, 1493, 1772 social group definition, 2634 East Timor, 2975, 3262 and British sociology, 225 on societal reaction to crime, genocide, 1066 as clinical sociology 1575, 1576, 1577 Easterlin, Richard, 635, 2684 precursor, 327 and sociology of education, 2927 Eastern Europe coining of term ‘‘sociology’’ as sociology of knowledge basis, cross-border crime, 1936 by, 327 2954, 2955 democratization process in, on collective social and sociology of religion, 2373 2159, 2160 conscience, 526 and sociology’s supremacy over and equality for women, 990 on communitarianism, 355, 2337 psychology, 2921 legal system, 1549, 1550 on community, 362, 366, and structuralism, 1537 political corruption, 2136 1772, 3129 Suicide as paradigm, 2024 political party systems, 2159 comparative historical analysis suicide study, 165, 574, 581, 584, by, 383 postcommunist revolution, 2851 1595, 3055, 3077, 3079, 3080 on consequences of protest movement strength, 2267, Dutroux, Marc, 2130 criminalization, 526 2270, 2271 on criminalization of deviance, Dutt, B. N., 1291 social security systems, 2796 533, 1575, 1577 Duval, S., 2509 socialist economic modifications, on division of labor, 698, 699, Duvalier, François, 2134 2851–2852 1575, 1704, 2633, 2647 Duvalier, Jean-Claude, 2134 sociology studies, 2116–2117 and ethnography, 852 Duverger, Maurice, 2164 voluntary associations, 3227 as founder of French School DVD-ROM, 409 See also Soviet and post-Soviet sociology; specific countries of Sociology, 1024–1025, DWI (driving while intoxicated). See 1026, 1028 Drunken driving Eastern religions, 2969, 3287 and functionalism and Dworkin, Andrea, 2186–2187 Eating and diet structuralism, 131, 1030, 1035 Dworkin, Ronald, 466 Food Stamp program, 2283 and historical sociology, 1196, Dwyer, James, 1689, 1691 health relationship, 1641 1197, 2917, 2917–2918 Dyadic Adjustment Scale (marital), for pregnant woman, 2235–2236 as Japanese sociology early 1727–1728 significance in Judaism, 1510 influence, 1477 Dynamic models. See Social dynamics Eating disorders, 655 on laicization, 2484 Dynamic sample panel, 1687 Ebaugh, Helen Rose Fuchs, 245 legal theory, 1546, 1553 Ebonics, 2908, 2909 macro and micro sociological Dynamic sociology, 1027, 1028 ECI. See Ethics of Care Interview themes of, 1704 Dynamic Sociology: or Applied Social Eckstein, Susan, 2414 and modernization theory, 1885 Science (Ward), 168 ECLA. See Economic Commission on necessity for definition, 1854 Dynamic Theory of Personality, A (Lewin), 1012 for Latin America organic solidarity concept, 2458 Dysphoric mood, 649, 650, 651 Ecofeminism, 803 as Polish sociology influence, Ecological democracy, and 2117, 2118 Dysthymia, 649 environmental equity, 791–793 and positivism, 2192 E Ecological fallacies. See on religious experience function, Disaggregative (ecological) Eagle Forum, 770 775–776, 1032, 2385, 3278 fallacies Eagly, Alice, 2418, 2530, 2533 representation collectives Ecological Imperialism: The Biological concept, 197 Early retirement Expansion of Europe 900–1900 on rising expectations, 1491 incentive programs (ERIPs), 2407 (Crosby), 2922 on rural society, 2426 male labor-force participants, Ecological interaction., 2630, 2632 secondary data use by, 574 1524 Ecological paradigm, 824–825 and secularization tradition, 2483 structural lag and, 3061–3062 Ecological regression (levels of segmentary society view, 3134 East African countries, 60 analysis), 1594–1595

3339 INDEX

Ecology. See Demography; varieties of, 727–728 rational choice theory and, 732, Environmental equity; war and, 3242, 3243 939, 2335–2336, 2338 Environmental sociology; Human See also Capitalism; Caste and and social capital, 2637–2638 ecology and environmental inherited status; Economic social indicators, 576 analysis sociology; Globalization and and social security systems, Eco-Marxism, 792–793 global systems analysis 2801–2803, 2804–2805 EconLit, 1611 Economic Opportunity Act of social surveys, 578 Econometrics, 256, 3059 1965, 2266 and Soviet sociology, 2979 ‘‘Economic Action and Social Economic sociology, 731–741, 1309, and tourism, 3165–3172 Structure: The Problems of 2919–2921 wage inequalities and, 2691 Embeddedness’’ (Granovetter), agricultural innovation and, Weber’s world religions analysis 735 89–91 in context of, 2942–2943 Economic and Social Research career mobility and, 1989–1990 Council Data Archive (University and white-collar crime, 3248– on childbearing rewards and of Essex), 575, 576, 580 3254 costs, 2034–2035 Economic Behavior Program (Survey and work and occupations, convergence theory, 422–428 Research Center), 2476 3261–3268 criminal sanctions and, 518 Economic Commission for Latin Economic Theory of Democracy, An America, 1537 dependency theory, 639–646 (Downs), 2920 Economic determinism, 721–724, on direct and indirect Economics, relationship between 1309 discrimination, 689–694 sociology and, 2919–2921 Economic development. See divorce effects, 705, 706–707 Economics of Non-Human Societies, The Industrialization in less-developed divorce rate relationship, 701 (Tullock), 2920 countries; Modernization theory; and economic justice, 2694 Economist, The (periodical), 794 Rural Sociology education/economic impact Economy and Society (Weber), Economic Dynamics (Baumol), 2668 relationship, 2934 721, 732, 733 Economic institutions, 724–731 and European Union free trade ECT (electroconvulsive therapy), 655 in American society, 143–144 movement, 1034 ECTA (software program), 3038 authoritarian state and experiments, 891 Ectomorphy, 1717, 1718 development, 3000 and French School, 1024 Ectopic pregnancy, 2234 capital and, 2637 and German sociology, 732–734 Ecuador border dispute, 1934 Chinese reforms, 302–303, 2851 globalization and, 606 Ecumenical movement, 2365 coalitions and, 331 on governmental corruption, Edelhertz, Herbert, 3246, 3251 ethnicity and, 845–846 2124 Edelstein, J. David, 1533 family and religion as, 938–941 historical, 733–734 Edgeworth, F. Y., 370, 371, 1045 and geographical scope, 728–730 Latin American studies, Education and informal economy, 1539–1543 in adolescence, 10–11 1334–1343 liberalism/conservatism and, of African-American students, interdependence, 1211, 1225 1597 2497, 2931–2932, 2933 and leisure activities, 1589 macro-level reactions to age-graded schooling, 1623 and market capitalism, 724 deviance and, 670 allocation and, 11 and market organization, modernization theory, 1883–1887 American Indian, 135 725–727 and money, 1888–1893 behavioral applications, 215–216 and rational choice theory, 2335, new, 734–739 bilingual, 123, 1861, 2140, 2908 2336–2337 organizational knowledge as and slave-created wealth, 55–56 secondary data, 574 communitarian view of, 358, 359 and Smith’s wealth of nations on political power vs. compulsory, 742, 2056 theory, 2340 economic, 2997 computer-assisted teaching and and social justice, 2697–2698 population growth and, 633 learning, 411 socialist central planning, 2849, and postindustrial society, and criminal sanctions, 517 2850–2851 2196–2203 curricula control battles, 276–278

3340 INDEX desegregation/integration results, of women, 1219 and bureaucratic power, 768–769 297, 2493, 2498–2499 See also Adult education case studies of, 246 divorce and, 126 Education and development, and charter schools, 765–766 educational access and, 145 741–755 diffusion of theories, 677 equality of opportunity, 756– convergence theories, 426 drug-abuse prevention 757, 759, 826 findings, 750–754 programs, 716 as family planning factor, measurement of, 748–750 elementary and secondary 957–958 and modernization theory, schools, 763–766 as family size factor, 973, 746–747, 754 and ideological formation, 975, 1009 and recent socioeconomic 769–770 and gender identity, 997, 998 development, 742–746 and market competition, 767–768 of Hispanic Americans, theoretical background of, Marxist sociology of, 1755 1190–1192, 1193 746–748 modes of influence over, 766–770 income distribution and, Education and mobility, 755–760 and national school systems, 1279–1280 barriers to, 830–831 760–762 labeling theory and, 2859 career mobility relationship, and political authority, 767 Mexican bilingual, 1861 1987–1988, 1991–1992 and professional authority, 769 Middle Eastern demographics, cross-cultural comparison, racial integration effects, 1867 3044–3045 2932–2933 planful competence and, 13, 32 cross-national comparison, 2716 reformist projects, 2934–2935 race and, 145 empirical studies, 2929–2934 school choice plans, 2935 reformist projects, 2934–2935 factors in, 3043–3045 school resources/learning right to, 1242–1243 family status and, 2929–2930 relationship, 2931–2932, 2933 school effectiveness factors, 2933 functionalist view of, 757, school shootings and, 1484–1485, and school vouchers, 315 2927, 2928 1487–1488, 1491 and schools as socialization intergenerational, 2690 school success evaluations, agents, 2858–2859 mate selection and, 1776 2934–2935 and schoolteacher status occupational prestige and school vouchers, 315 incongruence, 3051 relationship, 2000 and structural lag, 3062–3063 and self-concept/school socialist quotas and, 2850 and tracking, 10, 2932 performance relationship, and societal stratification, 2927 Edwards, J. E., 1566 2508–2509 status attainment model, 758, Edwards, Jonathan, 2086 similarity of male and female 2713, 2782, 2783–2785, 2817, EEOC. See Equal Employment math and science 2867, 2868, 3042, 3043–3045 Opportunity Commission performance, 2532 status conflict approach, 2928 EFA. See Exploratory factor analysis sociological definition of, 2926 and status incongruence, Effectance motivation, 2060–2061 sociology of, 2926–2935 3050–3051, 3051 Efficacy, trust and, 101–102 and sports, 2986–2987 tolerance of nonconformists Egalitarian family system, 1490, 1734 structural lag and, 3062–3063 linked with, 317 Egalitarianism. See Equality of teacher expectations/ and transition to work, 2714 opportunity achievement relationship, underemployment and, 1721 Egbaugh, Helen Rose Fuchs, 245 2932 See also Equality of Opportunity Eggan, Fred, 289 and teaching of evolution, 2369 Education Department, U.S., 766 Ego, 1713, 1714 tracking and, 10, 2932 Education Morale, L’ (Durkheim training standards, 1180 course), 1025 Egypt, 1865, 1866, 1867 as underemployment factor, Educational and Psychological fertility rate decline, 220 1721, 1722 Measurement (journal), 407, 409 government and political and violence in schools, Educational organization, 761–772 corruption, 2132 1484–1485, 1487–1488, 1491 in American society, 145, Israel peace accord, 2048 and vocational skills, 3263 762–770 pan-Arab nationalism, 1944

3341 INDEX

social change in, 941 Elementary Structures of Kinship, The impression formation and, 43 sociodemographic profile, 2938 (Lévi-Strauss), 1032, 1033 and macroprocesses, 786–787 sociological article count, 1869 Eléments de sociologie (Bouglé and masking of. See subhead affect Raffault), 1025 Eheart, Brenda Krause, 1636 control theory above Eléments de sociologie (Davy), 1026 Ehrenhalt, Alan, 356 and nineteenth-century sociology, Eliade, Mircea, 3279 Ehrenreich, Barbara, 1818 773–776 Ehrenreich, John, 1818 Elias, Norbert, 4, 782, 1075, norms and, 2527–2528 2521–2522, 2989, 3155 Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis and reason, 785–786 Bonaparte, The (Marx), 723, 2163 Elite paradigm. See Intellectuals; regulation of. See subhead affect Social and political elites Einstein, Albert, 1012, 2196 control theory above Elizabethan Poor Laws, 2840–2841 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 2127, and self-esteem, 2514 2299–2300 Elling, Ray H., 376 sentiments vs., 2518–2519, 2523 Eisenstadt, S. N., 1198, 2690 Elliott, Delbert, 1492 social contagion theory, 679 Ejido, 1859 Ellis, Carolyn, 248, 1636–1637, and social movements, 2722 2291–2292 El Salvador social structural approach, Ellis, Havelock, 2566 protest movements, 1170, 2266 776–781 Ellison, Curtis W., 1925 wartime rape, 2579 sociohistorical approach, Ellwood, Robert, 2380 2521–2522 Elaboration paradigm, 3107 Elmira (New York), voting behavior sociological case studies of, 245 Elavil, 654 study, 3233, 3234 values and, 3213 Elazar, Daniel, 2, 2126–2127, 2377 Elohim, 3280 See also Depression; Stress Elder, Glen H. Jr., 31–32, 360, 1618, Elster, Jon, 1234, 2341, 2452, 2701 1619, 2662, 2855, 2861 Empathy, 116 EM algorithm, 3039 Eldercare, 129–130 Empedocles, 2086 E-mail (electronic mail), 406, 407, and filial responsibility, 1019 Emphysema, 1640 408, 1607, 1768 See also Long-term care; Long- Empire Strikes Back, The (Solomos, Embarrassment, 2523 term care facilities Findlay, Jones, and Gilroy), 226 Embezzlement, 3246, 3247, 3251 Elderly people. See Aging and the Empires, 2998–2999, 3001 life course Embracing the Other (Oliner et Empirical analytic metatheory. See Election polling, 575, 2278–2279, al.), 118 Metatheory 3232–3236 Emergent norm theory, 351, 354 Empirical sociology, 1079 panel design, 1686 Emerson, R., 208, 2670, 2671– Empiricism, 1249 2673, 2674 presidential race fiascoes, Employee Retirement Income 2273–2274, 3232 Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 2218 Security Act of 1974, 2404 Elections. See Voting behavior Emic-etic frame, 550, 564, Employment. See Labor force; Work Electoral system types, 2154, 2091–2092, 2889, 2891, 2892 and occupations 2156–2157 Emler, Nicholas, 1901, 1902 Employment Act (report), 576 Electra complex, 332, 1713 Emolins, E., 1025 Employment relationship. See Work Electroconvulsive therapy, 655 Emotional attachments. See orientation Electronic journals, 413 Attachment; Attachment theory; Employment Retirement Income Social belong Electronic mail, 406, 407, 408, Security Act of 1974 1607, 1768 Emotional energy, 786 (ERISA), 1826 Electronic networks, 408 Emotions, 772–788 Empty-nest stage, 1729 Electronic-text form, 407–408 affect control theory, 43, 44–45, Enclave theory (Portes concept), 780, 2527–2528 848–849 Elementary and secondary education, 763–766 attitude change and, 189 Enculturation, 2855 Elementary and Secondary and communication, 2522 Encyclopedia of Social Sociences, 583 Education Act of 1965, 2266 cultural approach to, 774, Encyclopedia of Statistical Sciences Elementary Forms of the Religious Life 781–785 (Kotz and Johnson), 1957 (Durkheim and Mauss), 1032 divorce effects on, 707–708 Endler, Norman, 651

3342 INDEX

Endo, Ryukichi, 1477 Ennis, Carolyn Z., 2089 current trends in, 810–811 End-of-ideology argument, 2626 Ennis, Philip, 1925 and evolution of problems, End-of-life preferences. See Death Enriquez, Eugene, 328 801–802, 804–805, 807–809 and dying Ensel, Walter M., 2792 and mainstream sociology, 805–807, 811 Endogamy Enterprise labor movements, 1529 and Mexican sociology, 1860 historical kinship effects, Entitlements, 1221–1222, 2699 and modern movements, 1507, 1515 Environment 803–804 mate selection and, 1776, 1779 definition of, 1228 as proactive, 1226–1228 population studies, 634 See also Environmental equity; solutions to problems of, Endogenous variables, 262, 2251 Environmental movement; 809–810 Endomorphy, 1717, 1778 Environmental sociology; and urbanization, 311–312 Endowment effect, and decision Human ecology and processing, 594 environmental analysis See also Human ecology and environmental analysis Engels, Friedrich, 415, 698, 988, Environmental Defense Fund, 803 1196, 1234, 1290, 2640, 3066 Environmental equity, 788–800, 809 EPA. See Environmental Protection Agency and dialectical materialism, 1782 and ecological democracy, EPA (evaluation, potency, and on family structure, 1505 791–793 activity) responses, 42, 43, 45–46 and historical materialism, 1751, and environmental justice Epidemiologic transition theory, 1752, 1782 movement, 789–790, 791, 803, 809 1325–1326, 1327 and industrialization, 2196 and epidemiology, 817 Epidemiology, 813–818 on religion, 2965, 2967, 2968 and global issues, 793–794 drug abuse, 710–711 scientific socialism concept, 1753 and grassroots protests, 791 and healthy life expectancy, 1632 socialist ideal of, 2847 and mainstream environmental and lifestyle risks and health, and sociology of law, 1576 groups, 790–791 1639–1642 theories of the state, 2162, 2163 and materialist theory, 1785 and medical sociology, 1813 time use study, 3155 and racism, 789, 803, 809, 1159 mental illness and disorders, on women’s inequality, 2692 1833–1840 research finding on, 794–795 Engerman, Stanley L., 2596 methodology, 815–817 and urban development, 308–309 Engineering, 2259, 2460, 2461 origins of, 814 See also Environmental sociology women careerists, 2532, sexually transmitted diseases, 814, Environmental justice. See 2533, 2785 2585–2593 Environmental equity England. See British sociology; suicide, 3078–3079 Environmental Justice Resource United Kingdom Center, 791 and theories of crime, 503 English Poor Law of 1601, 2840 Environmental movement, 2717, typical paradigm in, 814–815 Enlightenment, 603, 2178 2719, 2724–2725, 2877 Episcopalians, 95 critical theory on, 541, 544 and suburban exclusionary Epistemology, 818–826 egalitarian ideals of, 2811 zoning, 3072 and evaluation research, 867 on free expression, 268 Environmental Protection Agency, and feminist theory, 994–996 humanism and, 1247–1248 791, 802, 804, 2461 and German Historical School, and materialism, 1781, 1782 Environmental racism, 789, 803, 819–820 and personality theories, 809, 1159 and materialism, 1780 2086–2087 Environmental security, 1222 and metatheory, 1852–1854 postmodernism and, 2205, 2206, Environmental sociology, 800–813 postmodern, 2205, 2206–2208, 2207, 2208 birth of, 804–805 2757 and rational choice theory, and conservation movement, and scientific explanation, 2335, 2340 802–803 2469–2472 scientific secularism of, 2142 constructivist/interpretative and social philosophy, 2756, 2757 and secularization, 2482, orientation, 810–811 and sociological positivism, 2965–2966 and cross-cultural analysis, 549 818–819

3343 INDEX

and sociology of knowledge, Equilibrium theory. See Cognitive Ethics in social research, 542, 2954, 2957 consistency theories; Social 835–840, 853 and twentieth-century sociology, dynamics Code of Ethics, 836–840 820–824 Equity law, 477–478 confidentiality, 836 Epstein, Cynthia Fuchs, 995 Equity theory, 2700–2701 disclosure of purpose, 836–837 EQS (computer software), 1914 and just society, 3205–3206 government regulation, 838–839 Equal Employment Opportunity Equivalence consistency, 2348–2349 life histories and narratives, 2293 Commission, 49, 2591 ERA. See Equal Rights Amendment moral relativism, 840 sexual harassment guidelines, Erbakan, Necmetin, 2132 scientific research fraud, 2458 2580 Erie County (Ohio) voting behavior utilitarianism, 839–840 sexual harassment policy, 2581 study, 3233–3234 Ethics of Care Interview, 1900, ‘‘Equal Pay to Men and Women for Erikson, Erik, 5, 460, 1617, 1902–1903 Equal Work’’ (Edgeworth), 370 2084, 2092 Ethiopia, 2602, 2604, 2999 Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), eight stages of life concept, Ethnic cleansing. See Genocide 579, 2267, 2724 1624, 2861 Equality of Educational Opportunity moral development theory, 2089 Ethnic myth, 2332 (Coleman et al.), 758, 830–831 Erikson, Robert, 425, 2452 Ethnic niche, 849 Equality of opportunity, 826–835 ERISA. See Employment Retirement Ethnic succession, 532, 558 African-American historical Income Security Act of 1974 in organized crime, 2019 denial of, 2333–2334, Eritrea, 1941 Ethnic violence, 1199 2491–2499 Erotica, pornography vs., 2184–2185 Ethnicity, 840–852 comparable worth and, 369–372 Error. See Measurement; Reliability; African sociocultural institutions, democracy’s relationship with, Validity 63–65 606 Eskola, Antti, 2452 AIDS/HIV risks, 2587, 2590 and demographic trends, Esping-Andersen, Gosta, 377, 379, alcohol use and, 94–95 826–827 2452, 2797 assimilation model, 178–179, direct/indirect discrimination as Espionage Act of 1917, 2146 842–844 bar to, 689–692 Espy, Mike, 2128 and capitalism, 239 division of labor as threat to, 698 Essed, Philomena, 57 case studies research, 244 in education, 756–757, 759, 826 Essentialist sexual behavior theory, and caste and inherited and family policy in Western 2537, 2566, 2567 status, 253 societies, 963 Estes, Richard J., 2302 and census, 284–285, 286 and feminist theory, 988 Estimation techniques, 1958 and civil rights movement, as industrial era’s defining sample-based, 2444 178–179 feature, 2811–2812, 2820 Estonia, 2362 and collective mobility, in less developed countries, 932 sociological research, 2982–2983 2715–2716 meritocracy model and, 2626 Ethanol alcohol. See Alcohol and courtship, 486 policy and practices of, 833–834 Ethic of Care Interview, 1903 and crime rates, 531–532 political correctness and, and criminal deviance, 526, 530 2140, 2141 Ethics definition of, 841 prejudice and, 2244, 2245 and cloning, 1824 demographic factors, 636 process differences in, 829–830 and death and dying, 585, 3064 differentiated from race, 2329 residual differences in, 827–828 and economic institutions, 727 diversity in, 1296 social justice and, 2704–2707 in religious experiences and social processes, 3283–3284 and economic conflict, 845–846 as Swedish health-care principle, 377 in survey research, 3093–3094 and ethnic-group resources, 847–849 See also Civil rights; Class and See also Ethics in social research; race; Discrimination; Moral development and ethnocentrism, 1274, 1400, Segregation and Ethics in Government Act of 1580, 2882 desegregation; Social class; 1978, 2127 evolutionary perspective on, Social inequality Ethics in medicine. See Bioethics 2882–2883

3344 INDEX and family policy in Western Race; Social mobility; specific phenomenology and, 2099 societies, 966 groups and social institutions and worlds, and family structure, 123 Ethno (computer program), 409 859–860 and forecasts of American white Ethnocentrism, 1274, 1400, and social structures, 858–859 minority, 1580 1580, 2882 and sociolinguistics, 2895 and genocide, 1066–67, Ethnogenesis, 1296 and workplace studies, 860 1069–1070, 1071, 2529 Ethnographic Atlas, 548 Ethnonationalism. See Nationalism and health care, 1152 Ethnography, 852–856 Ethnoscience, 547, 2891 and informal economy, autoethnography, 245, 852, Etic. See Emic-etic frame 1340–1341, 1349–1341 1636–1637, 2291, 2293 Etzioni, Amitai, 316, 318, 1234, 2379 and Japanese sociology, 1483 British studies, 2890 on alienation, 104 language varieties, 2909 case studies, 243–244, 245, and Latin American 246–247 ‘‘I-We’’ paradigm, 1601 societies, 1536 Chinese studies, 297–298, 301 and new communitarianism markers of, 23239 and community studies, 364–365 school, 356 and Mexican social change, 1857, cross-cultural analysis, 547–548 EU. See Expected utility (EU) theory 1858–1859, 1861 and cultural studies, 564 Eucharist, 3281, 3282 and nationalism, 1939–1949, definition of, 2888 Eugenics, 320, 1272 3001–3002 of drug abuse, 717 and family law, 948–949 in neighborhoods, 532, 558 emic-etic frame, 550, 564, and fertility determinants, and organized crime, 2018–2019 2091–2092, 2889, 2892 1005, 1007 and political correctness, field research, 853–854 and genocide, 879 2140, 2141 legal, 1549–1550 See also Social Darwinism and popular culture transmission, money theories, 1890 Eunuchs, 2602 2170–2171 and new religious Eurobarometers, 549, 577, 578– poverty level, 2215 movements, 2367 579, 3223 and prejudice, 1600 postmodern, 855, 2893 Eurocentrism, 55, 57–58 and race, 841 and publication, 854–855 Europe and reactions to deviance, 670 sociocultural anthropology and, abortion legality, 2240 and relative deprivation, 1940 2888–2894 borderlessness, 1934–1938 and religious intolerance, 3288 sociolinguistics and, 2891 boundaries development, remarriage rates, 2388 of underclass neighborhoods, 1932, 1939 and social constructionism, 849 3200 colonialism in Africa, 60–61, social surveys of, 578 of urban area deviance, 665 1934 socialization in subcultures, 2862 writing of, 247–248 countercultures, 462–463 and status attainment, 3044 Ethnology data archives, 2477 China studies, 298, 300 and status incongruence, 3051, discrimination practices, 692–693 3052, 3054 culture definitions, 563 divorce policy, 703–704 and stratification, 844–847, definition of, 2888 drug abuse policy, 712 2818–2819 Ethnomethodology, 852, 856– empires, 2998 and suburbanization, 3074–3075 861, 2756 evolution of paid work, 3262 suicide variation, 3079 background and development of, and underemployment, 1721, 856–858, 2099 fertility transitions, 622–623, 1722, 1724 and case studies of reality 625–627, 633, 1006–1010, 1007, 2178 and urban life, 307, 308, construction, 246–247 532–533, 558, 2498 contemporary research initiatives highest life expectancies in, 623 and war, 3244 in, 858–860 imperialist class and race effects, 320–322 See also Cross-cultural analysis; conversation analysis, 247, Discrimination; Equality of 431–439 interest groups, 2150–2151 opportunity; Multiculturalism; definition of, 2768 kinship systems, 1515, 1516–1517

3345 INDEX

labor market structure, 1988 European Economic Community. See Evans-Pritchard, E. E., 563, 2890 labor movement, 1528, 1529, European Union Event frame, 2298 1530–1531 European Fertility Project Event history analysis, 869–875 (Princeton), 625–627 legal codification, 475–476 accelerated failure-time models, legal system, 1546–1547 European Household Panels, 577 870–871 literary sociology, 1649 European Lifelong Learning data, 870 Initiative, 24 long-term care and care facilities, discrete-time methods, 874–875 European Parliament, 2130 1652–1654 mobility research, 2817 European Sociological Institute, marriage and divorce rates, 1749 models, 1692–1693, 1790 2452 mathematical work in multiple events, 873–874 sociology, 1791 European Union, 395, 428, 464, 476, 480, 1948 problems with conventional migrant Arab workers, 1865 methods, 870 borderlessness of, 1934, 1936 mortality transition, 621, 632 proportional hazards models, Eurobarometer surveys, 549, 577, 871–873 Muslim minorities, 2950 578–579, 3223 repeated events, 874 occupational mobility, 1987, 1988 and hegemonic stability opinion studies, 578–579 theory, 3242 statistical method, 3037 political corruption, 2128–2130 interest groups and, 2151 and terrorism, 3140 political party systems, 2157–2158 lifelong education, 23–24 Event management, 43–44 population factors, 636, minority unemployment, 692–693 Event sequence analyses, 2297 2177, 2182 multinational legal system, 1550 Everday life. See Time use research rape incidence, 2576 opinion studies, 578–579 Evers, Medgar, 2495 retirement comparisons, 2407 political corruption, 2130 Evolution: biological, social, cultural, 1, 563, 875–880, 1029, 1030, Roman law as legal system basis, powers of, 3003 1074, 1228, 1272 465, 1545 time use research, 3159–3160 altruism theory, 115, 118, sex segregation of values surveys, 3223 occupations, 3264 2882–2883 Eurostat time use survey, 3160 social anthropology studies, and anthropological origins, Euthanasia, 585, 2719, 3088 2888, 2890 2889–2890 passive, 3084 fitness principle, 2881–2882, 2885 Social Science Data Archives, 575, 576–577, 579–580 voluntary vs. involuntary, 3083 fundamentalist opposition to theory of, 2369 state system’s emergence in, See also Assisted suicide 1933, 2356, 2362 Euthanasia Research and Guidance gender role theory and, 2418 and status incongruence, Organization, 3084 and generative religious 3051–3052 EV. See Expected value (EV) theory movements, 2367 supranational bodies, 3003 Evaluation research, 861–869 genocide theory and, 1068 See also European Union; North accountability in, 862–863 macro perspective, 1704, 1705 Atlantic Treaty Organization definition of, 861–862 Marxist historical materialism terrorism, 3137 development of, 862 and, 1782 voting behavior research, future of, 866–868 modernization theory and, 1885, 1886 3237, 3238 practice of, 868 and Polish sociology, 2118 woman suffrage, 703 quantitative vs. qualitative, See also Eastern Europe; specific 864–865 pragmatism and, 2218, 2219 countries syntheses, 865–866 and progress concept, 2644–2645 European Commission and utilization of findings, racial theories and, 2330, 2334 corruption scandal, 2130 863–864 self-esteem theory, 2513 General Directorate for Science and value theory, 867–868, 2828 on sex differences, 2530 and Technology, 580 Evangelicalism, 2370, 2965, and sexual behavior, 2537, 2567, European Community. See 2966–2967, 3081 2884–2885 European Union Evans, Peter, 642, 643, 1706 social organization and, 1271

3346 INDEX

sociobiology and, 2880–2887, Experimental Economics (journal), 891 Eyerman, Ron, 1357–1358, 1927 2892 Experiments, 887–892 Eysenck, Hans, 70, 2084, 2087 statements of Darwin’s theory, analysis of variance and Ezzy, Douglas, 1636 2880–2881 covariance, 157–164 ‘‘Evolution of Autopoietic Law’’ compliance and conformity, F (Teubner), 1558–1559 400–401, 404 F scale (authoritarian personality Excellence: Can We Be Equal and cost of, 890 measurement), 317 Excellent Too? (Gardner), and economic sociology, 891 1384–1385 F tests (variance and covariance), multiple-indicator models as 160–161 Exchange and Power in Social Life manipulation checks, 1922 (Blau), 2670 Faberman, Harvey, 2220 quasi-experimental design, Face-to-face interviewing, 3091–3092 Exchange media. See Money 2309–2327 Facial expressions, 1976 Exchange mobility, 2712 replication and, 2395–2397, 2471 Facilitating effect, 349, 2615 Exchange theory. See Social scientific method, 2463–2472 exchange theory Factions social psychology, 2769 kinship systems and, 1509–1511 Excluded variables, 2251 See also Scientific explanation pivotol role of weak, 330 Existential personality theory, 1717, Expert specialization, 699 2084, 2085 Expert systems, 410 Factor analysis, 905–922 Existentialism, 989, 2756 Exploratory factor analysis (EFA), basis of, 3036 Exner, John E., Jr., 2077, 2078 907, 911, 912, 1920–1921 and causal modeling, 908, Exodus, 3053, 3280, 3282, Exponential smoothing, 2679 917–918 3283, 3285 Expressive order, in social and common factor model, Exogamy relations, 46 908–910 kinship, 1516 Expulsion, 527 and communality estimation, 912 mate selection and, 1776 Extended families. See Kinship confirmatory, 907, 915–918, Exogenous variables, 2251 systems and family types 1920–1921 Expectation states theory, 880–887 Extramarital/extradyadic sex, and data reduction, 906–907 in academic achievement, 2932 2541–2545 early development of, 906 application of, 884–885 Extreme influence: thought reform, and estimation and testing, high control groups, 910–911 and gender, 882–883, 2530 interrogation, and recovered exploratory, 907, 911, 912, interpersonal relations and, 2774 memory psychotherapy, 892–904 1920–1921 and perception of justice, and effects of brainwashing, and intercorrelatedness 2696–2697 897–898 matrix, 2346 and performance expectations, and group-awareness training, and invariance, 914 880, 882 898–900 latent structure analysis vs., relative deprivation and hypnosis, 898–899 3038, 3039 expression, 349 and physical abuse, 897 and matrix notation, 911–912 research in, 881–883 and police interrogation and false and measurement-concept role theory and, 2418, 2423 confessions, 900–901 problem, 1788 and social networks, 2731 and recovered memory and multiple indicator causal psychotherapy, 901–902 and socialization, 2859 models, 908 and reeducation programs, and status characteristics, and multiple-indicator, multiple- 892–898 880, 882 cause models, 917 research on, 902 and work orientation, 3271, 3272 and multitrait-multimethod Expected utility (EU) theory, Schein definition of, 893 models, 917 591–592, 597, 598 Extremism, political, 2160 and personality trait Expected value (EV) theory, 591, Extroversion, 1565 measurement, 2078 592, 2673 Exxon-Valdez oil spill, 2877 principal components analysis Experiential personality theory, 1718 Eyadema, Gnassingbe, 2133 vs., 913

3347 INDEX

as quantitative methods Family allowance programs, 2795, heterosexuality construct and, influence, 3036 2798, 2799, 2803 2568 and reliability, 2346, 2347 Family and household structure, homelessness and, 1204 as research tool, 906 922–928 income and, 1281 and rotation problem-correlated adulthood and, 27, 28, 34, 35 informal long-term caregiving factors, 913–914 of African Americans, 121– and, 1657–1658 and score estimation, 914–915 122, 2333 institutional-to-companionship and standardization, 2996 alternative lifestyles and, shift, 1502, 1506 106–113, 1506 for status crystallization intergenerational relations and, levels, 2869 American family trends and, 1388–1392 126–129 and true-score models, 917 intergenerational resource of American Indians, 120– transfers and, 1393–1395 Factories 121, 134 interpersonal conflict resolution and corporate organization, of Asian Americans, 176–177 and, 1454 441–442 blended families, 112–113, 126, Islamic patriarchy, 2949–2950 labor movement in, 1528 2391–2392 Japanese sociology and, 1478, and Marxist theory, 2196 childhood sexual abuse and, 1480, 1481 See also Industrial Revolution; 291, 292 juvenile delinquency theories Industrialization childless, 109–111, 634 and, 1490, 1498 Fads child-rearing style/juvenile crime leisure and, 1584–1585 as collective behavior, 348, 554 relationship, 1490 liberal vs. communitarian conformity and, 402 in China, 302 view of, 359 See also Fashions coalitions within, 331–332 life-cycle concept of, 1615–1616, FAFO (Trade Union Movement 1617–1618, 1620, 1624–1625 in colonial America, 121 Research Foundation; long-term care needs and, 1654 convergence theories, 426 Norway), 2451 marital adjustment and, cross-national comparisons, 130 Failure-time analysis, 869 1725–1732 and culture-of-poverty viewpoint, Fairchild, H. P., 326 marital satisfaction and, 1729 2211–2212 Fairness. See Social justice marital trends and, 487, 488, declining size of, 487 Faletto, Enzo, 1538 922–923 demographic transition and, 625, Falk, R. Frank, 2500 Mexican studies, 1860–1861 628–629, 634 Fall, Albert, 2127 Middletown study findings, 364 deviance theories and, 666, Fallacies 667, 668 modernity and, 1501–1507 of cohortcentrism, 343 disaster planning and behavior nonmaternal childcare, 128–129 disaggregative (ecological), 1592, and, 683, 684 nuclear. See Nuclear family 1593–1594 division of labor and, 1, 122, 696, object relations theory and, gambler’s, 594–595 706–707, 1708, 2034, 2568 2063–2064 individualistic, 3052 divorce and, 704, 705–708, 922 patriarchal, 1009, 1271, 1490, life-course, 344–345, 1614 drug-abuse prevention and, 1498, 1503, 1579, 1708, 1734 longitudinal, 1593, 1614 716, 717 population composition studies, 634 Fallers, Lloyd, 1549 dual-income families, 127, 1524, 1525–1526, 3062 and poverty level, 2215 Fals Borda, Orlando, 2040, 2041, 2042 educational attainment and, remarriage and, 2390–2393 2930, 2931 as repetitive cycles, 1506–1507 False memories, 2083 eldercare and, 129–130, and social learning theory, Falwell, Jerry, 2370, 2371 1019–1020 665–666, 667–668 Familism. See Filial responsibility; eschelon authority structure, 706 and social mobility, 2714 Family and household structure; Intergenerational relations; grandparents and, 131, 696, social surveys of, 577, 578 Intergeneration resource 1390–1391 socialization and, 2856–2858, transfers health behavior and, 1129 2862

3348 INDEX

strengthening of, 1243–1244 and contraceptive provision, physical/social-psychological structural lag and, 3062–3063 958–959, 2178 development and, 974 synchronization of lives and, 1615 and contraceptive use, 954–956 and population projections, 2182 time use research, 3160–3163 demographic research on, 635 social change linked with, 2641 and socioeconomic attainment work relationship, 3266, 3275 and education and information, 957–958 and mobility, 975–976, 3043 See also American families; two-child norm, 2182 Intergenerational relations; and eugenics, 1272 Intergenerational resource and family law, 950 Family Size and Achievement (Blake), 974–975 transfers; Kinship systems and fertility declines and, 626, 627, family types; Parental roles; 628, 1005, 1008, 1010, 2032, Family Support Act of 1988, 967, Single-parent household 2176, 2178 1261, 1988 Family and Medical Leave Act of international comparisons of, Family therapy, case studies of, 247 1992, 2033–2034 959–960 Family Time and Industrial Time Family and population policy in less Malthusian model and, 633 (Hareven), 2662 developed countries, 928–934 mortality rates affecting, 624, Family violence, 981–988 definition of, 929, 933 2177 case studies of, 247 Family and religion, 934–947 national programs, 2179 common law on, 981, 983 interfaith marriage, 911, as population policy in less and corporal punishment, 1411, 1776 developed countries, 928– 982–983 in private sphere, 935, 942 929, 2179 and drinking, 984–985 in public sphere, 935, 942–944 and rights of minors, 950 explanations of, 983–985 and female victim’s secularization of, 937–938 and risk of pregnancy, 952–953 attributions, 196 and social change, 936–942 and unintended pregnancy, 953–954, 2180, 2234 and homicide, 981–982 Family Assistance Plan, 2281 See also Family policy in Western and marital rape, 950, 2577–2588 Family bereavement, 582, 584 societies; Family size and nonfamily violence, 985 (journal), 106 Family Coordinator, The Family policy in Western societies, and pregnancy, 2234 Family farming, 2431–2432 962–970 statistics, 982–983 Family law, 947–952 definition of family, 964–965 as statutory crime, 981 and common law marriage, 948 definition of policy, 965–966 See also Child abuse and neglect; and contraception use, 950 goals of, 966 Childhood sexual abuse and court nonintervention, and poverty, 967–968 Fanon, Frantz, 66 949–959 Family roles. See Alternative life Fanshel, David, 2900 and divorce, 947, 949, 950 styles; American families; Family Fantastic Lodge (Hughes), 243 and filial responsibility, and household structure; Fararo, Thomas J., 1790, 2029 1018–1019 Parental roles Farber, Bernard, 1514–1515 and interracial marriage, 949, 950 Family size, 970–981 Farias, Paul César, 2135 justice analysis, 2707 coalitions and, 332 Faris, Ellsworth, 1833, 2220 and marriage, 947, 948–949 definition of, 970 Faris, Robert E. K., 3055 Family life cycle, 1625, 1729, demographic trends in, 970–972, Farming. See Agricultural innovation; 1737–1738 1008, 1525, 2032, 2177 Rural sociology Family planning, 952–962 educational attainment and, Fascism, 539, 3002 974–975 in China, 220, 303, 930, conditions conducive to, 605 931–932, 972 family structure and, 977 labor movement subordination conditions for contraceptive use, gender preference and, 628 under, 1529 2178–2179 labor-force participation and, political party systems and, 2154 1525 contraceptive availability/lowered postmodernism and, 2206 abortion rate ratio, 2241 only children, 974 structural theory on rise of, 2163 and contraceptive effectiveness, parental attitudes and, 976 Fashionable Nonsense (Sokal and 956–957 parenting style and, 2773 Bricmont), 2208

3349 INDEX

Fashions Federal Election Campaign Act of Feminist sociology. See Feminist as collective behavior, 348 1971, 2127 theory compliance and conformity Federal Housing Administration, Feminist theory, 988–997 to, 403 845, 3072 American Sociological counterculture, 461, 462 loan program, 56 Association and, 153–155 diffusion theories, 679 Federal Interagency Forum on Child as anti-anisogamy, 2886 and Family Statistics, 2685 innovations and transmission and critical theory, 541, Federalist Papers, The (Madison), 721 of, 2170 542, 544, 545 Federici, Nora, 1465 on incest, 991, 1275–1276 mass tourism and, 3268 Feeley, Malcolm M., 2961 and macrosocial inquiry, normative consensus and, 524 Feeling for the Organism, A 1708–1709 ‘‘Father figure’’ leader, 1566 (Keller), 994 and Marxist sociology, 989, 990, Father-daughter incest, 1275– Fei Xiaotong, 298, 300 1754–1755 1276, 2583 Feifel, Herman, 581, 582 on medical profession, 1816 Fatherhood Fein, Helen, 1071 and nature of knowledge, changed concept of, 2036–2037 Feinleib, Manning, 1691 994–996 See also Family and household Feld, S., 2303 and parental roles, 992–993 structure; Gender roles Feldman, Alison, 1872 and participatory research, Fauçonnet, P., 1024 2040, 2041 Fellatio, 2553 Fazio, R. H., 339–340 on peacekeeping, 2045 Felson, Marcus, 506 FBI. See Federal Bureau of on personality development, 2089 Femininity/masculinity, 997–1005 Investigation and political correctness, androgyny, 999–1000, 1002 FCC. See Federal Communications 2141–2142 anisogamy theory, 2885–2886 Commission; Federal Council of on popular culture, 2171–2172 Churches attributional style and, 196 pornography opponents, 274– development of, 998–999 Feagin, Joe R., 57, 2211 275, 2186–2187 feminist theory on, 2886 Fear on prostitution, 2560 heterosexuality images and, 2568 authority and, 2520 on psychiatric classification, 1833 learning theories of, 999 of rape, 2576 and radical case studies, 246 literary portrayals of, 2171, 2172 as safeguarding mechanism, of rape, 2576, 2578–2579, 2522, 2525–2526 moral development theory on, 2581, 2583 1900, 1902–1903 Feather, Norman T., 3214–3215 and redefinition of gender, 996 and personal dependency, 2064 Featherman, David L., 1685 on science and scientific method, psychoanalytic theory of, 998 Featherman, Jones, Jauser (FJH) 2460, 2471, 2958 hypothesis, 2712 psychological measure of, on social attachment, 1307 999–1001 Febvre, Lucien, 1933 on social inequality of rape theories and, 2576, Fecundity, 1006 gender, 2692 2577–2578, 2579, 2581 and sociology of knowledge, 2958 Federal Bureau of Investigation, research on, 1002–1003 493–494, 503, 530, 1486–1487 and symbolic estates, 1512 roots of, 997–998 and desegregation protests, and theories of crime, 505, 536 and sex role socialization, 2857 2494–2495 Third World, 1708 sociological view of, 1001–1002 juvenile rape arrests study, 1489 variations of, 993–994 and transsexuality, 2554, and political crime, 2143, 2146 Feminization of American Culture 2572–2573 (Douglas), 2171 on rape incidence, 2587 See also Sex differences; Sex Fenn, Richard, 2484 See also Uniform Crime Reports stereotypes; Sexual orientation Fenollosa, E. F., 1477 Federal Communications Feminism: The Essential Historical Commission, 242, 271–272 Writings (Schneir), 989 Ferguson, Adam, 3098 Federal Council of Churches, 2370 Feminist movement. See Women’s Fernand Braudel Center, 1869, 1872 Federal Council of the Churches of movement Ferracuti, Franco, 664 Christ in America, 326 Feminist Papers, The (Rossi), 989 Ferrarotti, Franco, 1466, 1469, 1470

3350 INDEX

Ferrero (Italian sociologist), 2520 in United States, 1007 Field Theory in the Social Sciences Fertility determinants, 1005–1012 Festinger, Leon, 2120, 2615 (Lewin), 1013 cohort perspective, 2678 cognitive dissonance theory, 188, Fienberg, Stephen E., 3036 definitions of, 1005–1006 335, 337–340, 2701 Fighting Back (drug abuse program), 716, 717 demographic models, 620 social comparison theory, 402, Figurational analysis, sport sociology, demographic transitions, 425, 2507, 2649, 2650–2651, 2989, 2990 621–622, 624–629, 632–635, 2652, 2653 704, 2178–2179 Fetal alcohol syndrome, 1640 Filial responsibility, 1018–1023 and education and development, Fetus affection vs. obligation in, 745–746 AIDS/HIV transmission to, 1020–1021 factors in, 623–625, 635, 1525, 2587, 2591 attitudes toward, 1019 2032, 2182 prenatal lifestyle risks to, 1640 and direct parent care, 1019–1020 and fertility transitions, viability, 2236 1007–1010 and kinship systems, 1508–1509, See also Abortion and life-cycle stages, 1625 1514–1515 Feudalism, 1932–1933 in pretransition societies, and legal mandates for financial characteristics of, 2999 1006–1007 support, 1018–1019 as conservative doctrine, replacement fertility, 2181 and social policy, 1021–1022 1600, 1601 and social change, 2462 See also Long-term care revolution theory and, 2410, 2414 socioeconomic status as, 3043 Filiation, 1508 serfs under, 2597 Total Fertility Rate, 627 Filipino Americans, 176, 177 stratification parameters, academic studies of, 181 Fertility rate 2810–2811, 2812 household structure, 127 age-specific, 192, 193, 218–219 Feuer, Lewis S., 3068, 3069 American Indian, 134 immigration quotas, 175 Feyerabend, Paul K., 823 in China, 303 occupations, 181, 182 FHA. See Federal Housing Film industry, 2172 control measures, 1219 Administration X-rated films, 2185 cumulative, 220 Fiction. See Literature and society Final Exit (Humphry), 585, 3084 definition of, 2234 Fiedler, Fred, 1568, 1571, 2620 Financial bubbles, 726 downward transition of, 1219 Field, Mark G., 376 Financial panics, 726 and family and household Field, P., 2512 structure, 924 Findlay, Bob, 226 Field research global, 1219 Fine, Gary Alan, 1648, 2221 in anthropology, 2893 ‘‘natural’’ populations, 2176 Fine art, 173 description of, 2461 1950s anomoly, 1525 Finegold, Kenneth, 2165 in ethnography, 852, 853– total, 192, 193, 194 Finke, Roger, 2375, 2485 854, 2893 in United States, 122, 125, Finkelhor, David, 292, 293, 1276, and experiments, 887 2032, 2180 2580, 2581, 2582 quasi-experimental research See also Birth and death rates; Finland designs, 2309–2327 Family size health-care system, 374, 375, 377, in social psychology, 2769 Fertility transitions 378, 379, 380 Field research methods. See Case in Australia, 1007 multilingualism, 2909 studies; Ethnography; downward, 1219 Ethnomethodology; Sociocultural retirement patterns, 2407 in Europe, 1007 anthropology; Qualitative social security system, 2800 and fertility determinants, methods; Participatory research unemployment, 3263 1007–1010 Field theory, 1012–1018 woman suffrage, 703 in France, 1007 current state of, 1013–1014 See also Finnish sociology in Middle East, 628, 1008, 1867 and group dynamics, 2611 Finney, D. J., 3035 in Southeast Asia, 2976 and interpersonal power, Finnish Foundation for Alcohol in Third World countries, 1010 1458–1459 Studies, 2451

3351 INDEX

Finnish sociology, 2449, 2450–2451, Folic acid, 2235, 2238 Formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse, 2452, 2453 Folk Devils and Moral Panics Les (Durkheim), 1024 Finnish State Alcohol (Cohen), 1578 Forrester, Jay W., 2662 Monopoly, 2453 Folk Islamic tradition, 2943 Forsyth, Donelson, 2418 Fiorina, Morris P., 3236 Folk music, 1927 Forsyth, Elaine, 2729 Firsov, Boris, 2982 Folkhälsoinstitutet (Sweden), 2451 Fortes, Meyer, 289, 1507, 1508 First Amendment Folkloristics, literary, 1635 Forza Italia Party, 2129 and peaceful protest right, Folkman, S., 2066, 3057 Foster, John, 1707 2265, 2269 Folkways (Sumner), 2986 Foucault, Michel, 227, 1199, 1303, and regulation of expression, 1707, 2173, 2892 268, 270–276 Foner, Anne, 1618 as Japanese sociology Food. See Agricultural innovation; See also Free speech influence, 1479 Eating and diet; Eating disorders First-cousin marriages, 1272, 1273, on nature of knowledge, 2757 1509, 1513 Food and Drug Administration, on social change, 2647–2648 First-order partial, 452 U.S., 88 on social control, 2660 Firth, Raymond, 289 Food Stamp program, 2283 Foucher, M., 1936 Fischer, Charles S., 3192 For Marx (Althusser), 721 Foundation Health Systems, 1822 Fischer, Joel, 2843 Foran, John, 1871 Foundation research grants, Forbes, Charles, 2127 Fischer, John L., 2896 2400–2401 Forced labor. See Slavery and Fischer, Michael, 2221 See also specific foundations involuntary servitude Fisher, B. M., 1566 Four-function paradigm (Parsons Fisher, G. A., 2299–2300 Forces of Order: Police Behavior in concept), 1554–1555, 1559–1560, Japan and the United States Fisher, R. A., 454, 3006, 3035 1978, 2005 (Bayley), 2114 Fisher, S., 1718 applied to organizational Ford, Henry, 697, 699 Fisher-Pitman test, 1957 structure, 2005–2014 Ford, Henry Jones, 2124 Fishman, Joshua, 2894 Fourier, Charles, 2846, 2847, Ford, R., 1653 2849, 3203 Fiske, D., 2085, 3210 Ford Foundation, 636, 637, Fourteenth Amendment, 270, Fisse, Brent, 530 2398, 2401 283, 587 Fitzpatrick, Mary Anne, 1735 research funding in China Fox, Renee, 583 5-HIAA, 3079 by, 302 Fragmentation Five-Factor Model of Personality, Fordham Index of Social Health, bureaucratic, 3103–3104 2079–2080, 2085 The, 2687 political party, 2157–2158, 2159 Fixed-sample panel, 1687 Forecasting. See Futures studies as Frampton, Merle E., 1503–1504, FJH hypothesis, 2712 human and social activity; Social 1505, 1506–1507 Flacks, Richard, 460 forecasting France Flashpoint model of collective Foreign Corrupt Practices Act of abortion policy, 2238, 2239 behavior, 353 1977, 2127 African colonization, 60, 61 Flechtheim, Ossip, 1038 Foresight. See Futures studies as age pyramid, 610, 612 Fleming, Jacqueline, 2497 human and social activity civil law system, 467, 474, 475, Flexner, Abraham, 325, 2841 Forest Service, U.S., 802 476, 477, 478–479 Flick industrial group, 2123 Forging Industrial Policy clinical psychology literature, 327 Fligstein, Neill, 738, 739 (Dobbins), 738 comparative remarriage rates, Form, William, 423, 424 Flinn, Kelly, 1880 1749 Flis, Andrzej, 2119 Formal employment. See Labor conditions conducive to Flowers, Gennifer, 2581 force; Work and occupations democracy, 605, 606 Flynn, Charles, 1247 Formal models, 2028 daily time use, 3160 Flynn, Edward, 2126 Formality education and status Focus groups, online, 408 and historical sociology, 386 attainment, 3045 Focus on the Family, 770 and positivism, 2194 ethnic immigration, 636

3352 INDEX

and ethnic status Frank, David J., 2662 Freedman, Ronald, 425 incongruence, 3051 Frank, Jerome, 2961 Freedom of expression. See family planning, 2178 Frankfurt Institute of Social Censorship and freedom of family policy, 966 Research. See Frankfurt School expression; Free speech fertility decline, 626, 2178 Frankfurt School Freedom of Information Act, 2401 fertility transitions, 1007 on art and culture, 173, 2173 Freedom Riders, 2494, 2495 governmental division of British sociology and, 226 Freedom Summer Project power, 1953 on conformity sources, 540 (Mississippi), 2495 health-care system, 375, 377, critical theory tradition, 539–542, Freeman, Alan D., 2961 379, 380 543, 1752, 1754, 1757, 1758 Freeman, Howard, 156, 1160 in Indochina, 2974, 2975 epistemology debate, 822, 1027 Freeman, John, 2029 job discrimination against German sociology and, 1075, Freeman, Linton, 2734 immigrants, 693 1076, 1077, 1078, 1079, 1081 Frege, Gottlob, 821 juvenile violence, 1487 high culture/mass culture debate, Freidmann, Harriet, 2433 labor market structure, 1987, 1645–1646 Freidson, Eliot, 226, 1813–1814, 1988 Marxist sociology and, 540, 543, 1815, 2263, 2264 labor movement, 1529 1076–1077, 1732, 2756 Freire, Paulo, 2040 long-term care and care facilities, mass culture theories, 2168, 2169 French, Hilary, 1230 1652, 1653, 1655, 1661 mass society theory, 1772 French language, 327–328 migrant Arab workers in, 1865 Frankl, Viktor, 5, 460, 1617, 2084 French Revolution, 606, 1771, 2138, occupational mobility, 1987, 1988 Franklin, Benjamin, 2456, 2483 2206, 2412, 2414, 2846, origination of secularization as Franzosi, Roberto, 1199 2865, 3000 concept in, 2482–2483 Fraser, Nancy, 545 and civil law system, 473– political and governmental Fraternal lodges. See Voluntary 474, 475 scandals, 2129, 2134 associations historical sociology study of, 1198 political party system, 2154, 2159 Fraud. See White-collar crime Marxist perspective on, 2410, Political Systems Performance Fraudulent research. See Ethics in 2411 Data, 2477 social research and mass murder and terror, and postmodernism, 2207 Frazer, James, 1271, 2889 1066, 3137 relative marriage rate, 1749 Frederick the Great, king of and origins of political parties, 2154–2155 retirement practices, 2407, 2408 Prussia, 1435 social dynamics of, 2664 social movement emergence, Frederickson, George, 55 2719 Free enterprise system. See and status incongruence, 3050 Social Science Data Archive, Capitalism French School of Sociology, The, 575, 576 Free market. See Capitalism; 1024–1029 social security system Economic institutions and clinical sociology, 327–328 spending, 2800 Free rider concept, 604 contemporary, 1026–1028 social surveys, 577 Free speech, 269, 280, 2908 and economic sociology, 734 sociocultural anthropology, civil liberties and, 315 and life histories and 2891, 2892 civil rights movement and, 273 narratives, 1633 status incongruence, 3054 hate speech and, 275–276 popular culture studies, 2170 time use research, 3161, 3164 rise of democracy and, 267–268 principal branches of, 1024–1025 tourism in, 3167, 3169 student movements and, See also France transnational corporations, 3069–3070 French structuralism, 563, 1027, 3175, 3176 Vietnam War and, 273–274 1032–1034, 1035 See also French School of See also Censorship and the Frenk, Julio, 374 Sociology, The regulation of expression Frequency distribution, 658 Francis, Emmerich, 1075 Free Speech Movement, 3069–3070 Frequency polygons, 659 Franco, Francisco, 2129 Free will, 527–528, 1248, 1278, 2218 Freud, Sigmund, 1304, 1902, 2069 Frank, Andre Gunder, 640, 1706 Freedman, David A., 3039 on crowd behavior, 553, 559

3353 INDEX

dependency theory, 2063, 2064 criminal law and, 516 coining of term, 2369 depression description, 650 definition of, 1885 comparative analysis of, family triads, 332 differentiation and, 2484 2372–2373 and feminist theory, 990, 991 educational mobility theories, counterculture, 462 identity formation theory, 2856 757, 2927, 2928 definitions of, 2372, 2944–2945 on incest taboo, 1273, 1274, 1275 and French School of Sociology, different meanings of, 2368, 1026–1027, 1032–1034 2368–2371 moral development theory, 2089 and German sociology, 1078, personality theory, 540, global, 2371–2372, 3288 1080, 1081 1713–1714, 2084, 2087, 2088, Islamic, 2371, 2374, 2940–2941, 2090, 2092 and Japanese sociology, 1479 2943, 2944–2945 on primal horde, 1273, 1576 juvenile delinquency theories, and legislation of morality, 1493–1495, 1497–1498 on religious experience, 2367, 1577, 1580 2373, 2965 and kinship systems, 1502– as response to secularization, 1503, 1507 sexuality theory, 1273, 1275, 2487–2488, 2966–2967 2537, 2565 legal systems comparisons, 472 social class and, 2378 suicide theory, 3077 macro themes, 1704, 1705 tensions with other religious ‘‘tender years doctrine,’’ 702 materialism and, 1784 orientations, 2386 Freyer, Hans, 1075, 1076 modernization theory and, 1885 Fundamentalism Project, 2372– 2373, 2945 Fried, Morton, 2891 and penology, 2051–2054 Fundamentals, The (anthology), Friedkin, Noah E., 2673 and Polish sociology, 2119 2368–2369 Friedland, Roger, 2166 political party origins and, 2154–2155 Funding of research. See Research Friedman, Edward, 606 funding in sociology rational choice theory and, Friedman, G., 1026 2341–2342 Funerals, 582, 584 Friedman, Milton, 722 role theory and, 2415, 2416, Furman v. Georgia (1972), 2056 Friedman two-way analysis of 2417, 2421–2423, 2425 Furstenberg, Frank, 1390, 1391, variance, 1962–1963 and sentiments, 2522 2393 Friendship. See Interpersonal as sexual behavior approach, Future of an Illusion, The attraction; Social networks 2537 (Freud), 2965 Friis, Henning, 2450 and social and political Future of Marriage, The Frith, Simon, 1925, 1927 elites, 2626 (Bernard), 1736 Fromm, Erich, 539 social control studies, 2657 Future of Religion, The (Stark and Frontiers. See National border and social exchange theory, 2670 Bainbridge), 2375 relations and social inequality, 2690 Futures studies as human and social Frude, Neil, 1276 activity, 1037–1043 and social problems perspective, Frustration, collective expressions 2759–2760 characteristics of, 1039–1040 of, 349 and socialization theory, 2856 extrapolative, 1040–1041 Frustration-aggression hypothesis, social-structural model of law history of, 1038–1039 73, 2670 and, 1559–1560 limits of, 1040 Fuchs, Josef, 1038 stratification theories, 2626, normative, 1040–1041 Fukutake, Tadashi, 1479 2813–2814 prediction and, 2224–2231 Fulton, Robert, 581, 582, 583 See also Social structure; preferable futures concept, 2677 Functional analysis, 1030, 1031 Structuralism and scenarios, 1041–1042 Functionalism and structuralism, Functionalist hypothesis, 2866 and social forecasting, 2676–2681 1029–1037 Functions of Police in Modern Society, Futures Studies Internet Society, and British structuralism, The (Bittner), 2108–2109, 2114 2231–2232 1034, 2890 Fundamental attribution error, Futuribles/Futuristics/Futurology. case studies, 244 194, 2751 See Futures studies as human challenges to functionalism, 2416 Fundamentalism, 2361, 2368–2373 and social activity; Prediction and convergence theories and, 423 and censorship, 277 futures studies; Social forecasting

3354 INDEX

G evolutionary games, 1049 and conversation analysis, Gabba, Carlo Francesco, 1464 and exchange networks, 431, 432 Gabon, 2133 2673–2674 as founder of ethnomethodology, 246, 431 Gabor, Istvan, 2117 experimental studies, 1047–1048 Garment industry, 2333 Gagnon, John H., 2539, 2550, 3091 institutional analysis of, 1049–1051 Gaiser, Ted J., 408 Garmon, Lance C., 1903 mathematical sociology and, 1791 Galanter, Marc, 471, 2961 Garth, Bryant G., 1550–1551 rational choice theory and, 2335, Galbraith, Jay, 2011 Garvey, Marcus, 66 2336–2337, 2338, 2419 Galbraith, John Kenneth, 724, 2921 Garza, Gustav O., 1859 representational forms of, 2337 Gale, Hugh, 3086 Gasparini, Alberto, 1468, 1472, and role theory, 2419 1473, 2288 Gale Group, 1608 and social dynamics, 2666 Galen, 1717, 2086 Gaston, Berger, 1037 and social values research, Gates, Bill, 1285 Galileo Galilei, 1781 3220–3222, 3223 Gates Commission, 1877 Gall, Franz Joseph, 528, 529, 1717 solution concepts, 1046–1047 GATT (General Agreement on Gallagher, John, 1266 strategic form, 1046 Tariffs and Trade), 794, 1859 Galli, Maria Callari, 1467 supergames, 1049 Gaulejac, Vincent de, 328 Gallier, Xavier, 1587 theoretic concepts, 1045–1047 Gauset, Jessie Redmon, 66 Gallino, Luciano, 1467 typology, 1046 Gauss-Markov theorem, 2251 Gallup, George, 3232 Gamio, Manuel, 1858 Gaventa, John, 2040 Gallup polls. See Election polling; Gamson, William A., 101–102, Public opinion; Survey research 645–646, 2270 Gay community. See Sexual orientation Galpin, Charles J., 2428 on social movement Galston, William A., 356 successes, 2725 Gay Liberation Front, 111 Galton, Francis, 446–447, 550, 879, Gandhi, Indira, 2132 Gay rights movement, 315, 2719 2091–2092, 3005 Gandhi, Mohandas, 1230, 2269, Gaza, 1866 eugenics theory, 1272 3287–3288 Gaze theory intelligence theory, 1360, Gang rape, 2580 collective gaze, 3173 1361, 1364 Gangs male gaze, 2172 Galton’s problem, 550 as counterculture, 460, 461 tourist gaze, 3166–3167, Galtung, Johan, 639, 1467 criminological research, 530, 533 3172–3173 Gambler’s fallacy, 594–595 cultural values and, 2171 Gdansk shipyard (Poland), 2268 Gambling as delinquent subculture, 509, GDOS (Group Development and criminalization of 511, 512–513, 514 Observation System ), 1979–1980 deviance, 525 group norms and structure study GDP. See Gross Domestic Product of, 244, 363, 364, 365, organized crime operations, Geddes, Patrick, 1290, 1291 2017, 2019, 2021 2611, 2613 Geen, R. G., 70 as self-destructive behavior, 3077 macro-level deviance theories Geertz, Clifford, 387, 547, 852, Game theory and strategic and, 663, 664 2855, 2891, 2906 interaction, 1045–1056 nineteenth-century urban, 1485 Indonesian studies, 2976–2977 altruism and, 118 Gans, Herbert, 845 on Islamic society, 2941, 2944 characteristic function form, 1046 Ganzeboom, H. B. G., 2787 semiotic theory, 2958 coalition formation and, García, Carlos, 2131 329–331, 332 Gardner, Howard, 1368, 1369 on world religions, 3289 conflict theory and, 414–416 Gardner, John, 1384–1385, 2140 Gehlen, Arnold, 1076, 1077, 1234 differential games, 1049 Garelli, Franco, 1473 Geiger, Theodor, 2450 dynamic games, 1048–1049 Garfield, Eugene, 1610 Geis, Gilbert, 3250, 3252 and economic sociology, 735, Garfield, James, 2127 Gellner, Ernest, 227, 2941, 2942 2340 Garfinkel, Harold, 226, 856–857, theory of Muslim society, and equity theory, 2700 859, 2756 2943–2944, 2945, 2946, 2947

3355 INDEX

Gemeinschaft (belonging), 2630, differences in diet and interracial marriage and divorce 3129, 3134 obesity, 1641 rates, 1750 Gemeinschaft-Gessellschaft shift differences in language use, 2909 in Islamic societies, 2948–2950 (Tönnies concept), 355, 362, 363, differences in marijuana use, 523 job satisfaction and, 3275 364, 367, 1502, 1506, 2426, 2483, differences in marital juvenile delinquency and, 3130, 3135, 3182 communication, 1735–1736 1489–1490 Gemeinschaftsgefühl (Adler differences in marriage, 1736 kinship system changes and, 1502 concept), 1714 differences in reasons for labor-force composition and, Gender, 1057–1066 marrying, 488 1524–1526, 3262 affirmative action and, 50, differences in suicide rate, 3078, See also Labor force, women’s 1063, 2706 3079, 3081 participation in African-American education differences in work leadership image and, 1570 and, 2499 orientation, 3275 legislation of morality and, aggression and, 1452 direct and indirect 1579–1580 aggressive tendencies and, 72 discrimination, 689–691 leisure and, 1584, 1585, 1589 aging and, 83 as distinct from sex, 1057–1058, life cycle and, 1623–1625 AIDS/HIV contraction, 1641, 2529, 2886 life expectancy and, 1058, 1165 1642, 2589–2590 divorce petitioners and, 1747 lifestyle risk-taking differences, alcohol use differences, 94, divorce practices and, 112, 126, 1639, 2559 1640–1641 620, 701–703, 707–708, literary sociology and, 1648, altruism and, 117 1425, 1526 2171–2172 American Sociological double standard, 701 love and, 1697, 1700–1701 Association and issues of, drug use breakdown, 710–711 153–155, 156 marital age and, 124 earnings pattern and, 1624–1625 ascriptive character of, 2565 marital equality and, 107 and economic determinism, 723 attitude formation toward, marital expectation and economic sociology, 736 185, 997 differences, 1736 equality and, 107, 142, 302 bankruptcy and, 204 marital quality measurement by, See also subhead inequality below 1730–1732, 1737 and changing attitudes, equality of opportunity and, 1063–1064 Marxist sociology and, 1754–1755 830, 832 and childhood sexual abuse, 289, mate selection factors and, ethnography and, 854 291, 1275–1276, 2581 1775–1776 expectation states theory and, and childlessness, 109, 110 medical profession and, 1816 882–883 and collective mobility, 2716 mental health and illness and, feminist definition of, 2886 1837–1838 and comparable worth, 369–372, Finnish studies, 2453 3048, 3265 mental illness rates, 1837–1838 hate speech and, 275–276 conformity propensity, 403 Middle Eastern studies, 1867 health promotion/health status and courtship, 486, 487, 489 and military service, 1879–1880 and, 1165, 1166 and crime rates, 498, 534 moral development theories and, helping behavior and, 117 1900, 1902–1903, 2089 and criminal sanctions, 517 historical variations in, 1199 music and, 1926 and criminological theory, 504, identity and, 1001, 1061, 1256 505, 511, 530, 536, 984 neutrality, 1057 impression formations and, 43 and cultural norms, 2528 Norwegian sociological income disparity and, 645 studies, 2453 differences between gay and lesbian relations, 111–112 inequality, 1062–1063, 2692 novel authorship and, 1648 differences between widows and inequality and theories of nursing home residents and, widowers, 1749, 3255, crime, 504, 984 1667 3257, 3258 intergenerational relations and, as object of sexual orientation, differences in depression 1389, 1391 2565–2567, 2570 diagnosis, 649, 652–653, interpersonal conflict resolution occupational aspiration levels, 1837, 1838 and, 1452 2785

3356 INDEX and occupational segregation, stereotypes. See Sex stereotypes fertility transition effects on, 379, 2012, 3046, 3262, and structural lag, 3063 625, 627, 634 3264–3265 Swedish studies, 2453 and filial responsibility, 129, and occupational status 1020, 1022 symbolic interaction theory and, attainment, 2000, 2785, 3046 1001, 1002 in Islamic society, 2949–2950 and ordination of women, 2379 time use research, 3160– mate selection theories and, 1775 peer group segregation by, 2859 3163, 3164 media stereotypical portrayals personality theory and, 2089 and transvestism and of, 1699 persuasion receptivity and, transsexuality, 2572–2573 in Mexico and Brazil, 941, 2096–2097 underemployment inequality and, 1860–1861 political alienation and, 102 1720–1721, 1722 motherhood, 2036 political correctness and, 2140, in unilineal vs. bilateral kinship parental roles and, 2035 2141–2142 systems, 1507–1508 and personal dependency, 2064 popular culture and, 2170, and voluntary association role theory and, 2418 2171–2172 membership, 3228 sex differences and, 2418 poverty and, 1288, 2033, and white-collar crime socialization process and, 2215, 3048 offenders, 3251 2857, 2886 professions and, 2259, 2262–2263 widow/widower differences, Gene therapies, 1824 redefinition of, 996 3255, 3257, 3258 Genealogical mapping, 1512–1516 relationship changes, 704 widow/widower remarriage Genentech, Inc., 1824 rates, 1749 religion and, 1057 General Accounting Office, 838 widowhood demographics, 126, as remarriage factor, 1748–1749 General Agreement on Tariffs and 3256–3257 remarriage satisfaction and, 2390 Trade, 794, 1859 and women’s high status in retirement and, 2406–2407 General Directorate for Science and Southeast Asia, 2976 and rural sociology, 2430 Technology (European work and, 122, 1059–1062, 3275 Commission), 580 schematization, 1000 See also Occupational segregation General Economic History and scientific explanation See also Femininity/masculinity; (Weber), 733 bias, 2471 Feminist theory; Gender roles; General Inquirer, The (Stone et and self-esteem development, Sex stereotypes; Sexual al.), 1979 2513 behavior patterns; Women General linear model, 162–163, 457 self-serving attributions and, 196 Gender identity. See Femininity/ General Social Survey (GSS), sex differences studies, masculinity 166–167, 317, 548, 576–577, 2529–2535 Gender preference 1479, 2475 sexual harassment and, family planning and, 628 attitude items, 190, 3093 2580–2581 family size and, 2182 cross-sectional samples, 1684 singlehood and, 107–108, Southeast Asian neutrality on family size, 973, 977 124–125 on, 2976 on sexual behavior, 2538, single-parent households and, Gender roles 2541, 2545 127, 128 adulthood, 30, 33, 34 and social indicators, 2682, 2684 smoking and, 1640 alternative lifestyles, 111 General systems theory, 1558, 1931 and social comparison bases, 2654 American family, 122 General theory of action, 1197 social construction of, 1057– case studies, 246 General Theory of Secularization, A 1058-1059 child custody awards, 702 (Martin), 2485 and social security system division of labor, 696, 1057, Generalized belief, 353 inequities, 2802 1062, 1064 Generalized other, 3097 and social stratification, divorce effects on, 703, 704–705 Generation life table, 612, 614 2817–2819 fatherhood, 2036–2037 Generational equity, 1388, 1398 Southeast Asian studies, 2976 femininity/masculinity Genesis, 1511, 2369, 3285 and status attainment, 3044, 3046 concepts, 997 Genetic psychology, 1274

3357 INDEX

Genetic structuralism, 1027, 1028 Nazi Holocaust, 1066, 1067, as Japanese sociology early Genetics 1070, 1384, 2206 influence, 1477–1478 as aggression influence, 69, 70 Genovese, Eugene, 54 life histories and narratives, 1633, 1635 as alcoholism factor, 97 Genovese, Kitty, 115 literary sociology, 1648 altruism theory, 115 Gentile, Giovanni, 1465 medical sociology, 1814 as depression risk factor, ‘‘Gentleman’s Agreement’’ of and Nazi regime, 1074, 1075 652, 1836 1907–1908, 175, 176 and New Left, 1079 as educational attainment Gentrification, 3196 factor, 2931 Genuine Progress Indicator, 2687 as ‘‘normal science,’’ 1081–1082 and incest taboos, 1273, 1274 Geographical Information positivism controversy, 1077 as intelligence factor, 1369–1373, System, 411, 580 reconstruction era, 1075–1077 2090, 2140, 2330 Geography Schelsky school, 1077 Mendelian, 2880, 2881 applications to sociology, Social Science Data Archive, 2921–2923 575, 576, 580 and personality traits, 2088, 2089–2090, 2092 and economic institutions, and sociology of knowledge, 728–730 2953–2954 and puberty, 6 and population changes, structural functionalism, 1078 and public policy concerns, 1824 2179–2180 systems theory, 1080 as schizophrenia factor, 1836 Geopolitics, 1933 time use research, 3162, and self-esteem, 2513 George Washington Medical 3163, 3164 and sexual selection theory, 2885 School, 588 traits of, 1073 as suicide tendency factor, 3079 George Washington University, 1422 Weimar period, 1074–1075 See also Nature vs. nurture Georgia (republic), 2362, 2982 Young Turks in, 1075, 1076, Geneva Conference on Vietnam Georgia State University, content- 1077, 1078, 1080 (1954), 332 analysis Web site, 421 See also Frankfurt School; Geneva Convention (1949), 1244 Georgianna, Sharon, 3079, 3081 Germany Genital intercourse. See Gerard, Harold, 402 Germani, Gino, 1537 Heterosexuality; Sexual behavior Gereffi, Gary, 643 Germany patterns Gergen, Kenneth J., 117 African colonization by, 60 Genocide, 1066–1073 Gergen, Mary M., 117 apprenticeship system, 27 contemporary, 1070, 1071 German idealism, 1248–1249 civil law system, 471, 474, definitions of, 1066, 1071–1072 475–476, 477, 478, 479, 480 German Sociological Association, early historical, 1068–1071 1076, 1078, 1081 communitarianism, 361, 362 from environmental German Sociological Society, 1423 conditions conducive to destruction, 1221 democracy, 605, 606 German sociology, 1073–1084 as ethnic cleansing, 1944, data archive, 2477 action theory, 1080 1946, 1948 dictatorship, 3002 behaviorism, 1080 ethnic hatred and, 2529 disaster research, 687 classical period of, 1074 and ethnonationalism, 1944, divorce laws, 703 Cologne School, 1077, 1078 1946, 1948 divorce rate, 706 consolidation, 1080–1081 and eugenics, 879 East German centrally managed ‘‘genocidal massacre’’ critical theory, 1076, 1077– privatization, 2851 1078, 1079 distinction, 1072 epistemology, 819–820 divisions in, 1076 human rights and, 1244 ethnic immigration, 636, 693 in East Germany, 2117 ideological, 1067, 1069–1070 ethnic status incongruence, 3051 economic, 732–734 ideological vs. instrumental, family ‘‘legacy of silence’’ 1067, 1070 expansion of, 1077–1080 in, 1512 and intelligence of targeted functionalism, 1080 family policy, 966 groups, 1384 historical materialism, 1080 governmental division of and international law, 1244, 1429 idealism, 1248–1249 power, 1953

3358 INDEX

health-care system, 374–375, 376, cognitive consistency theories Ginsberg, Benjamin, 2273 377, 379–380 and, 334 Gioja, Melchiorre, 574 high suicide rate, 3079, 3082 and group cohesiveness, 2614 Giorio, Giuliano, 1472 historical city-states, 2998 personality theory, 1718, 2085 GIS (Geographic Information job discrimination against Getting a Job (Granovetter), 736 Systems), 411, 580 immigrants, 693 Getting into Print (Powell), 1647 Giscard d’Estaing, Valéry, 2129, kinship mapping priority, Ghana, 66 2134 1513, 1515 family size, 978 Gitlow v. New York (1925), 270 labor movement, 1529, 1531 health-care system, 381 Glaser, Barney, 582, 2290 lawyers in, 477, 478 Ghana Empire, 2999 Glaser, Daniel, 510 Lebensraum concept, 1933 Ghetto-specific cultural traits. See Glaser, W. A., 410 legal system, 1550 Urban underclass Glasnost, 2981 long-term care and care facilities, Ghost Dance, 137 Glass, G. V., 1843 1653, 1659, 1660, 1661 Ghurye, G. S., 1290, 1291, 1292 Glazer, Nathan, 847, 1595, 1601, migrant Arab workers in, 1865 Gibbs, Jack, 504, 3079 2333, 2818 Nazi era. See Nazis Gibbs, James L., Jr., 464 Glendon, Mary Ann, 356, 472 and Nazi protests in 1920s, 2268 Gibbs, Jewelle Taylor, 3079 Glenn, Jerome C., 1039 occupational mobility, 1987 Gibbs, John, 194, 1899 Glick, Clarence E., 324 organizational demographics, 395 Gibbs sampler, 3039 Global environmental change (GEC), political party system, 2154, 2157, 810–811 2159, 2163 Giddens, Anthony, 226, 227, 228, 1033, 1086, 1090, 1212, 1224, Global environmental problems, political scandals, 2130 2642, 2983 801, 805 relative marriage rate, 1749 Japanese sociology and, 1479 and futures studies, 1041 research university model, 1180 on money’s symbolism, 1890 Global Media Monitoring retirement practices, 2407–2408 Project, 1768 on postindustrial society, revolution, 3001 2201, 2202 Global properties of collectives, 1591 social security system, 2796, theory of structuration, 1710 ‘‘Global village’’ concept, 428 2797, 2800 Giddings, Franklin, 1424, 3232 Globalization and global systems social surveys, 577 analysis, 1084–1098 as Japanese sociology early transnational corporations, influence, 1477 agricultural innovation and, 3175, 3176 87–88 and positivism, 2192, 2193 unemployment, 3263 American society and, 140 Gideon v. Wainwright (1963), 2960 Weimar Republic voting behavior boundaries and, 1084 Gieryn, Thomas F., 2455, 2458, 2459 research, 3233 British sociology and, 227–228 Gift, The (Mauss), 103, 734 woman suffrage, 703 capitalism and, 242, 1084, Gifted children, 324 See also Germany sociology 1085, 1091 Gilbert, G. Nigel, 2459 Gerontology. See Aging and the censorship and, 280 life course; Filial responsibility; Gilbert, Rosewell, 38083 child labor and, 3262 Intergenerational relations; Gilded Age, 2125 class and race relationship Intergenerational resource Gilder, Georges, 723 transfers; Long-term care; Long- and, 322 Gilligan, Carol, 993–994, 1307, 1900, term care facilities; Retirement; competition and, 1085, 1091 1902, 1903, 2089, 2172 Widowhood and conditions for future social Gillmore, Samuel, 1853–1854 Gerth, Hans, 2069 changes, 2646 Gilman, Albert, 2894 Gesell, Arnold, 1894–1895, 2092 convergence theories, 427–428 Gilman, Charlotte Perkins, 852, 989 Gessellschaft. See Gemeinschaft- core/periphery/semiperiphery Gesselschaft shift Gilpin, Robert, 3242 structure in, 1089, 1265 Gessellschaft und Demokratie in Gilroy, Paul, 226 criminal and delinquent Deutschland (Dahrendorf), 1078 Gini, Corrado, 1423, 1424, 1465 subcultures and, 513 Gestalt psychology Ginkgo, 654 cross-cultural analysis, 549

3359 INDEX current systems analysis and, state system as basis of, 1092, Gold, Martin, 1013 1090–1094 1093, 2362 Gold Coast and the Slum, The: A democracy and, 606 and territorial belonging, 3135 Sociological Study of Chicago’s Near dependency theory and, and terrorist tactics, 3139–3140 North Side (Zorbaugh), 324 1087–1089 trade and, 1087, 1088 Golden Hordes, The (Turner and Ash), 3167 development issues and, 1706 transnational corporations and, diffusion and, 1085 3174–3180 Goldhagen, Daniel, 387 disembedding and, 1086 urbanization and, 306, 309, 311 Goldman, Emma, 989 Goldmann, Lucien, 1645 division of labor and, 697 and war causes, 3243–3244 Goldschmidt, Walter, 88 economic institutions and, 729, world system theory, 1089–1090, 1197, 1225, 1313 1197, 1199, 1706, 1758, Goldstein, Joshua, 3242 feminist perspective on, 1708 1876, 2646 Goldstein, Kurt, 1714, 1718, 2087, 2088 fundamentalism and, 2371–2372 Globe, Le (French periodical), 2846 Goldstone, Jack, 390, 1707, and Islamic militancy effects, Glock, Charles Y., 2373 1708, 2413 2947–2948 Gluckman, Max, 289, 1549, 1550 Goldthorpe, John H., 224, 425 Japanese sociology and, Glue sniffing, 713 Goleman, Daniel, 1368 1481–1484 Gnoseology. See Epistemology Golod, Serguei, 2982 labor-force participation and, GNP. See Gross National Product 1088, 1526, 3267, 3275 Gomez, Juan Vicente, 2134 Goals legal systems and, 1550–1551 Gonorrhea, 2582, 2583 anomie and, 165, 1494 leisure and, 1589 Gonzalez, Felipe, 2129 effectiveness of democracy in ‘‘Good neighbors’’ studies, 115 Marxist theory and, 1084–1086 achieving, 606 Good society model, 357, 360 and Marxist theory rethinking, group size and, 1118–1121 1757, 1758 Goode, Patrick, 1752, 1753 group vs. individual, 595–596 mass media research, 1767–1768 Goode, William J., 1258–1259, 1503, intrinsic/extrinsic motivation 1504, 1615, 2823 materialist theory on, 1784–1785 and, 2059–2060 Goodman, Andrew, 2495 medical-industrial complex organizational orientation toward, Goodman, Leo A., 1594–1595, 1811, and, 1827 393–394, 2008–2011 3036, 3038 in Mexican studies, 1861 strain theory of deviance and, Goodman’s gamma, 661 migration and, 1092 664, 1494–1495 Goodman’s tau, 661 modernization theory and, values and, 3213 Goodness-of-fit test, 1964–1966 1084–1086, 1886–1887 values differentiated from, 2829 Goodwin, Charles, 2905 music and social structure link Godet, Michel, 1037, 1041 and, 1924–1925 Goodwin, William, 1233 Goffman, Erving, 707, 776–777, 852, Goody, Jack, 1515–1517, 2906 nationalism and, 1944–1945, 853, 995, 1577, 1932, 2173, 2901, 1948 2902, 2907, 2908 Gorbachev, Mikhail, 2981 peacekeeping and, 2045–2046 affect control theory, 41, 46 Gordon, Leonard, 2270 postindustrial theory and, 2202 and Chicago School, 244 Gordon, M. M., 2883 Gordon, Milton, 53, 842–843 postmodernism and, 2206–2207 on face-to-face interaction, radical case studies, 246 431, 432 Gordon, Robert, 1382 risk in, 1086 on interaction rituals, 416, 2523 Gordon, Steven, 782 rural sociology and, 2432, 2433 on medicine as social control, Gordon, Theodore J., 1039 sex industry and, 2560–2561, 1815–1816 Gore, Albert, Jr., 2686 2607 pragmatism theory, 2423 Gore, M. S., 1293 social dynamics of, 2665–2666 role theory, 2417, 2423, Gospel music, 1926 and social inequality, 1087, 1088, 2425, 2506 Gotay, Carolyn C., 2301, 2305–2306 2691, 2705–2708 sociological theory of Gotham, Kevin Fox, 1636 and social movement personality, 2080 Gottfredson, Michael, 505, 507, emergence, 2719 on total institution, 1673, 1674 535, 667

3360 INDEX

Gottman, J. M., 3143, 3149, 3151 Grandparents, 131, 1390–1391 and industrial sociology, Gould, Stephen Jay, 995 cultural influences on roles 1310–1311 Gouldner, Alvin W., 233–234, of, 696 and labor movements, 1530 325, 327 See also Filial responsibility; and labor-force measurement Governing elite. See Social and Intergenerational resource concept, 1521 political elites transfers life-course study of children Governing Prisons (DiIulio), Granovetter, Mark, 349, 350, born in, 1618 2053–2054 735–736, 2029, 2419 and pension plans, 2402–2403 Government corruption. See Political ‘‘strength of weak ties’’ theory, and rural sociology research and governmental corruption 2693, 2731–2732, 2791, 2827 support, 2427 Government division of powers, Grant Foundation, 2398 and social security benefits, 2798 1952–1953 Grant requests. See Research funding and voter realignment, 3235 Government regulation, 1098–1111 in sociology Great Migration, 532 censorship as, 267–281 Graphics theory and systems Great refusal (Marcuse concept), 541 and comparative health-care application, 1790 Great Society, 2299 systems, 374, 375, 378–381 computer, 411 Great Zimbabwe Empire, 2999 definition of, 1098–1100 descriptive statistics, 658–659 Great-man theory, 1564–1565 deregulation and reregulation, history of, 3005–3007 Greece 1103–1105 perception research, 3009–3011 clinical sociology, 328 deregulation/white-collar crime relationships between summary Cyprus conflict, 1945 relationship, 3250 statistics and, 661 educational status attainment, economic, 1100–1101, 1311, 1337 and social network analysis, 2784–2785 effectiveness of, 1102 1789–1790, 2729 government and political empirical studies of, 1106–1109 statistical, 3003, 3007–3022 corruption, 2130 and ethics in social research, values ranking, 3217 long-term care and care facilities, 1652, 1653 838–839 Grassroots protests, 791, 803 organizational demographics, 395 and family policy in Western Gratian, 1507 societies, 963–964 revolution, 3001 Gratification, delayed vs. short- origins of, 1101 term, 668 student protest, 3067 reform of, 1104 Grattet, Ryken, 2961 Green, Gary S., 3245, 3246, 3247 theories of, 1100–1103 Gray, Louis N., 1790 Green Revolution, 89–90, 252– 253, 1222 See also Public policy analysis; Gray market, 2019, 2021 Social security systems Greenberg, David F., 1692, 2961 Great Britain. See United Kingdom Grabb, Edward G., 1754 Greenberg, Jerald, 2698 Great Depression Graebner, Fritz, 675 Greenfeld, Liah, 173 agricultural innovation and, Graen, G., 1567 Greening of America, The 88–89 Graft, 2124, 2125, 2126, 2127, 2137 (Reich), 1773 and American Sociological Greenpeace, 2149, 2725 Graham, Billy, 2370 Association membership Graig, Laurene A., 376, 377 decline, 148 Greenwood, Ernest, 2841 Greer, Scott, 1223 Grammar analysis, 438–439, and birth rate decline, 2032 Gresham’s Law, 729 2297–2298 and census analysis, 283 Greve, Heinrich C., 2668 of social interaction, 2897–2899 cohort effects, 80, 1625, 2861 Grief Gramsci, Antonio, 1753, 1758, 1772 collapse of democracies during, British sociology and, 226 3002–3003 of bereavement, 582, 648 power elites/popular culture community studies on social depression compared with, 650 relationship, 2169, 2985–2986 effects of, 363–364 Grief, Esther B., 1898 and structuralist theory of conservative policies blamed Griff, Mason, 172–173 state, 2163 for, 1597 Griffin, Larry, 1636 Grand Tour, 3166 and divorce rate, 125, 702 Griffin, Monica D., 1648, 1649

3361 INDEX

Griffin, S., 2576 Group Dynamics (Cartwright and Gruder, Charles L., 2651–2652 Griggs v. Duke Power Co. (1971), 691 Zander), 2611 Grushin, Boris, 2982 Grimshaw, Allen D., 2298, 2896, Group dynamics (Lewin concept), GSS. See General Social Survey 1014, 2611 2901, 2903, 2904, 2905, GSSDIRS interactive system, 409 Group homes, 1656 2906, 2907 Guadalajara, Mexico, 1859 Group majority. See Compliance and Griswold, Wendy, 173, 1644, Guaranteed income, 2213 1646–1647, 1650 conformity Guatemala Groat, H. T., 2346, 2351 Group problem solving. See demographic characteristics, Decision-making theory and Grodzin, Morton, 181 1535, 1536 research; Group conflict Gross, Feliks, 1467 resolution; Group process; drug trafficking, 2135 Gross, Michael L., 1901 Small groups fertility decline, 627 Gross, Neal, 87, 677, 2415, Group process poverty, 2216 2416, 2429 field theory and, 1014 Gubert, Renzo, 1468 Gross Domestic Product (GDP) interaction and problem solving, Gubrium, Jaber, 245, 247, 855, and comparative social security 2617–2619 1636, 2304 system spending, 2799, 2800 intergroup relations and, interviews of nursing home and dependency theory, 641, 1399–1406 residents, 1673–1674 642, 643 membership and nonmembership Gudjonsson, G., 70 and family policy, 928 groups, 2634–2635 Guerra, Alfonso, 2129 in Middle Eastern countries, 1865 norms and controls, 2617–2620, Guerra, Juan, 2129 Gross National Product (GNP) 2774–2775 Guerrilla warfare, 1537, 2362, developing country disaster participatory research, 2038, 3138, 3139 effects on, 685 2039, 2613 Guest, Avery, 368, 626 and education and development, personal dependency and, 2065 Guggenheim Foundation, 2398 745, 748–749 reference group perception, Guichard, P., 1515, 1517 2752–2753 and modernization theory, 1883 Guide to Resources and Services (ICPSR table of selected Muslim role concepts and, 2422–2423, data archives), 2474 2774–2775 countries, 2938 Guidicini, Paolo, 1468, 1472 Group size, 1117–1124 Grotius, Hugo, 1427, 1559 Guild Socialism, 2196 coalition triad, 329–332, 335–336 Grounded theory, 2290, 2468 Guilt, 2773 communication and, 1122–1124 Group behavior. See Collective Guinea, 2938 behavior; Crowds and riots; as conformity factor, 403 Guinea-Bissau, 2216 Group conflict resolution; Small division of labor and, 676 Guiness affair, 3250 groups; Social networks dyad-triad, 1117 Guinier, Lani, 58 Group cohesiveness. See goal orientation and, 1118–1121 Interpersonal attraction; Small Gulf Co-operation Council, 1944 individual effort related to, 2619 groups Gulf War. See Persian Gulf War social dilemmas and, 1121–1122 Group conflict resolution, Gullestad, Marianne, 1512 task structure and, 1118, 1111–1117 Gulliver, P. M., 1549 1119, 1120 contact theory and, 1114–1115 Gumperz, John J., 2894, 2904 See also Small groups in decision making, 595–597 Gumplowicz, Ludwig, 1074, Group-awarness training, 898–900 mediation and, 1115 1423, 2117 Groups methods of, 1112, 1113 Gunnlaugsson, Helgi, 2452, 2453 sociological definition of Gupta dynasty, 2999 peacekeeping and, 1115 concept, 2610 Gurin, Gerald, 2303 restorative justice and, 1116 See also Collective behavior; social identity theory and, Group conflict resolution; Gurvitch, G., 1026, 3155 1112, 1113 Group process; Group size; Gusfield, Joseph, 855, 1576–1577, third-party intervention and, 1115 Small groups 1578, 1580, 2173, 2222 Group Development Observation Groupthink, 400–401, 2615 Gutierrez Rebollo, Jesú, 2135 System, 1979–1980 Grube, Joel W., 3213, 3214 Gutman, Herbert, 1707, 2333

3362 INDEX

Guttman, Louis, 906, 912, 913, Hall, John, 224, 567, 568, 606 Harray, Frank, 1034 1801–1802, 2298, 3038 Hall, Peter, 2221, 2222, 3096 Harré, Rom, 823 Guttman scaling, 1801–1802, 2297 Hall, Richard, 232, 3270 Harris, Lou, 2371 Gypsies, 1067, 1384 Hall, S., 1578 Harris, Louis, 1395 Hall, Stuart, 226, 1756, 2958 Harris, Marvin, 1705, 2891 H Hall, Thomas D., 645 Harris v. Forklift Systems, Inc. Haavio-Mannila, Elina, 2453 Halle, David, 1649 (1993), 2580 Habenstein, Robert W., 483– Halle, Morris, 2899 Harrison, David, 2887 484, 584 Haller, Archibald O., 2781, Harrison, Gualtiero, 1467 Haberman, Shelby, 3036 2782–2783, 2788, 2867 Harrison Act of 1914, 712 Habermas, Jurgen, 2484, 2647, 2983 Hallinan, Marianne, 197 Harroff, Peggy, 1731 and British sociology, 226 Hallinger, Philip, 2418 Hart, Keith, 1337 critical theory, 539, 542–544, 545 Halmos, Peter, 2845 Harter, S., 2512–2513 and epistemology debate, 822 Halsey, A. H., 225 Hartford Seminary, 2377 evolutionary model, 1705 Hamilton, Charles, 53 Hartman, H. I., 370 and German sociology, 1077, Hamilton, David L., 2244, 2245 Hartman, P. A., 3188 1079, 1080, 1081 Hamilton, Gilbert, 1726 Hartmann, Heidi, 1708 and Japanese sociology, 1479 Hamilton, Harry, 677–678 postmodernist rejection of, 2206 Hartshorne, H., 114–115, 2083 Hamilton, V. Lee, 198 and social philosophy, 2756–2757 Harvard Business School, 1978 Hammen, Constance, 654 on state censorship, 268 Harvard Civic Engagement Hammond, Phillip, 2373 Project, 3229 Habibie, B. J., 2131 Hammurabi’s code (2270 B.C.), 1485 Harvard III Psychosocial Habit, 3100 Han dynasty, 2998–2999 Dictionary, 1979 Hacíenda system (Mexico), 1857 Hanassab, Shideh, 1872, 2999 Harvard Medical School, 582 Hadden, Jeffrey K., 2372, 2375 Handbook of Economic Sociology death and dying study, 586 Haeckel, Ernst, 1, 1209 (Smelser and Swedberg), depression in artists study, 655 Hagan, John, 1490, 1498, 2961, 3252 735, 2921 Harvard University, 2193, 2766, Hagen, Everett E., 1886 Handbook of Experimental Economics 3099 Hagestad, Gunhild, 1390 (Kagel and Roth), 891 leader behavior study, 1565 Hagiwara, Shigeru, 198 Handbook of Research Design and observation laboratory, 1979 Hague, Frank, 2126 Social Measurement (Miller), 3209 student movement, 3069 Hague Opium Convention of Handbook of Sociology, 583 Harvey, Andrew S., 3157 1912, 713 Hankiss, Elmer, 2117 Harvey, Clyde C., 2416 Haiti Hannan, Michael T., 1693, 1694, Hasan, Mohamme (‘‘Bob’’), 2131 demographic characteristics, 2029, 2296–2297, 2668 Hashimoto, Ryutaro, 2131 1535, 1536 Hans, S., 2098 Hastings Center, 585, 586, 587–588 fertility decline, 627 Hansa-Rhine-Italy trade routes, 2922 Hate, 2529 Gross National Product, 1535 Happiness. See Life Satisfaction political corruption, 2134 Index; Quality of life Hate crimes, 2761, 2764, 2908 slave rebellion, 2600 Harary, Frank, 336, 2415, 2417 Hate speech vodun, 65 Harbison, Frederick H., 422 and censorship, 275–276 wartime rape, 2579 Hardin, G. R., 595–596, 1220 codes, 2140 Hajj, 3282 Harding, Warren, 2127 communitarian view of, 360 Halas, Elzbieta, 2119 Hare, A. Paul, 1977–1978 and political correctness, 269 Halbwachs, Maurice, 1024, 1424 Hare Krishna, 460, 461–462, 2366, Hatt, Paul K., 198, 1997 Haley, Alex, 67 3287–3288 Haug, Marie, 1815 Hall, Edward T., 1978 Hareven, Tamara, 2662 Hausa, 1900 Hall, G. Stanley, 1, 2 Hargis, Billy James, 2370 Hauser, Philip, 632, 1720, 2354 Hall, Jerome, 2961 Harper, Charles L., 2887 Hauser, Robert, 366, 2481, 3036

3363 INDEX

Haushofer, Karl, 1933 Health and the life course, health maintenance Havel, Vaclav, 1230 1136–1139 organizations. See HMOs Hawaii, 177 acute/chronic distinctions, 1137 home health care, 1148, 1149 Hawkins, David, 366 aging and, 79, 81, 1137 hospital care, 1147–1148 Hawkins, Gordon, 2054 alcohol use and, 93 indemnity health plans, 1141 Hawkins, James L., 1727 conceptions of life course, 1137 long-term care funding, Hawley, Amos H., 1457, 3129 concepts of health, 1136–1137 1148–1149, 1658–1661, 1665 human ecology theory, 1210, demographic transitions, 621–622 minorities and, 1150, 1152 1211, 1212, 1213, 1215, 1218, disease vs. illness, 1136–1137 point-of-service plans, 1143 1225, 1226, 1228 end-of-life decisions, 585–587 political economy perspective, 1153 and urban sociology, 3193, functional model in, 1136 3197, 3198 preferred provider healthy life expectancy and, 1632 Hawthorne effect, 889, 2325–2326 organizations, 1144 issues and implications, private payers, 1142–1145 Hayano, David, 245 1138–1139 provider-sponsored Haynes, George Edmund, 326 life expectancy variations, organizations, 1144 Hayward, M. D., 1632 1137–1138 public payers, 1145–1147 Hazan, C., 2068 lifestyles and, 1639–1642 rate of growth, 1827 Hazard, John N., 1555 medical model of, 1136 resource allocation, 1147–1148 Hazards Reduction and Recovery medical model of long-term Center (Texas A&M), 682 care, 1665 sociological models of access to service, 1152–1153 HBO and Company, 1822 mortality and, 1137–1138 Supplemental Security Income, HCA. See Hospital Corporations quality of life and, 2301, 1145, 1146 of America 2305–2306 Temporary Assistance for Needy HCA Columbia, 1821 Health Belief Model, 1127, Families program, 1145, 1146, Health and health care. See Medical- 1128, 1814 1288, 1395 industrial complex Health care financing. See Health uninsured individuals, 1149–1151 Health and Human Services care utilization and expenditures; See also Managed-care Department, U.S., 838, Health policy analysis 2398–2399, 2576 organizations; Medicaid; Health Care Financing Medical-industrial complex; Health and illness behavior, Administration (Medicare and Medicare 1127–1136 Medicaid), 588, 815, 1157, Health care workers, 1818 applications of research in, 1134 1670, 1828 Health, Education, and Welfare depression and, 655 Health care industry. See Medical- Department, U.S., 497 health behaviors, 1127–1130 industrial complex Health industry. See Medical- Health care providers health belief model, 1127, industrial complex 1128, 1814 assisted-living companies, 1826 Health insurance illness behaviors, 1130–1134 and family planning, 959 fee-for-service plans, 1143, 1144 longevity and, 1131 See also Managed-care government policy, 283–284, organizations medical care decisions, 1827, 2798 1133–1134 Health care utilization and See also Medicaid; Medicare pregnancy and, 2241 expenditures, 1140–1156 private/third-party, 1819–1820, access and barriers to care, preventative practice, 1129 1825, 1826 1151–1152 sick role concept, 1813 uninsured population, 1828 by older people, 79, 1144 social comparison process, 2654 See also Health care utilization and capitalism, 241 social constructions of, and expenditures; HMOs drug abuse treatment, 714–715 1813–1814, 1815–1816 Health Insurance Portability and social norms and values in, drug costs, 1141, 1148 Accountability Act of 1996, 1133–1134 fee-for-service plans, 1143, 1144 1143, 1826 socioeconomic status and, 1129 growth in expenditures, Health maintenance organizations. Health and Retirement Study, 344 1140–1142 See HMOs

3364 INDEX

Health of Regionville, The Healthy life expectancy, Henshel, Richard L., 2676, 2677 (Koos), 1813 definition of, 1632 Hepatitis, 93 Health policy analysis, 1157–1162 Heart attack, 139 Heraud, Brian, 2844 comparative systems, 130, Heart disease, 93, 1640, 1641 Herbal remedies, 654–655 373–381 Heartburn, 2235 Heredity. See Genetics; Nature definition of, 1157 Hebdige, Dick, 2170, 2171 vs. nurture engineering model, 1159, 1160 Hebrew Bible. See Bible Heresies, 2968 enlightenment model, 1159, 1160 Hechter, Michael, 1940, 3215 Heritage Foundation, The, 1601 limited sociological Heck, Ronald, 2418 Hermeneutics, 543, 2219, 2472 involvement, 1158 Heckman, James J., 1684, 3038 Hernes, Gudmund, 2452, 2453 and medical sociology, 1158, Heckman’s estimator, 2441–2442 Hernes, Helga, 2453 1813–1818 Heclo, Hugh, 603 Herodotus, 852 of medical-industrial complex, Hedbridge, Dick, 245 1818–1829 Heroin, 526, 711, 712, 714, 715 Hedonic contingency thesis, 189 politics and, 1159 Herrnstein, Richard, 214, 506, 1382, Hegel, Georg W. F., 539, 774, 1066, 2056, 2140, 2330 privatization and, 1160 1781, 1782 Hertz, Robert, 11032 quality of life and, 2301 and German idealism, 1248–1249 Herz, J. H., 3130 reform and, 1159 Hegemonic stability theory, 3242 Herzberg, Frederick, 3271 scope of topics under, 1159 Heidegger, Martin, 1783, 2756, 2757 social policy and, 1159 Herzer, Manfred, 2567 Heidenheimer, Arnold, 2124 Health promotion and health status, Hesse, Mary, 823 Heider, Fritz, 187, 335–336, 1162–1173 Heteroscedascity, 3036 1034, 2702 aging and, 1168–1169 Heterosexuality, 2567–2569 attribution theory, 192, 194, 2244 assessment of, 1169–1171 See also Sexual behavior in and social psychology of status barriers to, 1167–1168 marriage and close attainment, 2781 relationships; Sexual behavior diffusion of new practices, 677 Height measurement, 2343–2344 patterns disease control and, 1163 Heimer, Carol A., 2876–2877 Heuristics, 593–595 and environmental threats, Heirich, Max, 351–352 Hewitt, John P., 3096 790–791 Heise, David R., 409, 780, 1790, Hewlett Foundation, 637 functional ability and, 1171 2297, 2298 Hewstone, Miles, 193 gender and, 1165, 1166 Held, David, 606 Hickman, Lauren C., 1595, 1596 individual role in, 1166–1167 Helle, Jürgen, 1080 Hicks, Alexander, 2166 medical care systems and, 1163 Hellenistic Empire, 2998 minorities and, 1169 Hierarchical linear models, Hell’s Angels, 460, 461, 1577, 1579 1173–1178 personal behavior and. See Helms, Jesse, 276, 2585 Lifestyles and health drug-abuse programs Helping behavior. See Altruism assessment, 71 physical environment and, 1163 Helping professions, 1525 estimation of, 1176–1177 political/economic institutions Helsinki Accords (1975), 2047 and, 1163 levels of analysis and, 1594 Helsinki University, 2450, 2451 prenatal care and, 2236 longitudinal data in, 1177 Heman’s estimator, 2441–2442 primary prevention and, model development, 1174 1163–1164 Hemlock Society, 585, 3083, 3084 multilevel variables in, 1173 quality of life indicators Hempel, Carl, 2464 random effects in, 1176–1177 and, 1171 Hendin, Herbert, 3084–3085 specification in, 1174–1176 range of activies, 1163–1166 Henggeler, S. W., 76 statistical software for, 1177 secondary prevention and, Hennion, Antoine, 1925 statistical tests and, 1177 1164–1165 Henry, Andrew F., 3080 structural equation modeling social environment and, 1163 Henry, Louis, 620 and, 1922 social networks and, 2733 Henry, Neil W., 3038 variance-covariance components tertiary prevention and, 1165 Henry, William E., 2300 in, 1176

3365 INDEX

High culture vs. mass culture debate, tenure, 1182 education attainment, 1190– 565–566, 1645–1646 theoretical knowledge and, 1192, 1193 High Islam, 2943 2196–2197 ethnic resilience, 1192 High School and Beyond Survey, in United States, 766 and experiments, 887–890 761, 2480 ‘‘Wisconsin Idea,’’ 1180 family structure, 123 High-energy physics, 2470 See also Education and mobility fertility rates, 1186 Higher education, 1178–1186 Highlander Research and Education and filial responsibility, 1020 academic freedom, 276–278 Center, 2040 household income, 1279, 1280 academic libraries, 1604–1605, High-reliability organizations household structure, 127 1606–1607 (HROs), 2878 immigration and, 143, 1186, academic organization, 1180– Hightower, James, 88 1188, 1189 1182 Hilbrand, Dieter, 3053 income per capita, 1280 affirmative action, 50, 51 Hilferding, Rudolf, 1265 labels and, 1187–1188 African Americans and, Hill, Anita, 2581 labor-force participation, 1191, 2497–2499 1193 Hillary, George, 363 African studies, 66–67 language proficiency, 1193 Hilton, Jeanne, 1391 authority structure, 1181 life expectancy, 1169, 1631 Hinduism, 2366, 2486, 3282, chair systems, 1181 marriage demographics, 124 3288–3289 communications departments, modes of incorporation, 1194 678 caste system, 250–253, 2811, 3284 political influence of, 1187 contemporary pressures in, Gandhi and, 3288–3289 population growth, 1186 1184–1185 new movements, 3287 poverty rates, 1191–1192, demographers, 636 religious experience, symbols, 1287, 2215 and equality of opportunity, 826 and ethical norms, 3280, racial discrimination against, 322 first sociology courses, 323–324 3281, 3284 remarriage rates, 2388 funding for, 1182 widowhood and, 3255 segmented integration of, 1187 government connections, 1180 Hinin, 253 singlehood attitudes, 107 growth of, 1183–1184 Hippies, 459–460 social integration of, 1187, 1188, historical development, 1179– Hippocrates, 2086 1190, 1192–1194 1180 Hippocratic oath, 3083 and suburbanization, 3074, 3075 and historically black Hiroshima bombing, 582 and underemployment, 1721, institutions, 2499 Hirsch, F., 3173 1722 Humboldtian principles and, Hirschi, Travis, 505, 507, 535, 667, voting patterns, 1193–1194 1179–1180 1495, 2658 Histograms, 659, 661, 3013–3014 interdisciplinary programs, 1181 Hirschman, Charles, 843 Historical analysis. See Comparative- land-grant universities, 1180 Hispanic Americans, 1186–1195 historical analysis; Event history national systems of, 1182–1183 AIDS/HIV risks, 2587, 2590 analysis; Historical sociology and occupational hierarchy, Historical counterfactuals, 386 alcohol consumption rates, 94 2929–2930 Historical hypotheticals, 386 personalized instruction, 215 average number of births per woman, 2032 Historical institutionalism, 2164– and political correctness, 2142 2165 case studies of, 244 professional training, 1179, 2259 Historical materialism, 543, census, 259 reform movements, 1179–1180 1217, 1704 citizenship rate, 1193 research universities, 1179–1180 central tenet of, 1783 rural sociology departments, demographic research, 636 and cumulative social change, 2425–2427 demographic trends, 1190–1192 2644, 2645, 2646, 2647 sexual harassment and, 2591 diversity of, 1186, 1187, definition of, 1782 social class and, 1179 1188–1190 and French School of Sociology, and student movements, divorce rates, 126 1026–1027 3067–3070 economic profile, 1190–1192 and German sociology, 1080

3366 INDEX

and Marxist sociology, 1751– Ho, Hsiu-Zu, 194 as medical-industrial complex 1752, 1758 Hobbes, Thomas, 527, 1029, 1302, component, 1818 as Marx’s main metatheory, 1782 1576, 1781, 2456, 2882 Home workers, 1339, 1341, and materialism, 1781–1782, Hobhouse, L. T., 1599, 1600 3267–3268 1784 Hobson, John, 1265 Homelessness, 1202–1208 and progress concept, 2644, 2645 contemporary, 1203 Hochfeld, Julian, 2119 and Soviet sociology, 2980 deinstitutionalization and, 1841 Hochschild, Arlie Russell, 244–245, Historical Materialism: A System of 777, 781–782 estimates of, 1203–1204 Sociology (Bukharin), 1753 Hodgson, Marshall G., 2943, 2946 historical condition of, 1202 Historical sociology, 1195–1202 Hoebel, E. Adamson illicit drug use and, 711 comparative, 383–392, 2918–2919 poverty and, 2215 definition of law, 1544–1545 cultural perspective, 569 research and remedies, 1202, legal system study, 1549–1550 and cumulative social change, 1203 Hoem, Jan M., 2453 2643–2648 urban renewal and, 1203 Hoffman, Alexander, 3229 demographic data, 609, 621, 632 Homemaking, 3261 history/sociology differentiation, Hofstadter, Richard, 1356, 1357 Homicide 1195–1196 Hofstede, G., 3218 as affective aggression, 68, on Islamic society, 2940, 2948 Hoggart, Richard, 226 69, 72, 73 and life course, 1619, 2861–2862 Holden, Constance, 1226 American Indian rates, 135 Marxist, 1754, 1756 Holiday of Darkness (Endler), 651 by juveniles, 1487–1488, and national boundaries Holiness movement, 2369 1489–1490, 1498 development, 1932–1933, Holistic personality theory, 1718, consistency in international 1934–1935, 1939 2084, 2085, 2088–2089 definitions of, 499–500 organizational knowledge as Hollander, Arie den, 1425 and family violence, 981–982 secondary data, 574 international rates, 500 Hollander, E. P., 1567 origins of democracy and, 605 male jealousy and rivalry Hollander, Edwin, 404 postmodernism and, 2206 and, 2886 Hollandsworth, James G., 2305 and social history, 2917–2919 rate calculation, 491, 497–498 Hollerith, Herman, 283, 406 Historically black colleges and statistical map of U.S. rates, 3012 Hollerith code (IBM cards), 575 universities, 2499 subcultural deviance theory Historicism, 2953 Hollingshead, August B., 1813, 1834, on, 664 History, Culture, and Region in 2927, 3055 U.S. rates, 68, 3012 Southeast Asian Perspectives 1999 Holm, Sverre, 2451 Uniform Crime Reports (Wolters), 2978 Holmes, Oliver Wendell, 476, 949 definition, 492 History of Sociological Thought Holmes, T., 3055 Homophobia, 2567, 2569–2570 (Szacki), 2120 Holocaust, 1066, 1067, 1070, Homoscedasticity, 449, 2251 Hitler, Adolf, 1310, 1357, 2332, 1384, 2206 Homosexuality. See Sexual 2356, 3002, 3233, 3242 Holstein, James, 855, 1636 orientation Hitler’s Willing Executioners Homuncularism, 2090–2091 (Goldhagen), 387 Holter, Harriet, 2453 Honduras HIV. See AIDS/HIV Holtzman test, 2077 demographic characteristics, 1536 HLM. See Hierarchical linear models Holy Roman Empire, 2998 poverty, 2216 HMOs (health maintenance Homans, George C., 208, 432, organizations), 1158, 1818, 1819, 722, 2335 wartime rape, 2579 1820, 1821 on distributive justice, 2700, Hong Kong health utilization and 2701, 2702, 2703 dependency theory, 642 expenditures, 1142, 1143, on group behavior, 2611 and family size, 977, 1008 1144, 1145 social exchange theory, labor movement, 1532 mergers, 1822 2670–2671, 2672, 3272 long-term care and care physican resistance to, 1826 Home care services, 1656–1658, facilities, 1656 women physicians and, 2262 1661–1662, 1663, 1677 Honor, 2527–2528

3367 INDEX

aggression and, 72, 2579 Houseknecht, Sharon K., 1942 cultural capital vs., 2928 crimes of, 2566 Housing and educational investment, 2927 slavery as denial of, 2596 African-American discrimination, and social capital, 2637 Hoogvelt, Ankie M. M., 1886–1887 56, 57, 143, 250, 845 and social stratification, Hook, Sidney, 2218 African-American segregation 2812, 3043 Hooligan: A History of Respectable indices, 2500–2504 as stratifying force, 2812 Fears (Pearson), 1579 and family policy in Western wage trajectories and, 1989– Hoover, Herbert, 2682 societies, 965 1990, 1991 Hoover, J. Edgar, 2494 federal projects/move to suburbs Human Development Report (UN), correlation, 3072 Hoover Institution, 1601 2917 as fertility transition factor, 625 Hopeless theory of depression, Human ecology and environmental 651, 652 maintenance/deviance control analysis, 800, 1209–1233, 2922 theory, 666 Hopi, 138 in American cities, 308 See also Homelessness Horan, Patrick, 2027, 2481 Burgess hypothesis, 1209 Housing and Urban Development Horkheimer, Max, 539, 541, 542, carrying capacity and, 1219 Department, U.S., 838, 2128 544, 1075, 1076, 1077, centriphery process, 1212–1213 Housing for Senior Citizens, 1656 1079, 1645 change and, 1211 Howard, Judith, 198, 1648 Hormones, 70, 652 classical, 1209–1210 HPA axis (hypothalamic-pituitary- Horney, Karen, 540, 1713–1714, critical theory on, 544 2084, 2089 adrenal), 652 and crowds and riots, 557 Horowitz, Donald, 847 Hrdy, S. B., 2886 definition of environment, 1228 Horowitz, Ruth, 244 HRO theory, 2878 and deviance theory, 2658 Horticultural society. See HRS. See Health and dominance and succession Agrarian society Retirement Study in, 1209 Horton, Myles, 2040 Hsiung, James, 332 ecological demography and, 1213 Hospices, 1671, 1818, 3064, 3086 HTML (Hypertext Markup Language), 408 ecosystem and, 1210 Hospital Corporations of and environmental degradation, America, 1821 Huang, Jie, 644 1214, 1216 Hospitals Hubbard, L. Ron, 2366, 3287 Hubert, H., 1024 environmental sociology and, abortions in, 2240 1214 ambulatory care centers, 1821 HUD. See Housing and Urban Development Department, U.S. evaluation of, 1213–1214 comparative systems, 375 Hudson, Walter, 2943 expansionist perspective and, death and dying in, 582–583, 1217–1218 585, 586, 587 Hudson’s Bay Company, 3174 factors as sociological influence, Huesmann, L. R., 70 Medicaid and Medicare and, 1825 2921–2922 Hughes, Everett C., 244, 1813, as medical-industrial complex functionalist structuralist 2415, 2417 component, 1818, 1819 approach to, 1029, 1031 Hughes, Helen MacGill, 243, 244 mergers, 1821–1822 and futures studies, 1041 Hughes, Langston, 66 multihospital systems, 1819–1820 and global problems, 801, 805, ownership and expenditure rates, Hughes, Michael, 2300, 2307 810–811 1819, 1820, 1821–1822 Hulbert, Jeanne, 2792 neoclassical, 1210–1212 ownership shifts, 1820–1821 Hull, Raymond, 234 neo-Malthusian perspective, utilization and expenditures, Hull House (Chicago), 365–366 1219–1220, 1228 1147–1148 Hull House Maps and Papers and new urban sociology, Hostility biases, 71–72 (1895), 366 1215–1216 Hotte, Alan M., 3215 Human agency, 1620 POET variables, 1210, 1214 House, James S., 2070 Human awareness. See and political correctness, House, R. J., 1566, 1568–1569 Phenomenology 2140–2141 Household structure. See Family and Human capital theory, 513, 747 political economy approach, household structure Asian Americans and, 181 1214–1215, 1221–1222

3368 INDEX

population and, 1216–1222 Human Relations Area Files, political correctness and, 2140 proactive environmental 548, 2893 Humphrey, Hubert, 1597 sociology and, 1226–1228 Human Resources Research Humphreys, Laud, 839 pro-growth perspective, 1217– Organization, 1876 Humphries, Drew, 2961 1218 Human rights, children’s rights, and Humphry, Derek, 585, 3083, 3084 social chaos and, 1223–1224 democracy, 1236–1246 Hungary social structure and, 2822 British sociological study, 228 daily time use, 3160 socioeconomic differences children’s rights, 1239–1240, divorce rate, 706 between cities and suburbs 1242–1244 high suicide rate, 3079, 3082 and, 3072–3073 communitarian view of, 361 legal system, 474 sustainable development and, democracy and individual rights, 1222–1223, 1225 1237–1238 post-communist transition, 2136 and territorial belonging, 3129 incest as violation of, 1274–1275 protest movement, 2267 and transnational problems, 1220 international accords, 2047 revolution, 2414, 3001 Social Science Data Archive, 576 See also Environmental sociology; and international campaign Rural sociology against human bondage, 2607 social surveys, 577 Human emancipation, 539 international law, 1429–1430 socialist economic modifications, 2850–2851 Human exemptionalism liberalism’s emphasis on, 355 paradigm, 806 sociology in, 2116, 2117 nationalist movements’ abuses of, Human Genome Project, 1824 1944, 1948 tourism in, 3169 Human immunodeficiency virus. political crime and, 2146 and World War I, 2362 See AIDS/HIV relevance of sociology to, Hunt, J. G., 1571 Human involvement. See Social 1237–1238 Hunt, Sonia, 2306 belonging religious movement leadership Hunter, Floyd, 2624 Human Meaning of Social Change, The and, 2374 Hunting and gathering society, (Campbell and Converse), 2683 Universal Declaration of Human 1068, 2810 Human nature, 1233–1236, 1301 Rights, 1240–1242 Huntington, Ellsworth, 2921 altruism and, 114–120 wartime rape and, 2579 Huntington, Samuel P., 1936, 1940, conservative vs. liberal view of, Human Side of Enterprise, The 2124, 2159, 2363 357, 1598–1599 (McGregor), 1014 ‘‘clash of civilizations’’ hypothesis, constitutional personality theory Human Societies (Davis), 1030 2940–2941 and, 1717–1718 Human sociobiology. See Huron, 1070 dualistic nature of, 1233 Sociobiology, human Hurston, Zora Neale, 66, 1648, 2890 optimistic vs. pessimistic Humana, 1821, 1822 Husserl, Edmund, 1080, 2099, 2756 perspectives, 1233 Human-Animal Bond Center Hutcheson, Francis, 3098 plastic theory of, 1233, 1234 (HABIC), 3230 Hutchinson, Anne, 2146 positivist view of, 528 Humanism, 1246–1251 Hutchinson, Ray, 1214 pragmatist view of, 2217–2218 Enlightenment and, 1247–1248 Hutu, 254 religious views of, 2086–2087 flexibility and, 1250 Huxley, Aldous, 1505 responsive communitarianism German idealism and, 1248–1249 Huxley, J., 2880 view of, 357–358 pragmatism and, 1249–1250 Hybrid corn innovation, 87, self-actualization theory, 2087– 677, 2429 2088 and writing case studies, 248 Hyman, Herbert H., 2479, 3092 selfishness and, 2882 Humanistic coefficient (Znaniecki concept), 2118 Hymes, Dell, 2894 sociobiological theory of, 2881–2882 Hume, David, 818, 1247, 1302, 1684, Hyperactivity, 1816 2335, 2338, 2943, 2946, 3098 See also Compliance and Hyperemesis, 2235 conformity; Deviance theories; Hummel, Hans-Joachim, 1080 HyperResearch (computer Personality theories Hummel, Raymond C., 1901 software), 419, 420 Human potential movement, 2717 Humor Hypertension, 93 Human Relations (journal), 2942 persuasion and, 2095 Hypertext, 408

3369 INDEX

Hypnosis, 898–899 Identity theory, 1253–1258 ‘‘Ideology as a Cultural System’’ Hypodermic needle model of adolescence and, 4 (Geertz), 2958 diffusion, 679 adulthood and, 29, 32 Idiosyncrasy credits, 404 Hypodescent rule, 2331–2332 affect and emotion in, 1257 IFDO (International Federation of Data Organizations), 577 Hypothesis testing, 3023–3024 attitudes and, 44 IIS. See International Institute of See also Scientific explanation; cognitive focus of, 1257 Sociology Statistical inference and collectivity, 2632–2633 Hypothetical cohort, 614 I-It and I-Thou relations (Buber commitment in, 1255, 1256 concept), 355 definition of, 2784 I Ikegami, Naoki, 380 educational aspirations and, 2784 Iker, Howard, 420 Iadov, Vladimir, 2980, 2981 ethnicity and, 1939–1940 Illegal migrants, 1436, 1936 Iannaccone, Laurence, 939, gender and, 1001, 1061, 1256 2375, 2485 Illegitimacy, 1258–1264 groups and, 45 consequences of, 1260–1261 Ianni, Francis A. J., 2018 impression formation and, economic issues of, 1260 Ibarar, Peter R., 2763 42–44, 2776 public policy and, 1261 IBM cards (Hollerith code), 575 individuals and, 100, 2221, 2856 rise in, 1259 Ibn Khaldun, Abd-al-Rahman, 327, Japanese Americans and, 180–181 1564, 2941–2942, 2943, tolerance for, 1259, 1260 nationalism and, 1939–1940 2945, 2946 trends in, 1259–1260 parental role and, 2034 Ibo, 54, 1384 Illiberal Education (D’Souza), 2140 personality theory and, 2083 Icaria (Illinois utopian Illicit drug use. See Drug abuse community), 2849 Polish sociology and, 2119 Illinois State Penitentiary, 325 Iceland possibility of choice in, 1253 Illiteracy. See Literacy long-term care and care facilities, role theory and, 2423–2425 Illness. See Health and illness 1654, 1655, 1661 sexual orientation and, 2567, behavior; Health and the life 2570–2571 sociology in, 2451, 2452, 2453 course; Health promotion and social belonging and, 2633–2634 health status; Medical sociology; ICPSR (Inter-University Consortium Medical-industrial complex; for Political and Social Research, social perception and, 2750 specific conditions Ann Arbor, Michigan), 409, 575, socialization and, 2856, 2861 Illusions, and positive mental 576, 577–578, 579, 1606 sociolinguistics and, 2906–2908 health, 2190 resources and functions, symbolic interactionism and, ILO. See International Labour 2474–2475, 2476–2477, 2481 2423, 3095–3100 Organization ICSS (International Committee for Ideology Sport Sociology), 2986–2987 Image analysis (Guttman and functionalism, 1031 concept), 906 Id, 1713 and genocide, 1067, 1069–70 Image of the Future, The (Polak), 1038 Ideal type formulation, 3181 and Iranian revolution, 1871 Imagined Communities (Anderson), Idealism Mannheim’s theory of, 2955– 2978 German, 1248–1249 2956, 2957, 2958 Imbalanced states, 335 materialism vs., 1780 Marxist sociological research on, IMF. See International Monetary and pragmatism, 2218, 2219 1755, 2955, 2956 Fund and symbolic interactionism, and nationalism, 1940, 1944 Imitation 2856 political correctness and, as crowd behavior Idealization, 1699 2138–2142 mechanism, 679 Ideation. See Sociology of knowledge and protest movements, 2267 and role theory, 2415 Idée de droit social, L’ and revolutions, 2413, 3001 and social learning theory, (Gurvitch), 1026 as social capital influence, 2639 2768–2769 Identity. See Identity theory; and sociology of knowledge, Immanent critique (Frankfut School Individualism; Self-concept; Social 2955–2956, 2958 concept), 539–540, 542, 543 identity Ideology and Utopia (Mannheim), Immigration. See International Identity politics, 1580, 1784 2955–2956, 2959 migration

3370 INDEX

Immigration Act of 1924, 174 mass media and, 1767 democracy and, 606 Immigration Act of 1965, 143, metropolitan vs. indigenous discrimination in, 689–690 175, 177 traditions, 1265 education and, 1279–1280 Immigration Act of 1990, 143 national borders and, 1933–1934 employee benefits and, 1282 Immigration Reform and Control nationalism and, 1944–1945, and equality of opportunity, Act of 1986, 143, 1189, 3001 826–827 1436–1437 power-conflict perspective on, household structure and, ‘‘Immorality of Being Softhearted’’ 53, 54, 55 127, 1279 (Hardin), 1220 and resulting corruption, inequalities in, 130, 140, 142, Immune system, 656 2132, 3234 689–690, 1281–1282, 2691, Immunization. See Vaccines revolutions and, 1267, 3001 3048 Impeachment, 1239, 2128, 2136 and slavery in the Americans, labor-market factors, 1283 2598–2601 public opinion polling on, 2274, legal profession and, 470 2276, 2278 social Darwinism and, 2330 lifestyle factors, 1283 Imperialism: A Study (Hobson), 1265 in Southeast Asia, 2974–2975 per capita, 1279, 1281 Imperialism, colonialism, and systemic factors, 1268 and poverty demographics, decolonization, 1264–1266 violence and, 1267 1285–1288, 2214–2215 in Africa, 60–61, 63, 64, 66, 1550, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of size distribution changes, 2869 2132, 2602 Capitalism (Lenin), 1265 skilled vs. unskilled worker and antiblack ideology, 55 Impression formation and gap, 1281 management. See Affect control causes of decolonization, social justice and, 2705–2706 theory and impression formation; 1267–1268 social security systems and, 2802 Social perception as class and race factor, 320–322 status attainment and, 3047–3048 Improper coalition, 332 consequences of decolonization, Survey of Income and Program Improper linear models, 592–593 1268–1269 Participation, 1284–1285, In a Different Voice (Gilligan), decolonization, 1265–1269 1288, 1722, 2475 993–994 definitions of, 1264, 1266 taxes and transfers, 1282–1283 Inca Empire, 2999 dependency theory and, 640–646 and theories of crimes, 506, 536 Incarceration. See Penology ecology and, 1214 underemployment and, 1721– Incentive-based aggression, 73 1722 economic analysis of, 1264 Incest, 1270–1278, 2582–2583 War on Poverty and, 1286, 1494, effects of twentieth-century affine and cousin marriages and, 1882, 2404, 2760 wars on, 2362 1272, 1273, 1509, 1513 wealth and, 1283–1285 eras of, 1266–1267 as child abuse, 1270, 1273, women’s earnings gap, 370, 984 European political contraction 1275–1276 and, 1266–1267 See also Poverty; Wages and feminist theory on, 991, salaries European political expansion 1275–1276 and, 1264–1265 Income generation. See Wages and incidence of, 2557, 2559 salaries; Work and occupations exploitation and, 1214, 1221 and mate selection taboos, Incommensurability thesis, 2025, genocide and, 1069, 1071 1270–1274, 1509, 1513, 1776 2026 global political discourse as prohibited coitus, 1270 Inconsistency, tension state from, and, 1268 stepfamilies and, 1272, 2583 334, 337–340 historical overview, 1264–1270 Incest: The Nature and Origin of the Indentured servants, 2597, 2598, imperialism theories, 1265–1266 Taboo (Durkheim), 1032, 1272 2599, 2600, 2601 indigenous movements and, 1267 Inclusion, 2633 Independence Day, 584 and Latin American studies, Income distribution in the United Independent contractors, 3268 States, 1278–1290 1536–1537, 1538 Independent counsels, 145, legal systems layering (transplant) Asian Americans and, 181, 182 2127, 2128 and, 465, 1550, 1556 comparable worth and, 369–373 Independent practice associations. Marxist-Leninist view of, 3243 definition of, 1279 See IPAs

3371 INDEX

Independent Public Opinion Indian Self-Determination and Indirect discrimination, 689–691, Research Service Vox Populi Educational Assistance Act of 692 (Russia), 2982 1975, 136 Individual behavior Indeterminate sentencing, 2254, Indian Sociological Association, 1291 collective action as facilitator, 349 2255 Indian Sociological Society, 1293 role theory and, 2423–2425 Index, Durkheim as concept Indian sociology, 1290–1295 See also Individualism formulator, 1553 areas of study, 1290, 1291, 1293 Individual differences Index crime rate, 503, 1486–1487 dependency theory and, 641 aggression and, 71–72 Index of Forbidden Books, 267 development trends, 1291 in American society, 142 Index of General Affect, 2303–2304 leader behavior study, 1566 in career mobility, 1991–1993 Index of Social Progress, 2302 relevance issue, 1292, 1293 decision processing, 595 Indexing services, sociological university offerings, 1290, disaster behavior, 683, 684 periodicals, 1608–1609 1291, 1294 India Western influence on, 1291–1292 innovation adoption, 87 anticolonial revolution, 3001 Indians, American. See American intelligence, 1369–1372 Bhopal disaster, 683, 805, 2875, Indian studies life course transitions, 1626 2877–2878 Indicator micro-level deviance theories and, and British Empire’s definition of, 1907 662, 663, 666–670 dissolution, 2362 random error in individual, 1909 Individual psychology, 1714 caste and inherited status, single, 1910–1912 Individual rights, 1303, 1598, 1602 250–253, 2811, 3284 standardized, 2991–2996 democracy and, 1238–1239 common law system, 465 See also Multiple indicator models See also Civil liberties; Civil rights divinity names, 3280 Indígenismo movement (Mexico), Individualism, 1301–1308 fertility rate decline, 220 1858, 1861 affective, 1303 genocide, 1070 Indigenous peoples, 1295–1301 alternative life styles, 113 Green Revolution, 90 alcohol consumption, 95, 135 art and, 1302 historical empire, 299, 2998 contemporary issues, 1299 community and, 359 and Kashmir nationalism, 1945 decolonization, 1267–1268 conformity vs., 400 moral development study, 1901 definition of, 1295–1296 as cultural construct, 3218 multilingualism, 2909 demographic issues, 1297–1298 current issues, 1306–1307 Muslim minority in, 2950 economic development, 1298 divorce rate linked with, 112, 113 nonviolent protest, 2269 genocide and, 1069 existential personality theory Pakistan border fighting, 2362 in Mexico, 1857, 1858, and, 1717 political and governmental 1861, 2271 identity and, 2221 corruption, 2132 and new religious liberalism’s focus on, 355 poverty in, 2216 movements, 2367 methodological, 1234, 1306 religious coexistence, 3288 New World empires, 299 religious movements, 2366, political activism by, 1298–1299 Pandectist doctrine, 476 2485–2486, 3281, 3284 population estimates, 1297–1298 and persuasion receptivity, 2098 secularization, 2486 self-determination issue, 1299 political-economic organization and, 1303 sexually transmitted diseases sociological significance of, in, 2593 1296–1297 racial prejudice and, 2245 slavery and slave-like practices, Spanish enslavement of, 2600 responsivie communitarian 2602–2603, 2604–2606, 2607 terminology of, 1295–1296 view of, 357 time use research, 3161, 3162 tourism and, 3171–3172 rights and, 1303 widowhood, 3252 See also American Indian studies; status incongruence and, See also Indian sociology Imperialism, colonialism, and 3052–3053 Indian Americans, 175, 180 decolonization; specific groups values and, 3218–3219, 3221 Indian Council of Social Science Indirect demographic estimation, See also Identity theory; Individual Research, 1292 617–618 differences; Self-concept

3372 INDEX

Individualistic fallacy, 3052 and growth of cities, 306 ecology and, 1209 Individualizing interpretive historical sociology on, 1197 family life and, 122 analysis, 387 labor movement and, 1528, 1533 and fear of machinery, Indochina. See Vietnam and modern labor force, 3262 2526–2627 Indochinese Americans, 180, and political party origins, 2154 and fertility transitions, 1007, 181, 182 rural sociology and, 2426 2176 Indonesia, 2362, 2974, 2975, 2978 and social change, 2644, 2646 historical sociology on, 1197, 2297–98 agricultural innovation, 2976– and work-family separation, 3266 2977 See also Industrialization individual brands of, 1313 anticolonial revolution, 3001 Industrial Revolutionary Party industrial sociology and, and British Empire’s (Mexico). See PRI 1308–1316 dissolution, 2362 Industrial sociology, 1308–1316 inheritance and, 1394 coalition triad in 1998 business cycles, 1310 Japanese sociology and, 1480 uprising, 333 and community transformation, macrosociological studies of, divorce law, 938 366–368, 664, 665, 698, 2658 1706–1707 Dutch conquest of, 2975 contemporary, 1312–1315 material-processing systems fertility rate decline, 220, 2178, convergence theory, 422–423, and, 1346 2179, 2976 424–425, 428 measures of, 1318 genocide, 1070, 1071 division of labor, 696–697 and modernization theory, 1883, Islamic society study, 2944 Durkheim’s anomie theory, 698 1884, 1885 labor movement, 1532 fertility rate factors, 624 paid work evolving from, 3262 legal system, 479 German sociology and, 1076, and population growth, 2177 multilingualism, 2909 1081 postindustrial differentiation, 2195–2203 political and governmental global economy and, 1310 corruption, 2124, 2130–2131 and historical sociology, 1197 rural sociology and, 2425, 2426, 2427 protest movements, 2271, 3068 Japanese sociology and, 1480 and social change, 2643, slavery and slave-like practices, on social networks, 2728 2644, 2646 2605, 2606–2607 and work orientation, 3269–3276 and social inequality, 2690 sociodemographic profile, 2938 See also Industrialization; Labor and social problems, 2759–2764 women in labor force movements and unions percentage, 3262 Industrialism and Industrial Man stratification parameters, 2810, 2811–2812, 2816 Inductive logic, 2466 (Kerr et al.), 422–423 and work and family Industrial capitalism. See Capitalism Industrialization separation, 3266 Industrial ecology, 811 adolescence and, 5 agricultural innovation and, and work orientation, 3269–3276 Industrial feudalism, 2118 90, 2432 See also Marxist sociology; Industrial parks, 3074 alienation and, 99 Technology and society Industrial prisons, 518 of American society, 141, 143 Industrialization in less developed Industrial relations, 1310 countries, 1316–1324 anomie and, 164, 698 Industrial Revolution, 818, 1219, and agrarian transition, 1317 and capital, 2637 1316, 1346, 2759 child labor and, 3262 characteristics of, 1884, 2196 agricultural innovation and, 90 correlates of, 1318–1319 communications technology and, alienation linked with, 100 1321–1322 definitions of, 1316–1318, American family effects of, 122 1884, 2196 convergence theory, 422–423, 425, 427 anomie and, 164 ‘‘disorganization’’ of community criminal and delinquent from, 366–368, 664, 665, correlates of, 1318–1319 subcultures and, 511, 531 698, 2658 demographic transition, 633 demographic transition, 633 distributive effects of, 1309 dependency theory, 639–646, effect on Southeast Asian division of labor consequences, 1706 economy, 2975 697–698, 699 development goals, 1319–1321

3373 INDEX

economic activity and, 1317 from AIDS, 2593 Infantile sexuality theory (Freudian), education and, 741–754, 760, 762 American families, 122, 130, 140 1274, 1275, 2090 and environmentalism, 932, Asian trends, 1331–1332 Inference. See Statistical inference 1219–1220 Children’s Bureau community Infidelity. See Adultery; family policy and, 928–933, 2179 studies, 366 Extramarital/extra dyadic sex Influence peddling, 2127, 2128 feminist perspectives on, 1708 comparative health-care Informal economy, 1337–1344 human development and, 1318 systems, 377 conceptual development of, indirect demographic estimation, contemporary trends, 1327–1328 1337–1340 617–618 current, 1138 definition of, 1337–1338 information gap and, 1322 data sources, 1324–1325 forms of activity in, 1339–1340 infrastructure and, 1318 declines in, 1327, 1328, measurement of, 1341–1343 Latin American studies, 1330, 2177 Informal knowledge, 2959 1537–1538, 1539–1540 declines/life expectancy relationship, 224 Information Age, The (Castell), 1758 Mexican studies, 1857–1858 in developing countries, 744, Information flow Middle Eastern studies, 1330–1333 1867–1868 models of, 679 differentials in, 1333–1335 as social capital component, 2638 model life tables, 618–619 Eastern European trends, Information society, 1344–1348 modernization theory and, 1706, 1328–1330 1883, 1884, 1886–1887 laser technology in, 1345 epidemiologic transition and, mortality levels, 622 laws governing, 1348, 1349–1350 1325–1326 library resources, 1605–1613 population growth and, 2179 and fertility determinants, 1009 Marxist sociology and, 1758 and postindustrialism, 2202 and fertility rates, 219, 1326 and ‘‘New Class’’ of knowledge poverty and, 2215–2216 genetically transmitted defects workers, 2626 radical case studies, 246 and, 1273 photonics in, 1345 redistribution of manufacturing graphic representations, 3013, postindustrialism and, 2195, jobs, 3267 3014, 3015 2196–2197, 2205 rural sociology and, 2429–2430 health care utilization and, 1151 and social change, 2645 and social change, 2646 health status and, 1170 technology in, 1344 Southeast Asian socioeconomic historical view, 1326–1327 See also Internet development, 2975–2976 influences on, 1333, 1334 Information Society, The (journal), 414 traditional manufacturing and, Latin American trends, Infrapolitics (surreptitious 1317 1330–1331 resistance), 254 transnational corporations and, measures of, 1324–1325 Inglehart, Ronald, 3222–3224 3178–3179 minority, 1152 INGOs (international work and occupations, 3262, mortality modeling, 619 nongovernmental organizations), 3267 1046, 2050 mortality transition, 621, World Bank survey, 549 624–625, 633, 2177 Ingroup/outgroup categorization, See also Developing countries; 2244 neonatal, 1325, 1326, 2236 specific countries and regions Inhalants, 712 patterns of, 1324 Ineffability, 3279 Inheritance, 1348–1355 perinatal, 1325, 2236 Inefficacy, 101, 102, 103, 104 caste and status system, postneonatal, 1325, 1326 Inequality. See Discrimination; 249–255, 2811 Segregation and desegregation; rate calculation, 221–222 and class mobility, 757 Social inequality; Social justice rates, 1324–1325 contemporary issues, 1352–1354 Inequality and Heterogeneity (Blau), sanitary revolution and, 1327 equity and, 1353 698–699 socioeconomic indicators of, family structure and, 926, 1349, Infant and child mortality, 221–222, 1334 1350, 1353 1324–1337 total fertility rate and, 219 and filial responsibility, 1018, African trends, 1332–1333 U.S. ranking, 1827 1508–1509

3374 INDEX

generational distribution self-concepts in resisting, 2509 of anomie, 166, 503 patterns, 1351–1352 and social change, 2643, 2644 of political party systems, impartible, 1348–1349, 1350 See also Agricultural innovation; 2153–2254, 2164–2165 industrialization and, 1394 Diffusion theories and rational choice analysis, inter vivos, 1349, 1353 Inquisition, 268 2340, 2342 intestate succession in, 1348 Inquisitorial vs. accusatory legal Institutional trust, 2525 kinship systems descent rules, model, 479 Instituto Superiore di Sociologia 1507–1509, 1510, 1513, 1516 Institut für Sozialforschung, (Milan), 576 Institutt for Samfunnforskning, modern, 1350 1075, 1076 Institute for Advanced Study 2451, 2452 partible, 1349, 1350 (Princeton), 325, 1012 Instrumental aggression, 69 patterns, 1349–1350 Institute for Scientific Instrumental rationality, 541, preindustrial retirement as, 2402 Information, 1610 542–543, 544 primogeniture system, 1350–1351 Institute for Social Research Instrumental values, 3214 soundness of mind and, 1351 (Copenhagen), 2452 Instrumentalism of status, 250, 251, 1239–1240, Institute for Social Research language theory, 2219 2810, 2811, 2869 (Frankfurt), 539 and Marxist sociology, 2162 testamentary freedom and, See also Frankfurt School Insurance 1350–1351 Institute for Social Research life, 3257 See also Intergenerational (Norway), 2451, 2452 long-term care, 1659–1660, 1677 resource transfers Institute for Social Research See also Health insurance Inheritance (biological). See Genetics; (Sweden), 2451, 2452 Integration, 79 Nature vs. nurture Institute for Social Research Inhibiting effect, 2615 (University of Michigan), 578, and academic achievement, 2932–2933 Initial Review Group, 2399, 2401 2297, 2300 desegregation vs., 2495–2496 Initiating-structure leadership, 1566 Institute for Sociological Research (USSR), 2981 failure of, 2496–2499 Inkeles, Alex, 1085, 1885, 2069 Institute of Concrete Social Research See also African American studies; on convergence and divergence, (USSR), 2980, 2981 Segregation and desegregation 423–424, 425, 426 Institute of Human Relations Intellectuals, 1355–1358 on relationship between social (Yale), 325 critical theory on, 541 psychology and sociology, Institute of Management 2921 definition of, 1356 Sciences, 3104 political correctness and, In-laws. See Affines Institute of Medicine, 588 2139–2142 Inner Circle, The (Useem), 736 Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, Intellectuals on the Road to Class Inner-circle thesis, 2162 2950–2951 Power, The (Konrad and Inner-city communities. See Urban Institute of Social and Political Dzelenyi), 2117 underclass Problems (Russia), 2982 Intelligence, 1359–1386 Innis, Harold, 1765 Institute of Sociology (Ukraine), artificial, 410, 1234 Innovation 2983 chronometric approach, 1360– leadership management and, Institute of Sociology (USSR), 1361 1567 2981, 2982 communication and, 1380–1381 legal system and, 1560 Institute of Statistical Mathematics consequences of differences in, mass media spread of, 1763 (Tokyo), 1479, 1482 1373–1385 Merton’s anomie theory and, Institutional dominance, 941 crystallized, 1363 165–166, 1494 Institutional environments, 394–395 daily life and, 1377–1379 popular culture and, 2169–2170 nursing home residents, definitions of, 1361–1362 1672–1677 in postindustrial society, education and, 1375 Institutional family, 1502 2196–2197 as educational and occupational scientific research and Institutional review board, 838, 853 attainment factor, 2784, 2817, development, 2460–2461 Institutional theories 2931, 3043

3375 INDEX

elementary cognitive tasking in, Intergenerational relations, 1386– See also Caste and inherited 1361, 1371 1393 status; Status attainment emotional, 1369 age-stratification theory, 1387 Intergroup and interorganizational employment and, 1377 altruism and, 2882 relations, 1399–1407 environmentality and, 1369– changing dependencies in, ethnic-racial, 1400 1373, 2330 1391–1392 homogeneity/heterogeneity in, experimental strategy, 1359, family focus on, 1388–1392 1404 1360–1361 filial responsibility and, personality determinants and, and family size, 972, 973–974 1018–1022 1400 fundamental nature of, 1361 gender and, 1389, 1391 prejudice and, 2243–2245 group differences, 1372–1373 generation gap and, 1386 systems theory in, 1405 heritability controversy, 1369– generational equity and, Interitem correlations, 190 1373, 2090, 2140, 2330 1388, 1398 Interlock studies, 736–737 individual differences in, grandparenthood, 131, 696, Intermarriage, 1407–1415 1369–1372 1390–1391 Asian-American, 1410–1411 interpersonal context, 1380–1382 interactions with nursing home contemporary, 1408–1410 meaning of, 1361–1369 residents, 1676 and courtship, 484 measurement of, 1359–1361 justice issues, 2707 factors in, 1411–1413 metacognitive skills and, 1367 long-term caregiving, 1653, history of, 1407–1408 multiplicity theories and, 1657–1658 identity and, 1411 1368–1369 macrosociological perspectives, interfaith, 911, 1411, 1776 1386–1388 psychometric testing, 1359–1360, law and, 949, 1776 microsociological approaches, 1362–1368, 1375, 1376, 2330 marriage and divorce rates, 1750 1388–1392 racial differences argument, 2330 and occupational achievement, parental roles and, 2033, self-esteem and, 2516 2691 2037–2038 social pathology and, 1379–1380 racial demographics, 124 reciprocal altruism and, 1391, specificity theories and, 1368 and racial hypodescent rule, 1394, 1657–1658 trainability and, 1363–1364, 1375 2331–2332 and social security in premodern rate increase, 1776 Intentionality. See Rational societies, 2796 choice theory stereotypes and, 1411 and social security services, 3065 Interaction chronography, 1974 tolerance for, 1412 and student movement concerns, Interaction Process Analysis, 1974, 3069–3070 Internal labor markets, 1985–1987 1975, 1976, 1977, 1978, Intergenerational resource transfers, Internal migration, 929, 1415–1422 1979, 1980 1393–1399, 1617–1618 by African Americans, 2334, 2491 for small groups, 2613–2614 and educational attainment, 2929 Chinese restrictions, 302–303 Interaction Process Analysis equity issue in, 1397–1398 definition of, 1415–1417 (Bales), 2666 exchange theory in, 1394 differential, 1418 Interaction Process Scores (IPS), and ethnonationalism, 1946 1974–1975 and life cycle, 1615–1616, 1620 and growth of cities, 306, Interaction theories. See Social life-cycle model of, 1394 309, 2431 exchange theory; Social and occupation and status, interaction; Symbolic 2785–2786, 2787, 3042, international comparisons of, interaction theory 3046–3047 1420–1421 Intercorrelations, 2345–2346, and political and economic Mexican pattern, 1859–1860 2348, 2354 status, 2787 Middle Eastern, 1865–1866 See also Factor analysis reciprocal altruism in, 1394 mobility and, 1415–1419 Interest groups, 144, 145, 604, and social mobility, 1982–1984, population distribution and, 1419 2148, 2162 2690, 2711–2714 push/pull factors, 1418 Interfaith dialogue, 3289 socialist elimination of, 2850 reasons for, 1418 Interfaith marriage, 911, 1411, 1776 on societal level, 1395–1397 for retirement, 1419–1420

3376 INDEX

return migration, 1417 International Journal of Mass illegal, 1436, 1936 rural-to-urban, 2431 Emergencies and Disasters, 682 and immigrant settlement and social networks, 2728 International Journal of Small Group houses, 2841 and urban underclass, 2212 Research, 1980 and immigrant suburban Internal Revenue Service, 3103 International Labour Office, 1531, communities, 3074, 3075 2795, 2800 International Association for the immigrants as threat to African Empirical Study of International Labour Organization, American employment, 2496 Literature, 1649 2607, 3262, 3263, 3266 Irish American Civil War draft International Association of Chiefs International Labour Review, 1532 riots, 2269 of Police, 493 International law, 1426–1431 Jewish success factors in United International Association of French arbitration and, 1427 States, 2332, 2333 Language Sociologists, 328 censorship and, 279 legislation, 1435 International Association of Time custom and, 1428 legislation reform, 178 Use Research, 3157 dispute settlement, 1427 mass society theory on, International associations in enforcement of, 1429 1771, 1773 sociology, 1422–1426 on genocide, 1244, 1429 Mexican, 1860 clinical sociology, 327–328 individuals and, 1427 Middle Eastern, 1865–1866, 1869, 1872–1873 cross-cultural analysis, 550–551 multinational and transnational life histories and narratives, systems, 1550–1551 of Muslims, 2950–2951 1633–1634, 1635 natural law and, 1427 national borders and, 1936, 1937 rural sociology, 2433 sources, 1428 negative values of, 1432 See also International Sociology universal jurisdiction and, 1429 and Polish life-history project, Association 1616, 1618, 1634 See also International Court International Bibliography of of Justice and population redistribution, Sociology, 1606 2180, 2181–2182 International migration, 1431–1438 International Committee for Sport racial consciousness and, 2329 Asian, 58, 174–177, 713 Sociology, 2986–2987 racial constraints and, 321 assimilation and, 53, 143 International Conference on racial privileges and, 56, 58 Population and Development bankruptcy and, 204 reasons for, 1432 (Cairo; 1994), 932, 2233 basis of individual group’s success refugee vs. immigrant International Convention for the in United States, 2332–2333 distinction, 180 Suppression of Terrorist black slave experience vs. Bombings (1998), 3140 immigrant, 54 and religious organizations, 2380–2381 International Council of Sport Canadian immigrant occupational Science and Physical status attainment, 2786 and status incongruence, 3051, 3052, 3054 Education, 2986 chain migration, 177 stream/counterstream, 1431 International Court of Justice, citizenship and, 1436 territorial distribution, 633–634 1429–1430, 1944, 1945, 3003 consequences of, 1433–1435 U.S. increased openness to, 143 International Covenant on Civil and crime rates and, 532 Political Rights (1966), 1242 and underemployment, 1721, demographic models, 620, 636 International Crime (Victim) Survey 1724 determinants of volume of, 1432 (IC(V)S), 549 Western European discrimination differentials, 1432 International Encyclopedia of Statistics against, 692–693 (Kruskal and Tanur), 1957 ethnicity and, 841 of workers, 636, 1338, 1436, International Encyclopedia of the Social European discrimination, 691– 1858, 1865, 2496, 2498, 2608 Sciences, 746, 1888 693 International Monetary Fund, International Federation of Data and event history analysis, 869 730, 2138 Organizations, 577 family structure and, 122–123 dependency theory and, 642, 644 International Institute of Sociology fertility determinants and, 1005 and state sovereignth, 3003 (IIS), 1025, 1422, 1483 and globalization of work, 3267 International nongovernmental International Journal of Japanese Hispanic Americans, 143, 1186, organizations (INGOs), 1046, Sociology, 1483 1188, 1189 2050

3377 INDEX

International Political Science International Typographical spamming and, 1441, 1442 Association (IPSa), 2916 Union, 1533 UseNet and, 1442–1443 International Prestige Scale, 1997 International Workers of the UseNet Newsgroups, 414 World, 1530 International relations World Wide Web, 1346, 1441, balance of power systems, 332 Internet, 1438–1447 1445–1446 coalitions, 332 AlohaNet, 1439 See also Web sites national border relations, America-on-Line, 1440 Interpersonal attraction, 1447–1450 1931–1939 applications in sociology, assumed similarity in, 1447 406–407, 409 peacekeeping and, 2044–2050 friendship and, 1449 censorship and regulation of and social networks, 2728 mate selection and, 1777–1778 expression issues, 279, 280 See also War play and work issues, 1448–1449 and census taking, 283 International Review for Sport Sociology propinquity and, 1447 chat rooms, 1443–1444 (journal), 2986 relationship formation, 1448 communication among International Rural Sociological sociologists via, 1607 romantic love and, 1449–1450, Association, 2433 1696–1701 content-analysis sites, 421 International Social Security sexual behavior and, 1449–1450, cybercrime and, 3253 Association, 2795 2537–2548 as dating aid, 489 International Social Survey Program, theoretical explanations for, 548, 577, 2477 e-mail communication, 406, 407, 1447–1448 408, 1441–1442, 1607, 1768 International Society for Krishna Interpersonal attribution, 196–197 Ethernet, 1439–1441 Consciousness. See Hare Krishna Interpersonal behavior. See International Society for Quality of flaming and, 1442 Interpersonal conflict resolution; Life Research, 2301 free expression and, 271 Interpersonal power; Personal International Society for Quality of futures studies, 2231–2232 relations; Small groups Life Studies, 2686 as globalization convergence Interpersonal conflict resolution, International Sociological factor, 428 1451–1456 Association, 328, 550–551, 736, hardware for, 1438–1439 age factors, 1452 805, 1423, 1424, 1425, 1426, history of, 1438–1439 friends vs. nonfriends, 1453–1454 2913, 2986 and information society, gender and, 1452 Biography and Society Section, 1345, 1346 negotiation strategies model, 1633–1634, 1635 information technology, 1605 1452 hybrid specialties, 2924 interactive data analysis Web social information processing Japan Sociological Society and, sites, 409 and, 1451–1452 1479, 1482 interest groups and, 2150 theoretical models of, 1451–1452 International Sociological local area networks, 1439–1441 within family, 1454 Association of the Research mailing lists, 413, 414 Interpersonal diffusion networks, Committee on Disasters, 682 and mass media research, 1761 677, 678, 679 International Sociological Library, Interpersonal power, 1456–1464 1025 modalities, 1441–1446 bases of, 1457 International Sociology of Sport multi-user domains, 1444–1445 behavioral exchange theory, Association, 2987, 2988 as new media technology, 1768–1769 1460–1462 International Statistical Congress, case studies, 247 283, 3007 on-line focus groups, 408 coercion and, 1458 International Survey of Economic on-line library catalogs, 1611 Attitudes, 548 search engines, 1446 concepts of, 1457–1458 International system. See search techniques, 1607–1608 conflict theory, 414–416 Globalization and global systems service providers, 1440 and emotions, 777–778 analysis and sexually explicit exchange theories, 1459–1463, International terrorism. See material, 2185 2674 Terrorism sociology sites, 413–414, expected utility theory, 1460 International tourism. See Tourism 1606–1611 field theory, 1458–1459

3378 INDEX

means of, 1457 Introduczione alla Sociologia clinica Ireland power-dependence theory, 1461 (Luison), 328 common law system, 465 rational choice theories, 1459 Invariant sequence, 1900, 1901 fertility decline, 2178 resistance theory, 1462–1463 Inventions. See Technology and kinship mapping priority, 1515 self-presentation and, 2776 society low suicide rate, 3079 Interpersonal relations. See Personal Inverting symbiosis, 357 nationalist movement, 2717, 3001 relations Involuntary part-time workers, IRG. See Initial Review Group definition of, 1720 INTERPOL, 500 Irish Americans Involuntary servitude. See Slavery Interpower negotiations. See alcohol consumption rates, 95 and involuntary servitude Interpersonal power; Civil War draft riots, 2269– Iowa State University, 677 Negotiation of power 2270, 3069 IPA (Interaction Process Analysis), Interpretation interaction, 350 Irish Republican movement, 2717 1974, 1975, 1976, 1977, 1978, Interpretive research, 2292–2293 Irnerius, 1179 1979, 1980 comparative-historical analysis, Iron Curtain, 1934 386–388 for small groups, 2613–2614 ‘‘Iron Law of Oligarchy’’ (Michels), IPAs (independent practice and sociology of education, 2623–2624 2928–2929 associations), 1818, 1819 Iroquois Confederation, 1070 Interpretive sociology (Weber IPAT (environmental impact Irrigation, 88 concept), 820 equation), 808 Irwin, John, 2054–2055 Interquartile range (IQR), definition IPS system, 1974–1975 IS. See Institute of Sociology, 2982 of, 660–661 Ipsen, Gunter, 1076 ISA. See International Sociological Interracial marriage. See IPUMS (interactive data access Association Intermarriage system), 409 ISA Research Committee on Inter-University Consortium for IQ. See Intelligence Stratification, 550–551 Political and Social Research, IQR. See Interquartile range 409, 575, 576, 577–578, 579, ISEA. See International Survey of Iran, 1865, 1866, 1867 1606, 1684 Economic Attitudes historical-sociological analyses, resources and functions, Iser, Wolfgang, 1648 1869, 1870–1871, 1872 2474–2475, 2476–2477, 2481 ISIG. See Istituto di Sociologia immigrants in United States, Interval scales, 1793 Internazionale di Gorizia 1872–1873 Interview Islam. See Islamic societies; Sociology interpenetration church-state of Islam; World religions computer-assisted, 410, 1802, model, 2357 3092 Islamic fundamentalism, 2371, 2374, Islamic fundamentalism, 2371, 2940–2941 election polling, 2274 2374, 3288 emergence and influence of, life histories and narrative, 1633, Islamic revolution. See Iranian 2943, 2944–2945, 3288 1635, 1636 revolution three competing theories of, multistage sampling, 2448 leadership behavior, 1564, 1566 2945–2946 survey research, 418–419, 1802, and nationalist movement, 1945 and women’s status, 2949–2950 3091–3092, 3092, 3232 sociodemographic profile, 2938 Islamic holy war, 2365, 2371, 2717 Intolerance. See Discrimination; wartime rape, 2579 Prejudice; Stereotypes Islamic law, 464, 1546, 1548, 1550, women in labor force 1554, 2357, 2601 Intrauterine device (IUD), 627, percentage, 3262 2178, 2180 fundamentalist emphasis on, Iran-Contra affair, 2128 2945 Intravenous (IV) drug use, 712, 1641, 1642, 2586–2592 Iranian revolution (1977–1979), Islamic societies 1868, 1869, 1870–1871, 1873, Introduction to Mathematical Sociology and African slave trade, 2601 2357, 2371, 2412 (Coleman), 2668, 3036 and family planning, 2179 Iranian Studies (journal), 1872 Introduction to Multivariate Statistical fertility transition, 628 Analysis, An (Anderson), 3035 Iraq, 1866 fundamentalist influences, 2371, Introduction to Social Psychology ethnonationalism, 1944, 1945 2940–2941, 2945 (McDougall), 114 fertility decline, 627 gender issues, 2948–2950

3379 INDEX

historical empires, 2998 Social Science Data Archive, 576 political party system, 2157 and institutional and terrorism, 3139 retirement policy, 2407, 2408 differentiation, 937 widow remarriage, 3255 revolution, 3001 and interpenetration church-state women’s employment, 1867 social security system model, 2357 ISSA. See International Sociology of spending, 2800 Iranian revolution analysis, Sport Association tourism in, 3169 1870–1871 ISSP. See International Social transnational corporations, kinship systems, 1515, 1517 Survey Program 3175, 3176 migrants to the United Istituto di Sociologia Internazionale women in labor force States, 1872 di Gorizia, 2231, 2288 percentage, 3262 militancy in, 2946–2948 It Takes a Village (H. Clinton), See also Italian sociology as minorities in other countries, 361–362 IUD (intrauterine device), 627, 2950–2951 Italian Americans 2178, 2180 ‘‘new Arab social order’’ and, alcohol-consumption patterns, 95 IV-drug use. See Intravenous 1867–1868 case studies of, 244 (IV) drug use political movements and, Italian Society of Sociology, 1423, ‘‘I-We’’ paradigm, 1601 2365, 2366 1465–1466 IWW (International Workers of the religious renaissance in, 2946 Italian sociology, 1464–1475 World), 1530 religious traditions and, 3285 academic institutionalization of, slavery practices, 2601–2602 1468–1469 J ‘‘social project’’ of Islam and, clinical, 328 Jackknifing, 2397, 2449, 3039 2939–2940 life histories and narratives, 1635 Jacklin, C. N., 2530–2531 sociodemographic profile, origins of, 1464–1469 Jackson, Andrew, 2127 2937, 2938 planning and, 1468 Jackson, B. A., 1653 sociology of, 2937–2951 postwar, 1466–1469 Jackson, Don, 540, 1713–1714, 2084 in Southeast Asia, 2974 social change and, 1471–1473 Jackson, E. F., 2345 state-religion relationship, 2948 Social Science Data Archive, 575 Jacobs, Herbert, 467 typology of, 2947 university study, 1469–1471 Jaeger, Gertrude, 566 in United States, 2380–2381, urban, 1468 Jaffe, M. W., 1653 2950–2951 Italy Jaffee, David, 643, 2887 and women rape victims, 2579 civil law system, 471, 473, 474, Jahoda, Marie, 2188–2189, 2190, See also Middle Eastern studies 475, 476, 477, 478, 480 3155 Isolation, 176, 178 dictatorship, 3002 JAI Press, 407 Isomorphism, definition of, 2024 disaster research, 687 Jains, 3282, 3284, 3285 Isomura, Eiichi, 1480 divorce rate, 112 Jakobson, Roman, 1032, 2891 Israel fertility transition, 626 Jakubs, John F., 2502 Arab peace accord, 2048 foreign-controlled pharmaceutical Jamaica demographics, 1865, 1866, 1867 companies, 1827 African culture, 65 educational status attainment, governmental division of African slavery in, 2600 2785 powers, 1954 fertility decline, 627 and family size, 978 health-care system, 374, 377 HIV/STD control program, 2593 kinship mapping priority, 1513 labor movement, 1529 low suicide rate, 3079 long-term care and care long-term care and care facilities, James, David R., 2501 facilities, 1659 1655, 1661 James, William, 2, 1255, 1783, migrants to United States, 1872 low suicide rate, 3079 2082, 2083 occupational status Mafia in, 2018, 2128 on global self-esteem, 2512 attainment, 2787 marijuana decriminalization, 712 and pragmatism, 2218, 2219, relative marriage rate, 1749 organizational demographics, 395 2423, 3098 religion and politics linkage in, political and governmental on religious experience, 2373, 2358–2359 corruption, 2128–2129 3279, 3283, 3286

3380 INDEX

and role theory, 2423, 2424, 3100 World War II conquest of Jefferson, T. (sociologist), 1578 Jameson, Fredric, 2200 Southeast Asia, 2975 Jefferson, Thomas, 273, 584, 2265, Jamison, Andrew, 1927 World War II war crimes 2427, 2483 trials, 1429 Janet, Pierre, 540, 1713–1714, 2084 Jehovah’s Witnesses, 2366 See also Japanese sociology Jellinek, E. M., 96 Janis, Irving, 400–401, 2512, 3244–3245 Japan Institute of Sociology, JEMCO Workshop Study, 1979 1423, 1477 Janissary rebellion, 3000 Jencks, Christopher, 1375 Japan Society for the Promotion of Janowitz, Morris, 555, 1876 Jenkins, Craig, 2166 Science, 1482 Jantsch, Eric, 1037, 1040 Jenkins, Gwilym M., 3036, Japan Sociological Society, 1423, 3143, 3144 Japan 1477, 1479, 1480–1481, 1483 Jenness, Valerie, 2764, 2961 authoritarian communitarianism, Japanese American Evacuation and Jennings, Helen Hall, 2729 356, 3218 Resettlement Study, 180–181 Jensen, Arthur, 2140 caste and inherited status, Japanese Americans Jensen, Jay P., 2189–2190 253–254 academic studies of, 178, 179, Jensen, Richard, 3231 conditions conducive to 180–181 Jersey City (New Jersey) political democracy, 605, 606 demographic characteristics, 176 machine, 2126 convergence theory and, 424 immigration, 123, 175 Jesus, 3280, 3281, 3283–3284, divorce rate, 112, 706 income and status 3285, 3287 health-care system, 374, 375, 376, attainment, 181 Jesus movements, 3287 377, 379–380, 1827 World War II relocations, 123, Jet magazine, 2493 hegemonic stability theory 177, 178, 180–181 Jews. See Judaism and Jews and, 3242 Japanese Prime Minister’s Jihad. See Islamic holy war high suicide rate, 3079 Office, 1482 Jiji Press, 1482 hours of work, 3262 Japanese Sociological Review, Jim Crow laws, 54, 62, 2491, 2761 labor movement, 1531 1480, 1482 Jipemoyo Project, 2040 legal system, 464, 469, 471, 475, Japanese sociology, 1477–1484 Joas, Hans, 2220 479, 1550 diversification stage (1960s- Job cluster, 1985 life expectancy rate at birth, 19920s), 1479–1481 Job description, 2422 223, 1631 globalization state (1990s and Job discrimination. See Work and long-term care and care facilities, beyond), 1481–1484 occupations 1654, 1655, 1659–1660, 1661 leader behavior study, 1566 Job displacement, 1722–1723 Meiji restoration as ‘‘elite’’ and mathematical sociology, 1791 Job orientation. See Work revolution, 2411 postwar state (1946–1960s), orientation political corruption, 2131 1478–1789 Job satistfaction, 3270, 3272–3373 population growth, 2179 pre-World War II stage (1893–1945), 1477–1478 gender and, 3275 postindustrialism, 2201 Japanese War Crimes Trials, 1429 Job segregation. See Occupational rape incidence, 2587 segregation Jargowsky, Paul A., 2502 retirement policy, 2407, 2408 Job shifts. See Occupational and Jarley, Paul, 606 social movement emergence, career mobility Jasso, Guillermina, 1790, 2703, 2719–2720 Job trajectory 2704, 2705 social security system definition and concept of, spending, 2800 Jauss, Hans Robert, 1648 1982, 1984 time use survey, 3160 Java. See Indonesia See also Occupational and career transnational corporations, Jayaram, Jayalitha, 2132 mobility 3175, 3176 Jazz, 1925, 1926 Job-evaluation, as comparable worth voting behavior research, J-curve thesis, 2270 remedy, 371–372 3237–3238 of revolution, 349 Johansen, Robert, 1981 women in labor force Jefferson, Gail, 247, 431, 435– Johansson, Sten, 2452 percentage, 3262 437, 438 John Birch Society, 462

3381 INDEX

John M. Olin Foundation, 1601 Journal of Educational Sociology, 326 success in American society, John Paul II, Pope, 2268 Journal of Experimental Social 2332, 2333 John XXIII, Pope, 2365 Psychology, 2650 widowhood, 3255 Johns Hopkins University, 1180, Journal of Family Issues, 1738 Judd, Dennis, 3071 1423 Journal of Health and Social Judd, Walter, 175 Johnson, L. (sociologist), 2581 Behavior, 1814 Judges, 476–478 Johnson, Lyndon B., 1286, Journal of Marketing Research, common law vs. civil law system, 1435, 2682 407, 409 465, 467, 468, 472, 476–478, Civil Rights Act of 1965, 2496 Journal of Marriage and Family, 106 480–481 Great Society, 2299 Journal of Mathematical Sociology, historical power of, 474 public opinion and, 2275, 1787, 1790, 2028 inquisitorial vs. accusatory legal 2276, 2277 Journal of Narrative and Life History, model, 479 War on Poverty, 1286, 1494, 1635–1636 and negotiation of power, 1953 1882, 2404, 2760 Journal of Social Issues, 2042 numbers by countries (table), 471 Johnson, Marilyn E., 1618 Journal of World Systems Research, 413 treatment of forms of expression, Johnson, Richard, 1756 Journals. See Publications; specific 270–272 Johnson, Virginia E., 2554 titles Judgment Johnson Publications, 2493 Jouvenel, Bertrand de, 1037, 1038 absolute vs. comparative, 597 Johnston, Michael, 2125 JSTOR program, 1606, 1607 consistency studies, 591 Johnstown, Pennsylvania, 366 Juarez, Beníto, 1857 general, 598 Join Together (drug-abuse Judaism and Jews knowledge effect on, 593 prevention program), 716 American affiliation figures, 146 moral. See Moral development Joint distribution, 658, 661, 2250 and anti-Semitism, 540 Judgments. See Decision-making Joint Information Bureau and black civil rights movement theory and research (Department of Defense), 278 participation, 2268–2269 Judicial power, 465 Jonassohn, Kurt, 1068, 1069, ethical impulse/moral law Judicial review, 467 1070, 1071 relationship, 3283 Judicial sociology, 1024 Jonathan (biblical figure), 1508 interfaith marriage rate Jones, Edward, 193 upswing, 1776 Jung, Carl G., 1714, 1718, 2076, 2077, 2084, 2087, 2090 Jones, Gavin, 633 Islamic parallels, 2937, 2939, Junior Chamber of Commerce Jones, J. R., 1771–1772 2943 International, 3229 Jones, Jim, 900 and Israeli politics, 2359 Junior colleges, 1180 Jones, Karen, 353 Kabbalah mysticism, 2969, 3286 Juppé, Alan, 2129 Jones, Lois Mailou, 64 kinship and family typology, Juréen, Lars, 3035 Jones, Paula, 2581 1507, 1510–1511, 1512, 1513, 1514, 1517 Jüres, Ernst-August, 1078 Jones, Richard S., 245 liberalism and Jus commune, 473 Jones, Simon, 226 neoconservatism, 1603 Just reward, 2703, 2704 Jordan, 1866 low alcohol abuse rates, 95 Just society. See Social justice; fertility decline, 628 medieval messianic movements, Utopian analysis and design sociodemographic profile, 2938 2968–2969 Justice. See Court system and law; Jöreskog, Karl, 908, 1923, 3037 Nazi genocide. See Holocaust Criminal justice system; Josephs, R. A., 73–74, 2513 and new religious Social justice Jourard, S. M., 2189 movements, 3287 Justice Department, U.S., 714, 982 Journal of Asian American Health, 179 and racial categorization, 2332 Justice without Trial (Skolnick), Journal of Asian American Studies, 179 religious experience, symbols, 2108, 2114 Journal of Comparative Studies in and theology, 3279, 3280, Just-identified models, 191, Society and History, 1197 3281, 3282, 3284 1915–1917 Journal of Contemporary religious organization Justinian, emperor of Rome, 465, Ethnography, 854 perspectives, 2377 473, 476, 2999

3382 INDEX

Juvenile delinquency, theories of, 3, Kaigo Hoken (long-term care Keith, Jennie, 245 502, 507, 1493–1499 insurance), 1659–1660 Kejner, Matilde, 3273 anomie, 1493–1494 Kairys, David, 1556 Keller, Evelyn Fox, 994–995, 2460 anomie and rising expectations Kali (Hindu goddess), 3280, Keller, Fred, 215 theory, 1491 3284, 3285 Kelles-Kraux, Kazimierz, 2118 anomie and strain theories, 166 Kalish, Richard, 582 Kelley, H. H., 2065, 2670 conflict theory, 1497–1498 Kalleberg, Arne L., 1985–1986, 3275 Kelley, Harold, 193, 2419 control theory, 667, 1495 Kalton, Graham, 190–191 Kellner, Douglas, 545, 1757 cultural influence, 663, 668, 1494 Kamo, Y., 696 Kellner, Hansfried, 1886 differential association theory, Kanka, Megan, 2582 Kellogg-Briand Pact (1928), 2270 666, 667 Kansas City (Missouri) political Kelly, Edward, 2126 machine, 2126 labeling theory, 1496–1497 Kelly, George A., 1715–1716, macro-level origins, 663, 664–665 Kansas Marital Satisfation (KMS) 1717, 2076 scale, 1728 micro-level origins, 667–668 personality theory, 2084 Kant, Immanuel, 1302, 1303, neutralization theory, 1496 Kemp, Jack, 362 1304, 3244 social class, 1491–1492, 1494 Kempe, C. H., 288 and German idealism, 1248, 1249 and social controls, 2658 Kemper, Theodore, 777–778, 780, Kanter, Rosabeth Moss, 244, 2262 social disorganization theory, 785, 2522 Kantorowicz, Hermann, 1074 1495 Kempny, Marian, 2119 Kanungo, R. A., 1566 structural functionalism theory, Kendall, Maurice G., 1796, 3035 Kapadia, K.M., 1291 1493–1495 Kendall, Patricia L., 3112 Kapital, Das (Marx), 539, 2814 symbolic interactionism theory, Kendall’s coefficent of 1495–1497 dedicated to Darwin, 573 concordance, 1957 Juvenile delinquency and juvenile Kaplan, Abraham, 2023 Keniston, Kenneth, 459 crime, 521, 1484–1493 Kaplan, S., 1978 Kennedy, Gail, 2217 AIDS/HIV risks and, 2586 Kareev, N. I., 2979 Kennedy, John F., 48, 1435, 1494 community studies, 365, 366 Karl Marx’s Theory of History Kennedy, Paul, 1708 (Cohen), 1784 and criminal and delinquent Kenny, John V., 2126 Karmarck, Andrew W., 2921–2922 subcultures, 510–513, 534 Kent State University, 2270 Karp, David, 245, 360 differing legal definitions of, Kenya 1485–1486 Kasaba, Resat, 1871–1872 anti-AIDS/HIV campaign, 2593 extent and trends, 1486–1489 Kasarda, John, 307, 3071, 3198 fertility rate decline, 220, factors in, 1489–1492 Kashmi, 1945 627–628 gangs, 460, 512, 1485 Kashmir, 2366 poverty in, 2216 historical, 1485 Katovich, Michael, 2222 Kepler, Johannes, 2465 life history, 1616 Katz, Elihu, 677–678, 679 Kerckoff, Alan, 1778 treatment for violent Katz, Jack, 507 Kerr, Clark, 422–423, 424, 1180 offenders, 76 Katz, Leon, 2729 Kerr, S. C., 1566 See also Criminal sanctions; Gangs Katz, Michael B., 2211 Kessler, Ronald C., 1692, 3081 Katz, S., 1653 Kesting, Hanno, 1078 K Kauffman, Kelsey, 2053 Ketkar, S. V., 1291 Kabbalah (Jewish mystical writings), Kautsky, Karl, 1753, 2432 Kevorkian, Jack, 585, 587, 3084, 2969, 3286 Kazakhstan, 1946, 2362 3085–3086 Kabo, V. E., 2979 sociodemographic profile, 2938 Kewus, Oscar, 2211 Kagan, Jerome, 2090 sociology as discipline, 2982 Key, V. O., Jr., 2124 Kagitcibasi, Cigden, 3218, 3219 Kearl, Michael C., 583 Key, Valdimer Orlando, Jr., 3235 Kahn, Herman, 1041, 1218 Keating, Charles, 2128 Key Problems in Sociological Theory Kahn, Robert, 2415, 2416 Keddie, Nikki R., 1871, 2948 (Rex), 226 Kahneman, D. J., 591–592, 595, 598 Kefauver hearings (1951), 2126 Keyder, Caglar, 1871–1872, 1876

3383 INDEX

Keyfitz, Nathan, 631 centrepetal vs. centrafugal, Klare, Karl E., 2961 Keynes, John Maynard, 1265 1510–1512 Klein, Melanie, 650 Keyton, Joann, 2418 classificatory, 2298 Klein, Rudolof, 378 ‘‘Khadi justice,’’ 464, 1546, 1548 coalitions within, 331 Kline, R. B., 1923 Khaldun. See Ibn Khaldun, Abd- courtship and mate selection and, Klineberg, Otto, 1425 al-Rahman 1698, 1699–1700 Kloppenburg, Jack R., Jr., 2460 Khalil, Mohammad, 643 divorce-related, 709 Kloskowska, Antonina, 2121 Khomeini, Ayatollah Ruhollah, ethnicity as extended kinship Kluckhohn, Clyde, 564, 2890 group, 2329 2357, 2371 Kluckhohn, Florence R., 3212, 3214 Khrushchev, Nikita, 2980 evolution theory and, 2882–2883 Knapp, Peter, 2919 Kidd, Quentin, 3223 and family and household Knights of Labor, 1530 structure, 926–927 Kiecolt, R. Jill, 2478 Knoke, David, 604, 606, 2165, 2380 and family and population policy Kiev International Institute of Knorr Cetina, Karin, 2469–2470 in less developed Sociology, 2982 countries, 965 Knowledge Kiev-Mohyla Academy, 2982 high fertility rates and, 628 attitudes as function of, 185 Kikuchi, Charles, 181 historical typologies, 1507–1517 common sense, 1377–1379, Kikuchi Diary, 181 2100–2102, 2959 historical typologies critiques, effect on decision-making, Kilakowski, Leszek, 1356 1505–1507 593, 678 Killian, Lewis, 351, 352, 553, 554, illegitimacy and, 1261 558, 559, 560 Foucault’s ‘‘archaeology,’’ incest taboos, 1270–1277 Kim Hyun Chul, 2131 2647–2648, 2757 Japanese American, 123 Kim Young Sam, 2131 ‘‘new sociology’’ of, 2958–2959 and life course, 1615, 1618, 1620 organizational, 584 Kimball, Peter, 352 and life cycle, 1625 as participatory research Kimura, D., 2884, 2885 mapping priorities, 1512–1515 emphasis, 2040 Kindergartens, 677 and marital eligibility limitations, postindustrial focus on Kindleberger, Charles, 2823 484, 1270–1277, 1509, theoretical, 2196, 2205 Kinesiology, 2987, 2988 1513, 1776 social learning theory and, 70, 75 King, Alexander, 1038 marital unity vs. sibling, 1509 sociology of, 2953–2959 King, Gary, 1595 marriage as central to, 1733–1734 sociology of scientific, 2458–2460 King, Martin Luther, Jr., 178, 556, Mexican American, 123 See also Epistemology; Scientific 2146, 2269, 2494, 2495, 2496 nationalist movements and, 1942 explanation ‘‘Letter from a Birmingham parental role and, 2034 ‘‘Knowledge workers,’’ 2626 Jail,’’ 2495 religion and, 935, 937 Kogan, M., 1692 nonviolence philosophy, 3289 slavery as severance of, Kohl, Helmut, 2123 and plight of Northern urban 2596, 2597 Kohlberg, Lawrence blacks, 2496–2497 social structure and, 1509–1512 and gender identity development, ‘‘Kinkeeper’’ role, 696 socialization and, 2858 998–999 Kinsey, Alfred, 111, 2538, 2541, See also Nuclear family moral judgment theory, 114, 993, 2549, 2553, 2554, 2559, 2560, 1894, 1895–1904, 2089, 2092 2561, 2566, 2569, 2572 Kirk, Russell, 1598 stages of moral development, Kissinger, Henry, 2048 Kinsey Institute for Sex 1896–1897 Kitschelt, Herbert, 2160 Research, 2187 Kohli, Martin, 1635 Kitson, Gay, 1737 Kinship systems and family types, Kohn, Melvin L., 1619, 2070–2071, 1501–1519 Kitsuse, John I., 2763 2072, 3214, 3271 African American, 122, 705, 927 Kittrie, Nicholas N., 2143, 2146 Kolata, Gina, 2550 African slave masters and, 2601 KKK. See Ku Klux Klan Kolmogrov-Smirnov test, 1965–1966 alliance theories of, 1507–1508 Klages, L., 2085 Komitet Gosudarstvennos altruism and, 2882–2883 Klandermans, Bert, 2763 Bezopasnoti, 2137 American systems, 142 Klapper, Joseph, 1762 Kondratjev, N. D., 2979

3384 INDEX

König, René, 1074, 1075, 1077, 1425 Ku Klux Klan, 460, 461, 462, 2266 Labor, forced. See Slavery and Konrad, Gyorgy, 2117 Kubitschek de Oliveira, involuntary servitude Konvitz, Milton, 2217 Juscelino, 2135 Labor Department, U.S., 2398 Koos, Earl L., 1813 Kübler-Ross, Elisabeth, 582, 583 Labor force, 1521–1527 Koran, 328, 1550, 2939, 2940, 2950, Kubovy, M., 593 adequate-to-underemployment 3281, 3285 Kuhlman, D. Michael, 3221 transition, 1722 on women’s status, 248–249, 250 Kuhn, Thomas S., 164, 574, affirmative action and, 47– Korea. See South Korea 823, 3098 52, 2496 Koreagate, 2127–2128 model of scientific change, African Americans and, 55–56, 2491–2492, 2495–2496 Korean Americans, 175 2024–2027, 2193, 2374, 2458–2459, 2756 alienation theory, 100, 104 entrepreneurs and professionals, 180, 182 on paradigm, 2023 Asian Americans and, 181 household structure, 127 Kukathas, Chandran, 356 and capitalism, 237, 238, Korman, A. K., 1566, 1567–1568 Kumina (Ashanti religion), 65 239, 240, 320 Kornai, Janos, 2117 Kuper, Leo, 1068, 1071, 1072 case studies, 246 Kornhauser, William, 356, 1773 Kurczewski, J., 2121 change determinants and consequences, 1523–1526 Korsch, Karl, 539 Kurdistan nationalism, 1871, 1942, 1945, 3001 in China, 302–303 Kosaka, Kenji, 2298 Kurian, George T., 2677 comparable worth and, 369–372 Kosovo, 1944, 1945, 1946, 1948, 2080, 2143, 2362, 2529, 2579, Kurtines, William, 1898 composition of, 3262 2608, 3001 Kurzman, Charles, 1871 conditions conducive to Koss, Mary, 2557 Kuwait, 1865, 1866, 1867, 1944 democracy, 605 Kotz, Hein, 472, 1545, 1547 fertility decline, 628 and conflict analysis of Kovalevsky, Maxim, 2979 sociodemographic profile, 2938 crime, 536 Kovel, Joel, 2245 Kvalevsky, M. M., 2979 contingent workers, 1723–1725 Krafft-Ebing, Richard von, 2566 Kwaanza, 67 control of work in, 3266 Kramer, P. D., 2513 Kwakiutl, 1032 convict labor and, 518 Krasnodebski, Zdzislaw, 2119 Kwasniewicz, Wladyslaw, 2119 and crowd behavior, 558 Kraus, V. E. O., 1998 definition of participation rate, 1521 Krauss, Robert M., 2620 L and divorce pattern changes, Krebs, Dennis L., 118, 1902–1903 La Barre, Weston, 2367 703, 705 Kretschmer, E., 1717 La Gory, Mark, 1215, 1226 dual and segmented market Krieger, Nancy, 57 Labeling theory theory, 1985 Kriesi, Hanspeter, 462 attribution theory integration, 198 educational attainment and, Krippendorf, J., 3172 2930–2931 and criminalization of deviance, Krishna (Hindu deity), 3280, 3281, 243, 520, 525, 534–535, 2659 emergence of, 3262 3282, 3285 and deviant behavior, 520, and equality of opportunity, Kristiansen, Connie M., 3215 669–670 827–828, 830 Kristol, Irving, 1601 and ethnography, 852 and event history analysis, Kroeber, Alfred L., 133, 564–565, and juvenile delinquency, 869, 3262 566, 675, 679, 2890 1496–1497 extent of paid work, 3262–3263 Krohn, Marvin D., 671 and legislation of morality, externalization and job erosion, Krukskal, William A., 1811 1576, 1577 3267–3268 Kruskal, William H., 1811, 3036 and medical sociology, 1815– and family size, 972, 973 Kruskal-Wallis test, 1960, 1962 1816 and fertility determinants, 624, Krysan, Maria, 317 and mental illness, 669, 635, 1009 Krzeminski, Ireneusz, 2119 1836–1837, 1838, 1840 globalization and, 1088, 1526, Krzywicki, Ludwik, 2118 and social problems, 2760 3267, 3275 Kshatriya (Hindu warrior-chief), 250 and socialization, 2859 and Hindu caste system, 252–253

3385 INDEX

Hispanic-American participation 2032, 2262, 2404, 2406, 2532, Landsberg, Martin, 642 in, 1191, 1193 3046, 3064, 3262, 3266 Landshut, Siegfried, 1075 home workers, 1339, 1341, worker characteristics, 1991–1993 Landsman, T., 2189 3267–3268 young males and, 1524, 1526 Lane, David, 224 immigrant vs. black workers, Division of labor; Labor See also Lane, William, 2849 2496, 2498 movements and unions; and income distribution, 1283 Migrant workers; Slavery and Lang, Gladys Engel, 173, 1764 industrial sociology and, 1312 involuntary servitude; Work Lang, Kurt, 173, 1764 informal economy and, 1339 and occupations Language internal vs. external market, Labor movements and unions, African families, 63–64 1985–1987 1527–1535 Asian-American proficiency in, job displacement in, 1722–1723 in American society, 143, 1528, 181–182 1529–1531, 1553 job preparation for, 3263 bilingual education, 123, 1861, and crowd behavior, 558 job segregation in, 379, 2012, 2140, 2908 3046, 3262, 3264–3265 and economic institutions, 727 describing universal personality marginal employment, 1719–1725 hours and pay laws, 3262 traits, 2092 internal labor market and, 1987 measurement of, 1521–1523 grammar analysis, 438–439, materialist theory on, 1785 noncitizen workers, 2608 2297–2298 membership decline, 3276 occupational and career mobility, homogenization policies, 1946 1982–1994 nineteenth-century roots of, 1309 instrumentalist theory of, 2219 occupational opportunities oligarcical leadership in, 2624 postmodernism on, 2205–2206, barriers, 832 origin of, 1528, 1533 2207, 2757 older participants, 2407 participatory democracy in, 605, poststructural theory, 2206 and organizational structure, 606, 1532–1533 as religious experience 2002, 2003–2004, 2012–2014 pension negotiations and, 2403 expression, 3279–3280 participation of men and women Polish Solidarity, 2268 See also Conversation analysis; (1976–1998), 2405 as political organizations, Sociolinguistics part-time workers, 3262–3263 2148–2149 Lantenari, Vittorio, 2367 predecessors of modern, protests and demonstrations, Laos, 2974, 2975, 2978 3261–3262 2266 Laotian Hmong Americans, 175, 180 reentry into, 2406 trends in, 1531–1533 LaPalombara, Joseph, 2154 retirement from, 2403–2408, types of, 1529 Larceny, Uniform Crime Reports 3061 Labor theory of value, 1754, definition, 492 rural analysis, 2430 2697, 2698 Large-scale multiwave surveys, 1686 segmented, 2715 Labor Utilization Framework, 1720 Larson, Magali Sarfatti, 2261 segregation and, 2491–2492 Labov, Teresa G., 2906–2907 Larson, Reed, 2300, 2304 structural lag effects on, Labov, William, 2900, 2901, 2908 Lasch, Christopher, 2200 3061–3062 Lachmann, Richard, 2414 structure of, 1984–1991 Laclau, Ernesto, 545 Laschi, Rodolfo, 1464 technological change and, La Guardia, Fiorello, 2125 Laser systems, 1345 3266–3267 Laicization (Durkheim term), 2484 Lasswell, Harold, 1039, 1761, 1766, 1940 urban underclass and, 3198 Laissez-faire leadership, 1565 vacancy chain models, 2691 Lakota, 3277–3278, 3279, 3281, 3282 ‘‘Last Acts’’ program, 588 wage labor system and, 2596 Lalonde, R. J., 2442 Last Chapters (Marshall), 583 women’s disadvantage in, Lamarck, Jean Baptiste, 876 Last Supper, 3281 1720–1721 Lamarckism, 1714, 2460 Last Tango in Paris (film), 2185 women’s participation in, 123, Land, Kenneth C., 2301, 2302 Latané, Bibb, 115, 116–117 126, 127, 142, 239, 424–425, Latent constructs, 1907 512, 624, 625, 703, 705, 962, Land-grant colleges, 88, 1180 972, 981, 1009, 1219, Landolt, Patrica, 2640 Latent homosexuality concept, 2566 1523–1526, 1579, 1729, 1837, Landrecht (Prussia; 1794), 475 Latent structure analysis, 3038, 3039

3386 INDEX

Latent Structure Analysis (Lazarsfeld autopoietic, 1548, 1557–1559 Law and society, 1552–1563 and Henry), 3038 civil law tradition, 464, 465–466, alcohol prohibition laws, Latin America 471, 472–476, 480–481 1576–1577 abortion illegality, 2240, 2241 common law system, 464, American Indian status, 135–136 AIDS/HIV incidence, 2592 465–472, 474, 475, 477–478, civil liberties, 317 480–482 audencia, 474 cohabitation, 109 court systems, 464–481 child labor, 3262 corporations, 443–444 critical legal studies movement, corruption in, 2134–2136 divorce impediments, 701 1548, 1556–1557 court and legal system, 465, 474 definitions of law, 144–145 divorce revisions, 701, 703, democratization process in, 704, 709 1539–1543, 2159, 2160 delinquency definitions, 1485– 1486 drug regulation, 711, 712–713 Demographic and Health and evolution of criminal Surveys, 633 discrimination-testing litagation, 689, 691, 692–693 sanctions, 516 demographic transition, 627 formal vs. substantive, 1546 family law, 947–951 dependency theory, 641–643, filial responsibility, 1018–1019 1535, 1538, 1761, 2922 formalist theories vs. Marxist theories, 1548 homosexual activity, 111 drug trafficking, 2135 historical imperial lawgivers, economic liberalization, 1539– immigration restrictions, 143, 175 2998, 2999 1543 kinship mapping, 1513–1515 fertility rate decline, 220, international, 1426–1430, legal theories, 1555–1559 1550–1551 1008, 2178 legislation of morality, 1560, frontiers and borders, 1933–1934 intestacy law, 1513 1575–1581 judiciary. See Court systems and health-care systems, 381 marital law for affines and law; Judges labor movements, 1532 cousins, 1509 jurisprudential vs. sociological life expectancy, 623 marriage and inheritance, perspectives, 2960–2961 military dictatorships, 3002, 3003 1509, 1513 layering (transplant) in, 465, marriage restrictions, 1272 population factors, 2182 1550, 1556 obscenity laws, 2185–2186 poverty, 2216 legal autonomy theory, protest movements, 2266 1555–1556, 1557 personal conduct laws, 1560 women in labor force legal profession. See Lawyers physician-assisted suicides, 3084–3086 percentage, 3262 legal systems comparison, 464, See also specific countries 1545–1551, 1554 protest movement results, Latin American studies, 1535–1544 legal tradition concept, 2266–2267 Marxist influence, 1757 1547–1548 rape revisions, 2576, 2677, 2678 participatory research, 2040 macrocomparisons, 1547–1549, right to die cases, 585, 586–587 Latinos/Latinas. See Hispanic 1550 sexual harassment policies, Americans microcomparisons, 1549–1551 2580–2581 Latour, Bruno, 2459 public opinion and, 2277 social-structural model, 1559– Latvia, 2362 social impact of legal 1561 Laub, John H., 535, 668, 1616 changes, 2962 sociological theories, 1554–1555, Laudan, Larry, 2026 social origins of laws, 2961 2960–2963 Laumann, Edward O., 2165, 2539, social stratification and, suppression of socially 2541, 2542, 2545, 2550, 2554, 2961–2962 threatening speech, 273–274 2571, 2579, 2693, 3091 social systems interaction, victimless crimes, 1576, Laurence, J. R., 2083 1559–1561 1577–1578 Law and legal systems, 1544–1552 social-structural interactions, Weber’s definition of law, 464 alternative dispute resolution, 1559–1561 white-collar crime, 530, 1550 sociology of law relationship, 3245–3255 antidiscrimination legislation, 1555–1559, 2960–2963 See also Court systems and law; 692, 693 Weber typology, 464 Criminal sanctions

3387 INDEX

Law enforcement. See Criminal oligarchical, 603 ‘‘Legal honoratiores’’ (Weber justice system; Criminology; political elites, 2623–2624 concept), 1554 Penology; Police power management by, Legal layering (transplant) concept, Law of regression. See Correlation 2997–2998 465, 1550, 1556 and regression analysis public opinion and, 2278 Legal profession. See Lawyers Lawrence, Bruce, 2372 research challenge, 1571–1572 Legal realism, 476 Lawrence, Joseph J., 2660 situational studies, 1567 Legal systems. See Court systems and Laws (Plato), 2086 in small groups, 695, 2619–2620 law; Law and legal systems Laws, Curtis Lee, 2369 social exchange theory and, 2671 Legionnaires’ disease, 814 Lawson, Kay, 2155 of state, 2997–2998 Legislation of morality, 1560, 1575–1581, 2156–2157 Lawyers traits theory, 1565, 1570–1571 Legislative branch, 1952, 1955 dominance in common law League of Nations, 1945 systems, 466, 468–472 Legislative coalitions, 331 Convention to Suppress the Slave national comparisons, 478–479 Trade and Slavery, 2602 Legitimacy. See Interpersonal power; Organizational structure numbers by countries (table Leamer, Edward E., 3039 of), 471 Legitimate Violence Index, 985 Learned helplessness model of paraprofessionals, 2260 depression, 651, 652 Lehman, Edward W., 360 as profession, 2259 Learning. See Education; Knowledge; Lehman, Herbert, 2125 women’s status as, 468, Sociology of education; Sociology Lehmann, E. L., 3035 2262, 2263 of knowledge Leibniz, Gottfried, 1045 Layoffs and displacement, 3265 Learning theories. See Behaviorism; Leicht, Kevin, 2166 Social learning theory; Lazarsfeld, Paul, 574, 679, 1160, Leigh, Geoffrey K., 1729 1425, 1591, 2193, 2755–2756, Socialization Leighton, Alexander, 178 3049, 3054 Leary, M. R., 2514 Leighton, Barry, 367 and latent structure analysis, 3038 Leary, Timothy, 1975–1976, 1978 Leisure, 1581–1591 and panel design, 1686, 3036 Least interest, principle of, 1701 nature of, 1587–1589 and tabular analysis, 3107, 3112 Least Preferred Coworker scale, tourism and, 3166–3173 time use study, 3165 1568 and typologies, 3181, 3182, 3187 Least-squares regression analysis, work and time studies, 1582–1584, 3159–3160 and voting behavior research, 3, 3015–3016 3233, 3234 Leavitt, Harold, 1034 Lemert, Charles, 2200 Lazarus, Richard S., 2066, 3057 Lebanon, 1866, 1867 Lemert, Edwin, 669, 1496 Lazzarini, Guido, 1472 sociodemographic profile, 2938 Lemkin, Raphaël, 1066, 1067, 1070, 1071 Leach, Edmund, 289, 2891 Lebesraum policy, 1933 Lenin, V. I., 1772, 1782, 1945, 2411, Leacock, Eleanor, 991, 2891 Le Bon, Gustave, 553, 559, 679, 2431, 2432, 2485, 2847 Leader Behavior Description 1770, 2117, 2265 on capitalist imperialistic Questionnaire, 1566 Le Bras, Gabriel, 1425 war, 3243 Leader Opinion Questionnaire, 1566 Lectures on Jurisprudence (Smith), 2340 economic study of Leadership, 1563–1575 imperialism, 1265 Lectures on Sociology (Levada), 2980 behavioral approach, 1565–1569 and revised Marxist socialism, Lederer, Emil, 1773 by elite, 2163 2848–2849 Lee, Aie-Rie, 3223 contingency approaches, and Soviet sociology, 2979 Lee, Alfred McClung, 326, 1567–1569 See also Marxism-Leninism 1247, 1250 effectiveness measurement, Leningrad State University, Lee, Barrett A., 1772 1571–1572 Laboratory of Concrete Social great-man vs. situation approach, Lee, Elizabeth McClung, 1247 Research, 2980, 2981 1564–1565 Lee Kuan Yew, 356 Lenski, Gerhard E., 416, 1704, 1705, historical review, 1564–1565 Legal autonomy theory, 1555–1556 1886, 2645, 2646, 2690 management vs., 1564 Legal bureaucracy theory, 1497 social stratification theory, and nationalist movements, 1943 Legal formalism, 2960, 2961 2813–2184, 2815

3388 INDEX

societal stratification theory, Levi-Strauss, Claude, 563, 990, 1034, and environmental sociology, 2866, 2867 1271, 1273 802–803 status incongruence theory, and exchange theory, 2670 and fundamentalism, 2371 3051, 3052 and incest taboos, 1271, 1273 legislation of morality, 1576–1579 Leo, Richard, 901 and kinship system, 1507 liberal ethos, 1597, 1598 Leonard, Kenneth E., 2557 and structural analysis, 1027, linguistic labels for, 1602 Leonardi, Franco, 1470 1032, 1033, 2891 and mass society theory, Leopold II, king of Belgium, 60 Levitical Code, 3283 1770–1774 Lepenies, Wolf, 2757 Levy, Frank, 3198–3199 in Mexican history, 1856, 1857 LePlay, Frédéric, 1025, 1503– Levy, Jack S., 3241 national democracies vs. 1504, 3155 Levy, Judith, 583 dictatorships, 3002–3003 Leplège, Alain, 2306 Levy, Marion, 2417 and neoconservatism, 1600–1601, Lepsius, Rainer, 1075, 1079, 1080 Lévy-Bruhl, H., 1024 1603, 1758 Lerman, David, 194 Lévy-Bruhl, L., 1024 and neo-Marxism, 1758 Lerner, Daniel, 1885 Lewin, Kurt, 1012–1016, 2069, 2085, nineteenth-century tenets, Lesbianism. See Sexual orientation 2611, 2614, 2619 1599–1600, 1602 Lesotho, 2216 and social psychology of status and political correctness, Lesourne, Jacques, 1041 attainment, 2781, 2784 2139–2142 Less developed nations. See Lewin Legacy, The (Stivers and and political party system, 2155, Developing countries; Wheelan), 1013 2159, 2160 Industrialization in less developed Lewin-Epstein, Noah, 643 and protest movements, 2267 countries Lewinsky, Monica, 2581 reform and counterreform Lester, Marilyn, 3252 movements, 2717–2718, 2723 Lewis, C. I., 2218 Letourneau, Charles, 1424 and religious organizations and Lewis, Helen Block, 784 ‘‘Letter from a Birmingham Jail’’ orientations, 2379, 2386 Lewis, Robert, 1508, 1726, (King), 2495 secularization and, 2484 1728, 1778 Letters, life histories, 1633 socioeconomic status and, Lewis, Sinclair, 2369–2370 Lev, Daniel S., 472 1602–1603 Lewis, W. A., 2921–2922 Levada, I. A., 2980 twentieth-century liberalism, 1600 Lexical studies, personality trait Levada, Yuri, 2982, 2983 measurement, 2079 views of human nature, 357, 1598 Levels of analysis, 1591–1596 Liang, Jersey, 2304 Liberation theology, 937, 944, 2371 aggregate level vs. individual level Liberal Democratic Party Libertarianism, 526 effects, 1594 (Japan), 2131 entitlement theory, 2699 cross level inferences, 1594–1596 Liberal welfare state, 377 political correctness and, 2140 cumulative scale analysis, Liberalism/conservatism, 1596–1604 Library of Congress call 1801–1802 common denominator of number, 1612 deviance theories, 662–668 liberalism, 1597 Library resources and services for inferences from one level to communitarian influences on, sociology, 1604–1614 another, 1592–1593 361 academic libraries, 1604–1605 and levels of measurement, 1793, data archives, 575–577, 580, 1794–1796 communitarianism contrasted with liberalism, 355, 356, 2474–2477 of role theory, 2421–2425 358, 359 kinds of materials covered, types of variables, 1591–1592 communitarianism contrasted 1612–1613 typologies, 3180–3188 with social conservatism, 359 literature search strategies, values scale, 3214–3215 conservative ethos, 1598–1599, 1607–1608, 1611–1613 Levine, M. L, 677–678 1600 on-line catalogs, 1611 Levine, R., 3209 contemporary differences, periodical literature search LeVine, Robert A., 1900 1601–1602 strategies, 1608–1611 Levinson, Daniel, 2069 culture war and, 1580 secondary data analysis, Levinson, Randy, 198 and culture-of-poverty view, 2212 2474–2481

3389 INDEX

social psychology research juvenile delinquency and, 1489 and marital satisfaction pattern, and, 2769 labor-force participation data 1729, 1730, 1737–1738 Libya, 1866 and, 1523 occupational advancement and sociodemographic profile, 2938 leisure and, 1582–1583, earnings, 1624–1625, 1983, Lichterman, Paul, 1648 1585–1587 1984, 1990 Lieberson, Stanley, 843, 1400, 1684, life cycle and, 1615–1616, parenthood and, 2037–2038 1685, 2819, 3039 1617–1618, 1625–1627 as research tool, 1624–1625 Liebig, Justus von, 1180 life history and, 1616 rites, 937 Lieblich, Amia, 1636 life-span study, 1616–1617 structural lags and, 3061 Liebow, Elliott, 243 marital age and, 124, 130, 1742, widowhood and, 3256–3257 Liebrand, Wim B. G., 3221 1743, 1744–1745 Life endurancy, definition of, Liem Sioe Liong, 2131 marriage and, 1733 1631–1632 Life course, 1614–1622 mental illness and, 1838–1839 Life expectancy, 1627–1633 accelerated, 7–9, 35 mobility factors, 2714 calculation of, 223 adolescence and, 2, 3–9, occupational mobility and changes over time, 1628–1629 earnings, 1982–1994, 1983 12–13, 2861 comparative health-care systems, adulthood and, 25–35 paradigmatic principles, 1619– 377–378, 1827 1621 aging and, 78–79, 80, 82– comparative statistics, 375 personal biography and, 82 85, 1137 current, 1138 personal values and norms and, alcohol consumption rates, 95, 96 definition of, 1627–1628 2837–2838 childbearing patterns and, differentials in, 1630–1631 125, 2032 planful competence and, 12, 13, 32 divorce rate relationship, 126 childhood as distinct phase of, 4, as factor in American family 122, 2861 relationships across, 80 changes, 122, 126, 131 clarification of concepts, retirement and, 2401–2410 gains in, 621, 622–623, 624, 627, 1615–1617 role transitions during, 2424 628, 2177 cohort perspective and, 346–347, sexuality during, 2550–2556 gender and, 1165 1618, 1619, 2861–2862 as social creation, 1137 and health and illness behaviors, continuity and change in, 1586 socialization across, 2860–2862 1131, 1137–1138 in demographic models, 1625 socioeconomic status and, 1138 historical increases in, 2176–2177 depression risk factors, 653 stability across, 80 infant and child mortality divorce and, 82–83, 125–126 standardization of, 7, 27 and, 1335 divorce’s significance in, 700–701 structural lag and, 3060–3067 Japan as world leader, 1631 early life decisions and, 83 theory emergence, 1617–1619 life table, 614–617, 1628 education and, 20–21 timing patterns, 1619–1620 long-term care needs and, effect of early trauma on, 82–83 transitions in, 1615–1620, 1626, 1653, 1654 effect of parental divorce on, 1627, 1635, 1733, 2714, 2861 marriage duration and, 122 82–83, 127–128 and widowhood response, Middle Eastern countries, 1866 fallacies, 344–345, 1614 3257, 3258 minorities and, 1169 female fertility and, 2233 work life during, 1614–1615 Muslim countries (table of Finnish sociology on, 2453 Life cycle, 1623–1627 selected), 2938 health inequalities in, 1138 as analogy for rise and fall of pattern in, 624 health practice and, 1129–1130, whole societies, 2644 1136–1139 definitions of, 1615–1616, 1623 population effects of, 2177 historical events and, 82, government regulation and, 1100 race and, 125 2861–2862 intergenerational resource related concepts, 1631–1632 human agency and, 1620 transfer and, 1394 socioeconomic status and, 1138 individualization of, 7 Jungian personality theory Total Fertility Rate intragenerational mobility over, and, 1714 relationship, 628, 629 2714–2715 linked lives in, 1617–1618, 1620 trends in, 223–224

3390 INDEX

in United States, 114, 122, 126, Liking, 779–780 Lisp-Stat (computer software), 3020 131, 196, 199, 1628–1631, Lilienfeld, Paul de, 1423 LISREL (computer software), 190, 1827, 2180 Liljeström, Rita, 2453 266, 409, 1691, 1692, 1694, 1914, widowhood and, 126 Liminality, 3281–3282 3037, 3038 for women, 1058, 1151 Limits of the Criminal Sanction, The List Servers (Listserv), 413, 414 Life histories and narratives, (Packer), 2114 Literacy, 21, 2909 1633–1639 ‘‘Limits to Growth, The’’ (King and fertility determinants, as artistic endeavors, 2291–2293 project), 1038–1039 1009, 2178 case studies, 245, 247–248, 1633 Limits to Growth, The (Meadows and Literary Digest, 2273 comparative narrativists, 387–388 Meadows), 1041 presidential election poll, 3232 definition of, 1616, 1633 Lin, Nan, 2732, 2791, 2792 Literature and society, 1644–1652 pragmatism and, 2222 Lincoln, J. R., 603 on death and dying, 582 sociocultural anthropology Lincoln, James, 3275 fundamentalist caricatures in, and, 2891 Lind, Georg, 1899 2369–2370 on voluntary associations, 3229 Lindemann, Eric, 582 gender theory and, 2171–2172 Life insurance, 3257 Lindenberg, Siegwart, 1080 international approaches, 1649 Life Satisfaction Index, 2304, 2306, Line graphs, 659 life histories and narratives, 1635 2541, 2683–2684 Linear models personality trait diversity in, 2092 Life span causal system, 3108–3111 popular culture studies, 2168, definition of, 1631 decision-making theory, 592–593 2169, 2171–2172 study, 1616–1617 elaboration and subgroup postmodernism and, 2207 Life stress paradigm. See Stress analysis, 3112–3114 pragmatism and, 2219 Life tables, 612, 614–616 hierarchical, 1173–1178 reception theory, 1648 definitions and interpretations of and nonlinear models, 1788–1789 functions of, 1629–1630 reflection theory, 1644–1645, probability, 2251–2252 1646, 2906 event history analysis and, 1790 structural, 1788, 1922 hazards models, 616–617 romantic love portrayals, 1699, Linear regression, 162–163, 2251 2171–2172 life endurancy rates, 1631–1632 regression line, 447–450 social incongruence as life expectancy and, 1628 sample selection bias, 2437 theme, 3053 population projection, 615–616 Linguistics. See Language; sociological advances in study of, Life-course fallacy, 344–345 Sociolinguistics 1646–1648 Lifelong learning. See Adult Link, Bruce G., 2190 as sociological reflection, 21, education Linked triads, 331 1646, 2171–2172, 2906 Lifestyles and health, 1639–1643 Linton, Ralph, 2415, 2419 stratification systems, 1648–1649 health promotion and, 1164 as structural reflection, 1645 marital status and, 1750 Linz, Juan, 1941 utopias, 320105 sexual risk-taking and, 1641– Lions Clubs International, 3229 Lithuania, 2362 1642, 2559 Lippmann, Walter, 2273 Litigation. See Court systems and sexually transmitted diseases and, Lipset, Seymour M., 103, 425, 605, 2585–2593 606, 3069 law; Law and legal system See also Alcohol; Alcoholism; labor union study, 1533 Little, Steven, 197 Drug abuse; Health promotion Latin American entrepreneurship Littleton (Colorado) school shooting, and health status; Smoking analysis, 1537, 1538 1485, 1491 Life-sustaining procedures, 585 as neoconservative, 1601 Litwak, Eugene, 1389, 1503 Lifton, Jay, 581–582 on political party origins, Liver cirrhosis, 93, 94, 1640 Lifton, Robert, 895 2153–2154, 2154–2155 Liverpool, Lord, 1771 Light, Donald W., 376 and political sociology, 2917 ‘‘Live-world’’ concept, 2756 Light, Ivan, 848 Lipsitz, George, 2170, 2918 Livi, Livio, 1465 Lijphart, Arend, 1946, 2154, 2159 Liquor. See Alcohol Living and the Dead, The Likert scales, 186, 1565, 2094, 2346 Liska, Allen E., 671, 2658, 2660 (Warner), 364

3391 INDEX

Living Standards Measurement Long, Elizabeth, 1647–1648 funding of, 1658–1661, 1663, Study, 549 Long, Norman, 2432–2433 1668–1669 Living wills, 585–586, 587, Longevity health provider organizations 3064, 3083 and, 1826 health and illness behavior Llewellyn, Karl, 1549–1550 and, 1131 insurance for, 1657–1660 Lloyd, David, 656 of successive cohorts, 345 models of, 165–167 Lobbying. See Interest groups Longitudinal fallacies, 1593 needs assessment, 1653, 1654 Locke, Harvey J., 1502, 1727 on life course, 1614 place of residence, 1655 Locke, John, 268, 355, 527, 528, Longitudinal research, 1683–1696 policy and practice issues, 1247, 1248, 1302, 2337 1661–1662 on aging in single cohort, Lockhart, W. R., 3188 343–344 quality issues, 1661 Lockheed company, 2131 and causal inference models, respite care and, 1658 Lockwood, David, 225–226 1685, 1688–1689 services and providers. See Long- Lodahl, Thomas, 3273 data analysis approaches, term care facilities Lofland, John, 554 1691–1694 utilization and expenditures, Loftin, Colin, 2284 data analysis problems, 1148–1149 Log normal curve, 2870 1689–1694 Long-term care facilities, 1663–1683 Logan, John R., 2501, 3072 data types, 1685–1686 American families and, 129 Logarithms, 3015 design of, 1687–1688 assisted living, 1663, 1826 Loges, William E., 3214 divorce effects on children, 706 community-based, 1656–1657 Logic models, 2296–2297 divorce effects on women, 708 continuing care retirement communities, 1664 deductive vs. inductive, of educational attainment, 2465–2466 2783–2784 death and dying in, 584, 586 Logic of Collective Action, The (Olson), hierarchical linear models, 1177 depression of residents of, 656 2149, 2920 life course, 1614, 1617, 1618 home-based, 1656–1658, Logical inconsistency, cognitive measurement protocols, 1687– 1661–1662, 1663, 1677 dissonance theory vs., 338 1688, 1690–1691 as medical-industrial complex Logical positivism, 2193, 2756 method artifacts in, 2351–2352 component, 1818, 1819, 1826 Logique sociale (Tarde), 1025 multiple-indicator measurement, nursing homes, 1148, 1149, 1653–1654, 1661, 1664– Logistic regression, 454–455 1922 1678, 1819 Logit analysis, 3038 need for childhood sexual abuse residential homes, 1654–1655 Log-linear models, 1970, 2817, studies, 293 sheltered housing, 1655–1656 3036–3037, 3107 outcome prediction, 1691 Looking Backward (Bellamy), 3203 design vectors, 3116 population definition, 1687 ‘‘Looking-glass self’’ concept, 2089, tabular analysis, 3115–3118, quasi-experimental and 2344, 2507, 2512, 2750, 2856 3122–3126 descriptive approaches, 1686 Lopata, Helen, 2417, 3255 Lois de l’imitation (Tarde), 1025 rationale for, 1684–1685 Lopez Portillo, José, 2135 Lok Dal (Indian political party), 90 retirement models, 584, Lopreato, Joseph, 1467, 2881, 2883, Lolita (Nabokov), 1648 2405–2406 2884, 2886 Lomax, John, 1921, 1926 sample consistency, 1687 Lord, Charles G., 3222 Lombroso, Cesare, 502, 528, 529, secondary analysis and data Loria, Achille, 1423, 1464, 1465 1465, 1575, 1717 archives, 2475–2476 Los Angeles, California London, Harvey, 2078 social surveys, 577 Iranian immigrants in, 1872 London Co-Operative Magazine, 2846 and stability, 2343 as megacity, 312 London New Police, 2110, time series, 3142–3153 2112–2112 Long-term care, 1652–1663 Mexican immigration to, 1860 London School of Economics, comparative systems, 375, 378, Muslim immigrants in, 2950 225, 226, 228 1655, 1659–1661 Loseke, Donileen, 247 Loneliness, 2525, 3255 definitions of, 1652 ‘‘Lost causes,’’ 2615

3392 INDEX

‘‘Lost letter’’ technique, 186 Luckenbill, David F., 407 Machine politics, 2125–2126, 2135 Louis Dirn (French sociologist Luckmann, Thomas, 226, 2756, Machinery. See Industrialization; group), 1028–1029 2957–2958 Technology and society Louis Harris Data Center, University Luddites, 2525 MacIver, Robert, 1424, 2521 of North Carolina, Chapel Luhmann, Niklas, 1080, 1234, 1479, as Japanese sociology early Hill, 2477 1548, 1558, 1560, 1704, 2484 influence, 1478 Louis Philippe, king of France, 1771 Luison, Lucio, 328 Macke, Anne Stratham, 2417, 2423 Louis XIV, king of France, 3242 Lukács, Georg, 541, 1645, 2756 MacKenzie, Donald A., 2461 Louisiana, civil law code, 465, Lukes, Steven, 2165 Mackie, Diane M., 2244 1513, 2127 Lumumba, Patrice, 66 MacKinnon, Catharine, 274, 276, Love, 1696–1701 Lunch counter sit-ins, 2494, 2495 2186–2187 altruism and, 114 Lund, Paul S., 364 Macklin, Eleanor D., 113 courtship and, 484, 488, 489 Lundeen Bill, 2402–2403 MacLeod, Jay, 665–666, 2171 Macpherson, C. B., 1302 cultural differences in, 1697–1698 Lung cancer, 1639, 1640, 1641 Macroeconomics, 747 emotions and, 778–780 Lusinchi, Jaime, 2135 Macrosociology, 1703–1712 family violence and, 984 Luther, Martin, 3227, 3286 collective behavior theories, gender differences and, 1697, Lutheranism, 95 1700–1701 352–354 Lutyñski, Jan, 2121 historical conceptions of, 1697 comparative legal systems, Lutz, Burkhart, 1075 interpersonal attraction and, 1547–1549, 1550 Luvox, 654 1449–1450 comparative-historical inquiry, Luxembourg marital adjustment and, 1730 390 social surveys, 577 marital redefinition and, 705 criminal and delinquent transnational corporations, 3175 subcultures theories, 513–514 mate selection and, 1775, 1778 Lyall, Kathryn, 2282 cross-cultural research, 547 parental role and, 2034 Lyman, Stanford, 2220 deviance origins, 662, 663–666 personal dependency and, 2065 Lynchings, 349, 2266 deviance reactions, 670–671 person-centered theory and, 1715 Lynd, Helen, 363–364, 367, 2521 distributional inequality, 2690– physical symptoms of, 1701 2691 Lynd, Robert, 363–364, 367, 1160 romantic love complex, economic impact of Lynott, Robert J., 2304 1698–1700, 2171–2172 education, 2934 Lyotard, Jean-François, 2206, 2207, universal aspects of, 1698 of emotions, 787 2648, 2757 Love Canal, 789, 791, 801, 805, 2875 four paradigms of, 2027 Lovejoy, Arthur S., 1599 M future of, 1710 Low, J. O., 364 historical background, 1704–1705 Ma, Hing-Keung, 1901 Low-birthweight babies, 2236 institutional anomie theory, 166 Maastricht Treaty (1992), 1935 Lowen, Alexander, 2085 intergenerational relations, Macari, Daniel, 1391 Lowenthal, Leo, 539, 565, 1386–1388 MacBride, Sean, 1767 1075, 1645 of law and society, 1552–1561 MacBride Commission, 1767 Lower quartile, definition of, 659 longitudinal research, 1684 McCarthy, Joseph, 1238–1239 ‘‘Lower-class value stretch’’ microsociology vs., 1703–1705, concept, 2212 Macchiavelli, Niccolo, 1464 2671 Lowie, Robert, 675, 2890 Maccoby, E. E., 2530–2531 and music, 1924–1925, 1927 Low-skill workers. See Marginal Macedonia, 2362 research methodology, 1709– employment Macfarlane, Alan, 1504 1710 LSMS. See Living Standards Mach, Ernst, 821, 2192–2193 risk research, 2877–2880 Measurement Survey Mach, Zdzislaw, 2119–2120 Scandinavian sociology, 2452 LTC. See Long-term care Machada, Bernardino, 1423 social control studies, 2660 Lubbock, John, 1423 Machiavelli, Niccolò, 1077, 1564, and social movements Luce, R. Duncan, 2729 2520, 2623 emergence, 2718–2719

3393 INDEX

and social networks, 2727–2728 Maistre, Joseph de, 1770 elite paradigm and, 2628 and social psychology studies, Majone, Giandomenico, 1098, 1100, failures of, 1828 2777–2778 1103, 1104, 1107, 1108 financial status and profits, theory and research themes, Major, John, 2130 1822–1826 1705–1709 Major depression. See Clinical as medical-industrial complex units of analysis, 1703–1704 depression component, 1818, 1819–1822 See also Evolution: biological, Major personality theories, utilization and expenditures, social, and cultural; 1712–1719 1143–1145 Functionalism and See also Personality and social See also HMOs structuralism; structure; Personality theories Management science, 3104 Phenomonology; Structuralism Majority. See Compliance and Managerial revolution thesis, 2628 MAD. See Mean absolute deviation; conformity Managers, 442, 443 Mutually assured destruction Majors, Richard, 245 leaders vs., 1564 Madagascar, 2216 Mäkelä, Klaus, 2451 meritocracy and, 2626 MADD (Mothers Against Drunk Making Markets (Abolafia), 738–739 Driving), 2722, 2877 retirement patterns, 2406 Making of a Counter Culture, The MADD (multiattribute dynamic (Roszak), 459 and white-collar crime, 3252 decision model), 1015 Malawai, 2591 Mandela, Nelson, 2047 Madison, James, 721, 2265 Malaysia, 356, 2974, 2975, 2978 Manic-depressive disorder. See Madsen, Richard, 2080, 2484 authoritarian Bipolar disorder Mafia, 2018–2019, 2128, 2129, 2130 communitarianism, 356 Mann, Michael, 224, 1704, Magatti, Mauro, 1472 fertility decline, 627, 2976 1707, 2823 Magnet, Myron, 3198 labor movement, 1532 Mann, Richard, 1978 Magnitude effect (meta-analysis), sociodemographic profile, 2938 Manners and Customs of the Police (Black), 2114 1848–1849 Malcolm X, 58 Mannheim, Karl, 582, 583, 857, 2273 Maguire, Patricia, 2039, 2040 Male gaze, 2172 and intelligence theory, Mahar, David, 1227 Malewski, Andrzej, 2119, 2120 1386–1388 Maharaj Ji, 3287 Mali, 2133 as Japanese sociology early Maharidge, Dale, 1580 sociodemographic profile, 2938 influence, 1478 Mahathir Bin Mohamad, 356 Mali Empire, 2999 and mass society theory, 1773 Mahavira, 3285 Malinowski, Bronislaw, 563, 853, and sociology of knowledge, Mahdi, Ali Akbar, 1872 1030, 1258, 1259, 1271, 2953–2954, 2955–2956, 2957, 2118–2119, 2373, 2855, 2889, Mahoney, F. I., 1653 2958, 2959 2890, 2892 Mahoney, James, 1636 on student movements, on core myths and rituals, Mahrishi Mahesh Yogi, 3287 3068, 3069 3282–3283 Mail surveys, 3091 Manning, Peter, 2114 and exchange theory, 2670 Mailing lists, Internet, 413, 414 Mann-Whitney test, 1960 Malnutrition, 622 Main Trends in the Social and Human Mann-Whitney-Wilcoxon test, Malthus, Thomas R., 632–633, Sciences (UNESCO), 2917 1963–1964 928, 1525 Maine, Henry, 1501–1502, 1506 Malthusian marriage system, 1504 MANOVA. See Multivariate Analysis on legal systems development, of Variance Malthusian theory, 632–633, 1005, 1545–1546 1008, 1525 Mansbridge, Jane A., 118 Maines, David, 1636, 2220 human ecology and Mansour, Ali H., 643 Mainframe computers, 575 environmental analysis, Manuel de sociologie (Cuvillier), 1024 Mainichi Press, 1482 1219–1220 MAO inhibitors, 654 Mainstream criminology, 504 Maltoni, Bruno, 2231 Mao Zedong, 298, 300, 2136, 2485, Maintenance production (MP) Man and Society in Calamity 2643, 2849 behaviors, 1566 (Sorokin), 681 MAP (Multiple Analysis Project), Mair, Lucy, 289 Managed-care organizations 2903

3394 INDEX

Marable, Manning, 54 Marital happiness, definition of, arranged, 1698, 1775 March Current Population 1727 balanced reciprocity in, 1508 Surveys, 971 Marital quality, 1736–1738 changing trends in, 487–488, Marchus, Philip H., 1533 definition of, 1726 1525 Marcia, J. E., 1900 remarriage and, 2390 childbearing demographics, 125, Marcos, Ferdinand, 645, 2131 and sexual satisfaction, 2540 1006, 2031–2032 Marcuse, Herbert, 539, 540, 541, Marital rape, 950, 2577–2578 childbearing effects on, 2035, 2037 1075, 1305, 1772, 1773 Marital satisfaction childless rates, 2035 Marcus-Newhall, A., 73 communication and, 1735–1736 cohabitation prior to, 108– Mare, R. D., 2439 definition of, 1726–1727 109, 705, 923 Marey, E. J., 3005 Marital stability, 962 Marginal employment, 1719–1725 collateral prohibitions, 1272, Market organization 1273, 1509, 1513, 1776 definition of, 1719 and economic institutions, in colonial America, 121 distribution by selected 725–727 characteristics (table of), 1721 common law, 948 and economic sociology, 732 dynamics of, 1722 communitarian vs. religious labor-force participation and, conservative view of, 359–360 and job displacement, 1721–1723 1522 consanguineous, 1273 as underemployment, 1720–1722 See also Capitalism couple unity vs. sibling group Marginal frequency, 658 Market research unity, 1509 Marginal utility analysis, 733, 2698 adoption of new products, 678 courtship, 483–489 Marginalization, 2367, 2634–2635 survey data collection, 575 decline in rates of, 1259 Marienthal: The Sociography of an Marketing and Sociology of Books delayed, 1526, 1738, 1744, Unemployed Community (Jahoda et Group (Netherlands), 1649 2178, 2182 al.), 3155 Markets and Hierarchies demographic hazards model, Marijuana, 711 (Williamson), 735 616–617 decriminalization efforts, 712, Marketti, James, 55 differences between first and 713, 718 Markiewicz, Wladyslaw, 2119 remarriages, 2390–2393 legalization movement, 523 Markoff, John, 2414 division of labor in, 696 stereotypes, 713 Markoulis, Diomedes, 1901 divorce predictions, 701, 1738 Marijuana Tax Act of 1937, 711 Markov chain, 1692, 1789, 1790, dual-earner couples, 127, 1524, Marini, Margaret A., 1689 1983, 3039 1525–1526, 3062 Maris, Ronald W., 3079, 3080 Markovsky, B. D., 2672, 2673, 2674 and economic determinism, 723 Marital adjustment, 1725–1733 Markus, H. R., 2513 elderly spousal caregiving, 1657 age of first marriage and, 1744 Marmor, Theodore, 2281 endogamous, 1270–1271, 1272, cohabitation effect on, 486 Marriage, 1733–1740 1273, 1776, 1779 consequences of, 1731–1732 as adulthood marker, 26 exogamous, 1271, 1272, 1776 factors in, 1726–1728, 1735– adustment to. See Marital extramarital sex and, 2541–2545 1738, 2035 adjustment and family and household marital quality and, 1726, in African-American slave structure, 922 1736–1738 communities, 121–122 and family law, 947, 948–949 marital satisfaction vs., 1727 age at first marriage, 124, 130, and family planning, 635, parenthood and, 2037 1525, 1526, 1737–1739 952–960 prediction factors, 1728–1731 age distribution model, 620 and family policy in Western and violence, 984 alliance vs. descent conflicts in, societies, 962 See also Divorce; Marital quality 1508–1509 and family violence, 983 Marital Adjustment Test, 1727 alternative lifestyles effects on, fertility transition and, 625, 1008, Marital cohesion, definition of, 1726 107, 108, 113 2178, 2182 Marital Comparison Level American family trends, 123–126, first marriage rates by age, Index, 1728 1525–1526 1744–1745

3395 INDEX functions of, 1258 wife’s roles in, 1736 Marriage market theory, 1775–1777 gender/mental illness and women’s property rights, 702 and women’s remarriage relationship, 1837–1838 women’s role conflict in, 2417 potential, 2388–2389 higher expectations for, 702, See also Divorce; Family and Marriage Registration Area (MRA), 703–704 household structure; 1743, 1744, 1747 incest proscriptions, 1270–1273 Intermarriage; Remarriage; Marriage squeeze, definition of, as institution, 1733–1734 Widowhood 1775–1776 interfaith, 911, 1411, 1776 Marriage and divorce rates, Marro, Antonio, 1 interracial. See Intermarriage 1740–1751 Marsden, George, 2369 Japanese-American ‘‘picture alternative life styles and, 112 Marsden, Peter, 2792 brides,’’ 176 American patterns, 125–126, Marsella, A. J., 1718 and kinship and family systems, 1738, 1741–1749 Marselli, Gilberto Antonio, 1467 1507–1517 crude rates, 1741 Marsh, H. W., 2512 kinship prohibitions, 1270–1273, in developed countries, 1749 Marshall, Alfred, 1423, 2335 1509, 1513, 1776 divorce rate predictions, 708, Marshall, John, 136, 476 labor-force participation and, 1738 Marshall, Susan E., 646 1524, 1525–1526 divorce rates by age, 1742, 1743, Marshall, T. H., 2210 legitimacy and, 1258 1745–1747 Marshall, Thomas, 2277 as life-cycle transition, 1615, divorce rates in remarriages, 2393 Marshall, V. W., 581, 582, 583 1616, 1623 divorce rates in selected Marshello, Alfred F. J., 3221 love and, 1697, 1698, 1699, countries, 706 Martelli, Stefano, 1473 1775, 1778 divorce rates in United States, Malthusian system, 1504 701, 702, 703, 704, 705, 1742, Martin, Alfred von, 1075 mate selection theories, 1743, 1745–1747 Martin, David, 2485 1774–1779 divorce rates with minor Martin, Teresa Castro, 2393 median duration before children, 1749 Martin, W. T., 3079 divorce, 1747 first marriage rates, 1742, 1743, Martindale, Don, 2217, 3181 monogamy in, 1271 1744–1745 Martineau, Harriett, 852 population relationship to, 2176 interracial and interfaith marriage Martinelli, Alberto, 1468 upswing, 1776 as process, 1733, 1735–1738 Martinez, O. J., 1935 marriage rate decline, 1738 and quality of life, 2303 Martinotti, Guido, 1468 marriage rate upswing, 1741 rates, 1970–1990 (table of), 1742 Martinson, Robert, 2056 1950s patterns, 124 redefinitions of, 705 Martinussen, Willy, 2452 refined divorce rate, 1746–1747 as rite or ritual, 1733, 1734–1735 Marty, Martin E., 940, 2372 same-sex, 111, 131, 315, 489, refined marriage rates, 1741 Marwell, Gerald, 604 1506, 1776, 2546 remarriage, 708, 2387–2388 Marx, Karl, 822, 1028, 1304, 2069, satisfaction in, 1726–1728, remarriage rates by age, 1742, 2193, 2640, 2889 1735–1738 1743, 1748 alienation concept, 100, 104, sexual behavior in, 2531–2541 selected variables and, 1750 1705, 3270 shifts in normative, 635, significance of divorce, 700– on bureaucracy, 229 700–701, 702 701, 709 on capitalism. See under social psychology studies of, 2770 table of divorce rates Capitalism spousal bereavement as death (1970–1990), 1742 class theory, 757, 2623, 2692, ‘‘cause,’’ 584 table of first marriage rates 2812, 2814, 2819, 2927 time use research, 3161, (1970–1990), 1742 class theory vs. classical elite 3162, 3163 table of remarriage rates theory, 2623 traditional distribution of (1970–1990), 1742 and comparative historical power in, 1734 total marriage rates, 1748–1749 analysis, 383, 1196 typologies of long-lasting, 1731 See also Divorce; Marriage; on conflict sources, 425, 517, variations in, 1258 Remarriage 2865, 3243

3396 INDEX

data collection by, 573 and destratification, 2813–2814 French sociology and, 1027 on division of labor, 697–698, imperialism theory, 1265, 1266 German sociology and, 1074, 1754, 1782 on imperialist wars, 3243 1076, 1076–1077, 1078, economic theory, 722–723, 724 and political correctness, 2139 1080, 1082 and ethnography, 852 postmodernist rejection of, 2206 and globalization, 1084–1086, 1757, 1758 and Frankfurt School, 540 and Soviet sociology, 2116 on historical development and Hegelian philosophy, Marxist sociology, 1751–1760 stages, 2645 1248–1249 ambiguity of term, 1751–1752 Japanese sociology and, 1479 and historical materialism, 543, British sociology and, 226 1217, 1704, 1751, 1752, Latin American studies and, and capitalism, 238, 531 1781–1782, 1784, 2644, 2645, 1538, 1539 and case studies, 245–246 2646, 2647 legal systems theory, 1548, 1553, and industrialization, 2196 class analysis in, 1753, 1754–1755 1576, 1577 on class and race labor theory of value, 1754, leisure critique, 1583 interrelationship, 319 2697, 2698 literary, 1645, 1649 on class struggle, 415, 601, 697 on leadership stemming from macro themes, 1704 zeitgeist, 1564 See also Class struggle macro-level reactions to and community, 362 and legal theory, 1548, 1553, deviance, 670 1576, 1577, 2961 and conflict theory, 414–416, and Marxism as ‘‘science’’ or 1401, 2767 as macrosociologist, 1704–1705 ‘‘critique’’ approaches, 1752 contemporary themes in, Marxist sociology emergence and modernization theory, 1754–1755, 1757–1758 and, 1753 1084–1086 and court systems and law, 467 mass society theorists’ revisions origins of, 1752–1754 of, 1772–1773 and criminal and delinquent and participatory research, 2040 and modern materialism, subcultures, 511–512 Polish sociology and, 2118, 1781–1782 and criminology, 504–505, 2119, 2121 on money’s significance, 1888, 534–536 on postindustrialism/ 1889, 1890 crisis of, 1755–1756 postmodernism, 1757–1758, and critical theory, 539–545, postmodernist rejection of, 2206 2200, 2205 1754, 2760 on religion, 2373, 2385, 2483, on progress, 2644, 2645 2965, 2967, 2968 and cultural theory, 562, 568, 1755, 1756, 1757, 1758 and radical criminological theory, on revolution, 2338, 2410–2411, 504–505 2412, 2413, 2414 current key shifts in, 1756–1759 on religious orientation, 2385 on science and technology, 1785 on data collection, 603 on rural society, 2426, 2429 on social inequality, 2690, 2692 decline of, 1756–1758 Scandinavian sociology and, 2452 and socialist ideal, 2846, 2847 delinquency and deviance theory, 511–512, 670, 1498 scientific applied research and, on societal organization, 773–774, 2460–2461 2865, 3066 on democracy, 601–602 on social change, 2647 as sociology of knowledge and dependency theory, 639–640, antecedent, 2953, 2954, 644, 1087, 1088 social problems paradigm, 2760 2955, 2957 on division of labor, 697–698, social stratification emphasis of, and status incongruence, 3050 1754, 1782 2162–2163 structural theory of state of, and economic determinism, and Soviet and post-Soviet 2162, 2163 722–723 sociology, 2116, 2979 See also Marxism-Leninism; and economic sociology, 736, 806 Soviet bloc disintegration Marxist sociology; Neo- and ethnicity, 179, 845 effects on, 1757 Marxist theory and family and religion, 937 stratification theory, 2814–2815 Marxism. See Marx, Karl; Marxism- and feminist theory, 989, 990, structuralism and, 1030, 1753, Leninism; Marxist sociology 1754–1755 1754, 1755, 1756, 1784, Marxism-Leninism, 1751, 1782, Frankfurt School and, 540, 543, 2162–2163 2717, 2848–2849 1076–1077, 1732, 2756 on war incentives, 3243, 3244

3397 INDEX

and world system theory, and public opinion, 2273, 2276 incest taboos, 1270–1274, 1509, 1197, 1706 romantic love portrayals, 1513, 1776 See also Historical materialism; 1698–1700 and kinship systems, 484, 1509, Marx, Karl; Marxism-Leninism and sexually explict material, 1513, 1698, 1776 Masaryk, Thomas, 1423 2185–2186, 2187 levels of courtship, 485–486 Masculinity. See Femininity/ and social movements, 2722 process theory of, 1777–1778 masculinity as socialization agent, 2858 propinquity and, 1776–1777, Masini, Eleonora, 1473 and sociology of art, 173 1779 Maslow, Abraham, 1014, 2085, 2087, and sociology of culture, 563, and remarriage, 1779, 2388–2390 2088, 3271, 3286 566, 568–569 romantic love complex and, Mass culture sporting events coverage, 2986 1698–1699 Frankfurt school studies of, and status aspirations, 2781 and sexual behavior, 2537 2168, 2169 violence effects issue, 1762– sociobiological theory of, 1274, high culture debate, 565–566, 1763, 2858 2884–2885, 2886 1645–1646 See also Internet; Television See also Courtship; Interpersonal power elite theory vs., 2624, 2625 Mass media research, 1761–1770 attraction vs. popular culture, 173 on aggregate effects, 1763–1766 Materialism, 1780–1786 See also Popular culture on aggression cues, 74, 75, atomist philosophy and, Mass media 76, 272 1780–1781 and agenda control, 2166 on audience responses, decline of, 1784 censorship/regulation of 1761–1765 deviance and, 663–664 expression issues and, on Internet potential, 1768–1769 and globalization, 1784 271–272, 280 on persuasion, 2094, 2097–2098 historical vs. dialectical, corruption investigations, on stereotypical portrayals, 1781–1782 2127–2128 1767–1768 See also Historical materialism definition of, 1761 Swedish sociology and, 2453 Maternal deaths, 2236 as disaster communication, on time use, 3156, 3160 Maternity leave, 2033–2034, 3266 684, 685 on voting behavior, 3234 Mathematical achievement drug-abuse prevention See also Mass media; Television sex differences in, 2532–2533 programs, 716 Mass murder. See Genocide women’s mathematical careers and education, 760 Mass society, 1770–1774, 2428 and, 2786 Frankfurt School’s conformity Massachusetts, first statewide Mathematical Methods of Statistics theory and, 540–541, 545 probation law, 2253 (Crámer), 3035 fundamentalists’ utilization of, Massé, Pierre, 1038 Mathematical sociology, 1786–1792 2372 Massey, Douglas, 366, 2500, 2501, intergenerational mobility and innovation diffusion, 678 2502–2503, 2504, 3199 modelity, 1983 and legislation of morality, 1577, Masterman, Margaret, 2026 models, 2028, 2029, 2296–2298 1578–1579 Masters, William H., 2554 probability theory, 2248–2252 mass society theory and, and social networks, 2728, 2729 1772–1773 Masters and Johnson sex survey, 111 and social structure analysis, materialist analysis and, 1785 Masters of Polish Sociology (Sztompka), 2120 2826–2827 new technologies, 1768–1769 Masturbation, 2567–2568 statistical methods, 3003–3039 and normalization of structural role theory and, 2417 homosexuality, 2571 Matching theory, 214 Mate selection theories, 1774–1780 See also Statistical graphics; and political process, 145, Statistical methods 1764–1766 complementarity and, 1777 Mathematical Statistics (Wilks), 3035 and popular culture, 2168, 2170, cross-cultural analysis, 1885 2171–2172, 2173 eligibility pool, 484–485, 1698, Mathiesen, Thomas, 2453 and postmodern society, 1775–1776 Matrimonial Causes Act of 1857, 948 2200, 2206 gay and lesbian couples, 2546 Matrix algebra, 1789

3398 INDEX

Matrix notation McCrae, Robert R., 2087 self-esteem concept, 2344, and factor analysis, 911–912 McDonagh, Edward, 326 2507–2508, 2512, 2750 scatterplot, 3018, 3020 McDonald, Dwight, 565–566 and social psychology of status attainment, 2781 Matrix, scatterplot, 3018 McDonaldization, 2208–2209, 2529 and symbolic interactionism, Matsueda, Ross L., 533 McDonaldization of Society, The 2856, 3095, 3098 Matsumoto, Jyun’ichiro, 1478 (Ritzer), 2208–2209 time use research, 3155 ‘‘Matthew effect’’ (Merton McDougall, William, 114, 2085, 2087 Mead, Lawrence M., 3198 concept), 2691 McDowell, David M., 2284 Mead, Margaret, 1, 563, 998, 1003, Maturana, Humberto R., 1557, 2088 McDowell, J. J., 214 2418, 2855, 2890, 2892 Maturational development theory, McGann, Anthony J., 2160 Mean (statistical), 661 1894–1895 McGill, Robert M., 3009–3010 computation of, 659 Matza, David, 1496 McGillis, Daniel, 193 sampling distribution of, Mauritania, 1866 McGinnis, Robert, 3034 3028–3029 slavery and slave-like practices, McGinty, Patrick, 2222 standard error of, 3029 2602, 2604, 2605 McGrath, Joseph, 180, 1979, 2610 weighted mean effect size (in sociodemographic profile, 2938 McGregor, Douglas, 1014, 3271 meta-analysis), 1848–1849 Mauro, Paolo, 2124 McHale, John, 1037, 1039 Mean absolute deviation (MAD), 564 Maurya dynasty, 2999 McIntire, Carl, 2370 definition of, 660–661 Mauss, Armand L., 2763, 2764 McKay, Claude, 66 Meaning Mauss, Marcel, 734, 1024, 1032, McKay, Henry, 665, 1495 existential personality theory and, 1273, 2670 McKelvey, Richard D., 3038 1717, 2084 Max Planck Institute (Berlin), 1617 McKenzie, Roderick, 1209, 1210 in symbolic interactionism, Maximillian, emperor of Mexico, 3096–3097 1856–1857 McKinley, John, 1815 Means, Gardiner, 443 Maximization principle, 2881 McKinney, John C., 3181–3182, 3188 Means of production, 1782 May, M. A., 114–115, 2083 McKinney, William, 2484 Means over time, 1691–1692 May, Rollo, 2085 McKinney Act of 1987, 1203, 1206, 1207 Measurement, 1792–1804 Maya Empire, 2999 McLemore, Clinton, 1976 composite scale, 1909 Mayer, Thomas, 1983 McLennan, John, 1270, 1271 consequences of less than Mayhew, L. H., 693 normally distributed variables, McLuhan, Marshall, 428, 1769 Mayne, Sir Richard, 2110, 2113 1796–1800 McMahan, Eva, 1636 Mayntz, Renate, 1075, 1076 construction of measures, McMaster Health Index Mayton, Daniel M., 3213 1801–1802 Questionnaire, 2306 Mazur, Joanna, 2122 of education and development, McMichael, Philip, 387, 2433 748–750 MBTI (Myers-Briggs Type Indicator), McMillan, David, 363 2076, 2079 error as excluded variable, McMillen, Curtis, 195 2251–2252 McCall, Michael, 1633 McPhail, Clark, 352, 555, 559, 560 errors in causal inference models, McCarran-Walter Act of 1952, 175 McPhee, W. N., 410 256–257, 264–266, 1909, 1917 McCarthy, E. Doyle, 2958, 2959 Mead, George Herbert, 355, 781, errors in correlations among McCarthy, John D., 1941, 1942 1254, 1303, 1313, 1423, 2069, indicators, 1917 McCarthy, P. J., 1692 2417, 2630 errors in longitudinal research, McCarthy era, 314, 316, 1238– on altruism, 114, 117–118 1690–1691 1239, 2278 personality theory, 2085, of global self-esteem, 2512 McClelland, David, 1885–1886, 3271 2089, 2611 of height, 2343–2344 McClintock, Barbara, 994 and pragmatism, 1249, 1250, of infant and child mortality, McClintock, Charles G., 3221, 2218, 2219, 2220, 2222, 1324–1325 3222, 3223 2423, 2955 of informal economy, 1337–1343, McCloskey, Donald, 2767 role theory, 2415, 2507–2508 1341–1343

3399 INDEX

and information collection, degree of, 1806–1811 and bioethics, 585 1802–1803 multiple indicators, 1907–1908 and criminal sanctions, 521 of intelligence, 1359–1361 and nonparametric statistics, critical theory in, 1815–1816 interval in, 1792–1800 1966–1969 and death and dying, 582– longitudinal research protocols, and relative reduction in 583, 585 1687–1688 prediction error, 1810–1811 definition of field, 1813 of marital adjustment, 1727–1728 tabular analysis, 3118–3126 and health and illness models, 2027–2028 two major types of, 1966 behavior, 1813 of moral judgment, 1897–1900 Measures of Occupational Attitudes and and health policy analysis, 1158, multiple indicator models, Occupational Characteristics 1813–1818 1907–1923 (Robinson et al.), 3209 on health system changes, of nonrandom error, 1917–1920 Measures of Political Attitudes 1814–1815 of personality, 2073–2081 (Robinson et al.), 3209 and healthy life expectancy, 1632 of poverty, 2213–2214 Measures of Social Psychological and lifestyles and health, power and Type I and Type II Attitudes (Robinson and 1639–1642 errors, 3030–3032, 3033 Shaver), 3209 and medical-industrial complex, precision of variables, 1803 Mecca, 2939, 3282 1813, 1814–1815, 1828–1829 protocols of, 2344–2347 Mechanic, David, 376, 1814 quality-of-life studies 2301l, 2305–2306 of quality of life, 2302–2304, Mechanical solidarity (Durkheim 2683–2684 concept), 165 sociologists of vs. sociologists in random error, 1908–1909 Medellín cartel, 2135 medicine, 1815 reliability, 2343–2355 Media. See Mass media; Mass media stress studies and, 3055–3057 of retirement, 2406 research; Popular culture; Medical supply companies, 1818, Television 1823, 1824 sampling procedure, 2250, 2444–2449, 3088 Median (statistical), 661 Medical-industrial complex, 1818– 1832 in scientific explanation, 2467 computation of, 659 criticism of, 1827–1829 of self-esteem, 2344–2350, 2512 Mediation, 465, 1115 diversification, restructuring, and of social mobility, 2712–2713 Medicaid, 79, 130, 1352, 2799 growth, 1821–1822 of social values, 3219–3222 and contraceptive service, 958 financial status and profits, and filial responsibility, 1019 of societal stratification, 1822–1824, 1827–1828 2870–2874 Health Care Financing gender theory on, 1816 standard error, 2449 Administration, 588, 815, government financing, 1814 standardization, 2991–2996, 1157, 1670, 1828 and health promotion and 3034–3035 inception of, 2798 status, 1163 statistical models, 3003–3039 income distribution and, introduction of concept, 1818 of urban underclass, 3198–3200 1284, 1286 medical sociology and, 1813, validity, 3207–3211 and medical-industrial complex, 1814–1815, 1828–1829 of values, 3214–3223 1814, 1824–1825 and postindustrial society, 2197 See also Analysis of variance and and nursing home care, 1663, professional occupations, covariance; Factor analysis; 1668, 1669–1670, 1819 2259, 2260 Levels of analysis; Quasi- utilization and expenditures, experimental research designs; 1140, 1145, 1146–1147, 1148, ranking in global context, Statistical analysis; Survey 1149, 1150 1826–1829 research Medical Industrial Complex, The regulatory needs, 1824–1826 Measures of association, 1804–1812 (Wohl), 1818 structure of, 1818–1822 ambiguity of meaning, 1809 Medical profession. See Nurses; See also Health care utilization applications of, 1811–1812 Physicians; Medical-industrial and expenditures bivariate relationships, 661 complex Medicare, 1352, 1663, 1814 correlation and regression Medical sociology, 1813–1818 added coverage, 2803–2884 analysis, 446–457 areas of study, 1814, 1816 and eldercare, 79, 1021, 1828

3400 INDEX

Health Care Financing Menarche, 2233 See also Depression Administration, 588, 815, Mencius, 1564 Menzel, Herbert, 677, 1591 1157, 1670, 1828 Mencken, H. L., 2369–2370 Mercury poisoning, 2724–2725 inception of, 2798 Mendelian genetics, 2880, 2881 Meriam Report (1928), 135 and income distribution, 1284 Mendras, H., 1026 Meritocracy, 756–757, 758, and medical-industrial complex, Menger, Carl, 733, 1423 2626–2627 1818, 1824–1825 Menger, Pierre-Michel, 1925 and educational mobility, 2927 and nursing home care, 1663, Menninger, Karl, 3077 and intergenerational mobility, 1668–1669, 1669–1670, 1819 Menopause, 2233 2712 public policy analysis, 2281 Mental health and social stratification, 2812 utilization and expenditures, in tribal societies, 2809–2810 1140, 1141, 1144, 1145– medical sociology studies, 1814 1146, 1148 positive, 2188–2191 See also Affirmative action; Equality of opportunity Medications religion and, 2965 Merryman, John Henry, 475, 476, abortion-induction, 2238–2239 self-esteem and, 2511 478, 479, 480 AIDS/HIV, 2590–2591, 2593 women’s employment and, 1837–1838 legal tradition concept, antidepressants, 654–655 1547–1548 comparative systems of Mental illness and mental disorders, 1832–1843 Merton, Robert, 244, 342–343, 2193, prescription drugs, 378 2678, 2755–2756, 2915 costs of, 1141, 1148 classification and diagnosis of, 1832–1833, 1834–1835, 1840 accumulative advantage diffusion of new antibiotic, concept, 2691 677–678 definitions of, 1832–1833 and analytical paradigms, 2023 for drug abuse, 712, 715 deinstitutionalization and, 1205, 1841 and anomie theory, 165–166, legal use of mood-altering 533, 1493–1494 prescription drugs, 718 as divorce effect, 707 on bureaucratic structure, 233 pharmaceutical companies, 1818, epidemiology of, 1833–1840 collectivity definition, 2632 1824, 1827, 2263 gender and, 1838–1839 on cultural conformity vs. social psychopharmacological, 1840– homelessness and, 1204 belonging, 2630 1841 illicit drug use and, 711 on functional analysis, 1030 See also Drug abuse institutionalization and, 2660– on goals and means Medici family, 2298 2661 disjunction, 3066 Medieval era. See Middle Ages insurance coverage, 1150–1151 and macro-level deviance labeling theory and, 669, Meech Lake amendment, 3008, 3009 theory, 663 1836–1837, 1838, 1840 Meertens, Roel W., 2244, 2245 and ‘‘marginal man’’ concept, life course and, 1839 Megachurch, 2379 2634, 2635 long-term care services, 1656 Megacities, 310–311, 312, 3197 and medical sociology, 1813 micro-level reaction theories, 669 Megan’s Law, 317, 2582 role theory, 2415, 2634, 2635 psychopharmacological Mehrabian, Albert, 1978 on scientific ethos, 2456 treatment, 1840–1841 Meiji restoration (1868), 2411 rural/urban incidence of, on social forecasting, 2676 Melby, Jeffrey, 197 1840, 1841 and social inequality concept, Melotti, Umberto, 1472 social causation theories, 1835 2690 Melucci, Alberto, 354 social control and, 521, 1841, and social philosophy, 2757–2758 Memorial Societies of America, 588 2660–2661 on sociology of knowledge, 2956 Memory social integration studies, 3055 structural analysis, 2825–2826, cognitive consistency theories social selection and drift 3066, 3099 and, 334 theory, 1836 ‘‘theories of the middle range,’’ life histories and narratives, stigmatization of, 1815 2825–2826 1636–1637 suicide predictors, 3078–3079, and time use study, 3155 Memphis, Tennessee, 2126 3081 Merton, Thomas, 3289

3401 INDEX

MESA. See Middle East Studies Mexican Revolution of 1910, 1856, and German sociology, 1074 Association of North America 1857, 1858, 2411, 2414 and Italian sociology, 1464, 1465 Mesomorphy, 1717, 1718 Mexican studies, 1855–1864 and political sociology, 2162, Messedaglia, Angelo, 1465 age pyramid, 610, 611 2163 Messianic movements, 2367, age-standardized crude death Michaelson, William, 309 2968–2969 rate, 611, 613 Michigan, right-to-die issue, 587 Messick, David M., 3222, 3223 AIDS/HIV incidence, 2592 Michigan Panel Study of Income Messick, S., 3211 clinical sociology, 328 Dynamics, 2480 Messner, Steven, 503, 671 demographic characteristics, Michigan school of voting behavior, Mestízo culture (Mexico), 1857, 1858 1535, 1536 3233, 3234–3236, 3237 Meta-analysis, 1843–1852 divorce rate, 706 Michigan State University, 681 definition of, 1843 drug crop control program, MicroCase (instructional 713–714 package), 411 drug abuse programs, 718 drug trafficking, 2135 Microeconomics, 725, 2670, 2671 of four ‘‘established’’ sex differences, 2531–2534 economic liberalization, 1539 Microprocessor, 1345 family size, 977 human sociobiology, 2880 Microsociology fertility decline, 627, 2178 narrative reviewing and, crime theories, 662, 663, 666–670 1844–1845 gender role changes, 941, 1861 of institutions, 2340 replication and, 2397 health-care system, 375, 380–381 macrosociology vs., 1703–1705 reviews of evidence, 1845–1849 immigrant discrimination, 58 Mid Atlantic Medical Services, 1822 seven steps in, 1845–1849 indigenous empires, 2999 Middle Ages trends in practice of, 1849–1850 labor movement, 1531, 1532 Arab-Muslim conquests, 2940 Metaforecasting, 2678 life table, 612 boundaries, 1932 Metatheory, 1852–1855 low suicide rate, 3079 civil law system, 473 Mexican history, 1855–1858 Marx’s historical materialism corporate organization, 441–442 political and social tradition, as, 1782 marriage and kinship systems, 1536 Polish sociology and, 2120 1516–1517 political corruption, 2135 two types of, 1852–1853 religion and heresies, 2968–2969 protest movement, 2271 underlying constituents of, 1852 university development, 1179 U.S. border tensions, 1936, 1937 Methadone, 712, 715 Middle class Mexican tourism, 3169 Method of agreement/method of African American, 2492, 2493, difference, 386 Mexican-American War, 1856 2496, 2497, 2498, 2499 Methodological anarchism Mexico. See Mexican studies alienation among, 103 (Feyerabend concept), 823 Mexico City, Mexico and downward mobility, 3050 as megacity, 312 Methodological individualism, 1027 industrial sociology and, 1309 population size, 1859, 1860, 2179 Methotrexate, 2238, 2239 and new religions, 2380 Meyer, Adolf, 2085 Metropolis algorithm, 3039 and race relations, 321–322 Meyer, John W., 427–428, 738, ‘‘Metropolis and Mental Life, The’’ See also Bourgeoisie; Social class; 1085, 1086 (Simmel), 1772 Social stratification Meyer, Katherine, 2379 Metropolitan Statistical Areas Middle East peace accords (1974, (MSAs), 307, 2478, 3194– Meyer, Leonard B., 1925 1978), 2048 3195, 3196 Mezzogiorno, 1466–1467 Middle East Studies Association of mobility patterns, 1416 Mianamata disease, 2724–2725 North America, 1868–1869 suburbanization and, 3070–3071, Michael, Robert T., 2539, 2550, 3091 Middle Eastern Diaspora Communities 3072–3073 Michaels, Stuart, 2539, 3091 in America (Bozorgmehr and world comparison, 3194 Michels, Robert, 3054 Feldman eds.), 1872 Mexican Americans, 636, 1860 on development of oligarchies, Middle Eastern studies, 1864–1875 family structure, 123 229, 603, 606, 1533, 2163, ancient city-states and household structure, 127 2377, 2623–2624, 2627 empires, 2998

3402 INDEX

countries covered, 1865 and all-volunteer force, Mincy, Ronald B., 3199 Demographic and Health 1877–1881, 1882 Mind, Self, and Society (Mead), 3095 Surveys, 633 and American defense Ming Empire, 3000 establishment, 144 fertility transition, 628, 1008, Mingione, Enzo, 1338 and American police uniform, 1867 Minnesota, 3068 2112–2113 Islamic fundamentalism, 2371 Minnesota Conference (1967), and democracy, 605 modernization theory, 1885 581, 582, 585 and dictatorships, 3002 ‘‘new Arab social order,’’ Minnesota Medical School, 582 and dynamics of revolutions, 416 1867–1868 Minnesota Multiphasic Personality pan-Arab nationalism, 1944 and supranational Inventory (MMPI), 2076, 2078 organizations, 3003 political corruption, 2132 Depression Scale, 654 and widow status, 3255 slavery and involuntary servitude, Minorities See also War 2601–2602, 2603, 2604–2608 comparable worth, 369–372 Mill, John Stuart, 268, 818, 988, terrorism, 3137, 3139 cultural innovation 990, 1577 theoretical and methodological transmission by, 2170 as Japanese sociology early contributions, 1870–1873 in legal profession, 468 influence, 1477 women in labor force rights ideology, 1945 percentage, 3262 and liberalism, 355, 1600 See also Discrimination; Ethnicity; method of agreement/method of See also Islamic societies; Race; specific groups difference, 386 Sociology of Islam; specific Minority Fellowship Program on subjection of women, 2692 countries (ASA), 156 on women’s wage gap, 371 Middletown (Lynd and Lynd), Minority (within group) 363–364 Millenarianism, 2368 influence, 400, 403 Middletown in Transition (Lynd and Millennium Project, 1039 Minority parties, 2157 Lynd), 363–364, 367 Miller, Arthur, 103, 104 Mintz, Beth, 443 Middletown studies (Lynd and Miller, Austin, 54 Mirowsky, John, 1834–1835 Lynd), 363–364 Miller, D., 3209 Mirsepassi, Ali, 1870 Middletown III study (Caplow, Bahr, Miller, David, 559, 560 and Chadwick), 364 Mischel, Walter, 2074, 2080, 2083 Miller, G. Tyler Jr., 1219 Midlife crisis, 2861 Mishler, Elliot, 1636, 1816 Miller, Gale, 247 Midnight Cowboy (film), 2185 Mishra, Joya, 2166 Miller, Joan, 194, 198 Midtown Manhattan study, 1834 Missing data, 3039 Miller, Neal, 73, 2084, 2120, 2670 Midwest Prevention Project, 716 Misumi, J., 1566 Miller, S. M., 1601–1602 Midwives, 375, 378 Mitnick, Barry, 1098, 1099, 1100 Miller, Walter, 513, 534 Mitroff, Ian, 2456 abortion services, 2240 Miller, Warren E., 3234, 3235 Mitterrand, François, 2129 Mifepristone (RU 486), 2238–2239 Miller v. California (1973), 274, 2186 Mixed-motive games, 2337 Migrant labor, 636, 1338, 1436, Millet, Kate, 2576 1858, 1865, 2496, 2498, 2608 Miyamoto, Frank, 179, 180, 181 Milling, 350 Migration. See Internal migration; Mizokawa, Donald, 194 Mills, C. Wright, 821, 859, 1027, International migration MKULTRA (CIA brainwashing 1635, 1753, 1772, 2069, 2205, program), 898 Mikhailovsky, Nikolai, 2979 2980, 3054 MLLSA (softwware), 3038 Milbank Quarterly, 1815 and humanistic sociology, 1250 Milbrath, L. W., 2302 MMPI. See Minnesota Multiphasic ‘‘power elite’’ theory, 2162, Personality Inventory Miles, Catherine Cox, 999 2624–2626, 2627 MOA (monoamine oxidase) Miles, Robert, 226 and sociology of knowledge, 2954 inhibitors, 654 Milgram, Stanley, 404, 838 Milton, John, 268 Moaddel, Mansoor, 1871 Miliband, Ralph, 1755 Milward, A., 1934–1935 Mobility (geographical). See Internal Miliband-Poulantzas debate, 1755 Min, Pyong Gap, 182 migration; International Military sociology, 1875–1883 Minard, Charles Joseph, 3005 migration

3403 INDEX

Mobility (social). See Education and macrosociology and, 1705–1707 ‘‘Monkey Trial’’ (Scopes trial), mobility; Occupational and career major explicit tenets of, 1884 2369, 2370 mobility; Social mobility; Social Marxist sociology and, 1084– Monoamines, 652, 654 stratification 1086, 1758 Monopoly capitalism, 1754 Mobutu Sese Seko, 2133 migration and, 1418 Monothetic-polythetic distinction, Modarres, Ali, 1872 nationalism and, 1940–1941, 3183–3185 Mode (statistical), 661 1946–1948 Monson, Ingrid, 1925 computation of, 659 and political party system origins, Monte Carlo techniques (Markov Model T automobiles, 699 2154–2155 chain), 3039 Models. See Paradigms and models political sociology and, 2162 Montenegro, 2362 Models of Man (Simon), 3035 pragmatism and, 2219 Montesquieu, 1024, 1031, 2520 Moderate diffusionism, 675 religion and, 934–935, 942, 2966 legal systems comparison, 1545 Modern Sociological Theory in rural sociology and, 2429–2430, Montgomery, James, 2419 Continuity and Change (Becker 2431–2432 Montgomery (Alabama) bus boycott and Boskoff eds.), 2980 secularization vs. sacralization (1955), 2269, 2493, 2494 Modern synthesis theory, 2880 and, 2487–2488, 2489, 2966 Monthly Catalog of United States social and political elites and, Modern World System, The Government Publications, 1613 (Wallerstein), 1197 2626–2627 Monthly Review (journal), 1754 Moderne Kapitalismus, Der and values theory, 3222–3223 Mood (Sombart), 733 vs. development, 1884 and decision processing, 593 Modernity (philosophical), 1884 vs. industrialization, 1884 depression, 648–656 fundamentalist reaction and, vs. philosophical concepts of 2368–2369, 2370 modernity and marital happiness and, 1727 postmodernist theorists on, 2648 postmodernity, 1884 persuasive attempts and, 2096 and sociology of knowledge, See also Postindustrial society; Mood-modifying substances. See 2954–2955 Postmodernism Drug abuse Modernization theory, 1883–1888 Moe, Terry, 1100, 1101, 1106 Moon, Sun Myung, 2366 contributors to, 1885, 1886 Moerman, Michael, 433 See also Unification Church convergence theory and, 422–423 Moghaddam, Fathali, 196 Mooney, James, 133 critical theory and, 543–544 Mohammed. See Muhammad Moore, Barrington, 386, 605, critiques of, 1886 Mohammed and Charlemagne 1886, 2154 (Pirenne), 2940 and cumulative social changes, historical sociology study, 2645–2647 Mohr, John, 1199, 1649 1198, 2918 dependency theory vs., 639–646, Mokrzycki, Edmund, 2120 and macrosociology, 1704, 1706–1707 Mola, Fortuny Loret de, 941 1706, 1707 ecology and, 1211 Moldova, 1934 Moore, Erin, 1901 education and, 746–747, 754 Molina Enríquez, Andrés, 1857 Moore, Wilbert E., 423, 1030, 2676–2677, 2690, 2813 factors in modernization, 2154 Molitor, Grahm, 2677 Moore, William, 1352 family structure and, 1389, Molm, L. D., 2673 1501–1507 Molotch, Harvey, 3252 Moot legal system, 464 fundamentalism and, 2372 Momomorphic genes, 2089 Mora, José María Luis, 1856 globalizing nature of, 1084–1086, Money, 1888–1894 Moral Commonwealth, The 1886–1887 and evolution theory, 1885 (Selznick), 356 historical sociology and, 1199 ‘‘new money"/happiness Moral development, 1894–1906 influences on, 1885 correlation, 2684 in adults, 1900, 1903–1904 Islamic society and, 2943– See also Wealth altruism and, 114–118 2944, 2946 Money market, 1885, 1889–1890 cognitive stages doctrine, Japanese sociology and, 1478 Mongol Empire, 1070, 2998 1895–1897 Latin American studies and, Monitoring the Future survey, communitarian view of, 357– 1537–1538, 1539 717, 2784 358, 359, 422

3404 INDEX

and criminal transgression, on group structure, 1611 in Middle East, 1867 519–520 on social networks, 2728–2729 population projections and, criticisms and further research, sociometric research 2181–2183 1900–1904 approach, 2613 rate decline, 2177–2178 cultural influences on, 1901 Morgan, Barrie S., 2502 Morton Thiokol Corporation, 3253 family and religion and, 943 Morgan, Lewis Henry, 1271, Mosaic law, 2840 gender bias argument, 1900, 1272, 2889 Mosca, Gaetano, 603, 1464, 1465, 1902–1903, 2089 Morgan, Robin, 2187 2163, 2164, 2622–2623, idealism and, 1248 Morgenstern, Oskar, 591, 1049 2626, 2690 measurement of, 1897–1900 n-person game theory, 329, Moscovici, Serge, 197, 350, 400, 403 religious orientation and, 2384 2335, 3221 Moscow University, 2980 and social justice, 2700–2701 Morin, Edgar, 824 Moses, 3053, 3280, 3283 theoretical foundation of, Morioka, Kiyomi, 1480 Moskos, Charles, 1876 1894–1895 Mormon Freemen, 462 Moskowitz, W., 1653 See also Ethics; Ethics in social Mormonism Moslem law. See Islamic law research; Morality affinity of religion and Moslems. See Islamic societies; Moral Economy of the Peasant: family in, 936 Sociology of Islam Subsistence and Rebellion in low alcohol consumption Mosteller, Frederick, 3036 Southeast Asia (Scott), 2977 rates, 95 Mother-father-child triad, 331 Moral infrastructure, 357–358, 359 as new religious movement, Motherhood Moral judgment. See Moral 2366, 3287 child custody and, 702 development Moroccans (ethnic), 692 divorce effects on, 706, 707–708 Moral Judgment Interview (MRJ), Morocco, 1865, 1866, 1867 emotional depression and, 655 1897–1898 fertility decline, 628 role of, 2036 Moral Judgment Test (MJT), 1899 Islamic society study, 2944 unmarried, 125, 128, 484, 488, Moral Majority, 462, 1580, 2371, political corruption, 2132 2717, 2719, 2723 634, 1258–1264, 1506, 1626, slavery and slave-like practices, 1744, 2033 Moral panics. See Legislation of 2604, 2605 morality See also Childbearing; Parental sociodemographic profile, 2938 roles; Pregnancy and Moral relativism, and ethics in social Morphine, 713 pregnancy termination; Single- research, 840 Morra, Gianfranco, 1470 parent households Moral sociology, 1024 Morrill Acts of 1862 and 1890, 1180 Mothers Against Drunk Driving Morale et la science des moeurs, Morris, Albert, 3245 (MADD), 2722, 2877 La, 1024 Morris, Aldon D., 2270 Motivation Morality Morris, Charles, 2218 ‘‘audience effect’’ and, 2615 as aggression justification, 74 Morris, David G., 2053 behavioral, 1128 communitarian obligation control research, 2060–2061 viewpoint, 355 Morris, Michael, 2211 and high vs. low self-esteem, 2515 definition of, 1894 Morris, William, 3203–3204 Morselli, Enrico, 1465 intrinsic and extrinsic, 2059–2060 legislation of, 1575–1581 Mortality. See Death and dying; Life leadership and, 1568–1569 male-biased double standard, 701 expectancy personal autonomy and, postmodernity and, 2207, 2208 Mortality modeling, 619 2059–2060 See also Moral development Mortality rates. See Birth and death rational choice theory and, Morality of care, 1900, 1902–1903 rates; Infant and child mortality 2338–2339, 2340–2341 Morawska, Ewa, 569 Mortality transitions, 621–623, social comparison process and, Morcellini, Mario, 1473 633–634 2651–2652 More, Sir Thomas, 54, 3201–3202 as fertility transition factor, 624, and social values research, Moreno, Jacob, 1027, 1034, 1977, 625, 627, 628, 629, 2178 3221–3222 2415, 2425 historical markers in, 2176–2177 and value types, 3216–3217, 3223

3405 INDEX

values vs., 2829 and status incongruence, 3054 nonadditive effects, 456 work orientation and, 3269–3270, Multidisciplinary studies. See statistical methods, 3035–3036 3270–3271 Sociology among the Social Multiple time series design, Motor vehicle accidents. See Sciences 2318–2319, 3152 Drunken driving Multihospital corporations, 1819– Multiple-influence model of Motor vehicle theft 1820, 1821 leadership, 1568 rate calculation, 497–498 Multilingualism, 2909 Multiple-linkage model of Uniform Crime Reports Multinational Comparative Time leadership, 1568 definition, 492 Budget Research Project, 3156 Multiplism, critical (evaluation victimization rates, 499 Multinational corporations. See research concept), 866 Transnational corporations Motorcycle gangs, 460 Multistage sampling, 2448, 2449 Multinational legal system, 1550 Mottura, Giovanni, 1467 Multi-step flow, 670 Multinational organizations, 3003 Mouffe, Chantal, 545 Multisystemic Therapy, 76, 1917 peacekeeping and, 1429, Mourning. See Bereavement Multitrait-multimethod matrix, 3210 2046, 2048 Movies. See Film industry Multiuniversity, 1180 See also International Court of Mowrer, O. Hobart, 73, 2087 Justice; International Multivariate analysis of variance, Moynihan, Daniel Patrick, 847, 2281, Monetary Fund; United 1922 2333, 2818 Nations; World Bank models for, 2028 M-plus model, 3039 Multiparty system, 2154 statistical methods, 3003–3039, MRA. See Marriage Registration Area Multiphasic Personality Inventory 3108 Mucha, Janusz, 2119 Depression Scale (MMPI-D), 653 Multivocality, 2206 Muckrakers, 2124 Multiple Analysis Project (MAP), Multiway tables, 3036 Muhammad (Mohammed), 2937, 2903 Mulvey, E. P., 76 2939, 3053, 3280, 3281, Multiple factor analysis, 905–906 Munch, Edvard, 3079 3285, 3286 Multiple Factor Analysis Muncie, Indiana (Middletown Muir, John, 802 (Thurstone), 3035 studies), 363 Muir, William, Jr., 2114 Multiple indicator models, Muqiddimah (Ibn Khaldun), 1564 1907–1924 Mukherjee, Ramkrishna, 1290, 1291, Muraoka, Miles Y., 2301, 2305–2306 definition of, 1907, 1912 1292, 1293, 2301–2302, 2307 Murder. See Homicide and factor analysis, 908, Mukherji, D. P., 1291 Murdock, George P., 548, 1502, 1920–1921 Mulhall, M. G., 3005–3006, 1506, 2893 and good measurement 3007, 3008 Murphy, Charles F., 2125 Mulkay, Michael, 2459 protocols, 2345 Murphy, John M., 1903 Muller, John H., 1927 with nonrandom measurement error, 1917–1920 Murphy, Lois, 114 Müller, Karl Valentin, 1076 overidentified, 191 Murray, Charles, 968, 1382, 2213, Muller, Kate, 1927 2330, 3198 of quality of life, 2303–2304, Mullet, Etienne, 1903–1904 2306, 2307 Murray, Henry, 2085 Mullins, Nicholas, 1012 reliability of, 1908–1909, 1921 Murstein, Bernard, 1775, 1778 Multiattribute dynamic decision and single-indicator models, Muscat, 2602 model (MADD), 1015 1910–1912 Musée social, Le (monograph Multi-Attribute Utility Analysis, 2618 standardization and, 2991–2996 collection), 1025 Multiculturalism strengths and weaknesses of, Music, 1924–1930 accommodation and, 1402 1920–1923 African and African-American, ethnicity and, 843, 2049 validity of, 1908, 1909–1910, 64–65 leadership and, 1570 1917, 1921 innovations and transmission in Mexico, 1861 Multiple personalities, 2087–2088 of, 2170 Moral Majority view of, 1580 Multiple personality disorder, 901 notation, 3005 political correctness and, Multiple regression analysis, punk rock counterculture, 2139–2140 452–456, 1812 460, 461

3406 INDEX

song lyric analysis, 1927 Nanck, Guru, 3287–3288 cross-border crime and Muslim Society (Gellner), 2943 Napoléon, emperor of France, trafficking, 1935–1936 Muslims. See Islamic society; 1179, 3242 four interaction types, 1935 Sociology of Islam Napoleonic code (Code Napoléon), and guest workers, 2608 Musolf, Gil Richard, 2221 474, 475, 1513 historical boundary setting, 1933–1934, 1939, 2356 Mussolini, Benito, 1310, 1357, 3002 Napoleonic Wars, 1933 nationalism and, 1944–1945 Mutapa Empire, 2999 Narcissism, aggression and, 72 self-determination doctrine Muthén, Bengt O., 3039 Narcotics. See Drug abuse and, 1945 Mutran, Elizabeth, 1692 Narcotics Anonymous, 715 transnational corporations Narrative reviewing, 1844–1845, Mutually assured destruction, and, 3178 3138, 3242 2291, 2902 See also Nationalism Narrativists. See Life histories and Myanmar. See Burma National Cancer Institute, 2399, narratives Myers, Charles A., 422 2687 NASA. See National Aeronautics and Myers, Martha, 670 National Center for Health Statistics, Space Administration Myers-Briggs Type Indicator, 701, 816, 970, 1157 Nash equilibrium, 330 2076, 2079 marriage and divorce rates, 1743, Myrdal, Gunnar, 2451, 2692 NASS. See North American Society 1744, 1748, 1749, 1750 for the Sociology of Sport Mysticism, 2968–2969 National Center for Juvenile Nassau County (New York) political Justice, 1489 countercultures, 460–461, 2969, machine, 2125 3287–3288 National Center for Prevention and NAT theory, 2878 Control of Rape, 2576, 2577 religious movements, 3286 Nathan, Laura E., 2478 National Center for Social Research Mythology and ritual Nation at Risk, A (education on Alcohol and Drugs, 2451 and core religious myths, report), 769 National Center of Scientific 3280–3283, 3284, 3285 Nation of Islam, 2950 Research, 1026 and French School of National Abortion Federation, 2240 National Center on Child Abuse and Sociology, 1025 Neglect, 2581 and French structuralism, 1032 National Academy of Sciences, 1226, 2461 National Commission on Excellence in Education, 769 Disaster Research Group, National Commission on the Causes N 681, 686 Nabokav, Vladimir, 1648 and Prevention of Violence in the National Action Party (PAN; United States, 2269 NAC. See Native American Church Mexico), 2135 National Committee on Pay Nadel, S. F., 1034, 2417 National Advisory Commission on Equity, 372 Nader, Laura, 1549 Civil Disorders, 2270 National Conference of Charities NAE. See National Association of National Advisory Council for and Corrections, 2841 Evangelicals Health Care Policy, Research, National Congress of American and Evaluation, 2399 Naficy, Hamid, 1872 Indians, 137, 1298 NAFTA (North American Free National Aeronautics and Space National Council for Crime Trade Agreement), 794, 2433 Administration, 2682, 2878, 3253 Prevention (Sweden), 2451 labor movment opposition, 1531 National AIDS Behavioral Survey, National Council of Churches, 2541, 2550 Mexican participation, 1859, 1861 2370, 2380 Nagai, Michio, 1480 National Association of Evangelicals, National Council of Senior Citizens, 2370, 2380 Nagel, Stuart, 2280 2148–2149 National Association of Social National Council on Measurement Naimark, Norman M., 1948 Workers, 2842 in Education, 3207 Naive art, 173 National Audubon Society, 780, 802 National Council on the Aging, 1395 ‘‘Naive’’ psychology, 192 National border relations, 1931– National Crime and Victimization Nako, K., 1998 1939 Survey, 491–500, 530, 982 Nalewajko, Ewa, 2121 and borderless Europe, National Crime Survey, 1488– Namboodiri, Krishnan, 1213 1934–1937 1489, 2475

3407 INDEX

and social indicators, 2682 cohort studies, 344 National school systems. See on rape, 2576 research funding, 2398, 2399 Educational organization National differences. See National Institute on Drug National Science Foundation, 637, Comparative-historical sociology; Abuse, 710, 717 2398, 2399, 2475, 2476, 2532, Cross-cultural analysis National Institutes of Health, 2682, 2685 National Election Study, 190, 3093 636, 717 Systems Theory and Operations Research, 3104–3105 National Endowment for the AIDS research, 2585 Arts, 276 National Labor Relations Act of National security, as censorship rationale, 273–274 National Endowment for the 1935, 1530, 1553, 2266 Humanities, 2398 National Labor Relations Board, National Socialism. See Nazism National Environmental Policy Act, 2403 National Study of Organizations, 803–804 National Liberation Front 2476–2477 National Family Violence Surveys, (Algeria), 2132 National Survey of Families and 982–983, 984, 985 National list system (of Households, 1729, 1748, 2538 National Health and Social Life representation), 2154, 2157 National Survey of Family Survey, 2538, 2550 National Longitudinal Surveys of Growth, 923 National health insurance, Labor Market Experience, National Survey of Health and comparative perspectives, 375, 2475–2476, 2479 Development (Great Britain), 2804 National Medical Enterprises, 1488 National Health Service (Great 1820, 1821 National Surveys of Adolescent Britain), 378 National Nursing Home Surveys Males, 2550 National Surveys of Men, 2550 National Hospice Organization, 588 (1995), 1667 National Toxics Campaign National Household Survey on Drug National Opinion Research Center Environmental Justice Project, Abuse, 711, 717, 2559 anomia items, 167–168 791 National Incidence Study of Child civil liberties views, 316, 317 National Training Laboratory Abuse and Neglect, 289 as data bank, 577, 578 (Bethel, Maine), 1013 National Income and Product on family size, 973 National University of Mexico, 1858 Accounts, 2682 NLS data sets, 2475–2476 National Urban League, 326 National Indigenist Institute occupational prestige study, 1997 (Mexico), 1858, 1861 National Violence Against Women peacetime disaster research, 681 (1998 survey), 2557 National Institute for Drug quality of life research, National Wildlife Federation, 790 Abuse, 2398 2299–2300 National Youth Survey, 494–495, National Institute of Anthropology secondary data analysis and, 2478 and History (Mexico), 1858 496, 497, 1488, 1489 and social indicators, 2682, 2684 National Institute of Child Health on criminal delinquency and University of Chicago, 1479 and Disease, 2399 crime, 1488, 1489 National Organization for 1939–1949 National Institute of Child Health Nationalism, Women, 2267 and Human Development, and civil law development, 473 National Origins Act of 1924, 175 637, 2398 following decolonization, National Research and Development National Institute of Demographic 1267–1268 Centre for Welfare and Health Studies, 1026 definition of, 1930 (Finland), 2451, 2452 National Institute of Education, 2398 demographic factors, 636 National Research Council, 2461 National Institute of Mental Health, genocide and, 1067, 1070 population policy report, 1237, 1840, 3034–3035 identity and, 1939–1940 633, 635 Catchment Area Program, 1834 in Iran, 1871 racial discrimination depression treatment study, 655 perception, 56 and Japanese sociology, 1483 research funding, 2398, 2399 National Research Council/National and Latin American National Institute on Alcoholism and Academy of Sciences report corruption, 2134 Alcohol Abuse, 97, 1640 (1981), 371 in Mexico, 1856, 1858 National Institute on Aging, National Right to Life movements, 1941–1944, 3001– 53, 1157 Committee, 3084 3002

3408 INDEX

peripheral, 1267–1268 as authoritarian and interpersonal power, and political party origins, 2154 communitarianism, 356 1456–1464 regional and global influences, compliance with authority pragmatic theory and, 2221 1944–1945, 1948 and, 404 See also State, The social constructions of, as dictatorship, 3002 Negritude movement, 66 1940–1941 divorce laws, 703 Neighborhood structure in Southeast Asia, 2975, 2978 and ethnonationalism, 1944 community studies, 364–366 in Soviet former republics, and eugenics, 1272 ethnic succession, 532 1199, 1934 expansionist policy, 1933 and territorial belongings, 3131 and state development, forced labor camps, 2608 and underclass, 2212, 3200 3001–3002 Frankfurt School study of, 2169 See also Community state reaction to, 1945–1946 genocide policy, 1066, 1067, Neitz, Mary Jo, 567, 568 and violence and terrorism, 1199, 1070, 1384, 2206 Nemeroff, Charles, 652 1947–1948, 3137 and German families’ ‘‘legacy of NEO Personality Inventory, 2079 and war, 3244 silence,’’ 1512 Neo-Chicago School, 853 See also National border relations and German sociology, 1074, Neoclassical economics, 725, Nation-states. See National border 1075 726–727 relations; Nationalism; State as 1920s protest movement, 2268 Neoclassical price theory, 2340 Native American Church, 137 party corruption and Neoconservatism, 1600–1601, Native American Rights Fund, 1298 patronage, 2130 1603, 1758 Native Americans. See American racial views, 1272, 2332 Neofunctionalism, 1031, 2484 Indian studies structuralist view of rise of, 2163 and feminist theory, 996 Nativistic movements, 2367 Total War concept, 1067 Neoliberalism. See Neoconservatism NATO (North Atlantic Treaty use of judicial discretion by, 477 Organization), 1944, 1948, 2130, Neolithic period, 2175 2143, 2362, 2608, 3003 war crimes trials, 1429 Neo-Machiavellians, 2623 Natural disasters. See Disaster NCHS. See National Center for Neo-Malthusianism. See research Health Statistics Malthusian theory Natural Hazards Research NCS. See National Crime Survey Neo-Marxist theory, 1078, 1214, Center, 682 NCVS. See National Crime and 2814–2815, 2928 Natural law, 1427 Victimization Survey ‘‘late capitalism’’ terminology, Natural Resources Defense Neal, A. G., 2346, 2350–2351 1078–1079 Council, 803 Nebbia, Giorgio, 1473 See also Conflict theory Natural selection Need-Achievement Dictionary, 1979 Neo-Nazis, 462 altruism and, 2882 Needle (IV) exchange programs, Neo-Weberians, 2815–2816 behaviorism and, 209 712, 1642, 2588 NEP (new ecological paradigm), Darwin’s theory of evolution by, Needs, values differentiated 806–807 876, 878, 2330, 2334, 2369, from, 2829 Nepal 2418, 2880–2881, 2885 Neff, Ronald, 1276 child labor, 3262 and maximization principle, Negative identity, 460 poverty, 2216 2881–2882 Negative Income Tax, 2213, slavery and slave-like practices, racial theories and, 2330, 2334 2282, 2284 2605, 2606–2607 sexual selection and, 2885–2886 Negative moods. See Depression time use research, 3161, 3162 Nature vs. nurture, 998 Negative self-schema, 651 Nepotistic favoritism, 2822 intelligence and, 1369–1373, Negotiation of power, 1950–1956 Nested games, 330 2090, 2140, 2330 group conflict resolution, Nestlé company, 3174 personality traits and, 2090 1111–1117 Netherlands sex differences and, 2530 group decision-making, 597 ‘‘clean’’ government Navajo, 138 interpersonal conflict reputation, 2130 Nazism resolution, 1452 cohabitation, 109

3409 INDEX

divorce rate, 706 New ecological paradigm (NEP), Newburyport, Massachusetts (Yankee drug policy, 711–712, 713 806–807 City project), 364–365 ethnic status incongruence, 3051 New England Newby, Howard, 2429, 2431 family policy, 966 black slavery in, 54 Newcomb, M. D., 2513 health-care system, 374, 375, historical divorce grounds, 701 Newcomb, T. M., 334, 335, 336 376, 377 New England Journal of Newcomb, Theodore, 1034, 2415 job discrimination against Medicine, 1818 News from Nowhere (Morris), immigrants, 693 New Guinea, 2569 3203–3204 long-term care and care facilities, low suicide rate, 3079 News media. See Mass media; Mass media research; Television 1653, 1655, 1659 New Handbook of Political Science, A marijuana decriminalization, 712 (Goodin and Klingemann), 2921 Newton, Sir Isaac, 1248, 1781, 1783, 2465 occupational mobility, 3046 New Harmony (Indiana utopian Neysmith, Sheila M., 646 physician-assisted suicide, community), 2849 Nezam Mulk Tussi, 1564 3085–3086 New Home Economics, 1009 NGOs (nongovernmental political party system, 2157 New Ideas in Sociology, 2979 organizations), 1085, 1827, 1948, retirement practices, 2407, 2408 New institutionalism, 737–738 2151–2152, 2461, 2607 Social Science Data Archive, New Left, 542, 1784, 2452, 2723 NHS. See National Health Service 575, 576 and German sociology, 1075 NHSLS. See National Health and social security system New Left Review (journal), 1757 Social Life Survey spending, 2800 New Orleans Child Guidance NIA. See National Institute on Aging sociology of literature, 1649 Clinic, 324, 325 Nicaragua Southeast Asia colonialism, 2975 New religious movements (NRMs), Iran-Contra affair, 2128 transnational corporations, 2366–2368, 2374, 2380, political corruption, 2134 3175, 3176 3287–3288 protest movements, 2266, 2270 Network analysis. See Social networks New Right, 1580 revolution study, 1871, 2411, Neugarten, Bernice, 1618, New School of Social Research, 582 2412 1619–1620 New World Information and Niceforo, Alfredo, 1465 Neuman, W. Russell, 2273 Communication Order, 1767 Niche density, 1031 Neumann, Franz, 2163 New World Information Order, 280 Nichiren Shoshu/Sokagakki Neumann, John von, See Von New York City Buddhism, 2719–2720 Neumann, John Muslim immigrants in, 2950 Nichols, Elizabeth, 1870 Neumann, Sigmund, 1773 police force, 2111 Nichomachean Ethics (Aristotle), 2697 Neural network models, 410, 2753 political machines, 2125–2126 Nie, Norman H., 2282, 3235 Neurath, Otto, 821 New York Longitudinal Survey, 2088 Nieboer, Herman J., 2596, Neurotransmitters, 652, 654 New York State 2597–2598, 2607–2608 Neutralization theory, 1496 black slavery in, 54 Nieboer-Domar hypothesis, 2596, Never-married adults, 107–108, 2597–2598, 2607–2608 political machines, 2125 124–125, 487–488, 1738 Niebuhr, H. Richard, 2378 right-to-die issue, 587 New Age movements, 2717 Nielsen, Francois, 847 New York Stock Exchange, 726 New Australia (Paraguayan utopian Nielson, Margaret, 2943 New York University, 2207 community), 2849 Nietzsche, Friedrich, 2092, New China News Agency early clinical sociology 2756, 2757 course, 324 (Xinhua), 1767 as sociology of knowledge New Deal, 862, 2125, 2126, 2427 New York Weekly (periodical), 273 antecedent, 2953 and labor unions, 2148 New Zealand Niger, 2133 liberalism, 1601 common law system, 465, 471 poverty in, 2216 and voter realignment, 3235 Social Science Data Archive, 576 sociodemographic profile, 2938 white favoritism, 56 social security system, 2797 Nigeria, 3079 New Delhi, India, 2179 woman suffrage, 703 corruption, 2134

3410 INDEX

Ibo genocide, 1384 Nondirective therapy, 1715 North America literary sociology, 1646, 1650 Nongovernmental organizations population factors, 2182 moral development study, 1900 (NGOs), 1085, 1827, 1948, See also American society; 2151–2152, 2461, 2607 slavey and slave-like Canada; Mexican studies practices, 2605 Non-identity thinking (Adorno North American Free Trade concept), 539–540 sociodemographic profile, 2938 Agreement (NAFTA), 794, 2433 Nonlinear models, 1788–1789, 2252 Nightingale, Florence, 3005 labor movement opposition, 1531 Nonmarital childbearing. See Unwed NIH. See National Institutes of Mexican participation, 1859, 1861 childbearing Health North American Industry Nonmarital cohabitation. See NIMH. See National Institute of Classification System, 395 Cohabitation Mental Health, 2398 North American Man Boy Love Nonparametric statistics, 1956–1971 1960s, social changes of, 703 Association, 1276, 2581 advantages and criticisms of, North American Society for the Nineteenth Amendment, 2266 1956–1957 Sociology of Sport, 2987 Nippon Hoso Kyokai, 1482 definition of, 1956 North Atlantic Treaty Organization Nirvana, 3279, 3281 literature on, 1957–1958 (NATO), 1944, 1948, 2130, 2143, Nisan, Mordecai, 1904 and measurement, 1795 2362, 2608, 3003 Nisbet, Robert, 356, 1599 new developments in, 1970–1971 North Carolina Manumission Society, 2270 NIT. See Negative Income Tax runs and randomness, 1969 North Central Rural Sociology Nixon, Richard, 1764, 1936, tests and techniques, 1958–1970 2281, 2284 Committee, 677 See also Tabular analysis drug treatment program, 711 North Korea, 2137 Nonprobability samples, 2444– Northcote, Lord, 2130 modern retirement policies, 2404 2445, 3088 Northern Ireland, 1947, 2362, Watergate scandal, 2127, 2274, Nonrandom measurement error, 2366, 3288 2276, 2277 1917–1920 Northwestern University, 1876 Nkrumah, Kwame, 66 Nonreductionism, 1780 Norway NLS. See National Longitudinal Nonstable population model, Surveys of Labor Market 618–619 age pyramid, 610, 611 Experience Nonverbal cues, 1976, 1978, 1980, age-standardized crude death NLS Handbook, 2475, 2476 2061, 3096 rate, 611, 613 NLSY79 survey, 2475, 2480 Nonviolent protest, 2269, 3289 legal system, 471 NLSY97 survey, 2475 Non-zero-sum games, 330 life table, 612 Nodes (graph theory), 1789–1790 NORC. See National Opinion occupational mobility, 1987, 1988 Noelle-Neumann, Elisabeth, Research Center same-sex marriage legalization, 2277–2278 Nordlinger, Eric, 1946 111 No-fault divorce laws, 703, 704, 708 Norepinephrine, 652, 654 Social Science Data Archive, 575, 576, 580 as innovative legal norm, 1560 Noriega, Manuel Antonio, 2135 social security system, 2800 Nolan, Patrick, 1886 Normal accident theory, 2878 unemployment, 3263 Noller, Patricia, 1735 Normalization of danger, 2878 woman suffrage, 703 Nolo contendere pleas, 480 Norman Conquest, 465 women in labor force Nominal Group Technique, 2618 Normative influence. See Social percentage, 3262 Nominal scales, 1793 values and norms See also Norwegian sociology Nonconformity Normative institutions, 395 Norwegian Data Service (Bergen), Normative sanctions, 515, 523, 537 criminalization of, 524–526 575, 576, 580 Normatology, 2192 high status as permission for, 404 Norwegian Social Science Data Norms. Social values and norms as minority influence, 400– See Services, 2477 401, 403 Norpramin, 654 Norwegian sociology, 2449, 2450, public tolerance of, 316–317, North, Cecil C., 1997, 1998 2451, 2452–2453 358, 606 North, Douglass, 735, 2335, 2340 Nouveau riche. See Status Nonconsequentialism, 516 North Africa, 1865 incongruence

3411 INDEX

NOVA (Norwegian Institute for terminal patient care, 582, Objectivity. See Epistemology; Research on Childhood and 587–588 Measurement; Scientific Adolescence, Welfare, and Nursing homes, 1664–1678 explanation Aging), 2451, 2452 characteristics and distribution Obligations, 2638 Novak, Michael, 3286 of, 1668 O’Boyle, Ciaran A., 2302 Novels. See Literature and society definitions of, 1653–1654 OBRA. See Omnibus Budget Novosibirsk Institute of Industrial depression of residents of, 656 Reconciliation Act Economics and Organization, hospice units, 1671 O’Brien, John, 2125 2980 increased numbers of, 1819 O’Brien, Robert M., 1594 Nowak, Stefan, 2119, 2120, 2121 institutionalization effects on, Obscenity. See Pornography Nozick, Robert, 2699, 3204–3205 1672–1676 Observation systems, 1973–1982 N-person games, 329, 2335, 3221 international variations in, 1654 categorical, 1973–1975 NRMs. See New religious movements as medical-industrial complex dimensional, 1975–1978 component, 181 NSD. See Norwegian Data Service future of, 1980–1981 models of, 1665–1667 NSF. See National Science recent developments, 1979–1980 Foundation percentage of population in, social psychology, 2769 Nuclear disasters, 2875 1653 sociocultural anthropology, 2893 Chernobyl power plant, 683, 686, personal interactions in, 1676 Obshechesvennoe mnenie (Russia), 2982 805, 2875, 2876, 2877 profile of residents, 1667–1668 Occupational and career mobility, planning and research, 682, 686 proprietary ownership, 1821 1982–1996 Nuclear family, 1058, 1259 quality of care in, 1661 collective, 2716 American historical, 120, 121, recent trends in, 1671–1677 components in, 2714–2717, 142, 1502–1503, 1504 special needs units, 1671 3045–3047 coalitions within, 331–332 standards, 1669–1671 and criminal sanctions, 517 communitarian support for, 359 utilization and expenditures, 1148, 1149 economic explanations, 1989– divorce effects on, 706–707 1990 Nurturance economic and kinship factors in, and educational credentials and care-based moral reasoning, 1502–1503 theory, 2929–2930 1900, 1902–1903 fertility decline and, 628 gendered roles and, 1058 and elite theory, 2626 and intergenerational Judaic emphasis on, 1510 employer perceptions and, relations, 1389 1993–1994 motherhood and, 2036 ‘‘provider’’ vs. ‘‘homemaker’’ ethnic vs. African-American, 2498 role, 696 Nutrition. See Eating and diet factors in, 2715–2717, 2929 Nuclear weapons, 2363, 3242–3243 Nyden, Philip W., 603 higher education and, 1178–1186 deterrence coalitions, 331 Nye, F. Ivan, 1488 in Hindu caste system, 250–251 disarmament movement, 2723 Nye, Joseph, 2124 Nyerere, Julius, 1319 income and, 3047–3048 terrorism as strategy and intergenerational mobility, component, 3138 NYS. See National Youth Survey 1982–1984, 2711–2712 Nuer, The (Evans-Pritchard), 2890 O and labor market structure, Null hypothesis, 456 1984–1991 Obedience. See Compliance and Numerosity heuristic, 594 conformity mobility tables, 2711–2716 Nunes, Rosado, 941 Oberschall, A., 1942 path model, 1692 Nunn, Sam, 1881 Obesity, 1641, 3077 prestige and. See Occupational Nunnally, J. C., 1794 Object relations theory prestige Nuremburg Trials, 1429 adult dependency and, 2063– role change and, 2424 Nurses 2064 social inequality and, 2691 increase in, 1819 personality development and, socialist quotas and, 2850 as medical-industrial complex 2090 societal stratification and, component, 1818, 1822 Objective self-awareness, 2509 2865–2866, 2867

3412 INDEX

and status attainment, 2782, Office of Economic Oman, 1866 2783, 2785–2787, 2817, 2867, Opportunity, 2398 abolishment of slavery, 2602 3042, 3045–3049 Office of Environmental Equity, 791 sociodemographic profile, 2938 status attainment Office of Federal Contract Omi, Michael, 319 measurement, 2867 Compliance Programs, 49 Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act vacancy chain models, 1990, 2691 Office of Management and of 1981, 1825 worker characteristics and, Budget, 259 Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act 1991–1993 Office of Population Research of 1989, 2399 See also Caste and inherited (Princeton), 637 Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act status; Education and mobility Office of Scientific Review, 2399 of 1997, 1665, 1670–1671 Occupational Crime (Green), Office of Technology Assessment, Omnibus Reconciliation Act of 3247–3248 2461, 3105 1980, 1825 Occupational prestige, 1996–2002 Office of Technology Assistance, 585 Omran, A.R., 1325, 1326 professions and, 2259–2260, Ofshe, Richard, 901 On Crimes and Punishments 2263–2264 Ogburn, William F., 576, 1039, 1424, (Beccaria), 528 ranking stability over time, 2644, 2676, 2682, 2684, 2685 On Death and Dying (Kübler- 1998, 3265 cultural lag theory, 3066 Ross), 582, 583 scale developments, 1997–1998 Ogives, 659 ‘‘On the Human Mind’’ social stratification theories on, Oglala Lakota, 3277–3278, 3279, (Aristotle), 2086 1996–1997 3281, 3282 On the Jewish Question (Marx), 2961 and socialization values, 2773 O’Hare, William P., 2215 On the Take (Chambliss), 529 status measurement, 3265 Ohio State University, 681 One Nation After All (Wolfe), 358 suicide relationship, 3079 Center for Human Resource O’Neill, John, 2208 and women professionals, 2262, Research, 2475, 2476 One-parent households. See Single- 2532–2533 leader behavior study, 1565, parent households and women’s remarriage 1566, 1569 Only children, 974 potential, 2390 Ohlin, Lloyd, 513, 663, 1494 Ontology of Socialism, The Occupational segregation (by sex Oil spills, 2877 (Staniszki), 2121 and race), 379, 2012, 3046, 3262, Okonkwo, Rachel U. N., 1901 ‘‘Open and Closed Relationships’’ 3264–3265 Old-age benefits. See Social (Weber), 2816 Occupations. See Professions; Work security systems Opera, 1925 and occupations Older adults. See Aging and the Operant conditioning. See Operant Oceania, 623 life course reinforcement Ochs, Elinor, 439, 2904 Older Americans Act of 1965, 2404 Operant reinforcement, 209–210, OCR (optical character Oligarchy 214, 1716, 2085, 2670 recognition), 408 development of, 229, 603, Operation ‘‘Gatekeeper,’’ 1936 Odaka, Kunio, 1479 2163–2164, 2623–2624 Operation ‘‘Wetback,’’ 1936 Odds ratios, 3115–3118 in labor movements, 1532–1533 Operations Research, 3104–3105 O’Donnell, Guillermo, 1537–1538 in political organizations, 2149, Operations Research (journal), 3105 OECD. See Organization for 2163–2164 Opinion polls. See Election polling; Economic Cooperation and in post-Soviet Russia, 2136 Public opinion; Survey research Development in religious organizations, 2377 Opium, 714 Oedipus complex, 332, 991, 1273, 1713, 2089 Oliner, Pearl M., 118 Opp, Karl-Dieter, 1080 Oeser, Oscar, 2415, 2417 Oliner, Samuel P., 118 Oppenheimer, Franz, 1074, 1075 Of Human Bonding (Rossi and Oliver, Pamela E., 604 Optical character recognition, 408 Rossi), 1618 Olivetti, Adriano, 1467 Optimal matching techniques, 2297 Offe, Claus, 1936, 2163 Ollman, Bertell, 1705 Optimism, 1233 Office of Censorship (Department of Olson, Mancur, 604, 2149, 2335, Oral contraceptive, 2178, 2180 Defense), 278 2338, 2683, 2685, 2920 Oral histories, 1633 Office of Drug Control Policy, 712 Olympic Games, 2985, 2987 Oral sex, 2553, 2567, 2569

3413 INDEX

Orbuch, Terri, 1636 governing class, 604 Organized crime, 505, 530, Order-deficit theories, 53 and industrial sociology, 1312, 2017–2022, 2186 See also Assimilation 1313, 1314 in Italy, 2128, 2129 Ordinal scales, 1793 and intergroup/ and political corruption, 2127 interorganizational relations, Ordinary least squares (OLS) in Russia, 2136, 2137 1399–1407 estimates, 2251 white-collar crime and, 3246 internal integration, 2011–2012 Ordinary least squares (OLS) Organized religion. See Religious and job mobility, 1984–1985, regression, 1922, 2437 organizations; World religions; 1986, 1988–1989, 1991–1992 Ordination of women, 2379 specific religions latent factors in strategic Oregon, right-to-die issue, 587, 3084 ‘‘Organizing Religious Work for the planning, 2012–2014 Organic farming, 88 21st Century’’ (study), 2377 and meritocracy, 2626–2627 Organski, J. F. K., 3242 Organization for Economic oligarchical, 229, 603, 2163–2164, Orientation to work. See Work Cooperation and Development, 2623–2624 375, 794, 1041, 2137–2138 orientation participatory decision making, Origins of Private Property, the Family, Organization of African Unity, 1934 605 and the State (Engels), 988 Organizational behavior, 2326 participatory research, 2041 Ornstein’s regression, 3017 Organizational culture, 2013–2014 and political power, 2997–2998 Oros, Cheryl J., 2557 Organizational development, and political sociology, 2162 1014, 1015 Orshansky Index, 2213 postindustrial, 2196 Organizational effectiveness. See Orwell, George, 2139 postmodern, 2201 Bureaucracy; Complex Osgood, C. E., 335, 336–337 of prisons, 2053, 2056–2057 organizations; Industrial Ossipov, Gennady, 2980, 2982 sociology; Organizational professions and, 2263, 2264 Ossowska, Maria, 2119 structure; Social organization and religious organizations, Ossowski, Stanislaw, 2119, 2121 Organizational knowledge 2378–2379 Osterberg, Dag, 2452 data banks and, 574 role theory and, 2416–2417, 2422 demographic data, 631 scientists and, 2460–2461 Ostow, Mortimer, 2965 leaders vs. managers, 1564 and social capital, 2639 Ostrom, Elinor, 3071 social movement organizations, Organizational structure, 2002–2017 O’Sullivan, Lucia, 2558 2722–2723 and adaptation to environment, ‘‘Other’’ (feminist theory of sociological funding 2005–2008 concept), 989 organizations, 2398–2401 Blau’s theory of, 698, 2004 Otto, Rudolph, 3279 systems theory and, 3102–3105 bureaucracy and, 229–235 Ottoman Empire. See Turkey and theory of the state, 2162, Outsider art, 173 coalitions within, 331, 332, 333 2163–2164 Ouvriers des deux mondes, Les in complex organizations, urban societies, 3192–3197 392–399 (monograph collection), 1025 and work orientation, 3269–3276 democratic, 601–602, 603, Ouvriers européens, Les (monograph See also Corporate organizations; 605, 606 collection), 1025 Educational organization; Overidentified model, 1916–1917 distributive justice in, 1003–1004, Political organizations; 2003–2004, 2014 State, The Overpopulation. See Human ecology and environmental analysis; division of labor in, 696–697, Organizations 699, 2002, 2003–2004 Environmental sociology; character of, 1314 Population and economic sociology, 736, definitions of, 393–394, 441 737–738 Owen, Robert, 2846, 2847, disaster planning and reaction, 2849, 3203 effectiveness and efficiency of, 683, 684, 685 2004–2005, 2010, 2013–2014 Oxford Health Plan, 1822 theory of, 1091 elite paradigm and, 2627–2628 Oxford Mobility Studies, 226 See also Bureaucracy; Complex and globalization, 1085, 1091 organizations; Corporate and goal attainment, 393–394, organizations; Organizational P 2008–2011 structure Paci, Massimo, 1468

3414 INDEX

Pacific Islanders. See Asian- Pannuti, Alessandro, 1472 and coalition triads, 331–332 American studies Papandreou, Andreas, 2130 communitarian view of, 358–359 Pacificare, 1822 Pappi, Franz U., 2693 and dependency theory, 2064 Packer, Herbert, 2020, 2114 Paradigm shift, definition of, 2025 differential investments theory, PACO (Panel Comparability Paradigms and models, 2023–2031 2884–2885 Project), 577 basic models and applications, and division of labor, 695–696 PACS (political action committees), 1787–1788 divorce effects on, 706 144, 145, 2150 Bayesian statistical model, 2249 in drug-abuse prevention, 717 Pagani, Angelo, 1470 computer assisted, 410 and educational attainment, 2930 Pagani, Enrico, 1464, 1466, 1469 definition of model, 2023– and family law, 947 Page, Benjamin I., 2276 2024, 2028 and family size, 976 Paige, Jeffrey, 390 definition of paradigm, 2023, and family violence, 983 2024 Pakistan, 1945 and feminist theory, 992– and British Empire’s differential equation, 1693–1694 993, 1028 dissolution, 2362 of drug use, 716 as fertility transition factors, fertility rate, 2178, 2179 event history, 1692–1693, 625, 628 genocide, 1070 1871–1873 and gender concept, 1058 Indian border fighting, 2362 formal models, 2028 Jewish family norms and, political and governmental functions of models, 2028–2029 1510–1511 corruption, 2132 hierarchical linear life-cycle transition points religious movements, 2366, development, 1174 and, 1616 2485, 3288 isomorphism of model, 2024 marital roles vs., 1508 slavery and slave-like practices, in mathematical sociology, marital satisfaction pattern and, 2604, 2606 1786–1791 1729, 1737 sociodemographic profile, 2938 in meta-analysis, 1849 in middle and later years, Palazzo, Agostino, 1470 nonlinear models, 1788–1789 2037–2038 Paleoanthropology, 2889 paradigm vs. theory, 2024 and personality development, 2090 Palestine Liberation Organization qualitative, 2296–2298 (PLO), 2048, 2717 religious shift in, 2964–2971 power-control theory and, 1490, 1498 Palestinians, 2048, 2787, 2947 scientific, 2458–2459 prescriptive altruism and, 1508 and terrorism, 3137, 3139 simulation, 2678–2679 and remarriage, 2389, 2390–2392 Pali texts, 3284 sociological applications, rewards and costs of, 2034–2035 Paluch, Andrzej, 2119 2027–2028, 2248–2249 shared, 1058 Pan Guangdan, 298 statistical graphics, 3015–3017 and socialization, 1028, Pan-African Congress, 66 stochastic, 2249, 3036 structural equation 2772–2773, 2856–2858, 2862 Panama application, 1692 and support and control, 2857 demographic characteristics, 1535 Paraguay, 1539, 2134 transition to, 2037, 2856–2862 drug trafficking, 2135 Paralinguistic cues. See Nonverbal and upwardly mobile activities, Pandectists, 476 behavior 2714, 2785–2786, 2787 Panel Comparability Project, 577 Paraprofessionals, 2260 and working mothers, 3266 Panel study, 1686, 1687, 1694, 3036 Parental leave policy, 967, 990, See also Filial responsibility; attrition in, 1691 2033–2034 Intergenerational relations Panel Study of Income Dynamics Parental roles, 2031–2038 Parentela orders model, 1513– (PSID), 576, 1685, 2475, 2480 adulthood and, 27, 28 1514, 1515 Pan-Hellenic Socialist Movement changing responsibilities of, Pareto, Vilfredo, 2632, 3054 (Greece), 2130 2035–2037 elite theory, 2625, 2626, 2627, Panic, 348, 2876 child custody awards and, 702 2644, 3050, 3053 Pan-Indianism, 136–137 and childhood self-esteem on ethnic group formation, 2882 Pankhurst, Emmeline, 989 development, 2513, 2856 on income distribution, 2690

3415 INDEX

and Italian sociology, 1464, 1465 culture and social systems systems; Qualitative methods; and political sociology, 2163, concept, 564–565, 566, 2337 Sociocultural anthropology 2164 death and social action theory, Participatory democracy, 605, and rational choice theory, 2335, 581, 582, 583, 584 2164, 2627 2338–2339 and evolutionary theory, 878, Participatory research, 852, on ‘‘residuo’’ of displaying 1705, 1883 2038–2044 sentiments, 2519, 2528 family relations analysis, 1389 issues in, 2041–2042 on territorial belonging, four-function paradigm, 1554, methods, 2038 3134–3135 1559–1560, 1978, 2005 relationship to other fields, Paris arcade, 541 and functionalism, 1014, 1025, 2040–2041 1030, 1031, 1537, 1704, 1705, Parity distribution of winnings, 330 small groups, 2612–2613 2341, 2415, 2416, 2421, Parity progression analysis, 1625 Participatory Research Network 2484, 3099 (Toronto), 2040 Park, Peter, 2040 on Gemeinschaft, 2630 Particle physics, 2459, 2470 Park, Robert E., 842, 853, general theory of action, 1197 1401, 2883 Particularism, 355 and German sociology, 1076, Partin, Harry, 2380 assimilation studies, 176, 177 1078, 1080 Partnership, 441, 442 and Chicago School, 243–244, on incest taboos, 1273–1274 363, 365, 1772 Partnership for a Drug-Free as Japanese sociology influence, America, 716 and collective behavior, 356, 2265 1478, 1479 Partnership for Organ and human ecological approach, on law and society, 1554–1555, Donation, 588 1209, 1210 1558, 1559–1560 Part-time workers, 1720, 1725, life histories and narratives, 1633 macro themes of, 1704 3262–3263, 3268 on marginalization, 2634 on money’s symbolism, 1890 Party system. See Political party and positivism, 2192 on music as social structure, 1924 systems and pragmatism, 2220–2221 neo-evolutionary modernization Parvenu. See Status incongruence theory, 1885, 1886 Park Chung-hee, 2131 Passagen-Werk (Benjamin), 541 observation system, 1974, 1978 Parker, Patricia, 3252 Passas, Nikos, 166 and post-World War II sociology, Parkin, Frank, 2815, 2818 Passeron, Jean-Claude, 2642 1783–1784 Parks, Rosa, 2493, 2494 Passions, 2518, 2519, 2524, 2529 and role theory, 2415, 2425 Parlements (France), 474, 476 Passive static-group design, sick role concept, 1813, 1815 Parliamentary system, 1953, 2361 2321–2322 and social belonging/social in Canada, 2360 Passive-observational designs, 2321 conformity relationship, Passover narrative, 3282 in Israel, 2359 3131–3132 Pasteur, Louis, 1327 and origins of political parties, and social definition of 2153, 2154 health, 1136 ‘‘Past-in-present’’ discrimination. See Discrimination Parochial schools, 2861, 2931, 2935 and social philosophy, 2057, Parole. See Probation and parole 2755, 2756 Pastoralism, 2426 Parry, J., 1891 social system analysis, 2825 Patent system, 2461 Parsa, Misagh, 1871 on sociology of knowledge, 2956 Paternalistic leadership style, 1566 Parsons, Talcott, 244, 352, 423, 733, and structure of social belonging, Paternity (family law), 947 783, 856, 878, 991–992, 1233, 2630–2631, 2633, 2634 Path analysis, 259–260, 266, 1457, 1558, 2193, 2450, 2639, on territorial belonging, 455–456, 975, 1692, 3035–3036 2819, 3130 2629–2630 models, 1788, 2782, 3035 on American kinship system, values theory, 3212–3213, 3214 on status attainment, 3042 1502–1503, 1504 Partial correlation coefficent, and structural equation and antimaterialism, 1783–1784 451–452, 453, 457 modeling, 1910 boundary maintenance Partial residual, 3016, 3017, 3018 ‘‘Path Analysis: Sociological concept, 1931 Participant observation. See Examples’’ (Duncan), 3035, 3042 British sociology and, 226 Ethnography; Observation Path coefficient, 1908

3416 INDEX

Path goal theory, 1568–1569 peacetime disaster research, Pendleton Act of 1881, 2127 Pathways to Social Class (Bertaux and 681–682 Penitentiary movement, 528 Thompson), 2662 social movements, 2717, 2719 Pennati, Eugenio, 1470 Patient Self-Determination Act of UN peacekeeping troops, 1429 Penner, Louis A., 118 1990, 586, 587 See also Military sociology; War Penology, 2051–2057 Patient-responsive care model, 1666 Peace of Westphalia (1648), 1933, American prison population Patient’s bill of rights, 1826 2363, 2366 increase, 140 Patriarchy Pearlin, Leonard, 656, 3057 and case studies of prison child sexual abuse theory, 2581 Pearson, Geoffrey, 1579 life, 245 family system, 1009, 1271, 1490, Pearson, Karl, 447, 449, 3035 and criminal sanctions, 4, 515, 1498, 1503, 1579, 1708, 1734 Pearson product moment 517, 528, 535, 2055–2057 ‘‘father figure’’ as leader, 1566 correlation, 1795 and criminalization of and feminist gender inequality Peasant rebellions, 2269, 2412 deviance, 525 theory, 2692, 2886 Burma and Vietnam studies, 2977 and deterrence theory, 2056– 2057 and feminist rape theory, Peasantries, 605, 1857, 1859 2576–2677, 2581 and Norwegian sociology, 2453 Chinese socialism’s and incest theory, 1275 glorification of, 2849 parole procedure, 2252, 2255–2256 individual autonomy seen as, decline of, 2431 1307 prison population, 714, Peccei, Aurelio, 1038 Islamic, 2949–2950 2056, 2660 Pedagogy of the Oppressed and prison rape victims, 2578 and male prison rape (Freire), 2040 victims, 2578 and prisoner labor, 2603, 2608 Pedersen, Trond, 2452 object relations theory and, 2064 retribution and rehabilitation Pedriana, Nicholas, 1102, 1106, 1107 sociobiological view of, 2886 policies, 2055–2057 Peel, Robert, 2110 and widow status loss, 3255 Pension systems. See Retirement; Peer groups Social security systems Patrilineal descent, 1515 as deviant behavior influence, Penty, Arthur, 2196 Patronage, 2125, 2127, 2128, 2131, 666–667, 668 2134, 2135 Peons, 2597 and drug abuse, 717 Pattern theory of culture, 564 People of Color Environmental and individual learning, 2932 Leadership Summit, 792 Patterson, Orlando, 2596, 2597 and interpersonal conflict People’s Choice, The (Lazarsfeld, Pattison, Philippa E., 2298 resolution, 1453 Berleson, and McPhee), 3049 Patton, T., 2672, 2673 and self-esteem, 2513 People’s Liberation Army Paul (apostle and saint), 3053 as socialization agents, 2858, (China), 2137 Pauly, John, 1498 2859–2860 People’s Temple, 900 Pauperism, 2840–2841 and student movements, 3069 Percentile, definition of, 659 Pawluch, Dorothy, 2763 Peer marriage, 359–360 Perception. See Social perception Pawnship, 2597, 2602 Peer pressures. See Compliance and Perception of graphs, 3009–3011 conformity Paxil, 654 Perestroika, 2981 Peirce, Charles S., 2218, 2219, Pay equity. See Comparable worth Pérez, Carlos Andres, 2135 2423, 3098 PC. See Political correctness Pérez Jiménez, Marcos, 2134 Peiss, Kathy, 2170 PD. See Prisoner’s dilemma Performance Pelat, Roger-Patrice, 2129 PDIA. See ‘‘Project Death in and ‘‘audience effect,’’ 2615 America’’ Pelham, B. W., 2512 and expectation states Pelley, William Dudley, 2370 Peace, 2044–2050 theory, 880, 882 Pellicciari, Gianni, 1468 coalition formation and, 332 and role theory, 2422 Pellizzi, Camillo, 1464, 1470 conscription during, 1876–1877 and small group interaction, and group conflict Pellizzoni, Luigi, 1473 2617–2620 resolution, 1115 Penal slavery, 518 Performance art, and case and international law, 1429 Pendergast machine, 2126 studies, 248

3417 INDEX

Perinatal death, 2236 life course and, 1620 definitions of personality, Period effects observation systems, 1973–1981 2073–2074, 2082–2083 and changes in social values and personality theory and, 2083 developmental psychology and, 2088 norms, 2838 role theory and, 2415 feminist theory and, 2089 definition of, 80, 81 self-concept development and, means over time, 1691–1692 2506–2508 Frankfurt School critical theory use of, 540 Period life table, 612, 614, 1628 self-esteem and, 2515–2517 gender bias and, 1902 Periodicals. See Publications sentiments and, 2520 on genocide-relevant traits, 1070 Peron, Juan, 1537 social capital accumulation from, historical precursors, 2086–2087 Perrow, Charles, 3104, 3249 2637–2640 and holism, 2088–2089 Perruci, Robert, 2166 and social inequality, 2693 and homuncularism, 2090–2091 Perry, Albert D., 2729 social psychology research on, intolerance and, 317 Perry, W. J., 675 2770–2771, 2775–2777 leadership and, 1564, 1565, Persian Empire, 2998 symbolic interaction perspective, 1570–1571 Persian Gulf War, 1766, 1875, 1878, 2767–2768 major theorists and theories, 1944, 2720 Personal resources. See Social 1712–1718, 2084–2085 and international law, 1429 resources theory mate selection and, 1777 Personal adjustment, marital Personal responsibility and Work and modernization theory, adjustment and, 1731 Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996, 1288, 1719 1885–1886 Personal Attributes Questionnaire moral development and, (PAQ), 1000 Personal rulership, 2133 1894–1904, 2089 Personal autonomy, 1945, 2058– Personalities Theories, Research, and neuropsychological influences in, 2069 Assessment (Corsini and Marsella), 2089–2890 definition of, 2058 1712–1713 overview, 2083–2086 in leisure roles, 1584–1585 Personality, definitions of, 2073–2075, 2082–2083 and personal dependency, persuasion and, 2098 2063–2068 Personality and social structure, potential for, 1303 2069–2075 of positive mental health, radical individual, 1307 2188–2191 and social belonging, 2633 and scientific research, 2461 and profession research, See also Personality theories Personal conduct laws. See 2260–2261 Personality disorders, 1839 Legislation of morality prosocial behavior and, 115 Personality measurement, 2073–2082 Personal constructs theory, relational, 2083 1715–1716, 2084 across-time stabilities, 2076 and self-esteem, 2512 Personal dependency, 2062–2069 Big Five (five-factor), 2079–2080 and socialization, 2855, 2860 integrative view of, 2067–2068 of consistencies, 2075–2076 tables of, 1713, 2084–2085 negative views of, 2063–2065 definitions of terms, 2073–2074 tourism and, 3168 positive views of, 2065–2067 sources of data, 2076–2078 and work satisfaction, 3272–3273 Personal efficacy, 560 traits worth measuring, Personalized instruction, 215 Personal hygiene, 2177 2078–2080 Person-centered theory, 1715 Personal relations Personality Research Form, 2079 Person-years concept, 615–616 affect control in, 45 Personality theories, 2082–2093 Persuasion, 2093–2099 aging and, 83 aggression and, 70, 75 definition of, 188, 2094 dependency and, 2062 altruism and, 116 extreme influence, 892–902 identity theory and, 1256 approaches to, 2069 factors affecting effectiveness of, individualism and, 1303 Asian-American culture 2094–2097 interpersonal attraction and, studies, 178 in innovation-decision process, 1447–1450 attribution theory and, 193–194 678 interpersonal power and, criminal behavior theories and, overt vs. covert, 2776 1456–1464 506–507 research approaches to, 2097

3418 INDEX

susceptibility vs. resistance to, and sociology of knowledge, 2957 Physical education, 2986–2987, 2097–2098 techniques, 2099–2101 2987–2988 Peru theory, 2101–2102 Physical Quality of Life Index (PQLI), 2302 border dispute, 1934 in United States, 2756 Physicians demographic characteristics, 1536 Phenomenology of the Social World, The dependency theory, 643 (Schutz), 226 assisted suicide by, 585, 586–587, 3083, 3084–3086 drug crop control program, 714 Phenotype, 2887 comparative health-care systems, indigenous empire, 2999 Philadelphia Geriatric Morale Scale 374–375, 377–378, 379, 380 political and social conditions, (PGCMS), 2304 comparative income ratio, 1827 1536, 1537 Philadelphia (Pennsylvania), machine poverty in, 2216 politics, 2126 dealing with death by, 582, 587–588 Pescosolido, Bernice A., 3079, 3081 Philanthropy Pessimism, 1233 as altruism, 114, 115 medical sociology studies on, 1813–1815 Pestello, Frances, 2221, 2222 Judaic linkage of food and, 1510 as medical-industrial complex Pestello, Fred, 2222 and social welfare, 2841 component, 1818, 1826 Pesticides and pesticide control, 88 See also Voluntary associations practice changes (1970s-1990s), Peter, Laurence E., 234 Philippines, 2974, 2975, 2978 1819, 1826 Peter the Great, emperor of development strategy, 645 professionalization of, 2259, 2261 Russia, 1435 family size, 977 suicide rate among, 3078 Peters, Robert, 554 guerrilla warfare, 2362 Peterson, Richard A., 173, 567, utilization and expenditures, 1647, 1925, 1926, 1927 low suicide rate, 3079 1148 Petrazycki, Leon, 2117–2118, 2979 political corruption, 2131 women as, 2262–2263 Petrocik, John R., 3235 Phillips, David P., 3079, 3080 Physiognomica (Aristotle), 1717 Petrograd University, 2979 Philosophical-Economical Manuscripts Piaget, Jean, 1353, 2824 (Marx), 822 Petroleos Mexicanos, 2135 altruism studies, 114, 2087 Philosophie des sciences sociales Pettigrew, Thomas F., 2244, developmental stages theory, (Worms), 1025 2245, 2246 1894, 1895–1896, 2085, Petty, Richard, 188 Philosophy. See Social philosophy; 2092, 2855 specific philosophies Peyote, 137, 713 moral development theory, Philosophy and Sociology: From the 1902, 1903 Pfeffer, Karl-Heinz, 1076 Methodological Doctrine to Research Piazzi, Giuliano, 1468 ‘‘Phalanx’’ (Fourier), 3203 Practice (Mokrzycki), 2120 Pickering, Andrew, 2459 Pharmaceutical companies, 1818, Philosophy of history, 2644 1824, 1827, 2263 ‘‘Picture brides,’’ 176 Philosophy of Money, The Pharmacists, 2259, 2260, 2261, 2263 Pieretti, Giovanni, 1472 (Simmel), 733 Phenomenology, 2099–2107 Pigs for the Ancestors Philosophy of science. See Scientific (Rappaport), 2891 British sociology and, 226 explanation Pilgrimages, 3282 ethnomethodology and, 856– Phipps, Polly, 2263 860, 2099 Piliavin, Irving, 2943 Phoenix House, 715 German idealism and, 1248 Piliavin, Jane Allyn, 118 Phrenology, 1717 German sociology and, 1080 Pinchot, Gifford, 802 PHS. See Public Health Service historical background of, 2099 Pinna, Luca, 1467 Phylogenetic unconscious theory implications, 2103–2104 (Freud), 2090 Piore, M. J., 1985 Jungian stress on, 1714 Physical abuse. See Aggression; Child Pirenne, Henry, 2940 life histories and, 1635 abuse and neglect; Corporal Piven, Frances Fox, 101, 603, 604, personality theory, 2084 punishment; Family violence; 606, 2661 practice, 2102–2103 Violence Pizzorno, Alessandro, 1467, pragmatism and, 2219 Physical activities. See Sport 1468, 1470 social, 246 Physical capital, 2637 Plains Indians, 3277–3278

3419 INDEX

Planful competence, 12, 13, 32, Polanyi, Karl, 384, 387, 724–725, and forced labor and sexual 1620, 2860 1224, 1890 prostitution, 2606–2607 Planned behavior, theory of, 1128 Polanyi, Michael, 2261, 2471, 2756 international measures against, Planned Parenthood, 958, 2240 Polar types, 3182–3183 2137–2138 Plantation system, 2600–2601 Police, 2107–2116 in Middle East, 2132 Plate tectonics, 2459 avocational, 2108–2109 in South Asia, 2132 Platen, August von, 1066 British model, 2110–2111, 2113 in sub-Saharan Africa, 2132–2134 Plato, 1644, 2086, 2337, 2519, community-oriented, 716, 2114 at U.S. federal government level, 2520, 2689 corruption scandals, 2126 2127–2128 elite theory, 2623, 2627 crime rate records, 499, 500 in U.S. local and state utopian design, 3292 drug-abuse prevention government, 2127 Playfair, William, 3005, 3006 programs, 716 in Western Europe, 2128–2130 Plea bargaining, 466, 480, 2960 interrogation and false white-collar crime and, 3248, 3251, 3252–3253 Pleasure principle, 2087 confessions, 900–901 military analogy, 2112–2113 Pleasure-pain spectrum, 667 Political correctness, 2138–2142 preventive patrol by, 2113 Plekhanov, Georgy, 1782 contemporary, 2139–2142, 2908 private-sector forms, 2109 Plessner, Helmuth, 1075, 1234 effects of, 2142 racial profiling by, 1491 Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), 2491, history of, 2138–2139 2492, 2493 reorientation of, 2113–2114 Political crime, 2142–2147 PLO (Palestine Liberation and riots, 555, 556 definition problems, 2143–2144 Organization), 2048, 2717 significance of uniforms and deviance perspectives and, Plog, S. V., 3168 arms, 2111–2112, 2113 524–525, 527 Plomin, Robert, 2089 as social control agents, 537, See also Terrorism 556–557, 2108–2109, 2660 Plummer, Ken, 1633, 1636 Political discourse, restrictions sociological definition of, Pluralistic democracy, 604–605, on, 271 2108–2109 2164, 2165, 2360 Political elites. See Social and Police: Streetcorner Politicians political elites vs., 2624– political elites (Muir), 2114 2626, 2627 Political extremism, 2160 Police Work: The Social Organization of Pocock, D. F., 1292 Policing (Manning), 2114 Political frontiers. See National Podgorecki, Adam, 2121 border relations Policeman in the Community, The Podhoretz, Norman, 1601 (Banton), 2114 Political machines, 2125–2126, 2135 Poetics (journal), 1649 Policy agendas. See Political Political Man (Lipset), 2917 Poincaré, Jules-Henri, 821 organizations Political organizations, 2147–2153 Poincare, Raymond, 1423 Polish and Eastern European alienation and, 100–104 Pol Pot, 1069 sociology, 2116–2123 in American society, 144–145 Polak, Fred, 1038, 1039 Polish Peasant in Europe and America, elites and, 2623–2624 The (Thomas and Znaniecki), Poland in Latin America, 1536, 1616, 1618, 1634, 2118, 2220 post-Communist transition, 2136 1537–1538 Polish Society (Szczepanski), 2119 protest movemnt, 2267 party machines, 2125 Political action, participatory political sociology approach to, revolution, 3001 research and, 2039 2162, 2163–2164 social surveys, 577 Political action committees (PACs), types of, 2148 Solidarity labor movement, 1531, 144, 145, 2150 1532, 2121, 2268, 2365–2366 Political and governmental Political participation. See Voting tourism in, 3169 corruption, 2123–2138 behavior two-power church-state relations, in communist and post- Political Parties (Michels), 2623–2624 2357–2358 communist states, 2136–2137 Political party systems, 2153–2162 unemployment, 3263 culturally different conceptions alignments and realignments, See also Polish and Eastern of, 2124, 2126–2127 2156, 2157 European sociology in East Asia, 2130–2131 American trends, 144, 145

3420 INDEX

corruption and, 2125–2126, 2127, and critical theory, 543 Politics (Aristotle), 1564 2128–2129, 2132, 2135 definitions of, 2162 Politics of Punishment, The definitions of, 2153 and democracy, 601–606 (Wright), 2054 extremism and, 2160 on elite leadership, 2622–2628 Polk, Kenneth, 505 fragmentation and, 2157– and French School of Polkinghorne, Donald, 1637 2158, 2159 Sociology, 1024 Polley, Richard B., 1980 institutional theories of, and Islamic society, 2941–2942 Polling. See Election polling; Public 2153–2154 and Latin American studies, opinion; Survey research and Israeli religious parties, 2359 1537–1538 Pollini, G., 3129 in Italy, 2128–2129 and liberalism/conservatism, Pollock, Jackson, 656 liberal vs. conservative 1596–1603 Pollution. See Environmental orientations, 1597 and macro-level reactions to sociology in Mexico, 1857–1858, 1859, deviance, 669–670 Polygyny, 1515, 2885 1861, 2135 and mass media research, Polytheism, 65 and minority parties, 2157 1764–1766 Polythetic-monothetic distinction, modernization theories on multidimensional theory of, 3183–3185 origins, 2154–2155 2165–2166 Pontell, Henry, 3250 oligarchical leadership in, and negotiation of power, Pontiac (Ottawa leader), 136 2163–2164, 2623–2624, 2624 1950–1955 Pooled time series analysis, 2680 organizational approach to, 2162, and neoconservatives, 1601 Poor laws, 1018, 1019, 1021, 2840 2163–2165 organizational approach to, 2162, origin theories, 2153–2155 2163–2165 Poor People’s Campaign, 2497 party loyalty in, 2156 and pluralism, 604–605, 2164, Poor population. See Poverty party types and, 2155 2165, 2624–2626, 2627 Popenoe, David, 106, 360 polarization and, 2160 and political expression of Popitz, Heinrich, 1078 religious interests, 2358–2362 political organizations vs., 2148 Popline, 1611 and political justice, 2696 representation and, 2156– Popper, Karl, 822, 1027, 1077, 2193, 2157, 2164 and political organizations 2464, 2756 function, 2150–2151 research in 1990s, 2159–2160 Popular culture, 2168–2175 and public opinion, 2272–2280 social cleavages and, 2155–2156 cohort perspectives, 342–347 and Scandinavian sociology, 2453 structural features of, 2156–2158 critical theory on, 541–542, 2169 and state development, in Turkey, 2132 high culture debate, 565–566, 2996–3003 in Venezuela, 2135 1645–1646 and status incongruence, volatility and, 2157 music studies, 1925, 1926 3053–3054 voting behavior and, 3234, social differences in structural approach to, 2162– 3235, 3236 consumption, 2171 2163 Political revolutions. See Revolutions sociology of art and, 173 survey data collection sociology of culture and, 563 Political science methods, 575 sociology of literature and, on coalition formation, 329, and survivalist counterculture, 1645–1646 330–332 461–462 sporting events, 2986 economics interaction with, 2921 terrorism research, 3140–3142 vs. mass culture, 173 relationship between sociology two converging traditions in, and, 2916–2917 2162 See also Mass culture; Mass media; Mass media research; on uses of corruption, 2124 and voting behavior, 3231–3238 Television Political sociology, 2162–2168, and war initiation, 3244 2916–2917 Population, 2175–2184 See also Marxist sociology; aging, 636, 1018 and caste and inherited status, Organizational structure; 249–254 Religion, politics, and war American Indian, 133–134 and class interests, 2628 Political Systems Performance and causal modeling, 259 and communitarianism, 356 Data, 2477 Chinese trends, 303

3421 INDEX composition changes, 636 socioeconomic characteristics, critical theory rejection of, demographic methods, 609–620 634 539, 541, 543 demographic transition, 620–629, Southeast Asian growth rate, and cross-cultural analysis, 548 633, 2176–2183 2974 and culture debate, 565 density/crowd behavior stability of, 1231 and epistemology, 818–819, 822 relationship, 557 stable vs. nonstable models, and German sociology, 1077 density/"stakes in conformity’’ 618–619 Hegelian rejection of, 1248–1249 relationship, 665 territorial distribution, 633–634 humanism vs., 1246, 1249–1250 distribution changes, 2179–2180 of United States, 2180 and Italian sociology, 1464, 1465 dynamics in less developed in urban societies, 3193 and Japanese sociology, countries, 928–929 urbanization and, 310, 311–312 1477, 1479 ecology of, 444, 737, 738 world figures, 2177 main tenets of, 2194–2195 economic growth and, 1218 of world’s largest postpositivism, 2193–2194, 2220 and environmental sociology, metropolises, 3915 pragmatism as response to, 2217 801, 807, 1216–1222 See also Census; Cities; scientific explanation and, 2468 and epidemiology, 813 Demography and secularization, 2483 expansive nature of, 1218 Population control. See Family and sentiments, 2522 and family and household planning uses of terms, 2192 structure, 924 Population Council, 636 Posse Comitatus, 462 food supply and, 1219 Population parameters. See Postadolescence, 26 growth as disorganizing Population, sampling Postcolonialism, 545, 1708, 1758 influence, 531, 1229 Population Reference Bureau, Postindustrial society, 2195–2205 growth rate, 749, 1005, 623, 627, 628 characteristics of, 2195, 1007–1008 Populist Party, 2426 2196–2199, 2205 historical overview of changes in, Porkorny, Alex D., 3078 and convergence theory, 422 2175–2177 Pornography, 2184–2188 global division of labor, 697 human ecology and censorship and regulation of, environmental analysis, and new industrial elites, 2626 271, 274–275, 2185 1210–1220 and postmodern society, child, 274 labor-force changes and, 1521, 2199–2201 1523–1524 erotica vs., 2184–2185 and status incongruence, 3051 Malthusian model, 632–633, feminist opposition to, 274–275, Postmodernism, 2205–2209 1005, 1008, 1525 2186–2187 British sociological studies, Mexican growth rate, 1859 and legislation of morality, 227–228 1577, 1579 Middle Eastern countries, 1866 characterization, 2200 neo-Malthusian perspective, and theories of crime, 505, and convergence theory, 422 1219–1220 2186, 2187 and cultural theory, 1756, 1784, nonparametric statistics on, Portes, Alejandro, 182, 848, 1538, 2173, 2206–2209 1956–1971 2639–2640, 2640, 2782 definition of, 1884 projections, 616–617, 2180–2183 Portocarero, Lucienne, 425 definitions of, 2200 redistribution, 1945, 2179–2180, Portugal disaster conceptualization, 682 2181–2182 African colonization, 60 epistemology and, 2207–2208 regional highest growth rates, Latin American colonization by1, family and religion and, 935, 942 627–628 536–1637 and feminist theory, 995 and replacement fertility, 2181 Southeast Asian inifluences, 2974 interpretative biography, 1635 rural declines, 2428, 2432 Positive mental health, 2188–2191 legal anthropology, 1550 sampling, 283–287, 1687, normality vs., 2191 Marxist sociology as target of, 2444–2449 Positivism, 540, 722, 1465, 1756, 1757–1758, 1784 shifts in, 3195–3196 2192–2195 and medical sociology, 1816 size range, 609, 632–633 on criminal behavior, 528, 529 modernization theory vs., 1884

3422 INDEX

and new criminologies, 505 community studies, 365 and rural areas, 2431 postindustrialism and, 2199– conceptions of, 2210–2211 single-parent household, 127, 2201, 2202, 2203 and crime rates, 531, 536 128, 2215, 3062 radically modern, 2291 ‘‘culture of poverty’’ explanation, and slavery and forced revised pragmatism and, 2220 2211–2212 labor, 2608 science and, 2459 debates over, 1288 and social justice, 2705–2706 secularization and, 2489 and decision-making voice, and social work, 2840–2841 sentiments and, 2528–2529 603–604 Supplemental Security Income on social change, 2648 declines in, 1286–1287 and, 1286 and social structure, 2819 definition problems, 2210 theory and policy, 2211–2213 and sociology, 2757, 2758 definitions of, 1286–1288 thresholds, 1286, 1720 and Sokal hoax, 2207 demography of, 2214–2215 as transitory state, 1288 and symbolic estates, 1512 depression and stress resulting underemployment and, 1720– and theories of crime, 504 from, 656 1721 ‘‘tourist gaze’’ concept, ‘‘deserving vs. undeserving poor’’ and urban underclass, 2497– 3166–3167, 3172–3173 distinction, 2210–2211 2498, 3198–3200 values research thesis, 3222–3223 earned income tax credit War on Poverty program, 1286, and, 1287 1494, 1882, 2404, 2760 Postone, Moishe, 1785 ecology and, 1214 and welfare programs. See Social Postpositivism, 2193–2194, 2220 environmental state of welfare system Poststructuralism, 1027, 1034, 1707 ‘‘strain’’ and, 663 widowhood and, 3257 characterization of, 2206 epidemiology of, 817 Poverty of Postmodernism, The critical theory and, 544 and family planning, 955–956 (O’Neill), 2208 cultural theory and, 1758, Powell, G. Bingham, 2917 2172–2173 and family policy in Western societies, 967–968 Powell, Walter W., 1647 and historical sociology, 1199 feminization of, 1288, 2033, Power, Martha Bauman, 1636 Marxist sociology and, 1756, 2215, 3048 1757, 1758 Power analysis (statistical), food supply and, 1219 3030–3032, 3033 on words/symbols, 2206 gender and, 1288, 2033, Power Elite, The (Mills), 1773 Posttest-only control group design, 2215, 3048 2322–2323 Power theory health-care deficiencies, 130 Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) elites and, 2622 Hispanic-American rates, and childhood sexual abuse, as exchange theory basis, 1191–1192, 1287, 2215 290, 293 2669–2670, 2671–2672 illegitimacy and, 1260 DSM inclusion as mental interpersonal, 1456–1464 disorder, 1833 income distribution and, and juvenile delinquency, 1285–1288, 2214–2215 Potlatch, 1032, 2883–2884 1490, 1498 individualistic attributions and, Poulantzas, Nicos, 1755, 2163, 2814 and nationalism, 1940 2705 Pound, Roscoe, 2961 political vs. other types, 2997 informal economy and, 1338 Poveda, Tony, 3248, 3251, and profession research, international, 1289 3252–3253 2261–2262 and life course mobility, 2715 Poverty, 2209–2217 and rape, 2587, 2589, 2590 macro-level deviance theories African-American factors, and social inequality concept, and, 663–666, 672 2333–2334, 2496–2499 2690 measures of, 2213–2214 aggression linked with, 71, and societal stratification, 984–985 minimum wage and, 1287 2864–2868 capitalism and, 241 official level of, 2213, 2214 and status attainment, 2781 centrifugal kinship system old-age, 2403, 2404 three-dimensions of power, and, 1512 population and, 1217, 1221 2165–2166 children and, 1287, 3062 relative vs. absolute, 2210–2211 on U.S. racial relations, 53–54 in cities, 311 rising expectations and, 1491 and values research, 3221

3423 INDEX

and war, 3242 AIDS/HIV transmission, 2587, Prenatal tests, table of, 2237 Weber’s classic theory, 2165, 2591 Prescription drugs. See Medications 2865 comparative health-care Presidential elections. See Election See also Negotiation of power systems, 374, 378 polling; Voting behavior Power threat hypothesis (Blalock conduct of, 2235–2236 President’s Advisory Commission on concept), 847 and family planning, 952– Consumer Protection and Quality Power transition theory, 3242 954, 2180 in the Health Care Industry, 1826 PPOs (preferred provider fetal effects of alcohol, 1640 President’s Commission on Country organizations), 1818, 1819 fetal effects of smoking, 1640 Life (1908), 2426, 2427 PQLI (Physical Quality of Life lifestyle risks, 1640 President’s Commission on Law Index), 2302 maternity leave plans, 2033–2034 Enforcement and Administration of Justice, 2055 Prabhupada, A. C. maternity leave provisions, Bhaktivedanta, 3287 2033–2034, 3266 President’s Commission on Obscenity and Pornography Prabhupada, Srila, 462 neonatal deaths, 1325, 1326, (1971), 2184, 2815 Practical sociology. See Sociological 2236 Press. See Mass media; Mass media practice nonmarital, 484, 488, 1744 research Pragmatism, 2217–2224 outcomes of, 2236–2238 Press freedom, 273 and humanism, 1249–1250 pregnancy and birthrates, Pressure groups. See Interest groups influence on social science, 2234–2235 Prestige, 416 2219–2222 pregnancy rate definition, 2234 social stratification theories, main ideas and variations, pregnancy trimesters, 2233–2234 2217–2219 1996–1997 premarital, 1744 and social problems, 2759 See also Occupational prestige; prenatal drug use incidence, 711 Status attainment and sociology of knowledge, 2955 prenatal tets, 2237 and symbolic interactionism, Pretest observations, 2325 rape fears and, 2587 2423, 2896, 3098 Pretransition societies, fertility response to pregnancy, 2234 PRE measures (proportional determinants in, 1006–1007 and sexually risky behavior, 2559 reduction in error), 1810, 1811 Prevision. See Futures studies as sociological view of, 2884 Prebisch, Raul, 1087 human and social activity termination of, 2238–2241 Preconscious, 1713 PRI (Partido Revolucionario See also Abortion Institucional; Mexico), 1857–1858, Predatory property crime, 506 unmarried, 125, 128, 484, 488, 1859, 1861, 2135 Predestination (Calvinist doctrine), 634, 1258–1264, 1506, 1626, Primal horde (Freudian concept), 774–775 1744, 2033 1273, 1576 Predicting Success or Failure in unplanned, 953–954, 2180, 2234 Primary data, 574 Marriage (Burgess and Cottrell), 1726 viable vs. nonviable, 2238 Primary groups. See Small groups Prediction and futures studies, See also Birth and death rates; Primary jobs, 1985 2224–2233 Childbearing; Fertility rate Primary Mental Abilities methods of prediction, Prehistoric population, 2175–2176 (Thurstone), 905 2226–2231 Prejudice, 2242–2248 Primary metropolitan statistical social forecasting, 2676–2680 conservatism and, 1600 area, 307 social indicators, 2685 ethnic, 844–846 Primary sampling units, 2448 See also Futures studies as human homophobic, 2567, 2569–2570 Primitive Classification (Durkheim and Mauss), 1032 and social activity racial, 2242–2246 Primogeniture, 1350–1351 Predictive validity, 3208, 3211 social distance concept, 177 Primordial sentiments, 2906 Preference reversals, 598 See also Discrimination; Preferred provider organizations Stereotypes Prince, Samuel, 681 (PPOs), 1818, 1819 ‘‘Preliminary Concepts for a Theory Prince, The (Machiavelli), 1564 Pregnancy and pregnancy of Religious Movements’’ (Stark Princeton University, 1868 termination, 2233–2242 and Bainbridge), 2375 fertility transition research, age demographics, 125 Premenstrual syndrome, 1816, 1833 625–627

3424 INDEX

Office of Population sampling, 2250 sex segregation, 2259, 2262–2263 Research, 637 scientific explanation, 2465, 2466 social work, 2841–2842, 2845 Princeton University Press, 2917 statistical inference, 3025–3026, sociologist certification program, Principal components analysis, factor 3030–3032 155–156 analysis vs., 913 Probation and parole, 2252–2258 suicide rates, 3078 Principes historiques du droit Probit analysis, 3038 system of, 2262 (Vinogradoff), 1025 Probit Analysis (Finney), 3035 and voluntary associations, 3229 Principles of Biology (Spencer), 1029 Problem invariance, 598 See also Occupational prestige Principles of Environmental Justice, 792 Problem solving Prognosis. See Futures studies as Principles of Psychology (James), 2218 small group interaction in, human and social activity Principles of Sociology (Spencer), 2617–2620 Prognosis: A Science in the Making 697, 1029 small group vs. individual, (Polak), 1038 Principles of Topological Psychology 2618–2619 Progress, theories of, 2644–2645 (Lewin), 1012 Procedural democracy, 545 Progressive era, 365–366, 2127 Printing press, 267, 275 Procedural justice. See Social justice Prohibition, 526, 1576–1577, 1580, Prison, The: Policy and Practice Proceedings of the Sixty-Fourth Annual 2019, 2127 (Hawkins), 2054 Congress of the American Prison Project Camelot, 838, 839 Prison, The: Studies in Institutional Association, 325 ‘‘Project Death in America,’’ 588 Organization and Change Process-produced data, 574 Project Metropolitan (Stockholm), (Cressey), 2052 Production of Culture, The 2454 Prison Community, The (Clemmer), (Crane), 568 Project Northland, 715 2051–2052 Production system model, 2297 Project 100,000 (War on Prison Officers and Their World Production-oriented leadership, 1566 Poverty), 1882 (Kauffman), 2053 Productivity Proletariat Prison population, 714, 2056, 2660 labor-market experience and, and capitalism, 238–239 Prison riots, 352 1989–1990 and revolution, 2410, 2848–2849 Prison system. See Penology postindustrial, 2198 See also Class struggle Prisoner labor, 2603, 2608 technology and, 3267, 3268 Property Prisoner’s dilemma game, 596, 2337, Profession of Medicine (Freidson), conservatism and defense of, 2338, 2419, 2620–2621, 2700, 1813–1814 1598, 1601 3220, 3221 Professional associations. See crimes of, 506, 509–510, Prisons in Turmoil (Irwin), 2054–2055 American Sociological 556, 1576 Private funding organizations, Association and other sociological liberalism and defense of, 1597 2400–2401 associations; International slavery tied to, 2596–2598 Private sphere associations in sociology Prophecy. See Prediction and future Professions, 2259–2265 feminist theory on, 990, studies; Social forecasting 991–993, 2601 changes in, 2263–2264 Proportion tests, 1970 health care industry, 1819–1826, information-based elites, 2626 Proportional hazards models, 617, 1827–1828 marginal, 2259–2260 871–873 long-term care funding, 1659 paraprofessionals, 2260 Proportional reduction in error religion and family in, 935, 942 and postindustrial society, 2197, (PRE) measures, 1810–1811 Proactive aggression, 69 2198, 2199, 2202 Proportional representation, 2154, Probability sample surveys, 301, professionalization process, 2260 2157, 2164, 2359, 2360 2444–2448 ranking of, 2259–2260 Proportionate random sampling, survey research, 3088–3094 research study approaches, 2447 Probability theory, 2248–2252 2260–2262 Proprietorship, 441, 442 decision-making theories, 590– retirement patterns, 2406 Prosocial behavior. See Altruism 592 semiprofessionals, 2259–2260, Prospect Theory, 592 life tables, 615 2261, 2262 Prospective. See Futures studies as main concepts, 2249–2250 sex differences, 2532–2533 human and social activity

3425 INDEX

Prosser, R., 3167 and capitalism, 2942–2943 depression theories, 650 Prostate cancer, 1641 and censorship, 267 evolutionary, 1234 Prostitution, 2186, 2559–2561 as conducive to democracy, 605 See also Social psychology child, 2607 decline of liberal mainline Psychology of Being, The deviance theories on, 664 denominations, 2379 (Maslow), 2087 global sex industry, 2560– ecumenical movement, 2365 Psychology of Helping and Altruism 2561, 2607 evangelical expansion, 2966 (Schroeder et al.), 118 homosexual, 2559, 2560, 2561 expansion of, 937 Psychology of Sex Differences, The (Maccoby and Jacklin), 2530–2531 and legislation of morality, 1577 fundamentalist, 2361, 2368–2372 Psychology of supply and and sexually transmitted diseases, and moral taint of poverty, 2211 demand, 278 2585, 2591–2593 and negative taint to Psychometrics, 906, 908, 1909, 3039 studies of male clients, 2560 poverty, 2211 intelligence testing, 1359–1360, Protection of Children against schisms in, 2364, 2370 1362–1368, 1375, 1376, 2330 Sexual Exploitation Act of social activism of, 2365 Psychosis. See Mental illness and 1977, 2581 and voluntary associations mental disorders Protest movements, 2265–2271 origin, 3227 Psychotherapy collective behavior factors, 349, and wars of religion, 2363 as drug abuse treatment, 715 350–354, 558 Provo Study, 1488 family therapy case studies, 247 consequences, 2267–2268, Provocation 2270–2271 personality theory and, aggression and, 72, 73 1713–1715 and countermovement resistance, by politically alienated, 101–102 2266, 2267–2268, 2717, 2718 recovered memory, 901–902 Prozac, 654, 718 and crowd behavior, 557–558 Psychotropic agents, 717 Przygotzki, Nathalie, 1903–1904 extremist terrorists, 3139 PTSD. See Posttraumatic stress PSDA. See Patient Self-Determination disorder Iranian studies, 1870–1871 Act of 1990 Puberty, 6 music and, 1927 PSID (Panel Study of Income Public administration, 1951, 1952 Native American, 136–137 Dynamics), 576, 1685, 2475, 2480 Public data, 574–575 participants and methods, Psychiatry, 1832–1833 Public funding organizations, 2268–2270 Psychoanalysis, 1713–1714 2398–2400 participatory decision-making and adult dependency, 2063, Public goods theory, 2338 in, 605 2067 Public health political alienation and, 101, 103 critical theory and, 543 demographic transitions and, and political criminality, femininity/masculinity theory, 622–623 2144–2145 998 diffusion of new drugs, 677–678 popular vs. unpopular, 2269 personality theories, 540, drug abuse control, 712–713 and riots, 555–556 1713–1714, 2084, 2087, 2089, healthy life expectancy and, 1632 and triad coalitions, 333 2090, 2860 lifestyle risks, 1639–1642 See also Revolutions; Social Psycholinguistics, 2895 and mortality rate decline, movements; Student Psychological Abstracts (database), 2177–2178 movements 409, 1015 as social control, 521 Protestant ethic, 1577, 1885, 2211, Psychological Abstracts/PsycInfo, 1611 Public Health Service, 2398–2399 2456, 2483, 2943 Psychological casualties. See Extreme values theory and, 3219, 3222 influence: thought reform, high Public housing, 1656 Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of control groups, interrogation, Public interest group, 2148, 2149 Capitalism, The (Weber), 237, 389, and recovered memory Public opinion, 2272–2280 722, 774, 2483, 2942, 2986 psychotherapy on alcoholism as disease, 96 Protestantism Psychology on American political and social American affiliation figures, 146 Chinese study of, 298 issues, 145 and American sociomoral and criminology, 528–529 attitude as indicators, 190–191 political issues, 2361 and cross-cultural analysis, 548 attribution theory, 190

3426 INDEX

on civil liberties, 316–318 methodological research, 2281 sociological computing, 407, collective participants, 348 outcome analysis, 2283–2284 409, 411 on drug abuse, 713 policy explanation, 2281–2282 Soviet and post-Soviet sociology, 2981, 2983 dynamics of, 2275–2276 pro-family programs, 2033 sport sociology, 2987, 2988 Eurobarometers, 549, 577, public opinion and, 2276– 578–579, 3223 2277, 2282 Web sites for nonelectronic, 414 on governmental and quality of life concept, 2686 Public Interest, The (periodical), 1601 unresponsiveness, 101 response to structural lag, 3064 Publishing industry, 1647–1648, Internet as polling potential, 2172 social indicators, 2687–2688 1768–1769 Puerto Ricans and social problem objectivist on liberal/conservative beliefs, paradigms, 2760, 2764 divorce rates, 126 1602–1603 social security systems, 2797–2805 household structure, 127 low rating of lawyers, 468 sociological research funding, Puerto Rico, 3263 policy effects of, 2276–2277, 2282 2398–2401 Pugliese, Enrico, 1467 polling approaches, 575, 1686, time use research, 3163–3165 Pugwash meetings, 2047 2273–2275, 2277–2279, 3232 utilization of, 2284–2285 Pukumina (Jamaican religion), 65 polling quota samples, 2444–2445 See also Government regulation Punch, Maurice, 3248, 3249– polling survey data collection 3250, 3253 methods, 575 Public schools. See Educational Punched-card system, 283, 406, on rape, 2583 organization 420, 575, 580 on sexual harassment, 2581 Public spaces, communitarian view of, 359 Punishment social surveys, 821, 2769 Publications and behavioral conformity, 2616 survey instruments, 576–579 American Sociological as deviance prevention, 667, 2341 survey research, 3087–3094 Association, 150, 153, of nonconformity, 525–526 See also Voting behavior 154, 155 parental style/child’s deviant Public policy analysis, 2280–2285 Asian-American studies, 179 behavior relationship, 2858 adult education, 23 clinical psychology, 326 as social capital factor, 2638 biotechnology advances, 1824 electronic, 413 social learning theory on, 1717 conceptual development, ethnography, 854–855 sociology of, 517–518 2280–2281 first use of term ‘‘clinical three dimensions of, 2659 data banks and depositories, sociology,’’ 325 See also Capital punishment; 574–577 historical sociology, 1197 Corporal punishment; deviance theories, 666, 667–668, Criminal sanctions; Penology; 669–670 Japanese sociology, 1481–1482 Rewards; Social exchange library resources, 1606 drug abuse, 711–717 theory evaluation research, 2282–2283 library search techniques, Punk rock counterculture, 460, family policy, 963–964 1608–1611 461, 462 filial responsibility, 1021–1022 life histories and narratives, Pure-conflict games, 2337 1635–1636 health care financing, 1814, 1827 Puritanism, 2211, 2456 Middle Eastern studies, 1864, health policy, 1159 divorce grounds, 701 1868–1869 illegitimacy, 1261 work ethic, 1577, 1885, neoconservative, 1601 implementation analysis, 2284 2211, 2456 on-line indexes access, 1607 interest group lobbying, Purnell Act of 1925, 2426 on qualitative methods, 2293 2115, 2150 Purposive action model, 2838–2839 rural sociology, 2427 language policy, 2909 Pursuit of the Millennium, The long-term care funding, Scandinavian sociology, 2451 (Cohn), 2367 1658–1659 on small group research, Putnam, Robert, 359, 368, marital adjustment, 1731 1980, 1981 3228, 3229 medical-industrial complex, on social indicators, 2685 Pyschodynamic theories of 1824–1826 of social work, 2845 depression, 649

3427 INDEX

Pyschogenic theory of criminal human ecology and, 1229 public policy, 2282 behavior, 506 measurement of, 2302–2304, statistical conclusion validity 2683–2684 threats, 2326–2327 Q nursing home improvement Quebec, Canada Qabus-Nameh (Unsuru’l-Ma’ali), 1564 interventions, 1672 church-state relations, 2360 Q-analysis, 3183–3185, 3187, 3188 retirement and, 2404 legal system, 464 Qatar, 1865, 1866 as social indicator, 2683–2684, national movement, 1941, QCA (qualitative comparative 2685, 2686–2687 1947, 2719 analysis), 386 summary indices of, 2686–2687 separatist political violence, Qin dynasty, 2998–2999 theories of crime and, 503 2145, 2271 Qing dynasty, 3000 widowhood as diminishment of, Queen, Stuart A., 483–484 QL. See Quality of life 3257–3258 Queens College-CUNY, interactive QOL. See Quality of life Quality of Life and Pharmacoeconomics database access, 409 QPL (Questionnaire Programming in Clinical Trials (Spilker), 2301 Questionnaire Programming Language), 410–411 Quality of Life Newsletter, 2301 Language (QPL), 410–411 QSERVE (interactive data access Quality of Life of Cancer Patients, Questionnaires system), 409 The (Aaronson and Beckman computerized self-administered, Quadagno, Jill S., 483–484 eds.), 2301 410–411 Qualitative comparative analysis Quality of Life Research and secondary data analysis, 2478 (QCA), 386 (journal), 2301 survey research, 578, 3088– Qualitative Health Research Quality of Life Valuation in Social 3090, 3093 (journal), 2293 Research, The (Mukherjee), Quill, Timothy, 587 Qualitative Inquiry (journal), 2293 2301–2302 Quine, Willard Van Ormand, 823 Qualitative methods, 2287–2296 Quantitative law of effect, 214 Quinlan, Karen Anne, 586, 3084 artistic aspects, 2291–2293 Quantitative methods, 1633 Quinnry, Richard, 3247 comparative-historical sociology, of criminal analysis, 530 Quint, Jeanne, 582 386 of cross-cultural analysis, 547 Quirino, Elpidio, 2131 computer analysis, 410 macrosociology, 1709–1710 Quota samples, 2444–2445 content analysis, 417–421 meta-analysis, 1843–1850 Qur’an. See Koran criminal analysis, 530 of prediction, 2227–2231 cross-cultural analysis, 547 statistical, 2028, 3034–3039 R ethnomethodological case statistical graphics, 3011–3019 Race, 2329–2335 studies, 247–248 statistical models, 2028 adulthood transition and, 35 macrosociology, 1709–1710 tabular analysis, 3107–3126 affirmative action and, 47– middle-group approaches, typologies, 3182–3185 52, 2706 2289–2291 Quantity principle, and decision African peoples and, 61–63 phenomenological research, 2100 processing, 593–594 AIDS/HIV risks, 2587–2590 scientific explanation, 2468 Quarks, 2459, 2470 alcohol use and, 94–95 social forecasting, 2677–2678 Quasi-experimental research designs, alienation and, 102, 103 See also Data analysis 2309–2328 altruism and, 117 Qualitative models, 2296–2299 construct validity threats, in American society, 142, 143 Qualitative Sociology (journal), 2324–2325 attributional patterns and, 854, 2293 external validity threats, 196, 197 Quality of American Life: Perceptions, 2323–2324 biological conceptions of, Evaluations, and Satisfactions internal validity threats, 2329–2332 (Campbell et al.), 2300 2312–2315 census and, 284–285, 286 Quality of dying, 585, 587–588 measurement and, 1792–1803 childbearing and, 125, 1010, 2032 Quality of life, 2299–2309 nonexperimental designs, childlessness and, 109 definitions of, 2301–2304 2321–2322 as Chinese immigration exclusion health promotion and, 1171 panel study as, 1686 law basis, 175

3428 INDEX classification systems, 62, life expectancy and, 125, 1631 Asian-American studies; Class 2330–2332 manipulation of classifications, and race; Racism collective mobility of, 2715–2716 62–63 Race Matters (West), 2220 as conflict theory factor in marital age and, 124, 1750 Race relations theories, 53–54 deviance, 670 and mental illness diagnosis, 1838 resentments and, 2245 and crime rates, 498, 530– military sociology and, 1879, See also Class and race; 532, 534, 536 1880 Prejudice; Racism and critical theory, 539, 541 music ascriptions and, 1926 Racial prejudice. See Prejudice cycle theory, 177 and nursing home residents Racial profiling, 1491 and direct and indirect profile, 1667 Racial resentment, 2245 discrimination, 689–694 and occupational segregation, Racial unconscious theory diversity in American cities, 308 379, 2012, 3046, 3264–3265 (Jung), 2090 divorce and, 112, 126, 705, ‘‘one-drop rule,’’ 1296–1297 Racism 707, 708 political correctness and, antiblack ideology, 55, 56, drug abuse policy and, 714 2140, 2141 57–58, 66 education and, 145 population composition apartheid, 62, 1940, 2047, 2146 studies, 633 educational achievement and, capitalism and, 319–321, 322 2931, 2932–2933 poverty level and, 2215 collective aggression and, 349 equality of opportunity and, 830 prejudice and, 2243–2246 environmental, 789, 803, and ethnicity, 841 protest movements. See Civil 809, 1159 rights movement ethnicity differentiated from, environmental equity and, 789, 2329 public opinion shifts on, 2275 790, 795, 796 European imperialist view of, quality of life and, 2300 environmental sociology and, 803 320–321 remarriage rates, 126, 2388 ethnicity and, 844–845 and family households, 127, 925 retirement and, 2406–2407 eugenics and, 879 and family planning, 955– segregation and desegregation, feminist theory and, 988, 989 956, 966 2491–2499 genocide and, 1067 genocide and, 1067, 1070, segregation indices, 2500–2504 imperialist roots of, 320 1071–1072 singlehood and, 107–108 institutional, 53–54 and hate speech, 275–276 social conceptions of, 2332–2334 prejudice and, 2242–2246 helping behavior and, 117 social Darwinism and, 2330, 2334 resistance movements, 58 hypodescent rule and, 2331–2332 and social stratification, 253, 558, Social Darwinism and, 2330, 2334 income inequality and, 2691, 2817–2819 stereotypes, 64, 2243 3048 South African categories of, 62 U.S. historical, 57–58 infant and child mortality and, and status attainment, 3044, 3046 of white working class, 321 130, 1334 and status incongruence, 3054 See also Class and race; informal economy and, 1340 stereotypes of, 64, 197–198, 2243 Discrimination; Segregation intelligence and, 1372–1373, 2330 and structural lag, 3063 and desegregation intermarriage and, 1407–1415 suburbanization and, 3074–3075 Radcliffe-Brown, A. R., 563, 564, 1030, 1031, 1034, 2890 intermarriage and divorce suicide rates, 3078, 3079 Radical activist countercultures, 460 rates, 1750 and underemployment, 1721, intermarriage demographics, 124 1722, 1724 Radical democracy, 545 intermarriage/occupational and uneven power allocation, Radical individualism, 316 achievement intersections, 1940 Radical positivism, 2468 2691 and urban riots, 555–556, 557, Radical sociology, case studies, interracial courtship, 485 558, 2269, 2270, 2495, 2661 245–246 interracial marriage laws, voluntary association membership Radical-Marxist criminology, 504– 949, 1776 and, 3227, 3228 505, 534–535 interrelationship with class. See See also African American studies; Rado, Sandot, 650 Class and race American Indian studies; Radojkovic, Mroljub, 1472

3429 INDEX

Radway, Janice, 1647, 1648, 1650, juvenile age and arrest rate, 1489 and interest group 2171–2172 law revisions, 2576, 2578 formation, 604 RAE. See Research Assessment legal definition, 2577 and interpersonal power, 1459 Exercises male honor and, 2579, 2580 and mathematical sociology, 1791 Raffault, J., 1025 of male victims, 2578 and new paradigm of religion, 2375 Ragin, Charles, 243, 386, 547, marital, 950, 2588–2589 1709–1710, 2297 and postmodernism, 2206 rapist typologies, 2588 Rahe, R., 3055 and public interest group and sexually explicit media support, 2149 Rahim, M. A., 1569 content, 2187 and Scandinavian sociology, 2452 Rahmann, F., 2939–2940 stranger vs. nonstranger, Rainwater, Lee, 2452 2556–2557, 2558–2559, 2588 and social networks, 2731 Rama, 3288 treatment and prevention, 2583 and social values and norms, 2340–2341, 2835–2836, 3222 Ramirez, Francisco O., 427–428, Uniform Crime Reports 2662 definition, 492, 499 and status incongruence, 3050 Ramos, Fidel, 2131 and war, 2578–2579 and voting behavior, 3236 Ramsoy, Natalie R., 2451 Rape in Prison (Scacco), 2578 and war, 3244 R-analysis, 3183–3185, 3187, 3188 ‘‘Rape: The All American Crime’’ See also Social exchange theory Rand Corporation, 1876, 1877, 1881 (Griffin), 2587 ‘‘Rational Choice Theory and Religion’’ (1994 conference), Medical Outcome’s Study, 2306 Rapoport, Anatol, 1791 2375 Random measurement error, Rappaport, Roy, 1226, 1228, 2891 Rational legal systems, 464 1908–1909, 1917 Rasler, Karen, 1871 Rationalism. See Scientific Rastafarianism, 64, 65 Random net theory, 1790 rationalism RATE (computer software), Random sampling, 2274, 2288, 2324 Rationality 3037, 3038 procedures, 2446–2447 individualism and, 1306 replication, 2397 Rating scales, attitude measurement, 185–186 postmodern theory on, 2206 Randomness Ratio level measurement, 1793 secularization and, 2483 causal relationship experiment variability of judgment and, 598 design, 2312, 2322–2323 Ratio scales, 1793 Rationality and Society (journal), Rational choice theory, 2335–2343 hierarchical linear model effects, 1791, 2375 1176–1177 base rate information, 591 Rationalization, theory of, 541 and coalitions, 330 probability theory and, 2249, Rational-legal authority, 230 2252 and collective behavior, 349–350, Ratzel, Friedrich, 1933 Range (statistical), definition of, 659 2335, 2338–2339 Ratzenhofer, Gustav, 1074 Rank, Otto, 2058, 2085, 2087 criminological theory and, 535–536 Rawls, John, principles of justice, Rank-dependent theory, 592, 598 2698–2699, 2700, 3205 of democratic voting Ranke, Leopold, 1180 behavior, 2339 Reactance theory, 2325–2326 Rao, M. S. A., 1291 deterrence theory and, 519, 529 and aggression, 69 Rap music, 1926 differential association theory and motivation, 2060 Rape, 2556–2559, 2587–2594 and, 533 Reactive arrangements, 2325–2326 AIDS/STDs and, 2576, 2585 and economic sociology, 732, Reading and blaming the victim, 2579 939, 2335–2336, 2338 literary reception theory and, British definitions of, 499 and exchange networks, 2674 1648 child sexual abuse feminist theory and, 996 as virtue, 1650 similarities, 2581 functional explanation, 2341– See also Literacy common law definition of, 2587 2342 Reading the Romance (Radway), 1648 criminological theories of, game theory and, 2335, Reagan, Ronald, 101, 1150, 503–504 2336–2337, 2419 1159, 1825 explanations for, 2579–2580 and human nature, 1234 and deregulation, 3250 gang, 2580 and institutions, 2340, 2342 drug abuse policy, 712

3430 INDEX

and fundamentalism, 2371 Reference services. See Data banks operant conditioning, 209–210, and Iran-Contra affair, 2128 and depositories; Library 214, 1716, 2085, 2670 resources and services for and Social Security system, 2799 social learning, 1717, 2768 sociology and voting behavior, 3234 Reischauer, Robert D., 3199 Reflected appraisal model (self- Reality construction, 2099 Reiss, Albert J., Jr., 2108, 2682, esteem), 2515 3034, 3247 case studies, 246–247 Reflections on the Revolution in France Reiss, I. L., 2537 Reason, 1303 (Burke), 1599 Reiss, Ira, 1778 and emotion, 773, 785–786 Reflex arc (Dewey concept), 1014 Relational power theory, 2165 See also Rational choice theory; Reflexive thinking. See Self-concept Rationality and social inequality, 2693 Reform movements, 853, 2717 Reasoned action theory, 189 Relational properties of Reformation, 2154, 2211, 3227 collectives, 1592 Rebellions. See Revolutions See also Protestantism Relative deprivation Recent Social Trends (study), Reformatories, 518 576, 2682 collective protest and, 349, 1940 Réforme sociale, La, 1025 Reception theory (literary), 1648 and distributive justice, 2701 ‘‘Reforms as Experiments’’ Reciprocal altruism, 115, 2882, and status incongruence, 3050 (Campbell), 866 2883–2884 Relative mobility, 2712 Refugee Act of 1980, 143 and family care, 1391, 1394, Relativism Refugees 1567–1568, 1657–1658 and liberalism, 355 demographic factors, 636 Reciprocal causation, 261 and scientific knowledge, distinguished from social learning theory and, 2459, 2955 immigrants, 180 1716–1717 and sociology of knowledge, Indochinese, 180, 181, 182 Reciprocity 2953, 2954, 2955 interviews with, 299 Lévi-Strauss principle of, 1032 Reliability, 2343–2356 Regime, definition of, 2356 marital balancing of, 1508 consistency and stability as Regional sociological components of, 2343 in Native American potlatch, organizations, 153 1032, 2883–2884 multiple indicator tests of, 1909–1910, 1917 as social capital basis, 2637, Règles de la méthode sociologique, Les (Durkheim), 819, 1024 2638, 2640 in narrative research, 2292 Regression analysis. Correlation and symbolic interactionism, See of observation systems, 1977 and regression analysis 2423–2424 in personality measurement, Regression coefficients, 259, 262, and territorial belonging, 3129 2075–2076 451, 1693 Recorded culture, 568–569 qualitative data criteria, Regression line. See Linear 2288–2289 Recovered memory psychotherapy, regression models 901–902 replication and, 2395–2397 Regression-discontinuity design, Rectilinear coordinate graphs, 3005 of single-indicator measures, 1921 2319–2320 Recursive models, and causal and specificity of variables, 1803 Reher, D., 633 inference models, 256, 257, time use research, 3159 Rehnquist, William, 587 258, 261 validity vs., 1909, 2080 Reich, Charles, 460, 1773 Redfield, Robert, 367, 1506, Religion Reich, Robert, 1091, 1347 2428, 2483 African traditions, 65 Reichel-Dolmatoff, G., 1225 Redlich, Frederick, 1813, 1834, 3055 and alcohol use, 94–95 Reid, Anthony, 2978 Redlining, 3072 and canon law, 473, 1513, 1514, Reductionism, 1780 Reid, Whitelaw, 1357 1516, 1545 Reed, Gary E., 3253 Reification theory, 541, 543 and caste and inherited Reed, Mark, 2658 Reigrotzki, Erich, 1076 status, 250 Reeducation programs, 892–898 Reil, Johann Christian, 2087–2088 and censorship, 267 Reference group theory, 2702–2704, Reiman, Jeffrey, 3246, 3248 and cohabitation, 109 2752–2753 Reinforcement theory and conservatism, 1598, 1599 See also Role theory; Self-concept cognitive dissonance, 338 divine experience and, 3283

3431 INDEX and divorce bans, 700 Religion in Secular Society voluntary associations, 3227, Durkheim on function of, (Wilson), 2483 3228–3230 775–776, 1032, 2385, 3278 Religion, politics, and war, in world religions, 3286–3287 experience vs. conversion, 3283 2356–2364 Religious orientations, 2382–2387 family and. See Family and decline of liberal mainline democracy and, 605 religion denominations, 2379 and interfaith dialogue, gender and, 997, 1057, 2379 and ethnicity, 3288 3288–3289 genocide and, 1069, 1071 and fundamentalism and, 2361, pluralism and, 2969–2970 hate speech and, 275–276 2369, 2371, 2378, 2943, and world religions, 3277–3289 2944–2945, 3288 historical sociology and, See also Religious movements and secularization, 2485–2486 1198, 1199 Religious sociology. See Sociology of on human nature, 2086–2087 Religious fundamentalism. See religion Fundamentalism and incest taboo, 1272 Relman, Arnold, 1818 Religious movements, 2364–2376 and interfaith dialogue, 3289 Remarriage, 2387–2395 categories of, 2364–2368 and interfaith marriage, 911, blended families, 112–113, 126 and counterculture, 460, 461, 1411, 1776 comparative rates in developed 2366, 2367, 2374, 2969 and legislation of morality, countries, 1749 fundamentalism, 277, 462, 1577, 1560, 1580 division of labor in, 2390 1580, 2361, 2368–2373, 2378, Native American, 137–138, 2386, 2966–2967 divorce and, 488, 2885 3277–3278, 3279, 3281, 3282 new movements, 2366–2368, divorce potential, 125 new paradigm of, 2367–2368, 2374, 2380, 3286–3288 divorce rate, 1747, 2393 2374–2375 new paradigms in, 2966–2967 first marriages vs., 2390–2393 and ordination of women, 2379 and social conservative vs. following divorce, 708–709, 1746, paradigm shift in, 2964–2971 communitarian view of moral 2387, 2388 personality theories and, decline, 359 and life cycle, 1625 2086–2087 and social movements, 2719, marital quality and, 2390 political correctness and, 2142 2969 mate selection and, 1779, political expression of, 2358–2362 theoretical understanding of, 2388–2390 as political orthodoxy in 2373–2375 parental roles and, 2033, 2389, premodern states, 2138 See also World religions 2390–2392 and professional clergy, 2259 Religious organizations, 2376–2387 predictors of, 2388 sectarian, 1303 in American society, 145–146, of previously married and secularization, 2482–2489 2376–2377 couples, 1748 secularization of, 935, 937–938, changes in, 2364 rate decline, 2387 2373, 2374 civil liberties challenges, 315 rate for divorced women, 1746 sociological defining feature of, and civil rights movement rate upswing, 1744 2382–2383 leadership, 315, 2365, 2374, rates, 1970–1990 (table of), 1742 and sociology of culture, 563 2377, 2493 rates by age, 1742, 1743, 1748, subjective, 2384–2385 and consensus formation, 1779, 2388 suicide and, 3081 2379–2380 stability of, 2392–2393 theology and doctrines, corporate, 441 variables in, 1750 3284–3286 current trends, 2379–2380 after widowhood, 126, 1749, world, 3277–3289 denominational politics, 2377 2387, 2388, 3255, 3259 See also Church and state; Jewish, 2377 Remick, Helen, 371, 372 Judaism and Jews; secularization and, 2482–2489 Remmling, Gunter, 2956 Protestantism; Religious in sociological context, 2377– Rempel, J. K., 335 movements; Religious 2379 organizations; Religious Repeated cross-sectional surveys, orientations; Roman Catholic special-purpose, 2380 1687 Church; Sociology of Islam; theological texts and, 3285 Replication, 2395–2397, 2471 specific denominations and sects umbrella, 2380 secondary data analysis, 2481

3432 INDEX

Report to the Nation on Crime and methods; Survey research; continuing care communities, Justice, 2684 Statistical methods 1664 Reports on the World Social Situation, Research on Social Work Practice, 2845 as death ‘‘cause,’’ 584 2916–2917 Research replication. See Replication and decreased male labor-force Reppucci, D., 76 Research synthesis. See Meta-analysis participants, 1524 Representative democracy, 602–603 Research Working Group on the determinants of, 2405–2406 and political elites, 2627 Ottoman Empire, 1876 early, 2404, 2406, 2407, 2408 and political party systems, 2154, Residential homes first pension plan, 2402 2156–2157, 2164 for drug abuse, 715 gender and race issues, and religious interests, 2358–2362 long-term care, 1652, 1654–1655 2406–2407 Representativeness Residential segregation. See Housing; historical development of, 2402–2404 and decision processing, 594–595 Segregation indices international comparisons, and electoral system, 2156–2157 Resolving Social Conflicts (Lewin), 1013 2407–2408 Repression (emotional), 1713–1714 ‘‘Resource curse,’’ 643–644 measurement of, 2406 Reproduction. See Childbearing; social factors of, 79 Birth and death rates; Resource dependency, 737–738 social security payments and, Demographic transition; Fertility and environmental sociology, 2403, 2796, 2803, 2804 determinants; Pregnancy and 800, 805 pregnancy termination and social exchange theory, 2674 women’s income, 84 Reproduction of Mothering, The Resource mobilization theory, Retirement Research Foundation, (Chodorow), 992–993 791, 1871 588 Republic, The (Plato), 1644, 3202 of collective behavior, 353–354 Retributivism, 516 Republican Party and social movement Rettig, S., 2350 Reuel, Denney, 1595 conservatism and, 1603 organizations, 2723 Reurbanization, 311 factors in emergence of, 2154 Resources. See Social resources theory Revelle, Roger, 1218 machine politics, 2125, 2126 Resources, natural. See Human Revenge of the Past, The and political polls, 2278 ecology and environmental (Naimark), 1948 protest movements within, 2267 analysis Revenue Act of 1921, 2402 voter classification, 3233, 3234 Respite care, 1658 Reverse discrimination, 2706 Resampling methods. See Response bias, 213 Review (journal), 1869, 1872 Bootstrapping; Sampling methods Responsibility (Re)vision (Rich pun), 991–992 Research and Development cultural variants in Revised Feelings of Inadequacy Corporation (RAND), 1038, 1041 attributions of, 198 Scale, 2512 Research Assessment Exercises as prosocial behavior trait, 116 Revitalization movements, 2367 (Great Britain), 227 Responsive Communitarian Platform, Revolutionary Armed Forces of Research Center for Group The: Rights and Colombia (FARC), 2135 Dynamics (University of Responsibilities, 357 Michigan), 1013 Revolutions, 2410–2415 Responsive communitarians, 355, analysis of Iranian, 1870– Research Committee 38 (ISA), 356–360 1871, 1873 1633–1634 Responsive Community, The Chinese socialist, 2849 Research Committee on Social (journal), 356 Trends, 1039, 2682 civil law effects of, 473–474 Rest, James B., 1899 Research Committee on coalitions within, 331, 332, 333 Restitution, as criminal sanction, 515 Stratification (ISA), 550 collective behavior factors, 349 Restlessness, circular reaction Research funding in sociology, comparative historical analysis of, and, 350 2397–2401, 2475 383, 384, 2413, 2414, Rethinking Marxism (journal), 1757 Research methods. See Case studies; 3000–3001 Retirement, 2401–2410 Comparative-historical sociology; conflict theory on, 416 Ethnomethodology; Ethnography; age of, 3061 contemporary theory of, Evaluation research; Qualitative community case studies, 245 1707–1708

3433 INDEX

counterculture groups, 460 Rhetoric of censorship, 268–269 Robbery creole decolonization and, 1267 Ricardo, David, 1597 deviance theories on, 664 enforcement coalitions and, Rice, Stuart A., 3231 juvenile rate, 1498 415–416 Rich, Adrienne, 991 rate calculation, 497, 498 historical case studies of, 1198 Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Uniform Crime Reports J-curve hypothesis of, 349 Prison, The (Reiman), 3248 definition, 492 Lenin’s theory of, 2848–2849 Richards, Audrey, 289 victimization rates, 499 Mao’s theory of, 2849 Richardson, Laurel, 1637 See also Burglary; Theft Marx’s theory of, 2339, Richmond, Mary, 2843 Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, 2410–2411, 2412, 2413, 2414 Rickert, Heinrich, 819–820, 2957 587, 588, 715, 2400 Merton’s anomie concept Ricketts, Erol, 3199 Robertoland, 227 and, 165 Rickman, David, 194 Roberts, Brian, 1338, 1578 nationalism and, 3001–3002 Ricoeuer, Paul, 3281 Robertson, Roland, 1199 Old Regime vs. Third Riemann, Gerhard, 1635 Roberty, Evgeny de, 2979 World, 2412 Riemer, Svend, 1275 Robeson, Paul, 1071 outcomes and, 2414 Riesman, David, 4, 1582, 1595, Robespierre, Maximilien, 1066 postcommunist, 2851 2529, 2624 Robinson, Dawn T., 1790 proletarian, 2848–2849 Riggs v. Palmer, 466 Robinson, J. P., 3209 rebellions vs., 2410 ‘‘Right to die’’ movement, 585, 586, Robinson, Ronald, 1266 social movements and, 2717 3064, 3065, 3083 Robinson, William S., 1592 socialist, 2848–2849 Rights. See Civil rights; Human Robotics, 699, 3266 rights, children’s rights, and Southeast Asia studies, 2977 Rochberg-Halton, Eugene, 2217 democracy state and, 3000–3001 Roche Holding, Ltd., 1824 Right-wing extremism and status incongruence, 3050 Rocheblave, Anne-Marie, 2415 political parties and, 2160 See also American Revolution; Rockefeller Foundation, 637, survivalist counterculture, French Revolution; Mexican 716, 2398 Revolution of 1910; Russian 461–462 Rockwell, R. C., 2300 Revolution Riker, William, 331, 2920 Rodman, Hyman, 2212 Revolutions of 1848, 3000, 3001 Riley, Matilda White, 150, 1618 Roe v. Wade (1973), 2274, 2277 Revue française de sociologie, La, 1026 Rinaldi, A., 583 Roemer, John, 2815 Revue internationale de sociologie, 1025 Rinde, Erik, 1425 Roemer, Milton I., 376 Rewards Ringer, Benjamin, 54 Rogers, Andrei, 620 and behavioral conformity, 2616 Riots. See Crowds and riots Rogers, Carl, 1714, 1715, 1717, and compliance, 400 Rising expectations theory, 1491, 1718, 2085, 2087, 2088 as external social control, 2657 2270, 2493 Rogers, Everett, 86, 87, 89, 676, Risk group cohesiveness and, 2615 678–679 control theory on, 667 helping behavior and, 115, 2774 Rogers, Kim Lacy, 1636 lifestyle and health, 1639–1642 and intrinsic motivation, Rogers, Mary F., 1648 2059–2060 macro-level research, 2877–2880 Roh Tae Woo, 2131 of parenting, 2034 micro-level research, 2876–2877 Rohypnol, 488, 2577 and social justice, 2697, rational decision theory and, 350 Rokeach, Milton, 2120, 3214–3216, 2701–2704 sexual behavior and, 2559, 2577 3217, 3222, 3223 and work satisfaction, 3272, 3275 technological, 2874–2579 Rokeach Value Survey, 3214–3216, See also Reinforcement theory; Risse, Heinz, 2986 3217, 3222, 3223 Social exchange theory Rita, Lidia de, 1467 Rokkan, Stein, 574, 576, 2154–2155, Rex, John, 226 Ritalin, 718 2450, 2452, 2453 ‘‘Rhapsodien’’ (Reil), 2087–2088 Rites of passage, 1624, 2861 comparative political analysis, Rheaume, Jacques, 328 Ritzer, George, 1703–1704, 2027, 2922 Rheinstein, Max, 1554 2208–2209 Role change, 2424–2425, 2838

3434 INDEX

Role choice behavior, 1253, 1255 kinship and marriage teachings, Roper, Elmo, 3232 Role conflict, 2416–2417 1514, 1516–1517 Roper Public Opinion Research Role playing, 2423 labor movement and, 1529 Center, 317–318, 576 Role theory, 2415–2420 low suicide rates and, 3079, 3081 Rorschach ink-blot test, 2077 altruism and, 117–118 parochial schools, 2861, Rosaldo, M. Z., 992 cognitive perspectives, 2417– 2931, 2935 Rosen, Bernard, 848 2418, 2424 in Poland, 2357, 2365–2366 Rosen, Lawrence, 464 disagreements and confusions on, religious movement Rosenbaum, James L., 1989 incorporation by, 2364–2365 2415–2416, 2419 Rosenberg, Gerald N., 2962 and social movements, 2365– functionalist, 2416, 2421– Rosenberg, M., 2344, 2346, 2366 2423, 2425 2347, 2350 U.S. membership, 2376 history of, 2415–2416 Rosenberg, M. J., 335, 337 and wars of religion, 2363 and marginality, 2634–2635 Rosenberg, Neil, 1927 Roman law, 465, 473, 475, 476, 1513 organizational analysis, 2416– Rosenberg, Stanley, 2512 2417 Montesquieu comparative Rosenfeld, Richard, 503 pragmatism and, 2221 study of, 1545 Rosengren, Karl-Erik, 1648, 2453 recent trends in, 2418–2419 Roman Republic and Empire, Rosenkranz, P. S., 2190 and self-concept, 2507–2508 2998, 2999 Rosenstock, Irwin M., 1814 and situational self-concept, 2506 city-states in, 2998 Rosensweig, Mark, 633 small-group division of labor, 696 civil law antecedents in, 465, 473 Rosenthal, R., 1849–1850 small-group role differentiations, frontier line, 1932, 1935 Rosenthal, Sandra, 2217 695, 2422–2423, 2774–2775 mass destruction of Carthage, Rosenzweig, Roy, 2170 as social psychology perspective, 1066, 1069 2415, 2417–2418, 2768, 2772 slavery in, 2811 Ross, Catherine E., 1834–1835 and socialization, 2855–2856, Romance novels, 1699, 2171–2172 Ross, Edward, 1074, 1423 2860, 2861 Romania Ross, Edward Alsworth, 1738, 3245 and status incongruence, 3050 illegal abortion death rates, 2241 Ross, Marc, 1070, 1071 structural, 2417 labor movement, 1532 Rossi, Alice S., 360, 989, 1618 symbolic interactionist, 2417, political and government Rossi, Peter, 156, 425, 1206, 1618, 2423–2424, 2856, 3097 corruption, 2136, 2137 2215, 2281, 2282 traditional, 2423 protest movement, 2267 Rossiter, Clinton, 1598 See also Gender roles; Parental revolution, 3001 Rostow, Walt W., 1705–1706, roles; Social roles Romanian, sociology in, 2117 1885, 1886 Role theory: foundations, extensions, Romantic fiction, 1648, 1699 Roszak, Theodore, 459 and applications, 2420–2425 Romantic love complex, 1698–1700 Rotating panels, 1687 Role-Construct Repertory Test, 2076 Romanticism, 1697, 1700 Rotation problem-correlated factors, 913–914 Romagnoli, Guido, 1467 Rommetveit, Ragnar, 2415 Rothchild, John, 460 Roman Catholic Church Roof, Wade Clark, 2484 Rothko, Mark, 656 adaptability study, 2379 Room, Robin, 2451 Rothman, Ellen K., 483 alcohol consumption rates, 95 Roos, J. P., 2453 Roturier. See Status incongruence American affiliation figures, 146 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 1286, 1311, in Canada, 2360 1596, 2125, 2126, 2273, 2277, Roueché, Berton, 814 canon law, 473, 1513, 1514, 2403, 3232, 3235 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 527, 528, 1516, 1545 Roosevelt, Theodore, 1007, 2426 1024, 1029, 1233, 1247, 1248, 1249, 1310 case study of nun, 245 Root, Elihu, 1427 Rovine, Michael, 1737 censorship by, 267, 268 Roots (Haley), 67 Row frequency and percentage, 658 communitarian elements in social Roots and Counterpoint (papers teachings of, 355 collection), 179 Rowan, Charles, 2110 divorce ban, 1516 Roper Center for Public Opinion Rowland, M. D., 76 historical antimaterialism, 1781 Research, 2477 Rowntree, B. S., 2210

3435 INDEX

Royal Society of London, 1423 Russell, Bertrand, 225, 821, 1457 peace mediation, 2048 RU 486 (mifepristone), 2238–2239 Russell, D., 2583 poverty in, 2216 Rubakin, N. A., 2979 Russell, Dan, 194 Ryan, Bryce, 87, 677, 2429 Rubenstein, Jonathan, 2114 Russell, Diana, 1275–1276 Ryan, R. M., 2059–2060 Rubin, Beth A., 2961 Russell Sage Foundation, 2299, 2398 Rybicki, Pawel, 2120 Rubin, Gayle, 990–991, 992 Russett, B., 2917 Ryder, Norman B., 346–347, Rucker, Darnell, 2217 Russia 1618, 2678 Rueschemeyer, Dietrich, 389 caesaro-papist church-state Rytina, Steven L., 1853–1854 RUGMARK program, 2607 relations, 2357, 2358 Ruiz v. Estelle (1980), 2054 disaster research, 687 S Rule of law, 1549 ethnonationalist movements, S&L scandal, 3250 Rules, bureaucratic enforcement of, 1934, 1945, 1946, 1948 Saalfield, Thomas, 2157 230–231 family size, 977 Sabatelli, Ronald, 1728 Rules, The (Fein and Schneider), 488 health-care system, 380 Sabatier, Paul, 1099, 1108 Ruling class. See Social and labor movement, 1532 Sachs, Wolfgang, 1225 political elites legal system, 1549, 1550 Sacks, Harvey, 247, 431, 432, 433, Rumania. See Romania life expectancy, 623 435–437, 438 Rumiantsev, A. M., 2980 nationalist movements, 1945, Sacred area preservation (Native Rumor, 348 3001 American), 137–138 Run (statistical), definition of, 1969 nuclear weapons, 3242 Sacred Canopy, The (Berger), 2483 Ruocco, Maria Ricciardi, 1467 organized crime, 2136, 2137 Sahlins, Marshall, 1033, 2891 Rural sociology, 2425–2436 political and governmental Sahner, Heinz, 1081 agricultural innovation, 86–91, corruption, 2136–2137 St. John’s wort, 654–655 677, 678, 2429, 2431–2433 post-communist conditions, St. Simon, Henri, 1309 2136–2137 American Indian Saint-Simon, Claude-Henri de demographics, 134 protest movements, 2271 Rouvroy, 1028–1025, 3202–3203 declining number of agricultural sexually transmitted diseases, Saito, Y., 1632 workers, 3264 2591 Saksena, R. N., 1291, 1293 Japanese sociology and, 1478, sociology, 2116–2117, 2979–2984 Salaries. See Wages and salaries 1479, 1480, 1481, 1483 See also Soviet and post-Soviet Salinas de Gortari, Carlos, 2135 kinship structure and, 1502 sociology; Soviet Union Salinas de Gortari, Raul, 2135 mental illness incidence, Russian Empire, 2998 Salvemini, Gaetano, 1465, 1466 1840, 1841 Russian Orthodox Church, 938, Mexican studies, 1858–1860 2357 Sambians, 2569 ‘‘new rural sociology’’ theories, Russian Public Opinion Monitor Same-sex attractions. See Sexual 2429, 2431–2433 (journal), 2983 orientation research agenda, 2427–2431 Russian Revolution (1917–1923), Same-sex coalitions, 331 and social networks, 2728 2411, 2412, 2643, 2664, Same-sex marriage, 111, 131, 315, underemployment, 1721, 1722 2849, 2851 489, 1506 urban societies contrasted historical sociology study of, 1198 and endogamy norms, 1776 with, 3192 and Soviet sociology, 2979 legal barriers, 2546 Wageningen School approach, Russian Sociological Society, Samper, Ernesto, 2135 2432–2433 2979, 2982 Sample selection bias, 2437–2444 Rural Sociology (journal), 2427 Rutkevich, Mihail, 2980 Sampling procedures, 2444–2449 Rural Sociological Society, 2427, Rutter, Michael, 2090 basic probability procedures, 2433 Rwanda 2446–2448 Rusconi, Gian Enrico, 1471 caste and inherited status, 254 and census, 283, 284–285, Rush, F., 2581 colonial boundaries, 1934 286–287 Rushdie, Salman, 279 genocide, 68, 107, 1066, 1069, cluster sampling, 2447–2448 Rushton, Philippe, 2140 1070, 1072 estimators, 2440–2442

3436 INDEX

General Social Survey, 578 SATs (Scholastic Aptitude Tests), Scarce, Rik, 839 longitudinal research, 1687–1688 2439, 2497 Scartezzini, Riccardo, 1472 models of selection, 2439–2442 male vs. female mathematics Scatterplots, 659, 3017–3019 scores, 2532 multistage, 2448, 2449 jittered, 3017–3018, 3019 Saud, king of Saudi Arabia, 2132 and nonparametric statistics, locally weighted, 3017 Saudi Arabia, 1866 1956–1971 matrix, 3018, 3020 abolishment of slavery in, 2602 and online surveys, 408 of residuals, 3016 royal corruption, 2132 probability theory, 2249, shape and direction of, 661 sociodemographic profile, 2938 2250, 3088 univariate, 3015 Saul-Paul: A Double Life and public opinion polls, Scenarios (futures studies), (Hilbrand), 3053 2273–2274 1041–1042, 2678 Saussure, Ferdinand de, 1032, random samples, 2274, 2288, Schaeffer, Nora Cate, 2707 2324, 2397, 2446–2447, 3232 2205–2206, 2891 Schaeffle, Albert, 1074, 1423 and replication, 2397 Savigny, Friedrich Karl von, 475 Scharping, Rudolf, 361 resampling methods, 3039 Savings and loan scandal, 3250, 3253 Schattschneider, E. E., 2273 Sawhill, Isabel, 3199 sampling frame, 2445–2446 Scheff, Thomas, 782, 783–784 Saxton, Stanley, 2221 and standard error, 2449, 3088 Scheffé, H., 3035 Sayrs, Lois W., 2680 survey research, 2444–2449, Schegloff, Emanuel A., 247, 431, Scacco, A. M., Jr., 2578 3087–3088, 3232 432, 435–437, 438–439, 2904 Scaife Foundation, 1601 variations and tests against null Schein, Edgar, 893, 895 hypothesis, 456–457 Scales. See Factor analysis; Levels of Scheler, Max, 2520–2521, 2953– analysis; Measurement Sampson, Robert, 365, 366, 514, 2954, 2955, 2956, 2957 535, 536, 668, 1616 Scales for the Measurement of Attitudes Schelling, Thomas, 735 Samuelson, Paul, 2338 (Shaw and Wright), 3209 Schelsky, Helmut, 1076, 1077, 1079 Samurai, 253 SCAN (Sociology and Computers: a Newsletter), 407 Schelsky school, 1076, 1077, 1079 San Antonio, Texas, 2126 Scandals, political. See Political and Schemas, 2509, 2751 Sanchez-Jankowski, Martí, 530 governmental corruption Schematic processing, 2424 Sanctions. See Criminal sanctions; Scandinavia Schengen Agreement (1985), 1934 Punishment ‘‘clean’’ government Schengen Convention (1990), Sandel, Michael, 104, 356 reputation, 2130 1934, 1935 Sanitation, 2177 cohabitation, 109 Scheuch, Erwin, 576, 1075, 1079, Sanneh, Kanja B. A. S., 381 comparative remarriage rates, 1080, 3052 Sanskritization, 250–251 1749 Schilder, P., 1718 Santer, Jacques, 2130 feminist theory, 990 Schizophrenia, 1836, 1838, 1839 Santeria, 65 high suicide rate, 3079 Schlesinger, Arthur M., 1580 Sapir, Edward, 2890 homosexual marriage Schlick, Moritz, 821 Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, 2092 legalization, 111 Schmid, Thomas, 245 Saraceno, Chiara, 1472 labor movement, 1529, 1531 Schmidt, Calvin F., 3008 Saran, A. K., 1224 life expectancy, 1631 Schmoller, Gustav von, 733, 1423 Saris, William E., 2684 relative marriage rate, 1749 Schnaiberg, Allan, 1214, 1229 See also Denmark; Finland; Sarkar, B. K., 1291 Schneider, David, 2891 Iceland; Norway; Scandinavian Schneider, H. K., 2670 Sarney, José, 2135 sociology; Sweden Schneider, Joseph, 2762 Sartori, Giovanni, 1470, 2153 Scandinavian Sociological Sartre, Jean-Paul, 989, 1071 Association, 2451 Schneider, Mark, 3072, 3074 Sarvodaya Movement, 3289 Scandinavian sociology, 2449–2455 Schneir, Miriam, 989 SAS. See Society for Applied Scanning for optical character Schoeck, Helmut, 1079 Sociology recognition, 408 Schoenwald, S. K., 76 Satanic Verses, The (Rushdie), 279 Scapegoating, 696, 1311 Schofield, R., 633

3437 INDEX

Scholastic Aptitude Tests (SATs), controversial aspects of, 2461 positivism and, 2194–2195 2439, 2497 disciplines, 2458 postmodern, 2207–2208 male vs. female mathematics economic determinism and, 722 and prediction, 2226–2233 scores, 2532 historical, 2456–2457 replication and, 2395–2397, 2471 School systems. See Educational Kuhn’s model of change in, and social philosophy, 2756, 2757 organization 2024–2027, 2193, 2458– stochastic laws and, 2465 School violence, 1484–1485, 2460, 2756 theory testing in, 2466–2467 1487–1488, 1491 meta-analysis of sex differences in Scientific management theory, 697 School vouchers, 315 achievements in, 2532–2533 Scientific method. See Epistemology; Schooler, Carmie, 656, 1619, normal vs. revolutionary, Scientific explanation 2070–2071, 2072, 3271 2458–2460 Scientific rationalism, 1085, Schools. See Education; Educational normative ethos, 2456 1086, 1247 organization; Education and philosophy of, 1077 Scientific realism, 822–823 mobility; Sociology of education and postindustrial society, 2197 Scientism, 544 School-to-Work Act of 1994, 763 and postmodern society, 2206, Scientology, 900, 2366, 3287 Schrecker, John, 2645 2207–2208 Sciolla, Loredana, 1472 Schroeder, David A., 118 pragmatic view of, 2217, SCLC. See Southern Christian 2218, 2219 Schudson, Michael, 2173 Leadership Conference research fraud and, 2458 Schuessler, Karl F., 2299–2300 Scope conditions, 671 social stratification in, 2457 Schultz, T. P., 633 Scopes, John, 2369, 2370 sociological definitions of, 2455 Schuman, Howard, 190–191, 317 Score construction, 2346 and sociology of culture, 563 Schumpeter, Joseph, 474, 724, 733, Score estimation, and factor analysis, 1266, 1356, 1424, 2164, 2273 and sociology of scientific 914–915 knowledge, 2458–2460 on elite rule and mass Scores. See Factor analysis; Levels of apathy, 2627 women’s careers in, 2786 analysis; Measurement and rational choice theory of work groups, 2457–2458 Scotland democracy, 2339 See also Scientific explanation civil law, 465 Schutz, Alfred, 226, 246, 856, 1479, Science Indicators (journal), 2685 divorce law reforms, 703 1932, 2099, 2756 Science sociale, La, 1025 Enlightenment in, 2335, 2340 ‘‘stranger’’ concept, 2635 Scientific communities, 2025–2026 Scott, James C., 2977 Schütze, Fritz, 1633, 1635 Scientific explanation, 2463–2473 Scott, Joan, 1708–1709 Schwartz, B., 1998 building on existing data, 2465 Scott, Kesho Y., 57 Schwartz, Barry, 1636 and causal inference models, Scott, W. A., 3214 255–256 Schwartz, Gary, 513 Scott, W. Richard, 2004 critiques of hypothetico-deductive Schwartz, Michael, 443 Scottish Enlightenment, 2335, 2340 model, 2468–2472 Schwartz, Pepper, 359, 2539, 2540, Scripps Foundation, 637 2542, 2555 deductive vs. inductive logic in, SDA Archive (interactive data access 2465–2466 Schwartz, Shalom H., 3213, system), 409 3216–3217, 3218, 3222, 3223 deterministic laws and, 2465 SDS. See Students for a Enlightenment, 2206, 2207, 2208 Schwartz, Sharon, 2190 Democratic Society falsification and, 2464, 2466, Schwartz Scale of Values, Seal, B. N., 1291 2470–2471 3216–3217, 3218, 3219, Sears, R. R., 73 3222, 3223 German sociology and, 1077 Seaside resorts, 3168 Schwarz, Frederick C., 2370 materialism and, 1781, 1785 Seasonal Variations of the Eskimos: and mathematical sociology, Schwendinger, Herman and Julia, A Study in Social Morphology 1786–1791 511–512 (Mauss), 1032 Science, 2455–2463 measurement and, 2467 Seattle-Denver Income Maintenance applied research and and metatheory, 1852–1854 Experiment (SIME-DIME), 2213 development, 2460–2461 objectivity in, 2467 Second International (Marxist case studies, 2455 and philosophy of science, 1077 Workers Congress), 723

3438 INDEX

Second Sex, The (Beauvoir), and fears about interracial development of, 2506–2508 988, 989, 990 sex, 1408 German idealism and, 1248–1249 Second Vatican Council (1962– health care access and, 1152 hierarchy of roles in, 2505–2506 1965), 2365 in housing, 1152 identity theory, 1254–1255 Secondary data analysis and data Jim Crow laws, 54, 62, 2491, 2761 inaccuracies in, 2750 archives, 2473–2482 occupational, 3264–3265 and internalized values and advantage and disadvantage, occupational by sex, 370 norms, 2837 2477–2478, 2480–2481 protest movements, 2269 interpersonal relations and, data archives, 2473–2477 recognition as social 2506–2508, 2773, 2774 and Durkheim’s suicide study, problem, 2761 James (William) on, 2083 574, 1595, 3080 and residential inequality, 56, 57, ‘‘looking-glass self’’ concept, nature of secondary analysis, 143, 250, 845, 2500–2504 2089, 2344, 2507, 2512, 2477–2481 and social impact of legal 2750, 2856 replication, 2481 changes, 2962 performance relationship, Secondary jobs, 1985 South African apartheid, 62, 250, 2508–2509 Secondhand smoke, 1640 1940, 2047, 2146, 2725 personality overlap with, Second-order partial, 451 Southern desegregation 2082, 2083 Sects, formation of, 2364, 2365, initiatives, 2493, 2494–2495 and relationship with 2366–2367, 2378 Supreme Court rulings, 145, community, 357 Secularization, 2482–2491 2491, 2493, 2494 role theory on, 2423–2424, 2506, early and recent concepts of, from urban population shifts, 2507–2508 2482–2489 3072, 3196 self-esteem and, 2506, 2508, Enlightenment and, 2965–2966 See also Civil rights movement 2511, 2512 myths of, 2484–2485, 2486, 2966 Segregation indices, 57, 2500–2505 self-esteem vs., 2511 paradoxes of, 2487–2489 SEI (Socioeconomic Index), 1997, self-perception and, 2750 political correctness and, 2142 2000, 3265 situational, 42–44, 2506 of religion, 935, 937–938, Seidler, John, 2379 social comparison theory on, 2373, 2374 Seidman, Robert, 1497 2507, 2650, 2651, 2653, 2856 values theory and, 3222 Seidman, Steven, 2207–2208, 2220 and social self, 2218 Security, 3216 Seigfried, Charles Haddock, socialization as formation of, Sedition Act of 1798, 273 2220, 2221 2856, 2860, 2862 Sedition Act of 1917, 273 Seik, Eikichi, 1478 stable, 2505–2506 Seditious libel laws, 273 Selection models. See Sample symbolic interaction theory on, 2423, 2856, 3095–3100 Seduced by Death (Hendin), selection bias; Sampling 3084–3085 procedures Self-confidence, self-esteem vs., 2511 Segal, David and Mady, 1876 Selective fallacy, 1593 Self-control Segerstedt, Torgny T., 2450, 2451 Selective serotonin inhibitors aggression and, 74 (SSRIs), 654 Segregation and desegregation, crime theory and, 667 2334, 2491–2500 Self. See Identity theory; Self-concept as illusion in positive mental African American studies, 54, 56, Self-actualization, 1304, 1714, 1715, health, 2190 57, 58, 66 1718, 2085, 2087–2088 socialization and, 2856 in American cities, 308, 532 Self-appraisal. See Self-concept Self-determination. See Personal in American society, 143, 145 Self-concept, 2505–2510 autonomy black-initiated return to attitudes reinforcing, 185, 2508 Self-efficacy, 116, 1895 segregated programs, and childhood sexual abuse, 290 definition of, 2750 2498–2499 cognitive dissonance theory self-esteem vs., 2511 and coercive labor practices, 2608 and, 339 See also Alienation and crime rates, 532 cognitive-distortion model of Self-employment, Social Security desegregation vs. integration, depression, 651 coverage, 2798 2495–2496 consequences of, 2508–2509 Self-esteem, 2511–2518

3439 INDEX

aggression and, 72, 2516– Self-report measures nationalism, 3001 2517, 2777 depression measurement, 653, use of wartime rape, 2579 consequences of high or low, 654 See also Kosovo 2514–2517 juvenile delinquency and crime, Serendipitous model of kinship consistency of, 2347–2350 1488, 1490, 1492 mapping, 1514–1515 definition of, 2511, 2750 life history, 1616 Serfdom, 1811, 2597, 2602 depression and, 651 self-esteem, 2516 Serotonin, 70, 652, 654, 3079 global, 2511–2512 voting behavior, 3232 Servants, 3262 ‘‘looking-glass self’’ concept, Self-schemas, 2509 Service, Elman R., 2891 2089, 2344, 2512 Seligman, Brenda, 1271 Service employment measurement protocols, 2344– Seligman, Martin., 651, 652 independent contractors, 3268 2350, 2512 Sellin, Thorsten, 664, 3247 in Mexico, 1860 multidimensional trait model, Selye, Hans, 3055 2511 postindustrial shift to, 2196, Selznick, Philip, 356, 566 2197, 2199, 2430, 3276 peer group as source of, SEM. See Structural equation 2513, 2860 working mothers as factor, 3266 modeling persuasion and, 2096 See also Informal economy Semantic differential technique, 186 role theory and, 2424 Servile labor. See Slavery and Semigroup concept, 2298 involuntary servitude school performance and, 2859 Semiotics, 2958 Servile marriage, 2602 and self-concept, 2506, 2508, Semmelweiss (Hungarian 2511 Set theory, 2296 physician), 2464 self-expectations adherence Settlement houses, 365–366, 2841 Semyonov, Moshe, 643 and, 2837 Seventh-Day Adventism, 2366, 3287 Sen, Amartya, 1220 sex differences in, 2534 Sevigny, Robert, 328 Seneca Falls convention (1848), 989 social comparison and, 2654 Sewell, William, 1854, 2427, Senegal sources and functions of, 2714, 2782 2512–2514 poverty in, 2216 Sex and Temperament in Three Self-fulfilling prophecy sociodemographic profile, 2938 Primitive Societies (Mead), 998 and academic achievement, 2932 Senghor, Léopold Sédar, 66 Sex differences, 2529–2537 and dangers of forecasting, 2676 ‘‘Senior boom,’’ 345 contextual influences, 2534–2535 deviant labels and, 1577 Sennacherib, 1069 feminist theory denial of, 2886 sex roles and, 2530 Sennet, Richard, 542 gender roles and, 2418 Self-help movements, 2717 Senofonte, 2520 See also Gender roles Self-identity theory, 2750 Sensenbrenner, Julia, 2639–2640 gender terminology and, Self-image. See Self-concept Sentimental novels, 2171, 2172 1057–1058, 2529, 2886 Self-interest Sentiments, 2518–2529 infant mortality rates, 222 prejudice and, 2245–2246 affect control theory and, life expectancy, 126, 1630–1631, 43–44, 45 rational choice theory and, 1827, 2177, 2180 2338, 2339 attitudes and, 187 meta-analysis of four established social vs. self-control and, 667 norms of, 2527–2528 beliefs on, 2530–2532 ‘‘Selfish gene’’ metaphor, 2882 postmodernism and, 2528–2529 mortality rate, 222–223 Selfishness, altruism vs., 2882, social impact of, 2524–2526 reproduction potential, 2884 2883–2884 See also Emotions sociobiological law of anisogamy Self-perception, 893 ‘‘Separate but equal’’ ruling, and, 2884–2886 definition of, 2750 2491, 2492 theoretical accounts of, 2530 dissonance theory and, 339 Separation of powers, 473–474, See also Femininity/masculinity; 1952, 2624 Gender; Sex stereotypes Self-presentation behavior. See Affect control theory and impression Sequential games, 330 Sex discrimination formation Serbia, 2362, 2363 occupational, 370 Self-regulation. See Self-control genocide by, 68 sexism and, 988, 989, 1838

3440 INDEX

sexual harassment as, 1063, theoretical frameworks, 2537– Hill-Thomas case, 2581 1880–1881, 2580–2581 2538 and political correctness, 2141 UNESCO report on global Sexual behavior patterns, 2549–2564 suit against Clinton, 2128, 2581 conditions of, 1767–1768 approaches to, 2537 two forms of, 2581 See also Comparable worth; in close relationships, 2537–2548 and women in the military, Occupational segregation; Sex consent and coercion, 2556– 1880–1881 stereotypes; Women’s rights 2559, 2577–2580 Sexual material. Pornography movement See See also Rape Sexual orientation, 2564–2575 Sex in America (Michael et al.), 2550 descriptive characteristics of, and adolescent sexual attraction, Sex offenses 2538–2541 2552–2553 civil liberties and, 317 extramarital/extradyadic, 2541– AIDS/HIV and, 1641, 1642, sexually explicit materials 2545 2559, 2570, 2585–2586, 2587, and, 2187 frequency of sex, 2539, 2588, 2590, 2591 Sex ratio 2553, 2555 AIDS/HIV risk reduction, 2589 Asian immigrants, 123, 176 in gay and lesbian adolescents, bisexuality, 2571–2572, 2577, marriage squeeze, 1775 2552–2553 2581 Sex research. See Sexual behavior in gay male and lesbian case studies, 245 patterns relationships, 2539–2540, character of relationships, 2545–2547, 2554–2555, Sex Roles (journal), 2418 2545–2547 2561, 2570 Sex stereotypes and childhood sexual incest and, 1270–1277 attribution theory, 197–198 attractions, 2551 and Islamic control over women, conformity and, 403 civil liberties issues, 315 2949–2950 femininity/masculinity, 997, 2568 conceptualization changes, in life course, 2550–2556 gay and lesbian sexual behavior, 2564–2565, 2570 love and, 1697 2554–2555, 2556 current concepts of, 2567–2573 number of partners, 2540, 2553 mass media, 1699, 1767–1768 declassification as mental oral sex prevalence, 2553, 2569 and mental health theories, 2190 disorder, 1833 outside of marriage, 487, rape-prone societies and, 2591 disease model, 2567 1734, 2568 sex differences and, 2530, 2534 family arrangements, 1064 peer group socialization, 2859 and sexual behavior, 2569 gay and lesbian relationships, premarital, 2568 111–112, 489, 2539–2540, Sex telephone services, 2185 premarital rates in China, 302 2545–2547, 2554–2555, 2570 Sex tourism, 2560–2561, 2607 risk reduction, 2579–2581 gay men vs. lesbian frequency of Sexism. See Sex discrimination risk-taking, 1641–1642, 2559, sex, 2539, 2555 Sex-role models. See Gender; Gender 2585–2593 and gender, 2565–2567 roles; Femininity/masculinity; same-sex relationships not and hate speech, 275–276 Role theory; Socialization identified as ‘‘homosexual/ heterosexuality, 2567–2569 Sexual abuse. See Childhood bisexual,’’ 2554 sexual abuse homosexuality, 1234, 2569–2571 serial monogamy and, 2553 Sexual assault. See Rape; Sexual and legislation of morality, 1580 sexual satisfaction and, 2540 violence and exploitation and life-course sexual behavior, in single adults, 2553–2555 Sexual behavior in marriage and 2551, 2552–2553 close relationships, 2537–2549 sociobiological law of anisogamy military policies on, 1878, on, 2884–2885 gay men and lesbian 1879, 1881 relationships, 2545–2547, See also Prostitution; Sexual political correctness and, 2140 orientation 2554–2555 and prostitution, 2559, 2560, infidelity studies, 2541–2545 Sexual development 2561 interpersonal attraction and, Freudian stages of, 1713 rape and, 2578 2537–2548 of gay men and lesbians, 2570 religious organizations and, 2380 love and, 1697 See also Infantile sexuality theory same-sex marriage trend, 111, rape and, 950, 2577–2578 Sexual harassment, 1063, 2580–2581 131, 315, 489, 1506, 1776

3441 INDEX

sexual behavior patterns, Shame of the Cities, The (Steffens), Shupe, Anson, 2372, 2379 2539–2540, 2545–2547, 2124, 2126 Shweder, Richard, 1900, 1902 2554–2555, 2556, 2561 Shaming, as social control, 519, 520 Siblings sexual coercion studies, 2557 Shanahan, Suzanne, 2662 in blended families, 2391–2392 sexual risk-taking, 2559 Shanas, Ethel, 1389 in coalitions, 332 singlehood demographics and, Shango, 65 incest, 1273, 1275 125 Shannon, Thomas, 1706 unity vs. marital unity, 1509 transvestism and transsexuality, Shapin, Steven, 2456 See also Family size 2554, 2572–2573 Shapiro, Robert Y., 2276 Sicily, 2128 See also Femininity/masculinity Shapiro, Susan, 2962, 3251, 3252 Sick role (Parsons concept), Sexual Politics (Millet), 2587 Sharecroppers, 2492 1813, 1815 Sexual revolution, 484, 487, 2585 Shared good. See Communitarianism Siddhartha Buddha, 3284–3285 Sexual selection (SS) corollary, 2885 Shared-values school, 2337 Sidney, Stephen, 57 Sexual strategies theory, 2537 Sharia. See Islamic law Siegel, Fred, 316 Sexual violence and exploitation, Sharif, Nawaz, 2132 Siegel, Sidney, 1957 1064, 2557, 2559, 2576–2584 Sharot, Stephen, 2968–2969 Siegfried, André, 3232 African-American slave Shaver, P. R., 2068, 3209 Sierra Club, 790, 802, 803 experience, 54, 62, 1407–1408 Sighele, Scipio, 1464, 1465 Shavitt, S., 2098 aggression-prone attitudes Sigler, Jay A., 1945 and, 72, 2591 Shaw, Clifford, 324, 665, 1495, 1633 Sign test (nonparametric), 1961 censorship and, 275 Shaw, M., 3209 Signs and symbols, postmodern Sheatsley, Paul, 2243 consent and coercion, 2556–2559 theory on, 2205–2206 Sheldon, Eleanor Bernert, 2682 and criminalization of Sikes, Melvinn, 57 Sheldon, William, 1717–1718 deviance, 523 Sikhism and Sikhs, 2366, 2486, feminist theory on, 991 Shell International Petroleum 3287–3288 Company, 1041–1042 incest and, 991, 2557, 2559, 2594 Silent Spring (Carson), 789, 803 Sheltered housing, 1655–1656 males as victims, 2578 Silpa-Archa, Banharn, 2131 Sherif, Muzafer, 2415 prostitution and, 2560–2561 Silver, A. K., 288 conformity experiment, 401, 402, sex industry and tourism, Silverman, David, 247 404, 2611, 2616 2560–2561 Silverman, F. N., 288 Shi’a Islam, 3286 treatment and prevention, 2583 SIME-DIME study, 2213 Shils, Edward A., 225, 836, 2632, women as victims, 2587–2589 Simiand, François, 734, 1024, 2954, 3213, 3214 See also Childhood sexual abuse; 1891, 2917 Shilts, Randy, 2585 Incest; Rape; Sexual Similarity hypothesis, 2650 Shimmei, Masamichi, 1478 harassment Simmel, Georg, 178, 581, 733, 820, Sexuality. See Sexual behavior Shine, M., 1628 852, 1028, 1074, 1116, 1117, patterns; Sexual orientation Shinn, Larry D., 3279 1305, 1313, 1423, 2693 Sexually explicit content. See Shiva, Vandana, 1230 ‘‘blaseization’’ concept, 2528 Pornography Shively, W. Phillips, 1595 as Blau social exchange theory Sexually transmitted diseases, Shlapentokh, V., 2980 influence, 2671, 2672 2585–2595 Shneidman, Edwin S., 3077 as Chicago School influence, 1772 effect on courtship, 487, 489 Shoemaker, Floyd, 678 coalitions perspective, 329, 2611 and fertility determinants, 1010 Shogunate, 253 conflict theory, 415 as lifestyle risk, 1641–1642, 2559 Short, James, 1488, 3079, 3080 frames concept of, 1932 See also AIDS/HIV Short-Form 36 Health Survey, 2306 on individual identity and social Shagari, Shehu, 2134 Shostak, Arthur B., 107–108 belonging relationship, Shakespeare, William, 2091 Shott, Susan, 782–783 2633–2634 Shalin, Dimitri, 2217 Shubkin, Vladimir, 2980 as Japanese sociology early Shame, 2521, 2529, 2773 Shudras (Hindu servants), 250 influence, 1477, 1478

3442 INDEX

on money’s significance, divorce and, 112 Skinner, B. F., 722 1888, 1889 gender and, 107–108, 108, depression postulate, 650 music theory, 1924 124, 125 operant reinforcement theory, on role differentiation, 696, 698 homosexuality and, 111, 124 209, 210, 1716, 2085 on sentiments, 2520 marriage squeeze factor and, utopian design, 3204 and social inequality concept, 1775–1776 Skinner, Denise A., 2417 2690 never-married adults, 107–108, Sklair, Leslie, 227, 1085 124–125, 487–488, 1738 as sociology of knowledge basis, Skocpol, Theda, 416, 426, 1102 2954, 2955 race and, 107–108 and comparative-historical ‘‘stranger’’ concept, 2635 sexual behavior patterns, sociology, 383, 384, 385 2553–2555, 2556 on territorial belonging, 3129 historical sociology study, on unstability of triads, 465 suicide rate, 3078 1196, 1198 Simon, Herbert, 3035 voluntary/involuntary, 107–108 on Iranian revolution, 1870 Simon, Theodore, 2330 Single-indicator models, 1910– and macrosociology, 1704, 1707, Simple random sampling (SRS), 1912, 1922 1708, 1709 2446–2447 Single-item scale and metatheory, 1852 Simpson, Ada Harper, 150–151, 156 for attitude, 185–186 political sociology theory, 2163, Simpson, Elizabeth L., 1900 for quality of life, 2303, 2307 2164–2165 Simpson, Richard, 150–151, 156 Single-member representational on social dynamics, 2664 Simpura, Jussi, 2451 districts, 2154, 2157, 2164 and voluntary associations, Simulation and Games (journal), 407 Single-parent households, 142, 359, 3229, 3230 Simulation models 487, 488, 1625, 2033 Skoe, Eva E., 1900, 1903 computer-assisted, 410, 3039 African-American, 122 Skolnick, Jerome, 2108, 2114 forecasting and, 2678–2679 as choice, 1506, 1626 Skvoretz, John, 2029 standardization and, 2996 from divorce, 112, 128, 708, Slater, P. E., 696 1747, 1749, 2033 Simultaneous equation model, Slater, Philip J., 1734, 1974 effects on children of, 705, 706, 261–264, 2251, 3035 Slavery and involuntary servitude, 707–708, 3062 Sinclair, Upton, 245 2596–2610 nonmarital births, 125 SINET: Social Indicators Network News and abolitionist movement’s (quarterly), 2685 from out-of-wedlock births, 634, success, 2725 708, 2033 Singapore, 2130, 2974 in Africa and Middle East, poverty level and, 2215 authoritarian 2501–2503, 2604–2608 communitarianism, 356 poverty rate of, 127, 128, 3062 by African Americans, 54–56, dependency theory, 642 rise in rate, 127 57–58, 64, 121–122, 320, 321, fertility transition, 1008, 2976 See also Unwed childbearing 2333, 2491–2492, 2599–2601 labor movement, 1532 Sinha, J. B. P., 1566 in the Americas, 2598–2601 Singer, Burton, 1684, 1689, 1691 Sirowy, Larry, 423 in Asia, 2602–2603, 2604–2608 Singer, Milton, 564 Situational analysis. See Life histories Asian sex trade as, 2607 Single Convention on Narcotic and narratives as background to contemporary Drugs (1961), 713 Siu, Paul, 176, 178 African American Single European Act (1987), Six-Day War (1967), 3139 problems, 2333 1550, 2151 Sixteenth Street Baptist Church British sociological study of Single Market (EU; 1993), 1934 (Birmingham, Ala.) bombing, modern, 228 Single mothers. See Single-parent 2495 capitalism and, 238, 239, 321 households; Unwed childbearing Siyassat Nameh (Nezam Mulk definition of, 2596 Singlehood, 107–108 Tussi), 1564 examples in 1998 (table of), childbearing and, 125, 128, 484, Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & 2604–2608 488, 634, 1258–1264, 1506, Flom, 469 forced child labor, 2605– 1626, 1744, 2033 Skills standardization, 398 2607, 3262 demographics, 124–125 Skinheads, 460, 461 as human rights issue, 1238

3443 INDEX

imperialism and, 320–321 and nonmember responses, 2777 Smith, Dwight C., Jr., 2018 international efforts against, 2607 observation methods, 1974–1981, Smith, Elliot, 675 interracial marriage and, 2612–2613 Smith, Gerald L. K., 2370 1407–1408 perceptions of inequity in, 2777 Smith, J. H., 225 and land-labor ratio hypothesis, persuasion in, 2776 Smith, Joseph, 3287 2596, 2597–2598, 2600–2601, polarization, 2617 Smith, Louis, 1636 2607–2608 primary and secondary, Smith, Michael, 1214, 1215 marriage and family structures, 2610–2611 121–122 Smith, Peter B., 3213, 3214, 3216 research approaches, 2612–2614 patterns since 1990, 2603–2608 Smith, Thomas, 2243 role assignments, 695, 2422– penal, 518, 2603, 2608 Smith, Tom W., 3091 2423, 2774–2775, 2776–2777 slavery vs. involuntary servitude, Smith Richardson Foundation, 1601 and social comparison theory, 2596–2597 Smith-Lever Act of 1914, 24126 2650, 2652–2654 stratification parameters, Smith-Lovin, Lynn, 1790 and social dynamics, 2666 2810–2811 Smithsonian Institution, 1039 social psychology studies on, and systemic power, 2166 Native American artifact 2770–2771, 2775–2777 Sleeper, Jim, 53 repatriation, 137 Small Social Structures: An Introduction ‘‘Slippery slope’’ argument Smoking to Structural Microsociology assisted suicide and, 587 (Szmatka), 2120–2121 illicit drug use correlation, 711 civil liberties and, 318 Smart, Niman, 3278–3279 peer influence and, 667 Slit-half consistency, 2347–2348 Smeeding, Tim, 2452 as preventable health hazard, Sloan Kettering Hospital, 588 1639–1640 Smelser, Neil, 553, 733, 1885, Slomcyznski, Kazimierez M., 2070 2069, 2914 smokers’ cognitive dissonance Slovak Republica, 1934, 1946, 1947 on, 338 collective behavior theory, Slovenia, 1941, 2136, 2362 352–353, 2635 Smolenska, M. Zuzanna, 118 Slum neighborhoods, community and economic sociology, 2921 Smolla, R. A., 268 studies, 365 SMOs. See Social movement on industrialization, 1197 Small, Albion, 1423, 1424, 2192 organizations on nationalist movements, Small Group Behavior (journal), 1980 Smuts, Jan Christian, 2088 1941–1942, 1943 Small Group Research (journal), SNCC. See Student Nonviolent Smelser, William T., 2069 1979, 1980 Coordinating Committee Smith, Adam, 2335, 3098, 3243 Small groups, 2610–2622 Snedecor, George W., 3035 on division of labor, 697, 1782 case studies, 244–245 Sniderman, Paul M., 2245 economic exchange theory, 721, censuses, 283–284 Snow, David, 554, 1237 722, 2337 coalitions within, 330 Snow, John, 814 and individualism, 1302, cohesion and productivity, 2516, 1305, 1306 Snowball samples (public opinion 2614–2615, 2619 polls), 2445 industrial sociology and, conformity in, 2615–2617 1308, 1309 Snyder, David, 2270 cooperation and competition Sober, Elliott, 118 and liberalism, 355, 1597 within, 2620–2621 Social action, 1306 division of labor within, 696 mass society theorists and, 1771 components of, 352 games and, 330 social development theory of, 2340 participatory research and, group dynamics and, 1014, 2611 2038–2040 on social justice, 2698 influence in, 2615–2617 theory of social resources and, on sympathy, 782 interaction and performance, 2790–2791 Smith, Anthony, 227, 1941, 1943 2617 Social and Cultural Dynamics interpersonal systems, 2775–2777 Smith, Brian T., 2961 (Sorokin), 2662 leadership in, 2619–2620 Smith, Cyril, 225 Social and Cultural Report mathematical formulations, 1790 Smith, David H., 1885–1886 (Netherlands), 2685 minority influence in, 2616–2617 Smith, Dorothy E., 246, 2958 Social and political elites, 2622–2629

3444 INDEX and authoritarian state in tribal societies, 2809–2810 social networks as, 1993, 2637, development, 2999–3000 utopian analysis and design, 2639, 2640, 2732, 2733–2734 bases of, 2163 3202–3203 and upward mobility, 2714, classical elite theory, 2623–2624 voting behavior and, 604 3043–3044 conflict mobilization, 415 See also Status attainment Social casework, 2841, 2842, 2843 as conflict theorist deviance Social anthropology. See Social categorization, 197 factor, 670, 2660 Sociocultural anthropology Social change, 2641–2649 as conformity influence, 403–404 Social anxiety, 2512 adolescence and, 14 conservative ethos and, Social attributions, 197–198 anomie and, 164 1598–1599 Social behavior, 194, 1254, 1255, attitudes as indicators of, critical/radical theorists, 1274, 1824 190–191 2624–2626 exchange theorists on, 2669–2675 and British sociology, 225 cultural transmission by, 2171 observation systems, 1973–1981 communitarian view of, 359–360 definition of elites, 2622 and other components of human conservative view of, 1599 democracy and, 2164, 2627 action, 2632–2634 convergence theories, 421–428 and fertility, 1007 social comparison and, countercultures and, 461 2653–2654 as governing class, 604 culture lag and, 2644 sociobiology and, 288087 and hierarchical inequality, 2693 cumulative effects, 2643–2648 Jewish liberal ethos and, 1603 ‘‘Social Behavior as Exchange’’ demographic change in (Homans), 2670 limitations of elite paradigm, relationship with, 632, 2627–2628 Social Behavior: Its Elementary Forms 703–704, 2642, 2643 (Homans), 722, 2670 as Marxist deviance theory discontinuous, 2643, 2676–2677 factor, 670 Social belonging, 2629–2637 family religious orientation and, mass media control by, 2166 community and, 2520, 2521 936–942 mass society theory on, conformity and, 403–404, 2630 globalization and, 1084 1772–1773 definition of, 2630 and Italian sociology, 1471–1473 and pluralistic representation, deviant behavior in absence of, in kinship structure, 1502–1503 2164, 2624–2626, 2627 535, 667, 668 Kuhn’s model of, 2024–2027, and political correctness, inclusion and, 2365, 2633 2756 2139–2142 marginalization and, 2367, macrosociological theory and political power development by, 2634–2635 research, 1705 2162–2163, 2163–2164 membership and nonmembership main sequence theory of, 1502 and popular culture, 2168– groups, 2634–2635 2169, 2171 Marxist view of, 3066 participation definition, 2635 public opinion polling and, Mexican studies on, 1857, structure of, 2630–2632 2278–2279 1858–1859, 1861 territorial belonging and, religious orientation and, 2385 model for directed, 2687–2688 2629–2630, 2632, 3129, no-fault divorce and, 703–704 revolution and, 2411–2412, 2414, 3131–3132 3000–3001 parental characteristics and, Social capital, 2637–2641 and social movements, 2717, 2032–2033 in adulthood, 35 2725 race and class issues and, and career advancement, 1993 Soviet Communist Party 322–323 nomenklatura, 2850 community social reform religious organizations and, and, 366 and state development, 2379–2380 2997–3002 definitions of, 366, 2637, 2639 social dynamics vs., 2663–2665 and status attainment, 2787 delinquent subcultures’ lack social forecasting and, 2676–2680 of, 513 and status incongruence, social indicators analysis, 3053–3054 and educational attainment, 2930 2681–2688 structuralist political sociological forms of, 2638–2639 and social movement view of, 2162–2163 negative effects of, 2640 emergence, 2718

3445 INDEX

social movements and, 2717– higher education and, 1179 religious orientation and, 2725 historical variations in, 1198, 2384–2385 social work and, 2842 1199 self-concept of adults and, 2508 structural lag and theories of, illegitimacy and, 1261 socialization emphasis and, 3066–3067 incongruence factor, 3049–3055 2772–2773 technology and, 2680 industrial psychology and, 1309 societal stratification and, 2866 values and openness to, 3216 inequalities and, 1218, 2689–2694 sociological concept of, 1198 violence reduction interrelationship with race. See status allocation and, 2780– suggestions, 76 Class and race 2781, 2812 Social Change in the Industrial juvenile crime and, 1491– status attainment and, 759, Revolution (Smelser), 1197 1492, 1494 3042–3049 Social Choice and Individual Values kinship and family systems and, status crystallization and, 3051 (Arrow), 2920 1511–1512 status incongruity and, 3049– Social citizenship, 1304 labor movement orientation and, 3054 Social class 1529–1530 structural lag and, 3063 adulthood and, 27, 33 language use and, 2901, 2908 and structure research, legal autonomy theory and, 1556 aging and, 1138 2807–2820 and legislation of morality, 1576, alcohol use and, 94 tourism and, 3166 1577, 1579 alienation and, 102–103 voluntary associations and, 3227 leisure and, 1584–1585, 1588 American families and, 122 voting behavior and, 604, liberal/conservative orientation 3233, 3234 anomie and, 1491, 1494 and, 1597, 1602–1603, 1603 white-collar crime and, 3246, attributional patterns, 196 life expectancy and, 1138, 1631 3251–3252 authoritarian personality and, 317 marital communication patterns See also Middle class; Social and caste and inherited status, and, 1736 political elites; Social 249–255 Marxist analysis of, 1753, stratification; Status church-sect typology and, 2378 1754–1755, 1756, 2162–2163, attainment; Working class community studies findings, 2692, 2812 Social Class and Mental Illness 363–364 Marxist legal theory and, (Hollingshead and Redlich), 1813 conflict theory, 414–416, 536–537 1553, 1576 Social cognition. See Social convergence theory, 424–425 mate selection and, 1775–1776 perception courtship endogamy, 484, 486 measurement devices, 2866–2867 Social cohesion, 1080 and criminal and delinquent mental disorder epidemiology Social comparison processes, and, 1835–1840 subcultures, 513 2649–2657 mobility and, 2711–2716 cultural studies and, 2169–2173 conformity and, 402 music and, 1926 cultural taste differences, and justice evaluation, 2654, 1648–1649 and ‘‘new middle class’’ 2701–2702, 2705 emergence, 2815 depression/stressor relationship and reference group comparison, and, 656 and occupational prestige 2702–2704, 2752–2753 ranking, 2000, 3265 education and, 742–746 self-concept and, 2507, 2650, oppositional frameworks for, 2651, 2653, 2856 educational attainment and, 2692 2930–2931 and social comparison theory, Polish sociology and, 2120 402, 2507, 2649, 2650–2651 emotional depression and, 655 political organization Social conformity. See Compliance family size and, 975 membership and, 2150 and conformity fertility change and, 1009, 3043 popular culture transmission and, Social conservatism, 357, 359 fundamentalism and, 2378 2168–2173 Social Construction of Reality, The gendered differences on romantic poststructuralist view of, 1756 (Berger and Luckmann), 226, love and, 1700 professions and, 2259–2265 2957–2958 gradational groupings, 2816 religious organizations and, Social constructionism. See health behavior and, 1129 2378, 2380 Constructionist perspective

3446 INDEX

Social contagion theory, 679 Social democratic systems, 377 and mail survey design, 3091 Social contract, 528, 535, 1310, 1933 Social demography. See Demography major proponents, 2670–2674 Social control, 2657–2662 Social determination theory, as major social order school, conflict theory reactions to 2956–2957, 2957, 2958 2337–2338 deviance and, 669–670 Social Diagnosis (Richmond), 2843 marital adjustment scale, 1728, control theory, 535, 536, Social Differentiation (Svalastoga), 1729–1730 537, 1495 2867 marital satisfaction and, 1729 over corporations, 443–444 Social dilemmas, 595–596, 3220 marriage market and, 1777 criminal sanctions as, 518–519, group size and, 1121–1122 money and, 1890 521, 528, 2659 Social disorganization theory, 366, negotiation processes and, 1950 of crowds and riots, 556–557 532, 1495, 2657, 2759–2760 parity and, 330 internal vs. external, 2657 Social distance, 177, 2693 and Polish sociology, 2119 marriage licenses as, 948 model of, 2027–2028 rational choice theory and, 2335 medical profession as form of, Social dynamics, 2662–2669 and Scandinavian sociology, 2452 1815–1816 of collective behavior, 352–354 on sexual behavior, 2537, 2538 micro-level deviance theories and, of conformity, 400–404 social capital and, 2637– 662, 666–670, 672 dynamic sociology and, 1027, 2639, 2640 motivation and, 2060–2061 1028 social networks and, 2672–2674, neighborhood stability as, 664 dynamic vs. static models, 2730, 2731, 2733 2666–2667 personal autonomy vs., 2061 as social psychology perspective, French School of Sociology and, 2670, 2768 police as agents of, 537, 556–557, 1027, 1028 2107–2114 and social resources theory, main contexts of, 2603 2790–2794 psychopharmacological drugs used as, 1841 social change vs., 2663–2665 Social Forces (journal), 1528, 1606, 1870 public opinion as, 2272 social organization and, 2735–2745 Social forecasting, 2676–2681 rape as, 2576, 2580 systems theory, 3102–3105 future trends, 2680 risk and, 667 types of dynamic models, futures studies, 1037–1042 sanctions and, 666–667, 671 2667–2668 judgmental and qualitative and social disorganization theory, Social Dynamics; Models and Methods models, 2677–2678 1495, 2657 (Tuma and Hannan), 2668 pragmatic statistical analysis of social order distinguished from, Social ecology, 792–793 time series, 2679 2657, 2661 Social equilibrium, 1210 prediction and futures studies, social welfare and, 2841 Social evolution. See Evolution: 2224–2233 socialization as internalization biological, social, cultural social demography and, of, 2856 Social exchange theory, 2669–2776 2678–2679 types of, 518 altruism and, 115 social indicators for, 2685 workplace, 3274–3275 applications of, 2674–2675 Social gerontology. See Aging and See also Law and legal system; the life course; Filial behaviorism and, 208 Law and society responsibility; Intergenerational economic determinism and, Social credit, 2734 relations; Intergenerational 722, 723 resource transfers; Long-term Social Darwinism, 63, 66, 423, 2332 and emotions, 786 care; Long-term care facilities; city development theories, 308 and exchange connections, 2672 Retirement; Widowhood and eugenics, 1272 and intergenerational resource Social identity theory, 1057, 1111, evolutionary perspective, 878–879 transfers, 1394 1113, 2750, 2778 and generative religious of interpersonal power, and group conflict resolution, movements, 2367 1459–1463, 2674 1112, 1113 racial theory of, 2330, 2334 and job satisfaction, 3272, 3275 language and, 2906–2908 Social Democratic Party (SPD; and justice evaluation model, Social imitation. See Behaviorism; Germany), 1753, 2163, 2623 2703–2704 Social learning theory; Social

3447 INDEX

psychology; Social learning 689–690, 1281–1282, 2691, Social Interaction Systems: Theory and theory; Socialization 3048 Measurement (Bales), 1014 Social impact assessment, 2619, 2687 intelligence and, 1384–1385 Social isolation, 176, 178 Social imperatives, life course and social justice, 2696, 2701, Social justice, 2695–2711 and, 1619 2705–2707 beliefs about inequality, Social indicators, 2681–2689 and Soviet socialism, 2850 2704–2706 criterion indicators, 2683 and status allocation, 2780–2789, definition of, 2696 2807–2820, 2813 data banks and, 576 distributive justice theories, and time-use indicators, 3154 definitions and examples of, 2701–2704 2301, 2681–2682 in utopian designs, 3202–3203 distributive vs. procedural justice, descriptive, 2684 as vertical classification, 2699–2700 2691–2693, 2694 entitlement theory, 2699 historical developments in, 2682–2683 See also Discrimination; Equality equity theory, 2700–2701 of opportunity; Social and life satisfaction/happiness and group conflict political elites; Social indicators, 2683–2684 resolution, 1116 stratification; Societal income inequality and, 2705– policy analysis function of, stratification 2706 2687–2688 Social instability, causes of, 1230 mathematical models of public enlightenment function of, Social insurance, long-term care, distributive, 1790 2685–2686 1659–1660, 1677 as moral judgment orientation, of quality of life, 2299–2307, Social integration, 79, 1223–1224 2685, 2686–2687 1902–1903 as suicide protection, 1595 and secondary data analysis, in organizational structure, Social interaction, 44, 117, 196, 208, 2003–2004, 2014 2473–2481 772, 1027, 1253, 1347, 2085 perception of, 2696–2697 time use as, 3153–3154 conflict resolution, group, philosophical roots of, 2697–2699 Social Indicators (Bauer), 2682 1111–1117 principles of, 2701 Social Indicators of Well-being: conflict resolution, interpersonal, Americans’ Perceptions of Life 1451–1456 proportionality principle, 2697 Quality (Andrews and Withy), conversation analysis, 431–439 Rawls principles of, 2698–2699, 2300 2700, 3205 differential association theory, Social Indicators Research (journal), 533 referential comparisons, 2702– 2704 2683–2684, 92682–92683 Durkheim on, 1030 research areas, 2705–2707 Social Indicators Research: An and emotions, 2523 International Journal of Quality of social comparison process and, functionalism and Life Measurement, 2301 2654, 2701–2702, 2705 structuralism, 1030 Social inequality, 2689–2695 social exchange theory and, 2671, grammars of, 2897–2899 beliefs about, 2704–2705, 2808 2703–2704 interpersonal power, 1456–1464 utopian designs and, 3201–3206 changes in forms of, 2820 marital adjustment, 1729–1730 and work orientation, 3272 and criminal sanctions, 2962 microlevel collective behavior, degree of dispersion, 2868–2869 350–352 See also Affirmative action; Comparable worth; Court dichotomous categories of, nursing home adaptation, systems and law; 2692–2693 1675–1676 Discrimination; Gender distributional theories of, personal dependency, 2062–2068 Social Lamarckism, 879 2690–2691, 2694, 2696 and Polish sociology, 2119 Social learning theory, 1716–1717 globalization and, 1087, 1088, small groups, 2613–2614, on aggression, 70–71, 75, 1716 2691, 2705–2708 2617–2620 on altruism, 115 as hierarchical relationship, 2693, and social exchange theory, 2694, 2781 2669–2775 on attitudes, 185 human ecology and, 1215 symbolic interactionist deviance and, 666–667, 668, 672 and income distribution in the modeling, 2298 on femininity/masculinity, 999 United States, 130, 140, 142, See also Personal relations moral development and, 1895

3448 INDEX

on overdependency, 2067 Internet as, 406–407 as meaningful work source, 665 on personal dependency, 2064 labor unionization as, 1527–1534 and measurement of social as personality theory, 1716–1717 life history data, 1635 organization, 2738–2739 on sexual behavior, 2537, 2538 Mexican opposition party as, models, 2029, 2298 as social psychology perspective, 1861 and peer deviant behavior, 666 2768–2769 music and, 1927 and Polish sociology, 2122 and socialization theory, nationalist, 1940–1948 precursors, 2728–2730 1715–1717, 2855–2856 organizational approach to, 2162, and rational choice, 2731 subcultural explanations of 2163–2164 as social capital, 1993, 2637, crime and, 534 organizations, 2722–2724, 2725 2639, 2640, 2714, 2732, Social Life of a Modern Community, outcomes, 2724–2725 2733–2734, 3043–3044 The (Warner and Lund), 364 participation in, 2720–2722 and social movement Social loafing effect, 2619 participatory research, 2038–2042 participation, 2721 Social mobility, 2711–2717 political power and, 2164, 2165 and social perception, 2753 collective, 2715–2716 religious movements as and social resources theory, convergence theories and, 425 subcategory of, 2364–2375 2790–2794 education and, 756, 758 revolution as, 2412 as spousal division of labor influence, 696 illegitimacy and, 1260 as significant sources of and status attainment, 3044 industrialization and, 1311 democracy, 606 ‘‘strength of weak ties’’ intergenerational, 1982–1984, social problems and, 2763 hypothesis, 2693, 2731–2732, 2711–2713 and status incongruence, 3050 2791, 2792, 2827 minority suburbanization and, and structural lag, 3064–3065 structural properties/structuring 3074–3075 technological risk and, 2877 of, 1034–1035, 2729–2731, Scandinavian sociology theory, 939 2827 studies, 2452 types of, 2717–2718 urban interactions, 3193 and status incongruence, See also Protest movements; and widowhood support, 3049–3054 Student movements 3259–3260 three traditions of, 2817 Social networks, 1255, 2727–2735 and workers’ employment See also Occupational and career in adulthood, 35 outcomes, 3265 mobility; Social stratification; as career advancement tool, 1993 Social Networks (journal), 1790, 2734 Status attainment community integration/deviant Social norms. See Social values Social morphology, 515, 518, behavior relationship, 664– and norms 1024, 1031 665, 716 Social Order of the Slum, The Social movement organizations and community of limited (Suttle), 363, 365 (SMOs), 2722–2724, 2725, 2763 liability thesis, 367 Social organization, 2735–2748 Social movements, 2717–2727 and consensus formation, 2379 adolescence and, 3 and age-strata changes, consequences of, 2731–2734 3064–3065 age stratification and, 79–80 and crowd participation, 560 aging and, 79 black civil rights. See Civil rights diagrams of, 2729, 2730 movement American society and, 146 divorce as weakening effect characteristics of successful, 2725 on, 706, 707 anomie and, 166 collective behavior theories and, and economic sociology, 736–737 attitudes as links within, 184 349, 350–352 and exchange theory, 2672–2674, Blau’s landmark theory of, 699 countercultures, 459–463 2730, 2731, 2733 childhood and adolescence peer and criminal law functions of, 2727 groups, 2859 construction, 1576 and innovation diffusion classification of units, 2739–2741 effectiveness of, 2724–2725 models, 678 collective agency, 2744 emergence of, 2718–2720 and interpersonal diffusion, 677 commitment and trust, information-based, 1347 mathematical modeling of, 2744–2745 interest group size and, 604 1789–1790, 2729 complexity and, 2739

3449 INDEX

definition of, 2735–2736 Social philosophy, 2755–2758 major personality theories, economic sociology and, 732 communitarianism, 354–362 1712–1718 endurance and, 2737–2738 postmodernism, 2205–2209, and Marx’s alienation evolution and, 1271 2757, 2758 concept, 1705 form and, 2736–2737 pragmatism, 2217–2224 observation systems, 1973–1991 globalization and, 1092 religious orientation, 2382–2386 and pragmatism, 2217–2222 hybrid forms of, 2738–2739 Social physics (Comte concept), 818 relationship with sociology, 2915, 2921 industrial sociology and, Social planning, 539 as religious studies perspective, 1308, 1309 Social Planning/Policy and information society and, 1347 Development Abstracts, 1609 3277, 3278 logic of, 1092 Social policy analysis. See Public role theory, 2415, 2417–2418, 2768, 2772 major schools of, 2337 policy analysis and self-concept, 2505–2509 marriage as institution Social power. See Social and political within, 1734 elites; Social control and self-esteem, 2511–2518 military sociology and, 1882 Social prestige. See Occupational and small groups, 2610–2621 pluralism and plasticity, prestige; Social and political and social exchange theory, 2742–2743 elites: Social mobility; Status 2670, 2768 Attainment pragmatic principles and, 221 and social mobility, 2714 2759–2766 rational choice theory and, 2338 Social problems, and social structural effects, of religion, 2376–2386 and community reform, 365–366 2772–2775 rural sociology and, 2425–2433 deviance theories, 662–671 and socialization, 2855 scale and, 2737–2738 objectivist paradigm, 2759– and stress, 3055–3057 2760, 2764 segmentation and, 2737, 2743 symbolic interactionism social movements defining, 2717, sentiments and, 2524–2525 perspective, 2767–2768, 2719, 2724–2725, 2763 3095–3101 as social capital, 2639 subjectivist paradigm, 2760–2764 theory and method, 2767–2769 social movements and, 2722– 2724 Social Problems (journal), 2759, 2762 voting behavior research, specialization and, 2737, 2743 Social psychology, 2766–2780 3234–3238 standardization and, 2743–2744 anomie conceptions, 166–167, and work orientation, 3271 1024 stratification and, 2737 See also Affect control theory attribution theory and, 192–198 and impression formation; and technological risk, 2878–2880 censorship and, 278 Attitudes; Behaviorism; See also Division of labor Cognitive consistency theories; coalition formation theories, 330 Social Organization of Sexuality: Sexual Collective behavior; Emotions; Practices in the United States cognitive dissonance theory, 335, Field theory; Personality (Laumann et al.), 2550 337–340 theories Social Origins of Dictatorship and counterculture implications, 460 Social psychology of status Democracy (Moore), 2918 and courtship study, 483 allocation, 2780–2789 Social perception, 2748–2755 cross-cultural analysis method, history of theoretical field, accuracy of, 2751–2752 549–550 2781–2782 attribution theory, 192, 2751 on fashion behavior, 679 See also Social stratification cognitive consistency theories, femininity/masculinity Social reality. See Phenomenology; 334–341 measurement, 999–1000 Sociology of knowledge group perception, 2752–2753 first experiment (1897), 2615 Social Reality of Death, The leadership and, 1570 on gender-mental health (Charmaz), 583 person perception, 2750–2752 equation, 1838 Social reform racial prejudice and, 2243–2246 on genocide, 1070 community in context of, self-perception, 2750 individual-level concepts, 365–366 Social phenomenology. See 2769–2770 liberal vs. conservative view Phenomenology of language, 2895 of, 1602

3450 INDEX

Social relations. See Personal Social security systems, 2795–2807 and emotions, 777 relations age at receiving benefits, 2180, and ethnicity, 844–847, Social reorganization, 225 2404, 3061 2818–2819 Social representations, 197–198 comparative perspectives, 2796, and expectation states Social reproduction, 756, 758 2799–2801 theory, 880, 882 Social resources theory, 2790–2795 consequences of, 2801–2802 forms of, 2809–2814 aging and, 79 coverage and benefits and gender, 2818–2819 distribution, 2796 network vs. contact and German sociology, 1076, resources, 2792 establishment of, 2403, 3065 1078 Social revolutions. See Revolutions funding of, 2798–2799, gradational groupings, 2816 2803–2805 Social roles hierarchical continuum, 2781 historical background, 2797–2799 aging and, 79 and industrial sociology, 1309, and intergenerational resource altruism and, 117 1311, 1314 transfers, 1395, 1396 life cycle and, 1623 legal equity and, 2961–2962 male labor-force participants levels of, 518, 2690–2694 sex differences and, 2530 and, 1524 literary sociology and, 1648–1649 and stratification systems, means-testing and, 2796–2797, 2807–2808 2798 as Marxist emphasis, 1753, See also Gender roles; Parental older people’s benefits, 79, 1754–1755, 2162, 2163, roles; Role theory 925–926, 965, 967, 2403, 2410–2411, 2813, 2814–2815 Social Science Computer Review 2404, 2406, 2795 and meritocracy, 2626–2627 (journal), 407, 409, 411, 414 pay-as-you-go system, 2799 multidimensional approach to, Social Science Computing policy problems and issues, 2818–2819 Association, 407 2802–2803 nationalism and, 1942 Social Science Data Archives (SSDA), recent trends, 2803–2805 and occupational prestige, 575–577, 579–580 spousal and survivor 2996–2000, 3265 common goals and tasks, benefits, 2406 and personality, 2070–2071 579–580 Supplemental Security Income, and Polish sociology, 2120 Social Science Research Council, 1145, 1146, 1286 and popular culture, 2170–2171 227, 576, 1634, 2274 See also Social welfare systems; professions and, 2259 Center for Coordination of Welfare state Research on Social and race, 253, 558, 2818–2819 Social Security throughout the Indicators, 2682 revolution theory and, 2410–2411 World, 2795 Committee on Sociolinguistics, rigidity of system, 2809 Social Statistics (Blalock), 3035 2903 Scandinavian sociology Social status. See Social class; Status Political Development project, studies, 2453 attainment; Status incongruence 2154 Social stratification, 2807–2821 in science, 2457, 2460 Social Science Research Council as social organization, 2737 Fellowship, 324 American system, 142–143, 2815–2816, 3043–3044 social psychology of, 2780–2789 Social Science Research Council socialist countermeasures, 2850 Sexuality Research Fellowship, ascriptive process of, 2809, 2550 2817–2819, 3042, 3043, 3045 and societal stratification, Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI), attribution theory and, 198 2864–2874 1607, 1608, 1610–1611, 2923 basic concepts of, 2808–2809 sources of, 2812–2814 Social Sciences Index, 1608 convergence theories, 425 and status attainment, 3042–3049 Social Security Act of 1935, and criminal sanctions, 515, 518 and status crystallization, 2403, 2798 and cross-cultural analysis, 550 2809, 3051 Social Security Act of 1962, 1524 education and, 756, 758, 2927, and status determination, 2781 Social Security Administration, 2929–2931, 3043–3044 and status incongruence, 2398, 2795 in eight ideal-typical systems, 3049–3054 Social Security Amendments of 2810 and theories of the state, 1983, 1524, 2407, 2799 elites and, 2622–2628 2162, 2163

3451 INDEX

types of assets, resources, and Parson’s components of, 1560 Social System, The (Parsons), 1813 valued goods underlying, 2808 personality and, 2069–2074 Social systems urban underclass and, 3198–3200 Polish sociology and, 2120 coalitions, 329–334 views of prestige, 1996–1997 and political party systems, culture and, 564–565, 566 voting behavior relationship, 2155–2158 four functional requirements for 3233, 3234 and poverty theory, 2213 survival, 2005 See also Caste and inherited regularities in, 2822–2823 human ecology and, 1211 status; Social and political and religious orientation theories, leisure and, 1583 elites; Social class 2384–2385, 2386 organizational, 394, 2005–2014 Social structure, 2822–2828 revolutions and, 2410–2414 age effects on, 79–80, 3060–3061 psychological influences on, role theory and, 2221 2775–2778 agricultural innovation adoption and, 89–91, 2431–2432 shift from mechanical to organic role theory analysis, 2421– solidarity, 697–698 2423, 2423 anomie and, 165, 166 social capital and, 2638 Social Systems of American Ethnic and career advancement, Groups, The (Warner and 1984–1985 social exchange theory and, 2671 Srole), 364 city vs. urban, 3072–3073 and social inequality, 2689–2694 Social Text (journal), 2207 cohort perspectives, 342–343, social network models and, 2029 Social time. See Time use research 345–346 social organization and, Social traps, 2621 culture debate, 563–565 2735–2745 Social Trends (reports), 2684 definitions of, 2069, 2771, 2822 social psychology studies on, disaster symposium, 687 2771, 2772–2773 Social values and norms, 2828–2839 division of labor, 124–127 and social resources theory, adolescent changes in, 1, 3 1793, 2790 and economic sociology, 732 age and, 29, 30, 31, 3064 and socialization, 2862 empirical analytic metatheory on, aggression and, 2774 1853–1854 sociolinguistics and, 2901–2902 of agricultural communities, 164 and ethnomethodology, 858–859 and status attainment, 2782 altruism and, 115 fertility transition and, 626– and structural lag, 3060–3067 in American society, 146 627, 628 and symbolic interactionism, anomie as breakdown of, helping behavior and, 117 2768 164–165, 533 identity theory and, 1253, 1254 and theories of state, 2162–2163 attitudes and, 185, 189, individualism and, 1301 and theory of emotions, 780–781 2828–2829 and inequality, 2705 values and norms in, 2836–2837 as behavior explanation, intelligence and, 1383 See also Social networks; 2838–2839 kinship systems and, 1509–1512 Structuralism cohort differences in, 345–346 legal systems interaction, Social Structure and Disaster, 687 collective behavior and, 351, 353, 2616 1559–1561 Social support communitarian, 354–356, 358– and legislation of morality, emotional depression and 361 1578–1579 perceived lack of, 653 community-based drug abuse literary reflection of, 1645 in multivariate analysis of prevention programs and, 716 macro approach to, 710, stress, 1814 concept of a norm, 2829–2830 1708–1709 social networks and, 2732–2733 concept of a value, 2828–2829 Marxist views of, 775, 2162–2163 and social resources theory, mobility in, 2711–2716 2790–2794 as conformity influence, 402–403, 523 models of, 2029 and widowhood, 3259–3260 countercultures, 460–462 modernization theory and, Social surveys. See Data banks and 1885–1887 depositories; Public opinion; cultural differences and, 663–664 music and, 1924, 1926 Survey research death and dying, 582, 585 and nationalist patterns, Social System of the Modern Factory, deviance theories, 663–672, 1940–1942 The (Warner and Low), 364 2657–2659

3452 INDEX

dimensions of importance, changes in, 2804, 3064 dictatorships, 3002 2832–2836 entitlements and, 1221–1222, future of, 2852 emergent norm theory, 350– 2699 governmental corruption, 351, 354 first institutionalization of, 2136–2137 of emotions, 2527–2528, 3213 2840–2841 and historical sociology, 1199 evaluative criteria, 2831–2832 marginal employment and, ideal of, 2847–2849 and family violence, 983 1719–1720 inadequate worker motivation and functionalism, 1031 military service and, 1882 and, 2813 in health and illness behavior, neo-Malthusian arguments, 1220 and Italian politics, 2128–2129 1133–1134 and poverty theories, 2213 labor movement and, 1529, 1530 institutions, 394 privatization of, 963 law and legal system, 1548, 1554 interrelationships, 2836 as social control, 2660, 2661 legacies of, 2851–2852 liberalism’s core view of, 355 and social justice beliefs, liberal/conservative tags in, 1598 love and, 1698 2705–2706 Marxist sociology’s identification mass media and, 1766 Temporary Assistance for Needy with, 1752 as mate selection factor, Families program, 1145, 1146, Marx’s two-stage evolution into 1775–1776 1288, 1395 communism, 2847–2849 normative sanctions, 515, See also Social security systems origin of term ‘‘socialism,’’ 2846 518–519, 523 Social work, 2840–2846 Polish sociology under, 2116 object units of, 2830–2831 casework, 2841, 2842, 2853 politically correct ‘‘party line’’ in, 2139 origin of, 2836–2838 degrees and training, 2845 public tolerance of, 316, 317 and positive mental health, 2190 knowledge base of, 2843 reality of socialism, 2849–2851 rational choice theory and, and Lewin’s legacy, 1015 revisions of Marxist theory, 2340–2341 practice of effectiveness 2848–2849 responsive communitarian, movement, 2843 in South East Asia, 2975, 2978 357–359 practitioner-researcher, 2844 Soviet and Soviet bloc collapse role theory and, 2418 professional roots of, 2840–2841 of, 428, 1119, 1757, 2851 sanctions stemming from, professionalization of, 2841–2842 and Soviet Marxism-Leninism, 515, 523, 537 research design and sampling, 1751, 1782 as social capital, 2638, 2639–2640 2843, 2845 Soviet sociology under, 2116 as social controls, 2657, 2661 sociology vs., 2840, 2844–2845 Soviet-type, 2849–2850 social networks and, 2732 Social Work abstracts, 1611 stratification parameters, 2810, socialization and, 2855–2864 Social Work Research and 2812, 2813–2815 sources of change in, 2838 Abstracts, 2845 utopian, 3202–3203 structural lags and changes, 3064 Social-area analysis. See Cities See also Cold War; Marx, Karl; and student movement concerns, Socialism and communism, Marxism -Lenism; Marxist 3069–3070 2846–2852 sociology subjective, 189 authoritarian communitarianism Socialist Party (France), 2129 susceptibility to persuasion and, 356 Socialist Party (Germany), 1533 and, 2098 capitalism vs., 237, 238 Socialist Party (Italy), 2128, 2129 utopian designs and, 3202–3205 Chinese vs. Russian system, 2849 Socialization, 2855–2864 value-added theory of collective church-state relations and, 2357 in adolescence, 10–11, 34, action, 352, 353 classical elite theory vs., 2623 2852–2860, 2861 values theory and research, 3212, convergence theories and, age appropriateness and, 1624 3219–3222 422, 428 altruism and, 115 vectors of subsets, 3220 demise in Eastern Europe, 428, attitude formation and, 185 violations of, 165 1199, 1757, 2851 in childhood, 1057 work group, 2617–2618 democracy and, 2848 communitarian vs. liberal Social welfare systems and dialectical materialism, 1782 views of, 358

3453 INDEX

contemporary issues and themes, and intergenerational resource origination of term, 2880–2881 2862–2863 transfers, 1395–1397 and self-esteem determination, content and contexts of, levels of structural dimensions, 2513 2856–2860 2868–2869 as sexual behavior approach, cross-cultural analysis of measurement and comparison 2537, 2566 childhood, 550 data, 2870–2874 social Darwinism and, 66, 2330 and death and dying, 583 and status crystallization, 2869 suicide predictors, 3079 deviance theories and, 662 utopian variants, 3202–3206 See also Evolution: biological, diverse meanings of, 2855 See also Social stratification social, cultural and family violence, 983–984 Societe de Sociologie de Paris, 1422 Sociocultural anthropology, and gender identity and roles, Society and technological risks, 2888–2894 625, 997, 998, 1275, 2874–2880 anthropological method and 2529, 2886 disaster planning and research, theories vs., 2889 genocide and, 1071 683–684 current issues, 2893–2894 as identity formation, 2856 systems fragmentation and, 3104 ethnography and, 852–856, 2888 illness behavior and, 1130 terrorism and, 3138, 3139 history of, 2888–2892 as internal social control, war and, 3242–3243 on Islamic society, 2944 2657, 2661 ‘‘Society and the Imperative of linguistic analysis, 2891–2892 Judaic aims in, 1510 Death’’ (Fulton), 583 Malinowski’s work, 2118–2119 throughout life course, Society for Applied Sociology, methods and organization, 2860–2862 155, 326 2892–2893 of music performers and Society for the Advancement of and Polish sociology, 2117–2118, audiences, 1925 Field Theory, 1013 2119–2120 personal values and norms Society for the Scientific Study of rape explanations, 2579–2580 stemming from, 2837–2838 Religion, 2373 theory, 2889–2892 ‘‘prisonization’’ as, 2052 Society for the Study of Social See also Anthropology; racial resentment and, 2245 Problems, 155, 326, 2759, 2763 Ethnography resocialization and, 2860 Society for the Study of Symbolic Sociocultural ecology and self-concept, 2856, 2860, Interaction, 3096 and criminology, 531 2862 Society of Captives, The (Sykes), 2052 and urban life, 308–309, 531–532 and self-esteem development, Society of Sociology of Paris, 2512–2513 1025, 1026 See also Human ecology and environmental analysis sex differences and, 2529, 2530 Sociobiology, human, 2880–2888 Socioeconomic Index (SEI), 1997, and sexual behavior, 2537–2538 aggression mechanisms, 69– 2000, 3265 social class and, 2773 70, 72 Socioeconomic status. See Social and social learning theory, altruism theory, 115, 2882–2884 class; Status attainment 1716–1717, 2856 conceptions of race and, Sociogenic theory of criminal social psychology research on, 2329–2332, 2334 behavior, 506 2771–2773 crime and criminal behavior Sociograms, 2728–2729 and social structure, 2822 theories, 502, 506, 528, 529 Sociolinguistics, 2894–2912 and structural lag, 3062–3063 and culture, 563 collaborative work across and youth subcultures, 514 depression theories and disciplines, 2903–2904 Societal stratification, 2864–2874 treatment, 652, 654–655 conversation analysis and, elements of theory, 2881–2886 classical theory, 2865–2866 431–440, 2895, 2902–2903, evolution theory and, 876–877, distribution profiles, 2869–2874 2904–2905 2880–2881, 2892 educational mobility and, 2927 mutual embeddedness and genocide, 1068 empirical tradition, 2865, proposition, 2896–2897, 2866–2867 and incest taboos, 1274 2906–2907 hierarchically ordered power and law of anisogamy, 2884–2886 and personal and social identities, relationships, 2864–2865 maximization principle, 2881 2906–2908

3454 INDEX

sociocultural anthropology and, communitarianism and, 361 Native American, 136 2891–2892 comparative historical analysis, pantheon of founders, 1704 Sociologia (Danish journal), 2451 383 paradigm use in, 2027 Sociological Abstracts, 409, 1015, 1606, of culture, 172 phenomenology applied to, 1607, 1608–1609, 1610 definition and characteristics of 2099–2106 citations for Middle Eastern community problems, 362, of police, 2114–2115 studies, 1869 363 Polish and Eastern European, quality of life entry, 2300 disaster research and, 687 2116–2123 Sociological Imagination, The Durkheim’s coining of term, 327 political, 2162–2168 (Mills), 1027 of education, 2926–2935 popular culture studies, Sociological Institute (Russia), 2979 of emotions, 773 2169–2175 Sociological Methodology (ASA environmental, 800–812 and positivism, 2192–2195 yearbook), 409, 414, 1611, 3034 French, 1024–1029 postmodernist, 2205–2209 Sociological Methods and Research German, 1073–1084 and pragmatism, 2220–2222 (journal), 3034 globalization of, 1090–1091 of prisons, 2051–2057 Sociological Practice: A Journal of Clinical and Applied Sociology, of helping, 117–118 professional associations, 148–156 326, 328 historical, 1195–1200 relevance of, 1237–1238 Sociological Practice Association, and human rights, 1237–1238 of religion, 2964–2974 325, 326, 328 humanistic orientation, 1246– research funding in, 2397–2401 Sociological Practice Review, 155, 156 1251 rural, 2425–2436 Sociological Research Online hybridization, 2923–2925 social capital and, 2641 (quarterly), 413 inception as response to social and social exchange theory, Sociological Society (Great changes, 2644 2670–2675 Britain), 225 Indian, 1290–1295 and social philosophy, 2755–2758 ‘‘Sociological Technique in Clinical indigenization of, 1292 and social problems theorists, Criminology, A’’ (Alinksy), 325 industrial, 1308–1316 2759–2764 Sociological Theory of Law, A international associations, social work vs., 2840, 2844–2845 (Luhmann), 1558 1422–1426 socialization orientations in, Sociologie allemande contemporaine Internet resources, 413–414 2855–2856 (Aron), 1025 Italian, 1464–1475 sociocultural anthropology shared Sociologie des Sports (Risse), 2986 of language, 2894–2912 interests, 2893–2894 Sociologie du travail (Friedman), 1026 library resources and services for, sociology of law relationship, Sociologisk forskning (Swedish 1604–1613 1553–1555 journal), 2451 life histories and narratives, Soviet and post-Soviet, 2979–2985 Sociologisk Tidskrift (Norwegian 1633–1638 specialized domains, 2913 journal), 2451 literature reflecting, 1646 of sport, 2986–2990 Sociologists for Women in Society, macro vs. micro, 1703–1705 153–155 statistical methods since 1969, Marxist, 1752–1759 3035–3039 Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing (Ukrainian journal), 2983 and materialist theory, 1783–1784 structuralist, 1034, 1559–1560 Sociology mathematical, 1786–1792 suicide studies, 3079–3081 and affirmative action, 47, 48, 49 medical, 1813–1818 survey research use, 3087–3094 of aging, 52–85 metatheory in, 1852–1854 teaching of, 150 American Sociological Middle Eastern studies and, urban, 3191–3197, 3191–3198 Association, 147–156 1868–1873 UseNet Newsgroups, 414 applied, 155–156, 168–171, military, 1875–1882 values theory, 3213–3225 1237, 2845 models in, 2027–2028, 2029 of work, 3269 British, 223–228 of money, 1883–1893 Sociology (Japanese journal), 1480 case studies, 244–248 as moral enterprise, 1246 Sociology among the social sciences, clinical, 323–328 music and, 1924–1927 2913–2926

3455 INDEX

new school of communitarians Sociology of Knowledge, The (Stark), Soga, 1549 and, 356–359 2956–2957 Sohrabi, Nader, 1871 Sociology and Social Research (journal), Sociology of law, 2960–2964 ‘‘Sojourner’’ concept, 178 326, 1864 comparative legal systems, Sokal, Alan, 2207–2208 Sociology of agriculture. See Rural 1545–1551 Solidarity sociology definition of, 1576 collective, 2631, 2632–2633, 2635 Sociology of art. See Art and society and international law, 1426–30 and social capital, 2640 ‘‘Sociology of Art, The’’ legislation of morality, 1560, Solidarity movement (Poland), 1532, (Barnett), 173 1575–1581 2121, 2268, 2365–2366 Sociology of Art and Literature, The relationship to general sociology, Solipsism, 2217 (Albrecht, Barnett, and Griff 1552–1555 Solis, Leopoldo, 1858 eds.), 172–173 relationship to legal theory, Solomon, king of Israel, 2998 Sociology of Childhood (ISA 1555–1559 Solomos, John, 226 research committee), 550 role of general theory in, 2963 Somalia, 1865, 1866, 1867, 1934 Sociology of culture. See Culture; social-structural model, 1559– Mass culture 1560 slavery and forced labor in, 2603, 2606 Sociology of Culture (Kloskowska), See also Law and society Somatotype personality, 1717–1718 2121 Sociology of literature. See Literature Sociology of Culture, The: Emerging and society Sombart, Werner, 384, 733, 1074, 1075, 2711 Theoretical Perspectives (Crane Sociology of religion, 2964–2974 ‘‘Some Principles of Stratification’’ ed.), 568, 569 on defining feature of religion, (Davis and Moore), 1030 Sociology of democracy. See 2382–2383 Some Remarks on the Social System Democracy family and, 936, 937 (Lockwood), 225–226 Sociology of development, 300, 754 French School and, 1024 Song lyrics analysis, 1927 Sociology of Diasters: Contributions of new paradigm in, 2367–2368, Sons of Liberty, 2125 Sociology to Disaster Research, 687 2374–2375 Sorensen, Aage, 1349, 2452 Sociology of education, 2926–2937 religious movements and, Sorokin, Pitirim, 115, 681, 821, and development, 754 2364–2375 1027, 1081, 1424, 1932, 2921 empirical studies, 2929–2934 religious organizations in context of, 2377–2379 on cyclical dynamics of societal home vs. school influences, 2933 change, 1705, 2644 sect formation and, 2378–2379 reformist projects, 2934–2935 on education and mobility, 2927 Weber’s economics-based Sociology of emotions. See Emotions analysis, 2942–2943 on family structure, 1505 Sociology of environmental issues. world traditions, 3277–3289 functionalist hypothesis, 2866 See Environmental sociology Sociology of science. See Science and rural sociology, 2426, Sociology of Islam, 2937–2953 2427, 2428 Sociology of Sport Journal, 2988 Gellner’s theory of Muslim and Russian sociology, 2116 Sociology of Teaching, The (Waller), society, 2943–2944, 2946, 2927, 2986 on social dynamics, 2662 2947 Sociometry, 1014, 1027, 2613, 2729 and social inequality concept, and gender issues, 2948–2950 2690 Sociomoral Reflection Measure and Islamic state, 2948 (SRM), 1899–1900 on societal stratification, Muslim minorities, 2950–2951 2865–2866, 2867 Sociomoral Reflection Measure-Short and religious experience, Form (SRM-SF), 1903 and Soviet sociology, 2979, 3054 symbols, and theology, 3280, Socioterritorial belonging. See and status attainment, 2781 3281, 3282, 3284, 3285 Territorial belonging stratification profile, 2869–2870 and social theory, 2941–2948 Socrates, 3079, 3202 stratification profile, 2869–2870 Sunni and Shi’a sects, 3286 Sodomy laws, 315 time use research, 3155–3156 Sociology of knowledge, 2953–2960 SOFI. See Institute for Social Soros, George, 588, 2983 ideation change, 1009–1010 Research (Sweden) Sosiologia (Finnish journal), 2451 and ‘‘new sociology of Software. See Computer applications Sotsiologicheskie Issledovania (Soviet knowledge,’’ 2958–2959 in sociology; specific packages journal), 2981

3456 INDEX

Soule, Sarah A., 2961 Southern Baptist Convention, marijuana decriminalization, 712 Souls of Black Folk, The (Du Bois), 55 2370, 2376 multilingualism, 2909 South, U.S. Southern Christian Leadership nationalist movement, 3001 Conference, 2492, 2494, 2495 and interracial sexual and New World empire, 2999 Southern Organizing Committee, relations, 1408 and New World slavery, 2600 791 low alcohol consumption rate, 94 political and governmental Southwest Network for segregation policy, 54, 62, corruption, 2129 2491–2492 Environmental and Economic Justice, 791 retirement patterns, 2407 subculture of violence in, 664 Southwood, Kenneth, 2703 Southeast Asian influences, 2974 South Africa Soviet and post-Soviet sociology, tourism in, 3169 apartheid, 62, 250, 1940, 2116–2117, 2979–2985 unemployment, 3263 2047, 2146 bureaucratic development, 2163 women in labor force apartheid abolishment, 2725 Marxist sociology and, 1756, 1757 percentage, 3262 clinical sociology, 328 suppression and revival, Spanier, Graham, 1508, 1726, 1727, fertility rate decline, 220 2979–2980 1728, 2393 involuntary servitude, 2602, 2608 time use research, 3155, 3156 Spann, Othmar, 1075 political crime, 2146 See also Russia; Soviet Union Spates, James L., 3214 post-apartheid peacemaking, Soviet Sociological Association Spatial ability, sex-differences 2047–2048 (SSA), 2980, 2981, 2982 study, 2531 protest movement, 2270 Soviet Union Spearman, Charles, 905–906, 908, racial classification, 2332 909–910, 1364, 1365, 2348 in Cold War-era triad, 332 racial conflict, 321 Spearman rank correlation, 1795, Collins’s predicted collapse 1957, 1969 social change, 941 of, 1708 Spearman-Brown Prophecy, status attainment, 3044 communist dictatorship, 3002 2348–2349 women in labor force cross-border crime upswing, 1936 percentage, 3262 Specialization, 697, 698, 699 equality for women, 990 South America. See Latin American; Speech. See Conversation analysis; forced labor, 2608 Latin American studies; specific Language; Sociolinguistics Marxism-Leninism, 1751, 2982 countries Speech-recognition programs, 1981 Marxist view of democracy, South Commission (1990), Spencer, Herbert, 297, 581, 582, 601–602 1319–1321 819, 1028, 1271, 1423, 1465, South Korea political corruption, 2136–2137 1466, 2889 dependency theory, 642 secularization, 2485 evolutionary ‘‘fitness’’ theory, fertility decline, 627, 2178 social movement emergence, 2881 2718 labor movement and unions, evolutionary racial theory, 2330 1531, 1532 socialism, 28, 2846, 2849, and evolutionary theory, 879 2849–2851 political corruption, 2131 and functionalism and See also Russia rapid economic expansion/ structuralism, 1029, 1030, population growth, 2179 Sowell, Thomas, 1233 1031 widowhood, 3255–3256 Sozanski, Tadeusz, 2122 on historical progress, 2644–2645 Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce Soziologie heute (König), 1077 as Japanese sociology early (Reid), 2978 Space program, 2682 influence, 1477 Southeast Asia studies, 2974–2979 Spain macro-level phenomena fertility transition, 622 divorce laws reforms, 703 concerns, 1704 history, 2974–2976 divorce rate, 706 and modernization theory, 1885 women in labor force Latin American colonization by, as Polish sociology influence, percentage, 3262 1536–1637, 1934 2117 Southeast Asian Refugee Studies legal system, 471, 474 and positivism, 2192, 2193 Project, 182 long-term care and care facilities, and secularization, 2483 Southern Africa, countries of, 60 1652, 1653, 1661 social Darwinism of, 66, 2330

3457 INDEX

on specialization and SSSP. See Society for the Study of Starr, Bernard D., 2555–2556 routinization, 697, 698 Social Problems Starr, Paul, 375 Spengler, Oswald, 877, 2644 Stability, as reliability component, Starr-Weiner Report, 2555–2556 2343, 2346, 2350–2354 Spenner, Kenneth L., 270 State, The, 2996–3003 Stable criminal subculture, 1494 Spickard, James, 940 bureaucratization in, 1198 Stable population model, 618 Spilerman, Seymour, 557, 1614– child support and, 1261 1615, 1991 Stack, Stephen, 3079, 3081 church-state relations models, Spirit of the Laws, The Staffen, Lisa R., 2876–2877 356–358 (Montesquieu), 1545 Stakeholders, 602 constitutions and, 3000–3001 Spitzer, Steven, 1498 STAKES. See National Research and definition of term, 2996 Split panels, 1687 Development Centre for Welfare ecology and, 1213 Split-half reliability, 2347–2348 and Health (Finland) emergence in Europe, 1933, Spock, Benjamin, 2036–2037 Stalin, Joseph, 298, 2136, 2608, 2356, 2362 2812, 2979, 3137 Spohn, Willfried, 569 expansion of, 1266 Standard American model of kinship Spoils system, 2127 formation and breakdown studies mapping, 1514–1515 Spontaneous abortion, 2233– of, 1707–1708 Standard Cross Cultural Sample 2234, 2238 formation history, 2362–2363, (Murdock and White), 548 Sport, 2985–2991, 3077 2998–3002 Standard deviation (statistical) Spousal division of labor, 695–696 globalization and, 1092, definition of, 659 Spragens, Thomas, Jr., 356 1093, 2362 variance compared with, 660 Spreadsheet software, 418–419 historical sociological studies Standard error, 457, 2449 of, 1198 SPSS (Statistical Package for the Standard error of mean, 3029 Social Sciences), 1607, 1923, 2035 individualism and, 1303 Standard Metropolitan Statistical Spurzheim, J. C., 1717 Islamic society relationship, 2948 Areas (SMSAs), 2478 Sri Lanka, 2362 liberal model, 3002 Standard of living high suicide rate, 3082 See also Welfare state divorce effects, 706, 707–708 political corruption, 2132 macrosociological approach to, industrialization and, 1217, 1219 1707–1708 religious movement, 2366, 3288 Standardization, 2991–2996 Marxist theory of, 1755, Srinivas, M. N., 1291, 1292, 1293 Standardized partial regression 2162, 2163 SRM. See Sociomoral Reflection coefficient, 453–454 materialist theory on, 1785 Measure Standards for Educational and national, 1198 SRM-SF. See Sociomoral Reflections Psychological Testing, 3207, Measurement Short Form national boundaries and, 3210, 3211 1931–1938, 1939 Srole, Leo, 364 Stanford Political Dictionary, 1979 nationalist movements and, 1941, SRS (simple random sampling), Stanford Research Institute, 1041 3001–3002 2446–2447 Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale, nation-state definition, 2997 SSA. See Soviet Sociological 1362 negation of power by, 1951–1955 Association Staniszki, Jadwiga, 2121 and organizational SSCI. See Social Sciences Citation Index Stanley, J. C., 2325, 2327 functioning, 2006 SSDA. See Social Science Data Staples, William, 1636 political power of, 2997–2998 Archives Star plots, 3021 reaction to nationalist movements S-shaped curve (innovation by, 1945–1946, 3002 adoption/diffusion), 87, 677 Stare decisis, 476 regulatory function, 1099, 1228 SSI. See Supplementary Security Stark, Oded, 633 Income Stark, Rodney, 665, 2367, role in globalization, 1092, 1093 SSRIs (selective serotonin 2374–2375, 2381, 2484–2485, role in higher education, inhibitors), 654 2967 1184–1185 SSRS (Systematic-simple random Stark, Werner, 1958, 2956–2957 structuralist theory of, 2162–2163 sampling), 2446–2447 Starovoitova, Galina, 2981 and territorial belonging, 3129

3458 INDEX

war and twentieth-century nation- computer programs, 409 Statistical Methods (Snedecor), 3035 state formations, 2362–2363 computer-intensive methods, Statistical Methods for Research Workers See also Democracy 3039 (Fisher), 3006, 3035 State, Culture, and Society conclusion validity, 2326–2327 Statistical Package for the Social (journal), 1869 contingency table analysis, Sciences (SPSS), 1607, 1923, 2035 State Department, U.S., Human 3036–3037 Statistisk Sentrabyrå, 2451 Rights Practices report, 2607 correlation and regression Status attainment, 3042–3049 State Self-Esteem Scale, 2512 analysis, 447–457, 2251, aspiration level formation, 2781, State socialism, 728 3035–3036 2782–2783 State system. See National border covariance structure models, and capitalism, 238 3037 relations; State, The conformity and, 404 crime rate calculation, 491–492, Static-group comparison, 2316 crystallization levels, 2869 503–504 Stationary population, 616 definers and models, 2782 and cross-cultural analysis, 547 Stationers’ Company, 267 and delinquent subcultures, 511 demographic, 608–620 Statistical Analysis of the Social and education, 758, 2713, 2782, descriptive, 657–661 Organism (Comte concept), 1029 2783–2785, 2928, 2929–2931 distributions, 2869–2870 Statistical Breviary (Playfair), 3005 and emotions, 777–778 event history analysis, 869– Statistical graphics, 3003–3023 874, 3037 establishment of field, 3042 in data analysis, 3003, factor analysis, 905–921, and expectation states 3011–3019, 3039 1788, 3036 theory, 880, 882 history of, 3005–3007 graphics, 3003–3022 gradational groupings, 2816 multivariate data, 3018–3019 inference. See Statistical inference income and, 3047–3048 nonparametric, 1795 latent structure analysis, 3038 incongruence concept, 3049– perception research, 3009–3011 3054 linear models, 592–593 standards, 3007–3009 inherited, 250, 251, 1239–1240, measures of association, 2810, 2811, 2869 See also Content analysis 1804–1812 leisure displays and, 1583 Statistical inference, 3023–3034 models, 1787, 2028, 3015–3017 marriage and, 1734–1735 confidence intervals, 3026–3027 multilevel and panel models, logic of, 3027–3030 3038–3039 in mate selection theory, 1775–1776 models, 2028 multiple tests of significance, measurement devices, 2866 nonrandom samples and, 3030 3033–3034 nonparametric, 1795, 1956–1971 models of, 2782–2783, 2817 power and Type I and Type II quasi-experimental research nonformist/innovative behavior errors, 3030–3032, 3033 design errors, 2326–2327 allowed by, 403–404 probability level, 3025–3026 sampling theory, 2444–2449 occupational prestige and, 2000–2001, 2259–2260, and replication attempts, 2396 social indicators, 2684 3045–3047 and statistical and substantive standardization, 2991–2996 professions and, 2259–2260 significance, 3032–3033 statistical and substantive social network position and, 2733 traditional tests, 3024–3025 significance, 3032–3034 social psychology studies of, variance and standard stochastic processes, 3036 170–171, 2780–2789 deviation, 659, 660 tabular analysis, 3108–26 and social reproduction, 3042, Statistical methods, 3034–3039 time series analysis, 2679, 3043, 3045 analysis of variance and 3142–3153 social surveys, 578 covariance, 158–164 Type I and Type II errors, tourism and, 3166, 3168 categorical and limited 3030–3032 dependent variables, 3037– typologies, 3186–3187 upward structural mobility and, 2868 3038 See also Content analysis; Crime comparative-historical sociological rates; Measurement; Measures and urban life, 307 analysis, 385–386, 389, 390 of association Weber’s studies, 1704

3459 INDEX

See also Social and political elites; as attitude subtype, 184, 189 Stone, Gregory, 2221 Social class; Social as attribution shaping, 197– Stone, Lawrence, 1504, 1505 stratification 198, 2244 Stone, Philip J., 1978, 1979 Status crystallization, 3051 conformity and, 403 Stonequist, Everett, 2634 Status incongruence, 3049–3055 functions of, 185 Stonich, Susan, 1221 configurations of, 3053 of fundamentalism, 2368, Storytelling. See Life histories and at elite level, 3053–3054 2369–2370, 2371 narratives and relative deprivation, 349, gender. See Sex stereotypes Stouffer, Samuel A., 314, 316–317, 1940, 2701, 3050 and intermarriage, 1411 1876, 1881, 2193, 3038, 3093 widowhood and, 3255 as learned, 185 Strain theory, 166 Status inconsistency. See Status of marijuana use, 713 of collective behavior, 353 incongruence mass media and, 1767–1768, of deviance, 664, 1494–1495, Status quo 1773 2775 conservative vs. liberal ethos, and mental illness diagnosis, 1838 Strain toward symmetry model, 335, 336 1598, 1600 and reference group perceptions, endowment effect and, 594 2752, 2753 ‘‘Strange Disappearance of Sick America, The’’ (Putnam), 368 Status System of a Modern Community, of whiteness, 56 The (Warner and Lund), 364 ‘‘Stranger’’ concept (Simmel and See also Discrimination; Prejudice Schutz), 2635 Status-value formulation, 2702 Sterilization Strangers from a Different Shore: A Stavisky affair (1934), 2129 and eugenics, 1272 History of Asian Americans STDs. See Sexually transmitted and family planning, 954, 2178 (Tataki), 180 diseases Sterling, Robert, 197 Strassoldo, Raimondo, 1468 Stearns, Linda B., 2501 Sterling, Theodore D., 2396 Strategic narrative concept, 388 Stebbins, Robert, 1587 Sternberg, R. J., 1850 Stratham, Anne, 2417, 2423 Steele, B. F., 288 Sternberg, Robert, 1368 Stratification. See Social stratification Steele, C. M., 73 Stevens, S. S., 1793, 1800 Stratified random sampling, 2447 Steen, Sara, 671 Steward, Julian, 2891 Straus, Murray, 503, 505 Stefano, Antonino, 2968 Steward, Lyman and Milton, 2368 Straus, Robert, 1815 Steffen, Gustaf Fredrik, 2449 Stewart, John A., 2459 Strauss, Anselm, 582, 1813, 2221 Steffens, Lincoln, 2124, 2126 Stigler, George, 1101 Strauss, B., 2290 Stein, J. A., 2513 Stigmatization Straw polls. See Election polls Street Corner Society (Whyte), 244, Steinberg, Stephen, 845, 2332–2333 concept of, 1815 363, 364, 365, 2611 Steiner, Ivan D., 2617 as criminal sanction, 520 Street gangs. See Gangs Steinmetz, Devora, 1511 of homosexuality, 2570 Streib, Gordon, 1388 Steinmetzarchief (Amsterdam Arts of urban underclass, 3198 and Sciences Real Academy), ‘‘Strength of weak ties’’ hypothesis, Stimulus diffusion, 676 575, 576 2693, 2731–2732, 2791, STIRPAT (environmental impact 2792, 2827 Steinmo, Sven, 375 equation), 808 Strength-of-position hypothesis, 2791 Stem family, 1503–1504 Stochastic Models for Social Processes Stress, 3055–3059 Stem-and-leaf plots, 659 (Bartholomew), 2668, 3036 aggression and, 73 Stepfamilies. See Blended families Stochastic processes, 2249, as caregiver burden, 1658 Stephens, Evelyne Huber, 389 2465, 3036 collective situations, 683 Stephens, John, 389, 390 Stochastic Processes (Doob), 3035 depression and, 649, 651, Stepney, Bishop of, 225, 1706 Stockholm University, 2452 653, 656 Stepwise regression analysis, 456 Stogdill, R. M., 1565, 1567–1568 of divorce, 705, 707 Stereotypes Stoics, 2519 homelessness and, 1205 African-American, 64, 2243 Stokes, Donald E., 3234, 3235 integrative and time-lagged on aging and sexual activity, 2556 Stone, Christopher, 443 models, 3056–3057

3460 INDEX

mediating factors, 3056 and public opinion, 2273 Studies on Crime and Crime Prevention medical sociology studies, 1814 and revolutions, 2413 (journal), 2452 personal dependency and, 2066 and role theory, 2417 Study of Sociology, The (Japanese journal), 1480 social comparison process and social mobility, 2712, 2713 and, 2654 and social networks, 1034–1035, Study of Sociology, The (Spencer), 297 social networks counteracting, 2729–2731 Study to Understand Prognoses and 2732, 2733 theory of collective behavior, Preferences in Risks of Treatment (SUPPORT), 587–588 Strikes. See Labor movements and 352–354 unions; Industrial sociology theory of personality, 1717–1718 Study-findings comparisons. See Meta-analysis Stripp, H., 3081 theory of poverty, 2211–2212 Sturzo, Luigi, 1424 Strodtbeck, Fred L., 3212 theory of state, 2162–2163 Styron, William, 651 Stroessner, Alfredo, 2134 See also Functionalism and Subcultures Stroke, 139, 1641 structuralism; Social structure Structural analysis, 1027 Structurally unemployed. See Job countercultures vs., 459, 460 displacement in macrosociology, 1703–1704 criminal and delinquent, Structuration theory, 226 509–514, 534, 1494 Structural assimilation, 842 Structure of the Scientific Revolution, cultural approach and, 566, 567 Structural conduciveness, 353 The (Kuhn), 2023, 2374, definition of, 509 Structural equation modeling (SEM), 2458–2459 908, 1692, 1910, 1914–1915, stratification, 2818 Structure of the Social World, The 1918–1923 Subgame perfect equilibrium, 330 (Rybicki), 2120 benefits and use limitations, Subjection of Women, The (Mill), Structured strain theory. See 1922–1923, 2346–2347 988, 990 Strain theory hierarchical linear models, 1922 Subjective well-being measurement, Strumilin, S. G., 2979, 3155 and mobility research, 2817 2683–2684 Stryker, Robin, 388, 390, 1102, 1106, Subordinate Behavior significance of, 3039 1107, 1108, 1109 Description, 1566 Structural functionalism. See Stryker, Sheldon, 1253, 1256, 1257, Sub-Saharan Africa Functionalism and structuralism 2221, 2417, 2423, 2505, 2508 AIDS epidemic, 2591–2593 Structural Holes (Burt), 737 Student movements, 3067–3070 involuntary servitude, 2602, 3262 Structural lag, 3060–3067 anti-Vietnam War, 2269–2270 political and governmental cultural lag concept and, 3066 Chinese Tianenmen Square, corruption, 2132–2134 and social structural responses, 2268, 2718, 2721–2722, 3067 population growth, 628 3063–3066 civil rights participants, 2268, and theories of change, 2495 slave trade from, 2598, 2599 3066–3067 countercultures, 460, 461 women in labor force, 3262 Structural properties of and crowd behavior, 558 Substance abuse. See Alcohol; Drug abuse collectives, 1591 and German sociology, 1079 Substance Abuse and Mental Health Structural regulation of speech, 269 interaction theories, 351–352 Administration, 715 Structuralism, 226, 1031, 1034, 1707 life history data, 1635 Substantive legal systems, 464 anthropological, 563, 564, and political criminality, 2891–2892 2144–2145 Subtle prejudice, 2245 British, 568 popular culture critique by, 2169 Subunemployed, definition of, 1720 French, 563, 1027, 1032– resource mobilization theories, Suburbanization, 3070–3077 1034, 1035 353–354 African American integration and German sociology, 1078 Student Nonviolent Coordinating and, 2498 and Latin American studies, 1537 Committee, 2495, 3069 alcohol consumption patterns and Marxist sociology, 1753, Students for a Democratic Society, and, 94 1754, 1755, 1756, 1784, 460, 3069 in American urban system, 2162, 2163 Studies in Ethnomethodology 3070–3071, 3194 and prison sociology, 2051 (Garfinkel), 226 cities and, 311, 3070–3071, 3194

3461 INDEX

definition of, 3070–3071 self-destructive behaviors vs., numbers of cases heard, 472 exclusionary zoning and, 3077 Supreme Court rulings 3072, 3073 social integration and, 584 affirmative action, 50–51 manufacturing and trade sociological studies of, 3079–3081 antimiscegenation, 950 employment, 3073–3074 study suggestions, 3082–3085 capital punishment, 2056 minorities and, 3074–3075 U.S. rates of completed, 3080 census sampling, 286–287 and no-growth movement, 3072 Suicide, Le (Durkheim), 574, 1024, comparable worth, 372 1575, 1736 and satellite developments, desegregation, 2494 3073–3074 as paradigm, 2024 employment discrimination, 691 Suction curettage, 2238, 2239 Suleyman the Magnificent, sultan of eugenics, 949 Sudan, 1866, 1941 Ottoman Empire, 2999 Internet First Amendment Sullivan, Albert, 582 slavery and forced labor, protections, 2185 2603–2604, 2606 Sullivan, Harry Stack, 2085, obscenity definitions, 2186 sociodemographic profile, 2938 2088, 2092 peyote use, 137 Sudden infant death syndrome, 1640 Sullivan, Mercer L., 510, 513, 665 pornography, 274 Suffrage. See Voting behavior; Sullivan, William M., 2080, 2484 public opinion on, 2277 Voting rights Sultanistic regime, 2133 regulation of expression, 268, Sufism, 3286 Sumer Empire, 2998 270, 271, 272, 274 Suharto, 2130–2131, 2978, 3068 Summary statistics, 659–661 right-to-die cases, 585, 586, 587, Suicide, 3077–3087 Summer learning research, 2933 3083, 3084 American Indian rates, 135 Summers, Lawrence, 794 school desegregation, 2493 analysis of prevention center Sumner, William Graham, 581, segregation, 145, 2491 calls, 431 1400, 2192, 2330, 2882, 2986 sexual harassment, 2580 anomic, 165, 3079 Sums of squares sociological analysis of, assisted suicide, 585, 586–587, calculation of, 158–159 2960–2961, 2962 3083–3086 decomposing, 159–160 Surgical abortion procedure, 2238, common traits, 3077 Sun Dance, 137 2239, 2240 concept of, 3077 Sundbärg, A. Gustav, 2450 Survey of Consumer Attitudes and contagion theory, 3080 Sundt, Eilert, 2449 Behavior, 578 depressive disorder and, 650, Sunni Islam, 3286 Survey of Income and Program Participation, 1284–1285, 1288, 656, 3078–3079 Super Bowl, 2985 1722, 2475 Durkheim study, 574, 581, 584, Superego, 1713 1575, 1595, 1736, 2024, 3055, Survey research, 3087–3094 Supernaturalism. See Religious 3077, 3079, 3080 analysis, 3090 orientations Durkheim’s study use of complex sample designs, 3034 Supinski, Jzoef, 2117 secondary data, 1595, 3080 content analysis, 418–421 Supplemental Security Income (SSI), euthanasia as, 585, 2719, 1145, 1146, 1286, 2799 cross-cultural analysis, 548 3083, 3088 Supplementary Convention on the data collection methods, 575, gender and, 3078, 3079, 3081 Abolition of Slavery, the Slave 2475 Hindu widow self-immolation, Trade, and Institutions and of dating behavior, 3232–3236 3255 Practices Similar to Slavery, distinctive characteristic of, 2468 history of, 3079 2602, 2603 elicitation/preference reversals mass, 3077 SUPPORT program, 587–588 in, 598 methods, 3078, 3081 Suppressor variable, 452 ethical and other problems, national differences in, 3079 Supreme Court, U.S. 3093–3094 physician-assisted, 585, 586–587, and division of powers, factors in development of, 3232 3083, 3084–3086 1953, 1954 measurement of, 1802–1803 predictors, 3078–3079, 3081 function of, 1953 mode of administration, rational, 3084 high status of justices, 476 3090–3092

3462 INDEX

nonreactive studies, 2243 health-care system, 374, 375, Sydney S. Spivack Program in online, 408–409 377–378, 379 Applied Social Research and Social Policy, 150 questions and questionnaires, legal system, 471 3088–3090, 3093 long-term care and care facilities, Sykes, Gresham M., 1496, 2052, 2055 sampling procedures, 2444–2449, 1654, 1655, 1661 3087–3088, 3232 marital age model, 620 Symbiosis, communitarianism and, 357 secondary data analysis, Political Systems Performance 2474–2481 Data, 2477 Symbol systems, religious, 2382– 2383, 3280–3283 sex research problems, 2550 postindustrialism, 2201 Symbolic anthropology, 2891–2892 social psychology, 2769 retirement policy, 2408 Symbolic Crusade (Gusfield), statistical inference, 3023–3034 same-sex marriage legalization, 111 1576–1577 survey sequence, 3092–3093 Social Science Data Archive, 576 Symbolic estates concept, 1510– voting behavior, 3203–3238, 3232 1511, 1512 social security system spending, See also Public opinion 2796, 2800 Symbolic Interaction (journal), Survey Research Center (University social surveys, 577 2293, 3096 of Michigan), 578, 2448, 2474 transnational corporations, Symbolic interaction theory, Economic Behavior Program, 3175, 3176 3095–3102 2476 unemployment, 3263 altruism attribution, 114 Surveys of Consumer Finances, 578 woman suffrage, 703 basic premise of, 2423, Survival analysis, 869 2767–2768 women in labor force Survivalists, 460, 461, 462 percentage, 3262 on biological emotions vs. social sentiments, 2523 Sussman, Marvin, 1389, 1391, 1737 See also Swedish sociology central concepts, 3096–3098 Sustainable development, 1222– Swedish Data Act of 1973, 2453 1223, 1225 commonalities and variations, Swedish Personal Data Protection 3098–3099 Sutherland, Edwin H., 1203, 3098 Act of 1998, 2454 conversation analysis, 432 on moral crusade influences on Swedish sociology, 2450, 2451, law enactment, 1576 2452–2454 critical theory and, 541 theory of differential association, Sweethearting, 1698 description of, 2221 507, 533, 666, 667, 1495–1496 Swerner, Michael, 2495 ethnology and, 852 on white-collar crime, 3245, Swidler, Ann, 2080, 2173, 2484, and feminist theory, 996 3246–3247, 3248, 3249, 2958, 2959 fluctuating interest in, 3099–3100 3250, 3251 Swiss code, 1550 fundamental imagery and Suttee (self-immolation), 3255 Switzerland framework, 3095–3096 Suttle, Gerald, 363, 365 ‘‘clean’’ government and gender identity, 1001, 1002 Svalastoga, Kaare, 2450, 2781, 2867, reputation, 2130 on human nature, 1234 2868, 2869 divorce rate, 706 identity theory and, 1253, Svoretz, John, 1790 drug policy, 712 1254, 1255 Swann, W. B., Jr., 2511 ethnic status incongruence, 3051 and juvenile delinquency, Swanson, Guy, 1198 family policy, 966 1495–1497 Sweat lodge, 137 health-care system, 375 on marital satisfaction, 1729, Swedberg, Richard, 2921 multilingualism, 2909 1731 Sweden, 2449 social movement emergence, and medical sociology, 1815– affinity of religion and family, 2719 1816 936, 940, 941 Social Science Data Archive, 576 on popular culture, 2173 antidiscrimination legislation, 693 social security system, 2800 revitalization of, 3100 cohabitation as commonplace, transnational corporations, and role theory, 2417, 109 3175, 3176 2423–2424, 2856, 3097 divorce rate, 706 SWS. See Sociologists for Women on sexual behavior, 2537–2538 family policy, 966–967 in Society social interaction model, 2298

3463 INDEX

social learning theory and, Szmatka, Jacek, 2120–2121, 2122 Tarde, Gabriel, 677, 679, 1025, 1716–1717 Sztompka, Piotr, 2119, 2120, 1423, 1477, 2117 as social psychology perspective, 2644, 3121 Task activites (of crowds), 2767–2768 555–556, 557, 559 and socialization, 2856, 2857 T Task Force on Women in the and sociology of sports, 2990 Tabular analysis, 3107–3128 Military (1988), 1880, 1881 SYMLOG (System for the Multiple census and, 283 Task specialization. See Division Level Observation of Groups), of labor contingency tables, 3036–3037 1976–1978, 1979, 2614 Task-focused leadership, 1566 of data distribution, 658 coding sample, 1978 Tasmania, 1069 elaboration and subgroup Sympathy, 782 analysis, 3112–3114 TAT (Thematic Apperception Synanon, 899 Test), 2077 measures of association, Syncretism, African, 64, 65 3118–3126 Tataki, Ronald, 180 Syntactical positioning, 2298 multiway tables, 3036 Tate, D. C., 76 Synthetic cohort, 614 odds ratios and log-linear models, Tax revolts, 103 Synthetic metatheory, 1852–1853, 3115–3118 Taxation, 3000 2880 typologies, 3180–3188 and income distribution, Synthetic power theory, 2166 Taeuber, Karl E., 2501 1282–1283 Syphilis, 2585, 2591, 2592 Tafarodi, R., 2511, 2513 Taxonomy, 3181, 3183 Syria, 1866 Tailhook incident (1991), 1880 Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997, 1282 fertility decline, 628 Taiwan Taylor, Charles, 356 Kurdistan nationalism, 1945 dependency theory, 642 Taylor, Edward, 1423 pan-Arab nationalism, 1944 fertility decline, 627, 2178 Taylor, Frederick, 697, 1014, 3155 sociodemographic profile, 2938 labor movement, 1532 Taylor, Ian, 1578 System for the Multiple Level occupational status attainment, Taylor, Paul, 1858 Observation of Groups 2786–2787 Taylor, Shelley, 2190 (SYMLOG), 1976–1978, 1979, Tajfel, Henri, 2243 Tchouprov, Alexandre, 1423 2614 Takahashi, Akira, 1480 Teachers. See Education; Educational coding sample, 1978 Takata, Yasuma, 1478 organization; Sociology of System of Logic, Ratiocinative and education Inductive, A (Mill), 818 Takebe, Tongo, 1423, 1477 Teaching Quality Assessment (Great Takhtarev, K. M., 2979 System of National Accounts (SNA) Britain), 227 activities, 3162, 3164 Talarico, Suzette, 670 Teaching Services Program, 150 System of Sociology (Sorokin), 2979 Tallman, Irving, 1790 Teaching Sociology (journal), 411 Systematic-simple random sampling Tally’s Corner (Liebow), 243 (SSRS), 2446–2447 Teaching Sociology with Fiction (ASA Tamils, 2366, 3288 publication), 1646 Systemic power, 2166 Tammany Hall (New York Team leadership, 1567 Systems theory, 1080, 1229, City), 2125 3102–3106 Teapot Dome scandal (1922– Tamney, Joseph, 2946 1924), 2127 and intergroup/ Tampere University, 2450, 2451 interorganizational relations, Technological forecasting, 1038 Tanaka, Kakuei, 2131 1405 Technological risk. See Society and Taney, Roger, 62 Systems Theory and Operations technological risks Research, 3104–3105 Tangri, S., 2580–2581 Technology and society Szacki, Jerzy, 2120 Tannen, Deborah, 2909 agricultural innovation, 88–89, 91 Szalai, Alexander, 3154, 3155, Tannenbaum, Franklin, 1496 computer applications, 406–411 3156–3157, 3159 Tannenbaum, P. G., 335, 336–337 disaster planning and Szasz, Andrew, 1103, 1106 Tanzania, 2040, 2583 management, 684, 686 Szczepanski, Jan, 2119 Tape recording, 1974 and evolution of paid work, 3262 Szelenyi, Ivan, 2117 Tappan, Paul, 3247, 3248, 3251 fear of machines and, 2525–2526

3464 INDEX

fragmentation and, 3104 survey interviews, 418–419, 578, definition of, 3128–3129 fundamentalist utilization of, 1802, 3092, 3232 distribution models of, 3133– 2372 ‘‘Telephone law’’ (legal autonomy 3134 human ecology and, 1210 issue), 1549 localism-cosmopolitanism information systems, 1344, 1345, Televangelists, 2371, 2372 continuum, 3132 1346, 1347 Television multiplicity of, 3129–3130, 3133 latent effects, 2680 aggression cues and, 74, 75 and social belonging, 2629–2630, as materialist theory focus, 1785 American social effects of, 141, 2632, 3129, 3131–3132 modernization theory on, 1885 1762, 1766 subjectivity and, 3130–3134 new institutional elites in, 2626 as attitude influence, 185 Territorial boundaries. See National border relations organizational structure and, and innovation diffusion, Terrorism, 3137–3142 2011–2012 1763–1764 counterculture groups, 460 postindustrialization and, and regulation of expression 2196–2203 issues, 271, 272 definition of, 3138 postmodernism and, 2200 Roots miniseries, 67 escalation of, 2145 postmodernism on, 2205–2209 as socialization agent, 2858 genocide as, 1068–1069 and routinized vs. specialized time-spent-viewing survey, 3160 international, 3139–3140 division of labor, 698–699 violence portrayed on, 1762– in Latin America, 1537 rural sociology and, 2430 1763, 2858 religion and, 2362 scientific research and Television and Social Behavior (U.S. Testing Statistical Hypotheses development and, 2460–2461 Surgeon General report), 1762 (Lehmann), 3035 social change and, 2643, 2645 Tellia, Bruno, 1468 Testosterone, 70 social forecasting and, 2676–2677 Temperament, definition of, 2074 Tetlock, Philip E., 3215 and social movement emergence, Temperance movement, 1577, Tetracycline, 677 557, 2719 1580, 2717 Teubner, Gunther, 1558–1559, 1560 structural lag and, 3061, 3062 Tempest, The (Shakespeare), 2091 Texas A&M University, 682 and technological risks, TEMPO (time-by-event-by-member Texas War of Independence 2874–2879 pattern observation), 1015, 1979 (1835–1836), 1856 in United States, 141 Temporary Assistance for Needy Text production Families program, 1145, 1146, urban sociology on, 3193 computer-assisted, 407–408 1288, 1395, 2804 urbanization and, 3196 content analysis, 418–419 Temporary gatherings, 352 war and, 3242–3243 Textanalyst (computer software), Temporary help (THS) supply 420, 421 and work and occupations, 3262, firms, 1724 3266–3267 Textor, Robert, 2917 Temporary workers, 1724, 1725, See also Industrial sociology; TextSmart (software), 419–420 3268, 3275 Industrialization; TFR (Total Fertility Rate), 627, 628, Ten Commandments, 943, 3283 Industrialization in less 629, 1867 developed countries; Internet Tenbruck, Friedrich, 1075, 1079 Thailand, 2974, 2975, 2978 Tecumseh (Shawnee leader), 136 Tendances et volontés de la société AIDS/STD control program, française (essay collection), 1026 Teenagers. See Adolescence; Juvenile 2592 delinquency, theories of; Juvenile ‘‘Tender years doctrine,’’ 702 family size, 978 delinquency and juvenile crimes TenHouten, Warren, 1636 fertility rate decline, 2178, 2976 Teitelbaum, M. S., 425–426 Tension state, from inconsistency, labor movement, 1532 Telecommunications Act of 1996, 334–335, 337 legal system, 479 1762–1763 Tentori, Tullio, 1467 political and governmental Telephone Terman, Lewis, 999 corruption, 2131 computer-assisted interviewing Terminal patients. See Death sex traffic in, 2606, 2607 system, 410, 1802 and dying slavery and slave-like practices, conversation analysis, 431 Terminal values, 3214 2606–2607 free expression and, 271 Territorial belonging, 3128–3137 Thalidomide, 3250

3465 INDEX

Thamm, Robert, 784–785 Theravada Buddhism, 3282 Thrill seeking, 664 Thatcher, Margaret, 228, 2039, 2130 Therborn, Göran, 2452 Thrupp, Sylvia, 1197 Theft, 1576, 3251 There Ain’t No Black in the Union Thucydides, 3241 See also Burglary; Robbery Jack (Solomos, Findlay, Jones, and Thurow, Lester, 2966 Gilroy), 226 Theil, Henri, 2501 Thurstone, L. I., 905, 914, 3035 Thesaurus of Sociological Index Terms, Theil’s entropy index, 2501 Tianenmen Square protest (1989; 1609, 1611–1612 Their Eyes Were Watching God China), 2268, 2718, 2721– Thibaut, John, 2419, 2670 (Hurston), 1648 2722, 3067 Third party. See Triads Theistic amalgamations, 3280 Tice, D. M., 2515 Third Way, The: The Renewal of Social Thematic Apperception Test Tidskrift for Samfunnsforskning Democracy (Giddens), 228 (TAT), 2077 (Norwegian journal), 2451 Third World. See Developing Theocracy, 1245, 2356, 2357, 2359 Tilburg University, 1649 countries Theology. See World religions Till, Emmett, 2493–2494 Third World debt, 2433 Theoretical construct models, 2029 Tilly, Charles, 385, 555, 606, 1707, Third World feminism, 1708 1942, 2270, 2271, 2819 Theoretical knowledge, 2196–2197 Thirteenth Amendment, 2601 on durable inequality, 2692 Theoretical Studies in Social Thirty Years’ War, 1933, 2356, Organization of the Prison and historical sociology, 2362, 2363 (Cloward), 2052–2053 2918, 2919 Thoits, Peggy, 782, 787 Theories of Cognitive Consistency: A and social structure analysis, Sourcebook (Abel et al.), 335 Thoma, Stephen J., 1901–1902 2823, 2827 Theory construction Thomas, A., 2088, 2090 Tilly, Louise, 385, 1708–1709 causal inference models, 266 Thomas, Clarence, 2581 Tilly, Richard, 385 definition of theory, 2463 Thomas, George M., 427–428 Time and motion studies, 697 falsification problem, 2464 Thomas, K. W., 1569 Time budgeting. See Time use research paradigm vs., 2024 Thomas, Mary Margaret, 1502 Time Budgets and Human Behavior See also Scientific explanation; Thomas, Melvin E., 2300, 2307 (Sorokin and Berger), 3155–3156 specific theories Thomas, William I., 2332, Time, interaction, and performance Theory of Committees and Elections, The 2498, 3098 (TIP), 1015, 1979 (Black), 2920 life histories and narratives, 1616, Time of measurement effects. See Theory of demographic 1618, 1633, 1634, 2118, 2220, Period effects transition, 1219 2221, 2222 Time series analysis, 3142–3153 Theory of global economy, 1197 on perception and reality, 2676, 2697 classical, 3143–3151 Theory of Justice, A (Rawls), 2698 Thompson, E. P., 226, 1198, 1707, comparative historical, 385 Theory Of Moral Sentiments 1756, 2169 forecasting and, 2679, 2680 (Smith), 782 Thompson, Hunter, 1579 longitudinal research, 1691–1692 Theory of Political Coalitions, The (Riker), 2920 Thompson, Paul, 2662 multiple time series design, 2318–2319, 3152 Theory of Psychical Units Thompson, Sandra A., 439 (Abramowski), 2118 Thörnberg, E. H., 2451 pooled, 2680 Theory of Religion, A (Stark and Thorndike, Edwin, 1 regression, 2679 Bainbridge), 2375 Thornton, Sarah, 245 of social indicators, 2681–2688 Theory of Social Becoming Thought reform, 892–900 Time Series Analysis (Box and (Sztompka), 2121 Jenkins), 3036 Thoughtful vs. thoughtless Theory of the Leisure Class aggression, 69 Time series design, 2315–2316 (Veblen), 2986 Thrasymachus, 2337 Time use research, 3153–3165 Theosophical Society, 3287 Three Mile Island nuclear power contributions of, 3159–3160 Theosophy, 2366 plant accident, 789, 805, 2875, daily time use (table of), 3160 Therapeutic community (TC) 3249–3250, 3253 leisure and work, 1582, 1584, movement, 2087 Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, 3262–3263 Therapeutic control, 518 The (Esping-Andersen), 377 methodology, 3157–3159

3466 INDEX

for social policy, 3163–3165 Tolnay, Stewart, 626 ‘‘Toward the Proletarianization of tradition of, 3154–3155 Tomaka, J., 2512 Physicians’’ (McKinley and Time Warner, 1768 Tominaga, Ken’ichi, 1480 Arch), 1815 Ting, Kwok-Fai, 3198 Toniolo, Ginseppe, 1464 Townsend movement, 2402, 2798, 3065 Tingstrom, Daniel, 197 Tönnies, Ferdinand, 225, 356, 1423 Toxic threats, 2875 TIP (time, interaction, and on community, 2520 Toyama, Masakazu, 1477 performance), 1015, 1979 Gemeinschaft definition, 2630, Tipton, Steven M., 2080, 2484 3129, 3134 Toynbee, Arnold J., 877, 2644 Tiryakian, Edward A., 1886 on Gemeinschaft-Gesellschaft shift, TQM (Total Quality Management), Title VII, Civil Rights Act of 1964, 355, 1074, 1502, 1506, 1772, 605, 1665 372, 2591, 2706, 3264 2426, 2483, 3130, 3135, 3182 Trade unions. See Labor movements sexual harrassment, 2580 and German sociology, 1074, and unions Tittle, Charles R., 535, 668, 1491 1075 Tradition, 3216 Tiv (people), 3079 as Japanese sociology early communitarianism and, 355 influence, 1477, 1478 TM (Transcendental Meditation), Traditional authority, 229 1015, 3287 on public opinion, 2273 Tragedy of the commons, 595–596, TNCs. See Transnational Torrance, John, 224 1220, 1223, 1229 corporations Tosi, Michelina, 328 Trait theory. See Race; Personality Tobacco Movement (1890–1892; Total Fertility Rate, 627, 628, theories Iran), 1871 629, 1867 Traité de sociologie générale Tobacco use. See Smoking Total institution concept, 1673 (Gurvitch), 1026 Tobit model, 2439–2440 Total Quality Management (TQM), Transaction cost analysis, 2340 Toby, Jackson, 1491 605, 1665 Transactional leadership, 1566 Tocqueville, Alexis de, 229, 383, Total War (Nazi concept), 1067 Transatlantic slave trade. See African 1028, 2125, 2521 Totalitarianism, 1212, 1238 slave trade on decay of religious faith, 2966 and French School of Trans-border cities, 311 democracy study, 601, 606, 1515, Sociology, 1025 Transcendental Meditation, 1015, 1704, 2966, 3227 labor movement subordination 3287 and historical sociology, under, 1529 Transformation of Corporate Control, 1196, 1197 personality type and, 317 The (Fligstein), 738 and individualism as responsive communitarianism Transformational Grammar concept, 1301 vs., 357 (Chomsky), 438 on intelligence as social studies of social sources of, Transformational leadership equalizer, 1385 1310–1311 behavior, 1566, 1570 on voluntary associations, 3227 Tour de France, 2985 Transitions. See Life course, Toda, Teizo, 1478 Touraine, Alain, 1533, 2205 transitions in; Life cycle Todorsky, A. I., 2979 Tourangeau, Roger, 3091 Transnational corporations, Toennies, Ferdinand. See Tönnies, Tourism, 3165–3174 3174–3180 Ferdinand active vs. passive, 3166 agribusiness, 2433 Tofranil, 654 classic definition of, 3166 and cities, 309–310 Togo, 2606 fashions and trends in, corporate organization, 443–444 Tokar, Brian, 1230 3168–3169 division of labor in, 697 Tolbert, Charles W., II, 2481 impact of, 3171–3172 globalization/unemployment Tolerance leisure and, 1589 relationship, 3263 and democracy, 606 motivations for, 3169–3171 health care industry, 1827 for illegitimacy, 1259, 1260 ‘‘Tourist gaze,’’ 3166–3167, 3173 imperialism and, 1264 for intermarriage, 1412 Toward a Social Report (Olson, materialist theory and, 1784 of nonconformist views, 317 1969), 2682 regulation of, 3179–3180 political correctness and, 2140 Toward an Aesthetic of Reception structural-functionalist case of variety of social behaviors, 358 (Jauss), 1648 study of, 244

3467 INDEX

world leaders (table of), 3176 Trubetskoi, Nikolai, 1032 as Ottoman Empire, 2998, 2999 Transparency International, 2137 ‘‘Trucking game’’ study, 2620 political corruption, 2132 Transvestism and transsexuality, Trujillo, Rafael, 2134 rebellions, 3000 2554, 2572–2573 Truly Disadvantaged, The revolution (1919), 2411 Traoré, Moussa, 2133 (Wilson), 3198 secularization, 2485 Trappist monks, 3289 Truman, David R., 2624 sociodemographic profile, 2938 Travel. See Tourism Truman, Harry, 2126, 2127, 2274 women in labor force Treadway, Roy, 625, 626 Truncated sample, 2437 percentage, 3262 Treas, J., 1998 Trussell, James, 620, 634 World War I, 2362 Treasury Department, U.S., 714 Trust Turks (ethnic), 692 Treatise on the Family (Becker), 2920 efficacy and, 101–102, 103 Turku University, 2451, 2452 Treaty of Rome (1957), 1550, 1934 personal dependency and, 2062 Turner, Frederick Jackson, 1933, 2918, 3232 Treaty of Utrecht (1713), 1933 as social capital, 2640, 2734 Treaty of Versailles (1919), 1945 Turner, Jay, 656 as social order support, Turner, Jonathan, 416, 1237 Treece, Davide, 1927 2524–2525 Turner, L., 3167 Treiman, Donald J., 370, 425 in social organization, 2744–2745 Turner, Ralph, 351, 352, 460, 2069 International Prestige Scale, Truth, 1249, 1250, 2957 1997, 1999 on crowd behavior, 553, 554, Tshandu, Zwelakhe, 644 Trevelyan, Lord, 2130 558, 559, 560 Tuchman, Gaye, 1648, 2172 Treves, Renato, 1470 role theory, 2417 Tufte, Edward R., 3008, 3011 Triad societies, 512 Turner, Victor, 2891, 3281–3282 Tukey, John W., 3006 Triadic dilemma, 464–465 Tuss, Paul, 194 Tulane University, 324 Triads Tutsi, 254 early clinical sociology balance theory, 335–336 Tuval-Mashiach, Rivka, 1636 course, 324 coalitions within, 329, 331– Tversky, A., 591–592, 595, 598 Tullio-Altan, Carlo, 1472 332, 465 Twain, Mark, 277 Tullock, Gordon, 2920 conformity tendency, 403 Tweed, William (‘‘Boss’’), 2125 Tuma, Nancy Brandon, 1693, 1694, as court system model, Twelve Country Project, 3156–3157 2668, 3037 465–468, 474, 479 Twelve Tables of Rome, 464, 1513 Tunisia, 1865, 1866, 1867 group size and, 1117 Twelve-Step Programs, 714 political corruption, 2132 strain toward symmetry ‘‘Two Field Theories’’ (Gold), 1013 sociodemographic profile, 2938 model, 336 Two Sacred Worlds: Experience and Trials. See Court systems and law; Tupes, E., 2085 Structure in the World’s Religions Criminal justice system Ture, Kwame (Stokely (Shinn), 3279 Triandis, Harry C., 3218, 3222, Carmichael), 53 Two-party political systems, 2164 3223–3224 Turkey, 1865, 1866 Two-person games, 329 Tribal systems, 2809, 3180 Armenian genocide by, 1070, Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1935, 175 See also Indigenous peoples 1384 Tylor, Edward Burnett, 563, 565, Tribute collection, 3000 and Cyprus conflict, 1945 1271, 2888, 2889 Trichomoniasis, 2583 drug crop control program, cultural diffusion theory, Tricyclic drugs, 654 713–714 675, 679 Trinidad, 2600 fertility decline, 628, 1867 Typologies, 3180–3189 Triplett, N., 2615 gender gap in education, 1867 constructed type, 3181 Trivers, R. L., 2883, 2884, 2885 health-care system, 375 and continuous data, 3185–3186 Troeltsch, Ernst, 2366, 2378 historical-sociological analyses, empirical derivation, 3183–3185 Tropp, Asher, 225 1869, 1870, 1871–1872, 1873 ideal type, 3181 Trotter, William Monroe, 66 Kurdistan nationalism, 1945 merits, 3185 Trow, Martin, 606, 1533 layered legal system, 1550 polar types, 3182–3183 Troyer, Ronald J., 2763 nationalist movement, 3001 reduction, 3182–3183

3468 INDEX

substruction, 3182 rate measurement, 1521, 1720 crime rate surveys, 498–499 urban underclass and, 3198 divorce reform laws, 703 U UNESCO. See United Nations drug policy, 712, 713 U.S. Chamber of Commerce, 2162 Educational, Scientific and education and status Cultural Organization U.S. departments and agencies. See attainment, 3045 key word Ungaro, Daniele, 1473 Elizabethan Poor Laws, U.S. Government Document UNICEF, 2607 2840–2841 Depositories, 2477 Unification Church, 900, 2379 ethnic immigrants, 636 U.S. Health, 1822 affinity of religion and ethnic status incongruence, 3051 U.S. National Academy of Sciences. family in, 936 fertility transitions, 2178 See National Academy of Sciences as new religious movement, first modern police force, U.S. National Surveys, 577 2366, 3287 2110–2112, 2113 U.S. Surgeon General report, 1762 Uniform Code of Military foreign-controlled pharmaceutical Justice, 1881 UCR. See Uniform Crime Reports companies, 1827 Uniform Commercial Code, Udy, Stanley, 232 governmental division of 475, 476 power, 1953 Uganda, 2133 Uniform Crime Reporting Handbook health-care system, 374, 375, 376, AIDS/HIV epidemic, 2591, 2592 (FBI), 493 378–379, 380, 1827 poverty in, 2216 Uniform Crime Reports (UCR), juvenile violence, 1487 and Rwandan genocide, 68, 1069 491–500, 530 kinship systems and family slavery and forced labor in, arrests by race, 1490 type, 1504 2603, 2606 Census Bureau survey as labor movement, 1529, 1533 Uighurs, 3001 supplement, 1489 long-term care and care facilities, Ukraine, 2137, 2362, 2982 and family violence, 982 1652, 1653, 1655, 1659, 1661 Ulmer, Jeffrey, 2221–2222 general definitions of organizational demographics, 395 offenses, 492 Ulrich’s International Periodicals political party system, 2154, 2164 Directory, 1606 and juvenile crime, 1486– political scandals, 2130 ‘‘Ultimate’’ bargaining game, 597 1487, 1489 postcolonial India and, 641 Ultimate judgement, 597 and sex crimes, 2557 racial discrimination, 692, 693 ‘‘Ultimatum game,’’ 597 Uniform distribution, shape of, 661 and rebellion, 3000 Unconscious, 1713, 1714 Unikel, Luis, 1859 retirement patterns, 2407 Uncover Reveal (journal article- Unilineal kinship systems, 1502– slave trade suppression by, 2600, alerting service), 1611 1503, 1507 2602, 2607 Underclass. See Urban underclass Union Carbide, 2877 social anthropology, 2890, 2893 Underdeveloped countries. See Unions. See Labor movements and Social Science Data Archive, Dependency theory; Developing unions; Industrial sociology 575, 576, 580 countries; Industrialization in less United Arab Emirates, 1865, developed countries; 1866, 1867 social security system, 2796, 2797 Underemployment. See Marginal sociodemographic profile, 2938 social surveys, 577 employment United Arab Republic, 1947 solicitor-barrister distinction, 478 Underground economy, 1339 United Furniture Workers, 1533 Southeast Asian influences Underidentified model, 1916 United HealthCare, 1822 by, 2975 Understanding Prediction: Essays in United Kingdom time use research, 3164 Methodology of Social and African colonization, 60, 61 tourism in, 3169 Behavioral Sciences (Nowak), 2120 colonial racial conflicts, 321 transnational corporations, Unemployment 3175, 3176 common law system, 465, global rates, 3263 474–475, 477–478, 480, 1545 unemployment, 3263 layoffs and displacement, 3265 communitarianism, 361, 362 utopian literature, 3203–3204 programs, 2795, 2798 conditions conducive to woman suffrage, 703 rate in rural areas, 2430 democracy, 605–606 World War II, 2362

3469 INDEX

United Methodist Church, 2376 as war prevention force, 3243 first clinical sociology course, United National Development World Conference on Women, 324, 325 Programme, 3162 932, 1768 and Japanese sociology, United Nations, 240 United Nations Educational, 1477, 1478 beneficiaries of human Scientific and Cultural leisure study, 1582 development programs, 646 Organization (UNESCO), 23, 280, National Opinion Research 426, 1038, 1767, 1768 and census, 282 Center, 167, 577, 1479, 2300 Main Trends in the Social and Conference on Adult peacetime disaster research, 681 Human Sciences, 2917 Education, 23 social change studies, 2682 time use research, 3156 creation of, 1427 and symbolic interactionism, United Nations University, 1039 Crime and Justice Network, 499 2856 United States. See American Development Program, 2215 voting behavior analysis, 3232 families; American society Economic Commission for Latin University of Chicago Press, United States departments and America, 639–640, 1537 176, 2372 agencies. See key word, e.g., Justice University of Cologne genocide definition, 1066, Department, U.S. 1071–1072 Cologne School, 1077, 1078 Univac I (computer), 406 Human Development Report, 2917 Zentralarchiv fur Empirische Universal Communitarian Sozialforschung, 575, 576, and human rights abuses, Association, 355 1944, 1948 579, 580, 2477 Universal cultural order (Znaniecki University of Colorado, 682 Human Rights Commission, 2607 theoretical system), 2118 University of Connecticut, Roper human rights declaration, Universal Declaration of Human Center for Public Opinion 1240–1242 Rights (1949), 742, 1240–1242, Research, 2477 See also Universal Declaration of 1245, 1319 University of Copenhagen, 2450 Human Rights Universal health care, 377 University of Delaware, 681 International Labour Office, Universal pragmatics (Habermas 1531, 2795, 2800 concept), 543 University of Essex, 227 and international law, 1429 Universalism, 1301, 3216 Economic and Social Research Council Data Archive, and international terrorism, Universities. See Higher education; 576, 580 3139–3140 names of specific institutions Summer School in Social Science life expectancy ranking by, 1631 Universities: American, English, Data Analysis and natural disaster research, 686 German (Flexner), 325 Collection, 421 New World Information and University of California, as University of Illinois, 1979 Communication Order, 1767 multiuniversity, 1180 Survey Research Laboratory, peacekeeping activities, 1429, University of California, Berkeley 2445 2046, 2048 Asian-American research, 179, University of Kharkiv, 2982 population policy, 635 180–181 University of Kiev, 2982 population projections, 2181, Free Speech Movement, 2182 3069–3070 University of Koln. See University of Cologne and poverty in low-income interactive database access, 409 University of Lancaster, 227 countries, 2215–2216 student protest theory, 351–352 University of Leeds, 226, 2039 research funding in China, 302 University of California, Los slavery and involuntary servitude Angeles, Asian-American Studies University of London. See London convention, 2602, 2603, 2607 Center, 179 School of Economics social statistics reports, University of Chicago University of Lviv, 2982 2916–2917 Asian-American studies, 176, University of Michigan and state sovereignties, 3003 177, 178 Center for Political Studies, 101 time use research, 3162 Department of Sociology. See hate speech code, 276 transnational corporation Chicago School Institute for Social Research, 578, regulation, 3179 deviance theories, 664–665 2299, 2300 and urban agglomeration, 310 ethnographic tradition, 243–244 interactive database access, 409

3470 INDEX

Inter-University Consortium for Urban II, Pope, 2967 deviant behavior theories, Political and Social Research Urban agglomeration, 310 663–665, 669–670, 671, 1494 (ICPSR), 409, 575, 576, Urban ecology, 843, 2922, 3071 divergent language varieties 577–578, 579, 1606, and, 2901 Urban political economy, 1214 2474–2475, 2476, 2477, 2481 and ethnicity, 845 Urban riots, 555–556, 557, 558, leader behavior study, 1565 2269, 2270, 2495, 2661 failure of integration and, Survey Research Center, 578, 2496–2498 Urban sociology, 3191–3198 2448, 2474, 2476 family structure, 122 voting behavior research, 3233, community breakdowns and, 664 and global economy effects, 311 3234–3236, 3237 community studies, 363, 365 measurement approaches, University of Minnesota and crisis of new urban theory, 3198–3200 ‘‘Death Education’’ program, 1215–1216 and organized crime, 2019 581, 582, 585 deviance theories, 664–665 and poverty theory, 2212–2213 interactive database access, 409 drug abuse prevention programs underemployment and, 1721 Southeast Asian Refugee Studies and, 714–717 and violent crime, 1490 Project, 182 economics and economic ‘‘Urbanism as a Way of Life’’ University of North Carolina, geography influences on, 2922 (Wirth), 367, 1772 Chapel Hill ethnic succession and, 532–533 Urbanization Louis Harris Data Center, 2477 fertility transition and, 625 cities and, 306, 309 Social Science Data Archive, 576 gang behavior and, 663, 665 and community of limited University of Odessa, 2982 human ecology and, 843, liability thesis, 367–368 University of Oklahoma, 681 1215–1216, 2922 comparative features of major University of Texas, 681 and industrial sociology research, 1309 world regions, 3194 University of Tokyo, 1477, 1478 and Italian sociology, 1468 and convergence theory, 3197 University of Washington, Asian- and crime rates, 532 American studies, 179 kinship systems and, 1502 and deurbanization, 3195 University of West Virginia, 1617 macro-level deviance theories and, 663, 671 and deviance theories, 2658–2659 University of Wisconsin, Madison, divergent patterns of, 1211 Social Science Data Archive, 576 Mexican studies, 1860–1861 ecology and, 1209 University of Maryland, 1876 political economy and, 1214– 1215 and education and Unresponsive Bystander, The: Why development, 744, 749 Doesn’t He Help? (Latané and and population distribution, 633 Darley), 115 and population redistribution, and environmental sociology, 805–806 Unruh, Jesse, 2397 2179–2180 and expansion in Unscheduled Events (newsletter), 682 and social networks, 2728 interrelationships, 3193 Unsuru’l-Ma’ali, 1564 and social reform, 365 and fertility determinants, 1009 Unto Others (Sober and Wilson), 118 See also Cities; Rural sociology; Urban underclass; and globalization, 306, 309, 311 Untouchables, 250 Urbanization homelessness and, 1203 Unwed childbearing, 125, 128, 484, Urban underclass, 3198–3201 industrialization and, 1318–1319 488, 634, 1258–1264, 1506, 1626, 1744, 2033 alternate causal views of, 3198 kinship systems and, 1502, 1503 Upper class. See Social and political case studies of, 243 mental illness incidence and, elite; Social class; Status and centrifugal kinship 1840, 1841 attainment system, 1512 in Mexico, 1857, 1859–1860 Upper quartile, definition of, 659 class and race issues, 319 in Middle Eastern countries, 1866 Uppsala University, 2452 crack violations, 713 and modernization theory, 1885 Uprisings. See Protest movements; and criminal and delinquent and population growth, 2179 Revolutions subculture theory, 513, 1494 population of world’s largest Upward mobility, 2714, 2868, culture-of-poverty concept vs., metropolises, 3195 3043–3044 2212 rural societies contrasted See also Status attainment definition of, 2212, 2497–2498 with, 3192

3471 INDEX

sociology of law on, 1576 V conceptualization of values, 3213 technological advances and, 3196 Vacancy chain models, 2691 and evaluation research, 867–888 and urban sociology, 3191–3197 Vaccines, 622, 878, 2177 individualism and collectivism, See also Cities; Urban underclass Vaillant, Caroline O., 1729 3218–3219 Urine testing. See Drug testing Vaillant, George E., 1729 Inglehart’s postmodern thesis, 3222–3223 Urry, J., 3166, 3168, 3169 Vaishya (Hindu trader), 250 ordered priorities of values, 3213 Uruguay Vajpayee, Atal Bihari, 2132 rational choice theory and, clinical sociology, 328 Valachi, Joseph, 2018 2336, 2338 demographic characteristics, Valanides, Nicolas, 1901 Rokeach Value Survey, 3214– 1535, 1536 Valente, Thomas, 676 3216 gross national product, 1535 Validity, 3207–3212 Schwartz Scale of Values, political, economic, and social concurrent, 3208 3216–3217, 3218, 3219 conditions, 1536, 1537, 1540 convergent, 3210 See also Social values and norms Useem, Bert, 352 definition of, 3207 Van den Berg, Axel, 2220 Useem, John, 2901 differential prediction, 3211 Van den Berghe, Pierre, 841, 842, Useem, Michael, 443, 736, 2162 generalization, 3210–3211 1412, 2883 UseNet, 1442–1443 of hermeneutic explanations, Van der Ploeg, Jan Douwe, UseNet Newsgroups, 414 2472 2432–2433 USSR. See Soviet and post-Soviet important points about, 3207 Van Lange, Paul A. M., 3221 sociology; Soviet Union in life narrative, 2292 Van Maanen, John, 247–248 USSR Academy of Sciences in moral judgment Van Rees, Cees, 1649 (Moscow), 2980 measurement, 1898 Vander Mey, Brenda, 1276 Utilitarianism and multiple indicator models, Vanni, Icilio, 1464 and criminal sanctions, 515, 516 1908, 1909–1910, 1917, Varela, Francisco J., 1557, 2088 and ethics in social research, 1921–1922 Variables 839–840 in narrative history, 2292 bivariate relationship and money, 1892 in personality measurement, 2080 measures, 660 and nineteenth-century predictive, 3208 categorical and limited liberalism, 1599–1600 proportional reduction in error dependent, 3037–3038 pleasure-pain principle, 2087 and, 1810–1811 definition of, 2249 and social exchange theory, 2670 qualitative data criteria, 2288–2289 in effective persuasion, Utility theory. See Decision-making 2094–2097 theory and research; Rational quasi-experimental research frequency distribution table, 658 choice theory designs, 2312–2315, 2317, 2323–2327 graphic representation, 3015 Utopia (More), 3201–3202 reliability vs., 1909, 2080 hierarchical linear multilevel, Utopian analysis and design, 1173 3201–3206 replication and, 2395–2397 in social comparison process, less than normally distributed, communitarianism, 355, 460–461 2641 1796–1800 community failures, 2849 time use research, 3159 and level of analysis, 1591–1592 counterculture, 460–461, 462 types of, 3207–3210 measures of association and, Mannheim’s theory of, 2955– See also Construct validity 1804–1812, 1966 2956 Valkonen, Tapani, 2453 models with excluded, 2251–2252 nostalgia and, 2847 Value-added theory, 352 multiple indicators, 1907–1923 prediction and, 2224–2225 Value-free analysis. See Epistemology; in narrative reviewing, 1845 social forecasting and, 2677 Positivism; Scientific explanation precise specification of, 1803 socialist, 2847, 2849, 3202–3203 Values theory and research, reliability of measurement, Uusitalo, Hannu, 2451 3212–3227 2343–2355 Uzbekistan, 2982 and collective behavior, 352, 353, scatter plot shape and sociodemographic profile, 2938 3213, 3218–3219, 3222 direction, 661

3472 INDEX

and secondary data analysis, 2478 Veterans Health Administration, 588 facilitators of collective, 349 time series regressions, 2679 Viagra, 2555 genocide and, 1066–1072 time-varying indepedent, 1691 Victimization surveys, 491–490, juvenile, 1484–1485, 1487–1488, validity generalization, 3210–3211 530, 535, 549 1490–1491, 1494, 1498 See also Analysis of variance and and feminist theory, 989 kin selection and ethnic, covariance Victimless crimes, 1576, 1577–1578 2882–2883 Variance (statistical) Victorian era, 2125 literary sociology and, 1650 definition of, 158, 659–660 children’s status, 2036 media cues to, 74, 75, 272, See also Analysis of variance and women’s status, 1697 1762–1763, 2858 covariance Videocassette recorders (VCRs), nationalist movements and, 1199, Varieties of Police Behavior (Wilson), 2185 1947–1948 2108, 2114 Vienna Centre, 3156 political, 2145 Vasudev, Ivotsna, 1901, 1902 Vienna Circle, 821, 1027, 1028, protest movements and, 2266, Vatican II. See Second Vatican 2192–2193, 2756 2269–2270 Council Vierkandt, Alfred, 1074, 1075 riots and, 555–556 Vatican Bank, 3250 Vietnam, 2974, 2978 self-esteem and, 2516 Vaughan, Diane, 2878, 3250 anticolonial revolution, 3001 sexual jealousy and, 2886 Vaughn, John C., 2792 family size, 978 societal reduction measures, 76 Vaupel, J., 1629 French colonization in, 2975 subcultures of, 534, 663–664 V-chip (electronic device), 1762– independence movement, 2975 terrorist, 3137–3142 1763, 2185–2186 peace conference triad treatment of, 521 VCRs (videocassette recorders), 2185 (1954), 332 of war, 3241–3245 VDL model, 1567 peasant rebellion study, 2977 See also Aggression; Crime, Veblen, Thorstein, 724, 735, 1423, Vietnam War, 1875, 1877, theories of; Crime rates; 1576, 2209, 2520, 2986, 3054 1878, 2975 Criminology; Family violence; conspicuous consumption African American conscription Homicide; Revolutions; Sexual concept, 3168 and casualties in, 1879, 2270 violence and exploitation Veditz, C. W. A., 1422 antiwar protest movements, 2266, Violence Against Women Act of Veiling of women (Islamic), 2269–2270, 3067, 3069, 3139 1994, 985 2949–2950 free expression and, 273, 274 Violence and the Police (Westley), 2114 Vemer, Elizabeth, 2390 heroin use, 711 Virginia Company, 3174 Vendee, The (Tilly), 2918 marriage rate and, 1741, 1744 Vishnu (Hindu deity), 3280 Venezuela political alienation and, 101, 103 Vision quests, 3277–3278 economic liberalization, 1539, public opinion polling, 2275, Vital registration system, 632 1541 2276 Vocational training, 1488, 3263 fertility decline, 627 sociology of combat and, 1881 Vodun, 65 political corruption, 2134, 2135 student movements and, 3069 Vogel, S. R., 2190 Ventura, Jessie, 3068 Vietnamese Americans, 175 Vogel, Steven, 1104, 1105, Verba, Sidney, 2282, 3235 household structure, 127 1106, 1109 Verbal ability, sex differences as refugees, 180, 181 Vögelin, Eric, 1075 study, 2531 Vigilante groups, 2109 Voice of America, 274 Verbal behavior. See Conversation Village life. See Rural sociology Voice recognition software, 408 analysis Vincelli, Guido, 1467 survey research analysis, 418 Verkko, Veli, 2450 Vinogradoff, P., 1025 Vold, George, 1497, 3247 Veroff, J., 2303 Violence Volkgeist (folk spirit), 475 Verret, M., 1026 as aggression subtype, 68 Volpato, Mario, 1469 Vertical-dyad linkage (VDL) model, 1567 in cities, 311 Voltaire, 2482–2483 Veterans Administration, 374– civil rights movement, 2495 Voluntary associations, 3227–3231 375, 582 community studies, 365 altruism and, 114, 115, 118

3473 INDEX

characteristics and objectives, Vujacic, Veljiko, 1199 Walker, Lawrence J., 1902 3227–3228 Walker Report (1968), 555 communitarian view of, 358– W Wallace, Anthony F. C., 2966 359, 360 W. K. Kellogg Foundation, 2400 Wallace, Karl M., 1727 current research, 3228–3229 Wach, Joachim, 3278, 3283, 3286 Wallace, Michael, 2961 origin of, 3227 Waddington, David, 353 Wallace, Samuel, 1203 political organizations, 2147–2152 Waerness, Kari, 2453 Wallas, Graham, 225 Voluntary childlessness. See Wage gap. See Comparable worth Waller, Willard, 2927, 2986, 3098 Childfree adults Wage labor system. See Labor force; Wallerstein, Immanuel, 383, 387, Volunteering, 114, 115, 118 Labor movement and labor 645, 697, 728–729, 1265, 1785 Von Beyne, Klaus, 2153, 2154, 2155 unions; Work and occupations and historical sociology, 2297 Von Neumann, John, 329, 591, Wagenfeld, Morton O., 1840 world system theory, 1089–1090, 1045, 1049, 2335 Wageningen School, 2432–2433 1706, 1758, 1876, 2646, 2690 Voting behavior, 3231–3240 Wages and salaries Walster, Elaine, 1508, 2700, 2701 aggregate data analysis, comparable worth and, 369–372, Walster, G. William, 1508, 3232–3233 2141, 2706 2700, 2701 American trends, 144 discrimination in, 689–691, 3265 Walton, John, 1706–1707 issue voting, 3235–3236 global inequalities in, 2691, Waltz, Kenneth B., 3241 liberal/conservative, 1602–1603 2705–2706 Walzer, Michael, 356 mass media research on, human capital theory on, War, 3241–3245 1765–1766 1989–1990, 1991 as aggression, 68 normal vote vs. realignment, inequality from marginal 3235 employment, 1721–1722 balance of power coalitions and, 332–333, 3242 party identification and, job shifts and, 1983 3234, 3236 in legal profession, 470 censorship and regulation of expression and, 274 political alienation factors, life-cycle pattern in, 1624– 101, 103 1625, 1983 combat study, 1881 political elites and, 2627, as occupational prestige conflict theory on, 415, 3233, 3234 factor, 2000 3243–3244 polls, 575, 1686, 2273–2274, percentage of household contemporary conflict 2278–2279 income, 1719 patterns, 2363 rational choice theory, 2339 and status attainment, 3047–3048 decision making and, 3244–3245 social class relationship, 604, of temporary workers, 1724 decolonization and, 1267 3233, 3234 women’s earnings gap, 370–372, democracy in relationship with, survey-based research, 3232, 984, 1720, 3265 605, 3244 3233–3238 work generating, 3261 divorce rates and, 701, 702 Voting rights and work hours, 3262–3263 ecology and, 1214 African American, 58 worker characteristics and, and enslavement of prisoners, exclusions, 602 1991–1993 2601, 2603 historical development of, 3001 See also Income distribution in evolutionary perspective on, the United States and political party systems, 2154 878, 1029 Wahid, Abdurraham, 2131 and representativeness, 2156– genocide and, 1066, 1067, 2157 Wainer, Howard, 3008 1068–1069 for women, 703 Waite, Linda, 360 international law on, 1429–30 women’s protest movements, Waitzkin, H., 2288–2289 interstate system and, 3241–3243 2266 Wakenhut, R., 1899 rape and, 2578–2579 Voting Rights Act of 1965, 58 Waldegrave, James, 1045 religion and, 2356, 2362–2363 Vroom, V. H., 1568, 1569 Walden Two (Skinner), 3204 social evolution and, 898, 1029 Vroom’s expectancy model of Waldinger, Roger, 1872 societal socialization and, motivation, 1568 Walesa, Lech, 2268 1068–1069

3474 INDEX

sociology of combat and, Watt, W. Montgomery, 2939, 2945 church-sect typology, 2365, 1876–1877, 1881, 1882 Watts, Jon, 375 2366–2367, 2373, 2378 systemic theories of, 3242 Watts (Los Angeles) riots, 2495 class definition, 2163 terrorism and, 3140 ‘‘Weak ties’’ theory. See ‘‘Strength of and community, 362 total, 1067 weak ties’’ hypothesis and comparative-historical widow status from, 3255 Wealth analysis, 383, 386, 389 See also Peace; Revolutions distribution of, 1283–1285, 1311 conflict model, 414, 415 War crimes, 1429, 1948 and distribution of power, 416 on death, 581 War on Crime, 2112–2113 and family size, 975–976 on democracy, 603 War on Drugs, 2760 materialist theory on inequality and economic sociology, 721, War on Poverty, 1286, 1494, 1882, of, 1784–1785 722, 732, 733–734, 806, 2640, 2690 2404, 2760 money as material Ward, Frank Lester, 2192 representation of, 1890 and emotions, 774–775, 785 Ward, Lester, 168, 1423, 1424 slave-created, 55–56 and epistemology, 820, 822 and ethnography, 852 Warhol, Andy, 3079 and social justice, 2705–2706 on Gemeinschaft, 2630 Waring, E., 3251 and social origins of Waring, Joan, 345 deviance, 663 and German sociology, 1074, 1075, 1077 Waris, Heikki, 2451 See also Economic institutions and historical sociology, 1196, Wark, Gillian R., 1902–1903 Wealth and Poverty (Gilder), 723 1197, 1199 Warner, Lloyd W., 363, 364– Wealth of Nations, The (Smith), 697, ideal type definition, 3181 365, 582, 583 721, 1771, 2340 Indian sociology and, 1290, 1291 Warner, Malcolm, 1533 Weapons of mass destruction, on industrialization, 2643 Warner, Stephen, 2367, 2374–2375, 3242, 3243 2485, 2964 Web. See Internet; Web sites on interpersonal power, 1456, 1458 Warner Brothers, 1768 Web sites on Islamic society, 2941, Warning labels, 1640 content-analysis, 421 2942–2943, 2946 Warren, B., 1085 futures studies, 2231–2232, 2957 as Japanese sociology early Warren, Carol A. B., 245 quality-of-life studies, 2686 influence, 1478 Warren, Robert, 367 religious movements law definition by, 1544–1545 literature, 2375 Wars of religion, 2363 legal conceptualizations, 1553– Warsaw Pact, 2362 research grants, 2400 1554 Washington, right-to-die issue, social indicators, 2685 legal system typology, 464, 586–587 sociological journals, 1606 1546–1547, 1548, 1549, 1554 Washington, Booker T., 66 sociology-related, 406–407, macro and micro sociological Washington, George, 285, 2125 413–414 themes of, 1704 Washington University, 1834 survey sampling specialists, 2445 and modernization theory, 1885 Wasilewski, Jacek, 2121 Webb, Beatrice, 225, 853, on musical notation, 1924 Wasserman, Ira M., 3079, 3081 1310, 1423 on nations and nationalism, 1199 Watanuki, Joji, 1480 Webb, G. L., 2053 on origins of capitalism, Watergate scandal (1972–1974), Webb, Sydney, 1310, 1423 237, 238, 542 1764, 1766, 2127 Weber, Alfred, 1074, 1075, 1235 and phenomenology, 2099 public opinion and, 2274, Weber, Max, 542, 568, 939, 1028, philosophical influence on, 2756 2276, 2277 1116, 1234, 1754, 2193, 2208, and political organization, 2162, as white-collar crime research 2265, 2889 2163–2164 impetus, 3248 British sociology and, 226 on political party system, 2153 Waters, Mary, 843 on bureaucracy, 229–230, 231, power conception, 2165, 2865 Watson, Alan, 1157, 1555–1556, 232–233, 603, 697, 698, 1312, Protestant ethic concept, 237, 1560 2163, 2623, 2627 389, 722, 774, 2483, 2986, Watson, John B., 1249, 1505 causal interpretation, 387 3219, 3222

3475 INDEX

and secularization tradition, 2483 Welfare Reform Act of 1996, 1261 Wheeler-Howard Indian on social belonging, 2632 Welfare state Reorganization Act of 1934, 136 on social change, 2645, 2647 in American society, 144 When Work Disappears (Wilson), 3198 and social inequality concept, comparative research, 376– Whiskey. See Alcohol 2690 377, 930 White, Cynthia, 172 and social status, 3049, 3050 convergence theories, 426–427 White, Douglas, 548 social stratification theory, countercultures and, 460 White, Harrison, 172, 739, 1789, 2815–2816, 2927 fertility decline and, 624 1984, 2298, 2662 societal stratification theory, growth of, 3002 vacancy chain model, 2691 2865, 2868, 2967 health care industry and, 1827 White, Leslie, 2891 and sociological significance of health-care and social White, Lynn K., 1737 family therapy, 247 services, 378 White, Martin, 225 and sociology of knowledge, Krzywicki’s ‘‘industrial feudalism’’ White, Michael J., 2501, 2502 2954, 2955, 2957 as precursor, 2118 White Aryan Resistance, 462 and sociology of religion, 2373 liberalism/conservatism and, White Citizen’s Council, 2266 on state as institutionalization of 1601 White-collar crime, 530, 3245–3255 power, 2162 long-term care funding, convictions and sentencing, on sultanistic regime, 2133 1658–1659 3251–3252 and territorial belonging, social security systems, 2795–2805 definitions of, 3245–3246, 3247, 2629–2630 Welfare system. See Social 3248, 3251 and theory of action, 2099 welfare system neutralization theory on, 1496 and theory of rationalization, 541 Well-being. See Quality of life offenders, 3251 on types of action, 2519–2520 Wellman, Barry, 367 research and theory implications, and values theory, 3219, 3222 Wellness Councils of America, 588 3252–3254 warning against monocausal Wellpoint Health Networks, 1822 violation types, 3249–3250 theory, 724 Wells, H.G., 1038 White-Collar Crime (Sutherland), 3247 Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale, Weltanschauung, 2953, 2955 White-collar jobs 1362–1363, 1376 Wesolowski, Wlodzimierz, 2120, in labor market hierarchy, 1988 Wedding ceremony, function served 2122 by, 1734–1735 and postindustrial society, 2197, West, Cornel, 2220, 2221 2198, 2199 Wedlock, Eldon D., 2143, 2146 West Africa, countries of, 60 Whitehead, Alfred North, 821 ‘‘We-feeling,’’ 2632 West Bank, 1866 Whitehead, Barbara Dafoe, 106 Wegener, Bernd, 1997, 2705 West Germany. See Germany Whiteness, concepts of, 56, Weibull model, 871–873 Westergaard, John, 224, 225 57–58, 62 Weick, Karl E., 1975 Westermarck, Edward, 1274, WHO. See World Health Weill, Felix, 1075 2449–2450 Organization Weimar Republic (Germany), Western, Bruce, 385 Who Shall Survive? (Moreno), 606, 2268 Western Electric Company, 2325 2728–2729 German sociology during, Western Marxism. See Marxist Whorf, Benjamin, 2890 1074–1075 sociology Whyte, Martin, 360, 1734 voting behavior research, 3233 Westley, William, 2114 Whyte, William F., 244, 363, 364, Weinberg, Ian, 424 Westmarck Society (Finland), 2451 365, 510, 696, 2041 Weinberg, S. Kirson, 1275 Westphalian system (1648), 1933, street-corner gangs study, Weiner, Bernard, 194, 195 2356, 2363 2611, 2613 Weiner, Marcella B., 2555–2556 WFS. See World Fertility Survey Wiarda, Howard, 1537 Weiner, Myron, 2154 What is a Case? (Ragin and Becker Wiatr, Jerzy, 2119 Weis, D. L., 2538 eds.), 243 Wicklund, R. A., 2509 Weisbund, D., 3251 Wheaton, Blair, 656 Widaman, K. F., 1899 Weisman, Avery, 582 Wheelan, Susan, 1979–1980 Widgery, Alban, 1292 Weiss, Carol H., 2284–2285 Wheeler, Stanton, 3251–3252, 3253 Widowhood, 3255–3261

3476 INDEX

case studies of, 244–245 Willis, Cynthia, 197 Wittgenstein, Ludwig, 821, 1783, cross-cultural, 3255–3256 Willis, Paul, 2171 2756, 2757 demographics, 126, 3256–3257 Wilson, Bryan, 2483–2484 Wohl, Stanley, 1818 divorce adjustment compared Wilson, David S., 118 Wohlin, Nils R., 2450 with, 3258–3259 Wilson, Edward O. Wohlstein, Ronald, 555 as life-cycle transition point, 1616 on genocide, 1068 Wold, Herman, 3035 as longer duration for and sociobiology, 1234, 2881, Wolf, Eric R., 2939 women, 2177 2882, 2892 Wolf, Susan Berns, 460 and non-cohabiting frequency of Wilson, J. M., 1933 Wolfe, Alan, 358 sex, 2539 Wilson, James Q., 506, 603, 2056, Wolfe, D., 696 remarriage, 126, 1744, 1749, 2108, 2114 Wolfensohn, James, 1321 2387, 2388, 3255, 3259 Wilson, Robert N., 172 Wolff, Janet, 173, 1647 research findings, 3257–3258 Wilson, Warner, 2303 Wolfgang, Marvin, 534, 664, Social Security benefits, Wilson, William Julius, 536, 830 2406, 2799 1488, 1489 on class and race, 319, 1490 and social support, 3259–3260 Wolpe, Joseph, 2085 on government services, 964, 968 suicide rate, 3078 Wolters, O. W., 2978 on permanent underclass, 513, Wiederman, M. W., 2541 845, 2212–2213, 2497– Women Wiener, Susan J., 3199 2498, 3198 adolescent sexual behavior Wierzbick, Susan, 368 social disorganization theory, 366 patterns, 2551–2552 Wiese, Leopold von, 1074, Wilson, Woodrow, 1423, 1945 AIDS/HIV risk, 2586, 2587, 1076, 1077 Wimbledon, 2985 2589–2590 Wigmore, John Henry, 1555 Winant, Howard, 319 as caregivers of elderly, 129 Wilcoxon matched-pairs signed-rank Winch, Robert, 1777 comparable worth issue, 369–372, test, 1960, 1961 Windelband, Wizhelm, 819–820 645, 2706, 3048 Wildavsky, Aaron, 2762 Wine, 92, 95, 1642 conformity inclination, 403 Wilensky, Harold L., 426, 427, ‘‘Winner-take-all’’ elections, 2164 depression incidence, 649, 2260, 2261 652–653 Winnings, division of, 330, 332 Wiley, Mary Glenn, 196 Winrod, Gerald B., 2370 direct and indirect discrimination Wiley, Norbert, 2219–2220 against, 689–690 Winship, C., 2439 Wilks, S. S., 3035 divorce and, 701–705, 707–708 Winternitz, Milton C., 324, 325 Willer, David, 2672, 2673 divorce factors, 112 Wippler, Reinhard, 1080 Willet, David, 362 Wirschaft und Gesellschaft educational and occupational Willey, Kathleen, 2581 (Weber), 1075 status attainment factors, Williams, Dale E., 2270 2785–2786, 3046, 3048 Wirth, Louis, 324, 325, 367, 1209, Williams, Eric, 321 1425, 1502, 1772, 2959 educational opportunities, 962 Williams, Patricia, 54 Wisconsin Idea, 1180 employment/mental health link, 1837 Williams, R. M., Jr., 689 Wisconsin Longitudinal Study of the Williams, Raymond, 1756, 2169, High School Class of 1975, 972 family and household roles, 2171 Wisconsin model, 757–758, 2714, 695–696 Williams, Robin M., 3214 2782–2783, 2784, 2785–2786, family law rights of, 951 Williams, Terry, 510 2788 as family violence victims, Williams & Connolly, 469 Wish, Myron, 1978 196, 247, 981 Williams v. Employers Liability Wissenssoziologie, 2953, 2954, 2956 fertility transition factors, 624, Assurance Corporation, Limited Wissler, Clark, 675 627, 634, 635, 2181 (1961), 465 Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among income disparity. See subhead Williamson, John B., 2211 the Azande (Evans-Pritchard), 2890 comparable worth issue above Williamson, Oliver, 726, 735 Withey, Stephen B., 2300, 2303, juvenile delinquency rate Willing to pay (WTP) vs. willing to 2683–2684 rise, 1489 accept (WTA), 594 Wittfogel, Karl August, 1075 kinship systems and, 1515

3477 INDEX in labor force, 123, 126, 127, 142, Sociologists for Women in in American society, 141 239, 424–425, 512, 624, 625, Society, 153–155 Asian-American clustering, 703, 705, 962, 972, 973, 981, status in Muslim societies, 181–182 1009, 1219, 1523–1526, 1579, 2948–2950 authority in industry study, 383 1729, 1837–1838, 2032, 2262, suffrage, 703 2404, 2406, 2532, 2706, 3046, commitment and, 3273–3274 as temporary workers, 1724 3064, 3262, 3266 comparable worth issue, Victorian-era view of, 1697 in legal profession, 468, 369–372, 2706 2262, 2263 voluntary association corporate organizations and, and leisure, 1584, 1585 participation, 3228 395–396, 442–443 life expectancy, 1630, 1631 ‘‘women’s work’’ categories, daily time use, 3160 1525, 3264 life-cycle events, 1623 definitions of work, 3261, 3269 See also Childbearing; Pregnancy and literary sociology, 1648 deviant behavior/limited and pregnancy termination; opportunity linkage, 665 love expectations of, 1700 Widowhood direct and indirect male leadership image and, 1570 Women, Infants and Children discrimination, 689–693 marriage statistics, 1738 Program, 1334 See also Occupational segregation media stereotypes, 1767–1768 Women’s movement, 558 division of labor, 696–697, mental health status, 1837–1838 and Equal Rights 698–699 Amendment, 2267 Mexican studies, 1861 employee benefits, 1282 and family violence, 981 military service by, 1879–1880 employment relationship, morality of care and, 1900, and mass media research, 1768 3269–3276 1902–1903 nineteenth-century, 989 ethnomethodological workplace motherhood role, 2036 outcomes evaluation, 2724 studies, 860 noneconomic domestic roles and rape awareness, 2576 evolution of, 3261–3262 of, 122 rejection of masculinity-femininity externalization of work, occupational segregation, 370– scale, 999 3267–3268 372, 379, 1060–1062, 1716, as social movement, 2717, 2719 family life separated from, 122 2012, 3046, 3262, 3264–3265 See also Feminist theory; Gender; gender and, 122, 1059–1062, ordination of, 2379 Gender roles 1720–1721 percentage in top Women’s work. See Occupational gender differences in job professions, 2259 segregation satisfaction, 3275 poverty and, 1288, 2033, Wonderlic Personnel Test, 1375, ghettoization in, 1061 2215, 3048 1376 glass ceiling/glass escalator in professions, 2259, 2262–2263 Wood, Ellen Meiksins, 1785 in, 1061 prostitution and, 2560–2561 Wood, James, 2380 group performance, 2617–2618 relatively high status in Southeast Wood, W., 2530 from home, 1339, 1341, Asia, 2976 Woodiwiss, Anthony, 227–228 3267–3268 remarriage potential, 2388–2389 Woods, Cindy J. P., 1903 homosexuality and, 111 retirement income, 84 Woolcock, Michael, 2641 industrialization and, 122 semiprofessional occupations, Woolf, Virginia, 989 of Jewish immigrants, 2333 2261, 2262 Woolgar, Steve, 2459, 2763 job preparation, 3263 sexual activity norms, 2568–2569 Word processing, 407–408 job satisfaction, 3270, 3272– sexual harassment and, 3373, 3275 2580–2581 Work and occupations, 3261–3269 job-allocation process, 3263 sexual violence toward, access to, 35 2576–2583 in adolescence, 8–9, 11–12, 13, labor force emergence, 3262–3263 sexually transmitted disease risks, 34–35 2578, 2583, 2584 in adulthood, 26, 27 See also Labor force as single-parent household affirmative action and, 47 lawyer status, 468–471 heads, 2033 African American job categories, leisure studies, 1582–1584 as slaves in Africa and Asia, 2601 56–57 in life course, 1614–1615

3478 INDEX links to school, 28–29 transition to adulthood and, World Tables of Economic and marginal employment, 1719–1725 30–32 Social Indicators, 2476 Mexican categories, 1860 white-collar crime and, 3247– World Commission on Environment 3248, 3252, 3253 and Development, 1222 mobility path model, 1692, 1982–1994 ‘‘women’s work’’ categories, World Conference on Women 1525, 3264 (Beijing; 1995), 932, 1768 motivation and, 3270–3271 worker participation and World Congress of International organizational demographics, control, 605 Sociological Associations 395–397 workplace changes, 3275–3276 (1970), 2117 and organizational structure, World Congress of Sociology 696–697, 699, 2002, workplace group conflict (1894), 1423 2003–2004 resolution, 1111 World Congress of Sociology orientation to, 3269–3276 workplace social control, 3274–3275 (1986), 1292 part-time workers, 1720, 1725, World Congress of Sociology (1991), 3262–3263, 3268 See also Equality of opportunity; Labor force; Occupational 1482–1483 personality as factor in, prestige; Wages and salaries World Congress of Sociology 2071–2073 Work ethic. See Protestant ethic (1998), 682 planful competence and, 13, 32 Work of equivalent value. See World Cultures data, 548 popular culture transmission Comparable worth World Cup, 2985 and, 2170 Work orientation, 3269–3277 World Development Report, 2937 in postindustrial society, 2197, 2198, 2202 Working class World Dynamics (Forrester), 2662 prestige studies, 1997–2001 British cultural studies of, World economy. See Globalization 2169–2170, 2171 and global systems analysis professions distinction, 2259– 2260 historical sociology on, 1197 World Fertility Survey, 548, 633 race and, 35, 1059, 1060, 2716 industrial sociology on, 1309 World Food Organization, 2922 retirement and, 2401–2410 marital communication World Future Society, 1038 problems, 1736 segregation by sex, 370–372, World Futures Studies Federation, 1060–1062, 1716, 3264–3265 poststructural challenge to 1038, 1039 Marxist theory of, 1756, 1757 See also Occupational segregation World Handbook of Political and Social racial division in, 321 Indicators (Russett et al.), 2917 sexual harassment and, 2591–2592 and voice in decision-making, 604 World Health Organization, 930, 2152, 2922 smokefree workplaces, 1640 See also Class struggle; Proletariat; Social class; Social Quality of Life group, 2302 social security coverage, stratification 2798, 2799 sexually transmitted diseases Working poor statistics, 2591, 2593 as socialization agents, 2860 definition of, 1720 World Modernization (Moore), 423 sociological conception of, 3261 See also Marginal employment World population estimates, 2181 and sociology of culture, 563 Workplace. See Work and World religions, 3277–3290 specialization of roles, 696, occupations 698–699 institutions, 2376–2386, 3286– Worland, Stephen T., 2697, 2698 3287 standardization of skills, 398–399 World Bank, 240, 685, 742, 793, 930 intersection of, 3288–3289 stratification and, 1996–2000, 2813, 3265 anticorruption program, 2138 myth and ritual, 3280–3283, 3284, 3285 structural lag and, 3060, cross-cultural survey, 549 theology and doctrines, 3061–3062 dependency theory and, 642 3284–3286 structures, 3263–3265 international comparisons of See also Religion; Religious suburbanization of, 3073–3074 poverty, 2216 organizations; Religious population policy report, 641 systems theory and, 3102–3205 orientations; Sociology of temporary workers, 1724, 1725, research funding in China, 302 religion; specific religions 3268, 3275 and state sovereignty, 3003 World system model, 747, 1084, transition from school to, 2714 World Development Report, 2937 1085, 1089–1090, 1197, 1199,

3479 INDEX

1214, 1309, 1535, 1538, 1539, World Wide Web. See Internet; Yilmaz, Mesult, 2132 1706, 1758, 1876, 2646, 2690 Web sites Yin, P., 1628 applied to Ottoman Empire and Worldwatch Institute Report Yinger, Milton, 459, 460–461, Turkey, 1871–1872, 1873 (1990), 1222 462, 463 World systems. See Globalization and Worms, René, 1025, 1422, 1424 Yoneda, Shotaro, 1477, 1478 global systems analysis Wounded Knee occupation Yoruba, 54 World Tables of Economic and (1973), 137 Yoshida, Tamito, 1480 Social Indicators, 2476 Wright, Erik O., 723, 1754, 2054, Young, Donald, 1237 World Trade Organization, 22433 2692, 2814–2815 Young, Lawrence, 2375 World Values Survey (WVS), 549, Wright, J., 3209 Young, M. Crawford, 1944 3223, 3229 Wright, James D., 102–103 Young Americans for Freedom World War I Wright, Jim (politician), 2128 (YAF), 3069 Armenian genocide, 1070 Wright, Sam, 555 Young Generation of Peasants and collapse of international Wright, Sewell, 259, 908 (Chalasinski), 2119 systems, 2362 path analysis, 259, 455–456, Youth crime. See Juvenile conscription, 1876 1788, 3035 delinquency, theories of; Juvenile demographic results, 610 Wrong, Dennis, 1223 delinquency and juvenile crime intelligence testing, 2330 Wu Jingchao, 298 Youth culture, 460, 512, 514 and nationalist revolutions, 3001 Wundt, Wilhelm, 820, 1074, 1423 innovation and transmission of, self-determination policy Wuthnow, Robert, 1707, 2380, 2484, 2170, 2171 following, 1945 3228–3229 and legislation of morality, World War II WVS (World Values Survey), 549, 1578–1579 and African American 3223, 3229 and religious movements, 2366, opportunity, 2493, 2494, 3264 WWW. See Internet 2367, 2374 cohort effects, 2861 Youth curfews, 315 and collapse of international X Youth gangs. See Gangs systems, 2362 X-rated films, 2185 Yugoslavia (former), 1, 1934, conscription, 1876 1946, 1948 demographic results, 610, 622, Y conflicts in, 1199, 2362–2363 703–704, 1625, 2032 Yahweh, 3280, 3282, 3283, 3285 nation-state formation from, 2362 fertility transition, 622, 626 Yale School of Medicine, 324, 325 socialist economic modifications in, 2850 Japanese-American relocations, Institute of Human 123, 177, 178, 180–181 Relations, 325 sociology in, 2117 life course effects, 1619 Yale University, 3251 wartime rape, 2579 life-cycle perspective, 1625 Yale University Bulletin, 325 Yule’s Q phi, 661 marriage rate upswing, 1741 Yamaguchi, K., 2672, 2674 military sociology, 1876, 1881 Yamassee War, 134–135 Z ZA. See Zentralarchiv fur Empirische modernization theory Yankee City studies (Warner), 363, Sozialforschung following, 1706 364–365 Zagare, Frank C., 332 nationalism following, 1944 Yasemin, Soysal, 2662 Zago, Moreno, 1472, 1473, 2231 Nazi genocide policy. See Yasuda, Saburo, 1480 Zaire Holocaust; Nazism Yeager, Peter C., 1102, 1103, 1106, and power elite, 2624 1107, 3247–3248, 3248–3249, AIDS/HIV infection, 2583 in Southeast Asia, 2975 3250, 3252, 3253 genocide, 68 student antiwar movement, 3069 Year in Civil Liberties, The sultanistic ruler, 2133 and survey research (ACLU), 315 Zald, Mayer N., 1941, 1942 development, 3232 Yeltsin, Boris, 2136, 2981 Zambia university-government Yemen, 1865, 1866, 1867, 1947 AIDS/HIV infection, 2591 cooperation, 1180 sociodemographic profile, 2938 family and population policy, 931 war crimes trials, 1429 Yetton, P. W., 1569 poverty in, 2216

3480 INDEX

Zander, Alvin, 2611 Zermelo, E., 1045 and analytic induction Zanna, M. P., 335, 339 Zero-sum games, 330, 332 method, 2297 Zaslavskaia, Tatiana, 2980, 2981, Zetterberg, Hans, 425, 1787– and sociology of knowledge, 2954 2983 1788, 2452 Zola, Irving K., 1816 Zavala, Lorenzo da, 1856 Zhou, M., 182 Zolberg, Vera, 173, 174 Zavalloni, M., 3214 Zhou, Xueguang, 2662 Zoloft, 654 Zeigarnik, B., 2784 Zhu Rongji, 2137 Zoning laws Zeigarnik effect, 2784 Zilber, Tamar, 1636 against ‘‘adult’’ ventures, 2186 Zeisel, Hans, 3155 Zimbabwe, 321 and suburban exclusionary Zeitgeist, great-man theory vs., family policy, 932–933 policies, 3072, 3073 1564–1565 fertility rate decline, 220, 628 Zorbaugh, Harvey Warren, 324 Zeitlin, Maurice, 443, 1088 Zimbardo, Philip, 901 Zoroastrian, 3287–3288 Zeitz, G., 603 Zimmer, Jules, 194 Zuckerman, Harriet, 342–343, 2458 Zelditch, Maurice, 2702 Zimmerman, Carle C., 362–363 Zulu Empire, 2999 Zeleny, Milan, 1557–1558 kinship and family structure, Zung Self-Rating Depression Scale (SDS), 654 Zelizer, Viviana, 737 1503–1504, 1505, 1506–1507 Zuravin, Susan, 195 Zeller, R. A., 2345, 2346, 2347, 2350, rural sociology, 2426, 2427, 2428 2351, 2352 Zimmermann, Ekkart, 2157 Zurcher, Louis, 554 Zenger, John Peter, 273 Ziolkowski, Marek, 2119, 2121 Zvoina, William, 3038 Zentralarchiv fur Empirische Zionism, 2359 Zweigert, Konrad, 472, 1545, 1547 Sozialforschung, 575, 576, 579, Znaniecki, Florian, 1616, 1618, 1634, Zwelakhe, Tshandu, 643 580, 2477 2118, 2220, 2221, 2498 Zylan, Yvonne, 2961

3481