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INDIA AND AFRICA A Saga Of Friendship HARI SHARAN CHHABRA New Delhi July 1986

Photo graphs: Photo Division, Government of India, New Delhi. Cover Design: Karuna Krishna Phototypeset and Printed at Thomson Press (I) Ltd. Faridabad, (Haryana).

Contents CHAPTERI Relations Through The Ages ...... 5 CHAPTER II Indian Settlers In A frica ...... 12 CHAPTER III Decolonisation of Africa ...... 20 Before the Sixties Portuguese Territories Independence of Zimbabwe South Africa and Apartheid Namibia United Nations CHAPTER IV P o litical R elatio ns ...... 50 CHAPTER V Econom ic C oo peratio n ...... 59 Trade Linkages Joint Ventures Technical Assistance Consuttancy Services APPENDIX I African Tributes to Nehru, Indira Gandhi ...... 79 APPENDIX II Indo-African Seminar on Cooperation ...... 86

Indo-African Relations Through the Ages The Indian Ocean, rather than divide the peoples of India and Africa, unites them, Being next-shore neighbours the peoples of the two continental regions are known to have had close and friendly relations for the past many centuries. Ancient seafarers, who were quite knowledgeable about monsoon winds, sailed regularly between the West coast of India and the East coast of Africa to conduct trade that was free and flourishing. There is a growing body of evidence to show that much before Vasco da Gama discovered the routeto Indiaviathe Capeof Good Hope, Indians and EastAfricans were in continuous contact with the whole Indian Ocean complex. Indeed, probably for many centuries, even much before the Greek sailor's guide The Periplusofthe Erythrean Sea was written,the Indian Ocean was a great highway of commercial intercourse and the main area of trade and navigation for Indians, Phoenicians and Arabs. This human intercourse was greatly facilitated by the monsoon trade winds which blow from November to March from the northeast and carried dhows from India to the East African coast. From May through September the winds reverse themselves, blowing from the southwest, and so carried the dhows and the crew back to the Arabian peninsula, India, and the Far East. For the five months that the winds blow east to west, Indians, Arabs, and other Asians could reach several points of East Africa, from the Horn to the present-day Mozambique and beyond, selling their goods, establishing contacts. According to one view some of these Asians took up residence, intermarried with Africans and thereby provided the genesis of present-day Asian communities in East Africa and the emergence of persons of Arab-.African descent, the Swahili. The Swahili culture orcivilisation isthus traced to the cosmopolitan character of East Africa when the Bantu people, Arabs, Indians, Persians, and Greeks traded and intermingled. Early Portuguese reports testify to the humming trade. To quote the eye-witnessaccount of Duarte Barbosa, a Portuguese official who served in India between 1500 and 1516, of the traffic at Sofala in present-day Mozambique: They (the Arab traders) came in small vessels named Zambucos from the kingdoms of Kilwa, Mombasa and Malindi, bringing many cotton clothes, some spotted and others white and blue, also some silk, and many small beads,gray, red and yellow, which things come to the said kingdoms from the great kingdom of Cambay (India) in other greater ships... These Moors collect also great store-of ivory which they find hard by Sofala, and this also they sell in the (Indian) kingdom of Cambay at five or six cruzados the quintal.

The skill of the Indian sailors atthe time Vasco da Gama appeared on the scene has also been highlighted by the historical fact that the men who piloted him from EastAfricato Indiawere Davane,an Arab brokerof Bombay and a Gujarati munshi named Kanji, It was on May 20,1648 that, escorted by Kanji, Vasco da Gama entered the court of the Zamorin of Calicut. Such documentary evidence apart, there is a view that the earliest recorded proof of the ancient Indo-African links is to be found in the Puranas of the Hindus. Colonel John Speke, an officer in the Indian army, who was financed by the Royal Geographical Society to go to Africa in search of the source of the River Nile from 1859 to 1861, claims he secured help in his explorations from the ancient Hindu scriptures, In his well-known work, Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile, Speke states: Colonel Rigby gave me a most interesting paper with a map attached to it about the Nile and the Mountain of the Moon. It was written by Lt. Wilford from the Puranas. it is remarkable that the Hindus had christened the source of the River Nile. This I think shows clearly that the ancient Hindus must have had some kind of connection with different parts of Africa. Speke ridicules the Egyptian geographers for their ignorance of the source of the Nile, and adds: All our previous information concerning the hydrography of these regions orginated with the ancient Hindus.. and all those busy Egyptian geographers who disseminated the knowledge with a view to be famous for their long-sightedness in solving the mysteries, which shrouded the source of the Nile (the holy river), were so many hypothetical humbugs, Following the directions in the map, he wentfrom Zanzibarto Kenya and thence to Uganda, where he found the sweet water lake (Lake Victoria) and, to his joy, the River Nile flowing out from it. The same theme has been developed at length by Kakasaheb Kalelkar in his book Our Next-Shore Neighbours. He asserts that the very fact that the Puranas mentioned Misr, the ancient Egypt, establishes that this region must have beer) known to ourforefathers. He is also convinced thatthe ancient Hindus knew of the great sweet water lake, which they called "Amar" (lake immortal), and the Mountain of the Moon-Rwanzore-near the source of the Nile, lake "Amar". These referencesto the Nile in the Puranas may betraced to the fact thatthe Hindus had been trading with Rome, Greece, Egypt, and eastern Africa much before the birth of Christ. A number of Greek travellers wrote about the trade in the first century A.D, when it is said the voyage from India to Egypt took nearly two years, and the greattrading centreswere mainly Broach and Calicut on thewest coast of India. Along with Ptolemy's Geography, another informative source about this region is the above-mentioned classic. The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, was written probably during the latter part of the first century by an Egyptian-Greek merchant, who undertook a voyage to India along the Red Sea coast, passed through the Horn of Africa, and went southward down the Indian Ocean. Recounting his experiences in the book, which wasto serve as a navigational manual for many centuries, the Periplus provides ample evidence of the arrival of Indian ships in the EastAfrican coastal towns and the flourishing trade extending between India and beyond tothewestern world. There were important harbours on the East African coast identified by him as Berbarika, Barygaza, Korkai, and Pohar, Ships built and fitted by Indians sailed from the Indian ports with their merchandise, which consisted, among other articles, of pearls, precious stones, spices, wheat, rice, sugar, and a fine cotton cloth called muslin, all of which were in great demand in the world. In return, Indians imported from Africa ivory, gold and alabaster. From the Peripluswe learn that coconut, said to have originated from India, was found in Zanzibar; the lac insect also went from India along with several other plants and herbs. From this W.H. Schoff, who translated the Periplus gathered that one could easily confirm that India had trade relations with Zanzibar and other parts of Africa much before the voyage of the authorof the Periplus. Gold and ivory remained the principal commodities which the Arabs exchanged for manufactured goods, cloth, metal works and beads. Closerto ourtimes more convincing proof is coming to ig ht through the work of archaeologists, particularly those who have participated in the extensive excavations of the great Zimbabwe ruins, which reveal that India's contacts in the centuries gone by were not confined merely to the eastern coastal kingdoms but had extended to the remote hinterland. R.N. Hall, Caton Thompson, L. Fouche and several others have come to the identical conclusion that the Indian beads and coins discovered there are indicative of trade contacts between India and southcentral Africa, Caton Thompson even believes that Zimbabwe commodities, such as gold and copper, found a steady market in south-western India before the eighth and'ninth centuries A.D. L. Fouche holds the view that iron spearheads, coiled wire, bronze objects, and some imported glass beads found in the ruins were of Indian manufacture. A vivid and colourful account of another aspect of Indo-African relations, the presence of Africans in India, has also been left by Ibn Battuta, who visited India probably in A.D. 1342. He found that the Africans in India were used primarily as mercenary soldiers, crewmen on dhows, and dockworkers. Recounting his visit to Alapur, a small town southeast of Gwalior, he wrote that the Governor was an Ethiopian. The Governor's bravery was proverbial. He was tall and obese, a voracious eater, devouring a whole sheep in one meal followed by a pound and a half of "ghee" (clarified butter) in keeping with the custom of his Ethiopian compatriots. Further evidence of the extent to which Africans were brought to India by Arab traders can be illustrated by the fact that the Muslim king of Gaur in West Bengal, who ruled between 1474 and 1495, is stated to have recruited about 8,000 African soldiers. These Africans, Indian history record, were brave and magnificent fighters, and some rose to glorious heights and became legendary figures. The story of Queen Razia Sultana, who was deeply influenced by an African, Yakut, a stable boy, is a well-known episode in Indian history. Her name is romantically linked with him. She elevated him to the post of master of stables. Hijs rise to power triggered off a revolt by the nobility of her court, leading to the murder of Yakut. There are several other instances of the African soldiers rising against their rulers and usurping power. In the kingdom of Bengal, one Shamsuddin Abu Nassar Muzzaffer Shah, who seized power, was an Ethiopian. Commenting on the Africans who rose to power, the historian Coupland says: "Had they suffered to stay in Bengal, it is conceivable that they might have mastered a Kingdom as the Mamelukes, three centuries later, mastered Egypt." During the Moghul rule alsoAfricans are reported to have played an important part in political life. In the Deccan, when the Moghul emperor, Jahangir, came into conflict with the Hindu ruler of Ahmednagar, his success was thwarted largely because of the military leadership of theAfrican Ministercalled MalikAmber. Itwas not only in the army, but in the navy also that the Africans, again mainly Ethiopians, praised as seafarers, distinguished themselves. Their record of service during the time of Shivaji is acknowledged as an important factor in his resistance to his opponents on sea and land, while in 1670, Emperor Aurangzeb, it is equally well known, appointed oneSiddi as hisAdmiral. Africanswere also recruited in the armies of the Nizam of Hyderabad till India attained independence and the state was merged with the Indian Union. These people of African origin, who generally call themselves ex-faujis (ex- servicemen), have settled in Hyderabad intermarried and merged with the mainstream of India. Similarly, on the west coast of India, in Junagarh, there is still a whole village inhabited by people of Ethiopian.origin who mainly work as labourers in the famous Gir forest-the home of Indian lions. Historians have also begun to focus attention on the return and resettlement of Africans in East Africa and in various partsof Asia, on the Arabian peninsula, and in Persia and India. Joseph Harris points out to these resettlements resulting mainly from European efforts to abolish the slave trade in India. Most of the liberated children were enrolled in mission schools such asthe Roman Catholic Sisters of Mercy and the Church of Scotland Mission, both in Aden, and the CMS African Asylum In Nasik, near Bombay, India.... and the hope was that these schools would supply black missionaries for East Africa... (In fact), Nine from Nasik accompanied David Livingstone to East Africa in 1865; several others became missionaries in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Mozambique. He goes on to refer to the "Impressive" role, in particular of "Bombay-Africans", named afterthe 150 who arrived in Freetown near Mombasa from Bombay in 1875. With their knowledge of English and Swahili, English customs and crafts, they were soughtas catechists and teachers by European missionaries, agentsfor European merchants, guides and interpreters for European explorers. They itinerated widely along the coast and in Zanzibar and were responsible for the establishment and conduct of several missions which catered primarily to exslaves... Bombay-Africanswere training and caring forsome3,000ex-slaves at several locations.... Many of the European reports on the social conditions and geography of Africa were based on reports and journals of "BombayAfricans" like William Jones. As a group with western training but denied opportunities equal to Europeans in mission stations, the "Bombay-Africans" became a source of protest against discrimination in churches and missions, If the Africans came to India in those early days, so did a large number of Indians go to East Africa for the purpose of trade and commerce and laterto replace the vacuum created bythe abolition of slave trade, It is not known exactlywhen the first Indian settlement grew up in Africa, but R. Coupland in his book East Africa andltslnvaders writes that some sort of Indian settlement came about around the same time as that of Arabs in the seventh century, Subsequently, the number of such settlements increased considrably. There was, howevere a vast difference in the social and economic life of the Indian and Arab settlers. While theArabs began gradually to identify themselves with the ruling class, the Indian settlers confined their activities exclusively to trade and commerce. The Arabs acquired lands and generally controlled the lucrative slave trade. The Indians were from the earliest days-what they still are in East Africa-the masters of finance, the bankers, and also the shopkeepers. Much of the actual trade was either directly in their hands or managed by them for wealthy Arab land owners. But if the indians thus rendered an essential service to the community as a whole, the Arabs had to pay in the long run for not doing it themselves. Dependence on Indian industry and skill did help the Arabs to get rich for some time, but it graduallyweakened theireconomic independence and initiative. With the spreadof news in India aboutthe prosperityof the Indians in EastAfrica, immigration to Africa increased considerably, so much so that Colonel Rigby wrote in 1860 that nearly all shops In Zanzibarwere kept bythe Indians, The Said of Zanzibar, who took control of the island by.usurping the sovereignty of Muscat in 1806, encouraged the Indians in EastAfrica, not only by giving them complete religious, social, and economic freedom, but also with service in the administration and finance, largely because the Arabs in general lacked the required skill and expertise. When Kirk arrived in Zanzibar as the Political Agent of India (1866-1877), there were five to six thousand Indians settled in the coastal towns and at the trade posts in the interior, Of these, about 3,660 came from British India orfrom the Indian states of Gujarat and the restfrom the other parts of the country, The large majority of the Indian immigrants were Muslims belonging to the Khoja and Bohra communities. Unlike the Hindus, who came without wives and children to earn a livelihood and return some dayto their motherland, the Muslim were true colonists, bringing their families with them and making EastAfrica their home. Kirkestimated the amount of British Indian capital invested in Zanzibar at no less than £ 1.6 million, about one-eighth of this had been advanced to the Arabs residing in Zanzibar. Besides the Indian monopoly of trade and finance, an incidental point is that the Indian rupee and not the sterling was the East African currency till the end of the First World War. While Indians have settled in East African coastal areas for many centuries the large majority of the present Indian population in Africa is of recent growth. The heavy influx of Indians started after the abolition of slavery in the British empire in 1833, especially to Natal and Transvaal in South Africa, to save its vast sugar plantations from total collapse. In East Africa, the Indian population till the end of the 19th century comprised mostly of traders. With the start of the construction of the Kenya-Uganda railway in 1807, over 25,000 technicians and labourers were brought from India. Of them, more than 90 per cent returned home after the expiry of their contracts, Fresh batches of professionals-doctors, lawyers, engineers, and teachers-from Gujarat and Punjab entered East Africa in the early 20th centuryand later. This fact is contraryto the popularbelief among theAfricans and the Europeans in East Africa that the present Indian population are mostly the descendants of the "coolies" employed during the railway construction. With the coming of the railway, Indian traders spread along the new railway line into the interior. Outstanding among these merchant traders was Alladin Visram, perhaps the greatest single figure in the economic history of East Africa, An early advertisement described him as: "Dealer in provisions, beads, piece-goods, copper and iron wires, equipment of caravans, enamel ware, etc. Buyer of ivory, rubber, hides and skins and all kinds of East African and Uganda produce. Importer of merchandise from Europe, America and India". By 1904, his chain of stores and activities had extended from Dar-es-Salaam to Hoima, and from Zanzibar to Gondokoro-with a total of 30 branches of his concern. His serviceswere recongised bythe Kabaka of Buganda aswell as by the Kenyan and Ugandan governments. He even acted as a banker advancing cash against cheques and in time issuing his own cheques, The Indians that followed Visram were not pioneers on the grand scale like him. But they all played an important part in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanganyika bycarrying trade enterprises into the remotest corners of these countries. To conclude, the history of Indo-African relations, like the history of Africa itself, is still in itsinfancy, A great deal of research needs to be done from the valuable ma- terials, that are still lying untapped, in India, AfricatheArab countries, and Europe. From the available material one can only see the tip of the iceberg concealing the rich, varied and extremely friendly relations which have existed from time immemorial.

Indians in Africa It is because of the long historical connection between India and the east coast of Africa that a large Asian community had established itself in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania by the beginning of the 20th century. The Kenya-Uganda Railway built by Indian technicians and labour helped Asian settlements in the hinterland of East Africa. Indians also began venturing into Mozambique and neighbouring countriesof Central Africa. Indian settlement in Ethiopia, though small, issaid to be quite old. Indian settlement in West Africa, however, was nonexistent then because of difficult terrain, distance and general unfamiliarity. With the abolition of slave trade In the British colonies in the early 19th century began Indian migration as indentured labour. Slavery had been an inexhaustible source of extremely cheap unskilled labour in plantations owned by Europeans In the various parts of Africa. When this source of labour dried up, the European colonisers were forced to look elsewhere, and India provided a fertile source of cheap "indentured" labourwith the connivance of the British Government of India, especially in South Africa and -Mauritius. Little human consideration wasgiven tothis bonded labour, and many perished in the hardships of travel and settlement in hostile, and strange territory with nonexistent health facilities. The immigrants, especially in East Africa, who in later times also comprised skilled and semi-skilled persons, as aslo contractors, small traders and clerks, assisted the British In opening up the countryside and in providing middle-grade administrators. Theyalso established shops, schools and hospitals. The Asian migrants' contribution to the development of East Africa has been acknowledged by many authorities, including Winston Churchill, The colonialists had followed a policy of manning skilled and semi-skilled posts by their own nationals. Africans were used for jobs In the lowest rung and middlelevel positions were held by Asians. It was often said that Asians were doing jobs which were above the ability of Africans, but below the dignity of Europeans. In South Africa the early planters in the sugar plantations of Natal experienced great difficulty in securing labour, and the European colonisers found certain advantages in employing Asian labour, and India, which had already supplied labour to Mauritius in 1834 and to British Guyana in 1837 under the indenture system, wasthe obvious source from which to obtain It. The Government of Natal secured the first Indian labourers by indenture in 1860, despite some opposition from Europeans other than sugar planters. Immigration was suspended between 1866 and 1874 during the economic depression resulting from the American Civil War, but the planterssecured its renewal in 1874 and even prevailed on the Government to financethe costs of recruitment in India. Some30,OOOAsian workers entered Natal between 1.874 and 1886.

Meanwhile, public opinion in India was dissatisfied with the living and working conditions of Indian labourers in South Africa. The British Government was induced to take an interest in the condition of Indians in Africa, and even gave as one of its reasons for resorting to the Anglo-Boer War the disabilities imposed upon its Asian subjects by the Transvaal Government. Finally, in 1911 the Government of India vetoed further recruitment for the Union of South Africa. The indentured labourers were recruited by agents in India u nderagreementsto serve on terms. approved by the Government of India for a period which was originally three, but was later extended to five years, Thereafter they resumed their freedom, and they could either enlist for a further term of indentured service, or could avail themselves of a free return passage to India or remain as settlers in South Africa on a small plot of land which was to be provided by the Government, European opposition to the presence of Asians grew in proportion to the increase in the number of ex-indentured labourers opting to stay as "free settlers". The Natal Government ceased to make grants of land to "free settlers", and tried in vain to recruit labour on condition of making it compulsory for them to return. Other disabilities put in the way of Indians included atax of three pounds sterling perannum from "free settlers". This amount was equivalent to six months earnings on the indenture scale. All traders were required to obtain licences from the local authorities. In 1903 an additional tax of £3 was imposed on, the children of "free settlers" when they attained the age of majority. Transvaal also imposed a £3 licence fee on Asian traders and authorsed the Government "as a sanitary measure", to set aside streets, wards, and locations for the habitation of Asians, thus introducing for the first time the principle of residential segregation. Transvaal also imposed a European-language test which in effect excluded a considerable number of Asians seeking entry into the state. In spite of these measures, the number of Indians was growing in South Africa, and in 1904 the total Asian population of Natal, including some 60,000 "free labourers" settled in the colony, amounted to 100,918, compared with a European population of 97,109. The hostility of the European settlers to the growing number of Asians had found violent expression in a demonstration at Durban in 1896, when MohandasKaramchand Gandhi, then alittle-known Indian lawyer, narrowly escaped with his life. And when in 1907 the Government made it compulsory forall Asians to register their finger-prints with the administration, It became the occasion In 1908 for Gandhi's first passive resistance campaign, In the years between 1919 and 1925 further legislative restrictions were laid on the acquisition of property by Asians. In 1925 the Union Government introduced the Areas Reservation and Immigration Restriction Bill, which the Minister of the Interior admitted was specifically aimed against Asians. He said: "The Bill frankly starts from the supposition that the Indian as a race in this country is an alien element In the population, and that no solution of this question will be acceptable to the country, unless It results in a very considerable reduction of the Indian population." Though the trading practices of some individual Indian traders in East Africa may have caused occasional friction, there is no doubt that Asian traders and artisans opened up East Africa for development. The white people only followed the track blazed by Indians and only occupied the territories where Indians had created better living conditions, It can be said with certainty that were it not for Asian enterprise and the spirit of adventure, the East African economy would not have attained the level it hastoday. The economicsuccess of theAsian community in East Africa has been due to their hard work and possession of certain qualities essential for economic development. These qualities, while vitally important for economic development, are essentially "unheroic" and did not always endear their possessors to other communities. The Asians' virtual monopoly of wholesale and retail trade exposed them to charges of dishonesty and sharp practices. Certainly not all the Asian businessmen would have been entirely immune to resorting to sharp practice, just like businessmen from any other community. The unfortunate part of the phenomenon in East Africa was that this was seen in racial terms because of the factthatthe "Dukawalas" belonged to one community. In all this racial prejudice, the constructive contribution of Asians to Africa's development tends to be forgotten. Lord Hailey wrote in An African Survey (1957): There can be no doubt of the value of the contribution made by Asians to the development of the economy of Kenya. It was estimated in 1944 that they paid 27.75 per cent of the indirect taxation as compared with 37 per cent by Europeans. But, as was pointed out in the Financial Inquiry made by Lord Moyne in 1932, figures such as these do not suffice to indicate the part which has been played byAsiansin the development of the country either astraders, or in marketing native produce, or as artisans and craftsman. In these directions they have performed a function which Europeans were not prepared and Africans were not qualified to discharge. As a matter of fact the white settlers pitted Indians and Africans against each other, They would have succeeded but for the enlightened Indian leadership and the diplomatic efforts of the Government of India implemented through the statesmanship of men like Apa Saheb Pant, the first Indian Commissioner in Eastern Africa. The white settlers, however, succeeded in having Pant expelled from Kenya. Pant's home was a haven to African political leadership from all the countries of the region including Southern Rhodesia, (Zimbabwe), Northern Rhodesia (Zambia), Nyasaland (Malawi), and Uganda and they got a message in the early days of India's independence that New Delhi could be fully depended upon to support the African cause despite the powerful opposition of the colonial masters. Jawaharlal Nehru, with an astonishing degree of foresight, had seen the turn of events in Africa, how the tide might turn against Indian settlers there with the surge of African nationalism. As early as 1938, even before India gained freedom, he had warned: 14

It may bethat In the process of exploitation to some extent even my own countrymen have taken part, I am sorrAforthat. So far as we in India are concerned, the policy we wish to follow Is this. We do not want anyone from India to go to anycountryand to function anywhere against thewishesof the people of that country, whether it is Burma, East Africa, or any other part of the world, I think the Indians in Africa have done a great deal of good work. Some of them have also derived a great deal of profit. I think indians in Africa or elsewhere can be useful members of the community. But only on this basis do we welcome their remaining there, that the interests of the people of Africa are always placed first. Pandit Nehru again spoke on the issue in early 1950: In many parts of Africa-East, West and South-there are considerable number of Indians, mostly business people. Our definite instructions to them and to our agents in Africa are that they must always put the interest of the indigenous population first. We wantto have no Indian vested interests at the expense of the population of those countries. I do submit that this is a somewhat unusual direction to give for any country to its representatives abroad. We do intend protecting our interests everywhere, but not at the expense of the people of those countries. We want to be friends with them; we want to cooperate with them and help them to advance wherever they are backward. We do notwish to exploit them; we do not wish to encourage in any way any kind of discrimination, racial or otherwise. Pandit Nehru never tired of repeating this theme whenever the occasion called for it. Among his many statements on the issue, the following, made in mid-1953, bears quoting at length: AboutAfrica and Indians there, I may tell you, the policywe have pursued for manyyears ... we have told them verydefinitely and precisely that we as a government do not encourage or support them in anything they might want which goes against the interest of the Africans, We have made that perfectly clear. We shall support them, of course, in their legitimate demands but not if these demands are to gain any privilege at the expense of the Africans. We have told them that they are there with the goodwill of the Africans. If the Africanswant to push them out theywill be pushed out, Of course, that may be an idealistic attitude if you like, but it is also a constructive attitude, becausethat is the only way they can live there in peace and quiet. We have to educate opinion. There was a conflict in their interests. Indians are mostly merchants and traders and some Africans did not like them, But this policy having percolated down, there has been much more goodwill towards Indians than there was previously, and in all these troubles it is very seldom that you find Indians involved.

No Indian immigration has been allowed into the African countries for more than 30 years now, except for specially recruited professionals like doctors, lawyers, accountants, engineers, architects and teachers who go only for a timebound period, In places like Kenya and Tanzania, the number of Indians has come down to a half of what it was when these countries gained independence. Alarge number of Indians did not also acquire the nationality of the countries of their domicile. They preferred to obtain British passports, Mentally also they remained aloof from their surrounding people, still owing their cultural and spiritual allegiance to India and their roots there. They did not become Indian citizens nor were they assimilated into the general population of the countries in which they found themselves. They were thus strangers to India and strangers to the countries of their domicile, After independence, while India kept on advising the Indian settlers to appreciate the urges and aspirations of the indigenous population and to make common cause with them in their freedom struggle, their position was not an enviable one. A majority of the Asians in EastAfrica and many of them in Mauritius and South Africa became prosperous and this resulted in jealousies. A number of African leaders in East Africa began saying that in order to protect their economic interests, the Asian settlers had been interested in prolonging the colonial rule. There was hardly any factual honesty in such statements, because the fact was that a large number of better educated Asians were fully supporting the cause of freedom. After the dawn of independence in East Africa in the early sixties, the Asian settlers began slowly giving up retail trade (especially in the cities) and small clerical jobs. Many of them have taken to Industries and specialist jobs and professions. But the community's position as such was not happy and their population has been dwindling. The policyof African isation had to come, but it did affect the Asians to a large extent. Take the Kenyanisation policy, for example, The Government of Kenya has been keen thatAsians with British passports should elither leave the country or take up Kenyan citizenship, TheGovernmentof Indiawould have noquarrelwith Kenya on this issue, A commentary on Kenya Radio said on September 12,1967: "Kenya Government is bound to look after the welfare of its citizens, but it is in no way bound to provide the same facilities to the nationals of an alien country even of a friendly alien.... Now that the indigenous people of this land want to taste the fruits of their Uhuru (freedom) for which they fought and offered maximum sacrifices, most of the British passport holders feel that they have been cheated out of their cake." In 1967, when the Government of Kenya spelt out its Kenya nisation policy, there was a mass exodus of Asians holding British passports to Britain, but the latter through the Commonwealth Immigration Bill restricted their entry. There was serious concern in India because the affected people were of Indian origin, Prime Vinister Indira Gandhi assured Parliament on February 16, 1967 that her government was giving serious thought to this problem. The House was also told by the Deputy Minister of External Affairs that there was no discrimination against Indians holding Kenyan citizenship. The measures taken by Kenya were against those who did not have Kenyan citizenship. There was also no discriMination against those whose application for citizenship was still pending for decision, he said. The Indian Parliament was then told thatof the 186,000 people of Indian origin in Kenya, about 130.000 were British citizens. There were only 4,000 Indian nationals and about 49,000 were Kenyan citizens. The House was informed: The Government of India was not aware of deportation of Indian nationals from Kenya although recently some people of Indian origin with British passports had been going from KQnya to the UK. In consequence of the Kenya Immigration Act of 1967, all residents who were not citizens of Kenya were required to take out work and residence permits. And extension of the Immigration Act was a new law licensing all trades and providing that non-citizens might get licence to trade only in certain items and in certain areas. But the mass expulsion from Uganda of Asians holding British passports by Idi Amin in August 1972 earned the wrath of the Government of India and the public, India felt that it was inhuman and 'cruel to those who had lived in Uganda for decades to be asked to quit in just three months, even though it "always viewed with understanding the aspiration of the African countries to regulate their internal affairs in the best interestsof their citizens". The Indian Parliamentwas told that the Governmentof India had decided to introduce, with immediate effect, avisa system to prevent the entry into India "in haste and panic" of a large number of British passport holders of Indian origin from Uganda. At the same time the Deputy Minister of External Affairs said: "We are in touch with Ugandan authorities and I can assure the House that we shall do everything we can to protect the interest of Indians there and ensure that those who might eventually be affected are treated equitably, humanely and with dignity." The Government of India made it known that it would not accept the bulk of Asians, said to be 40,000, with British passports who were to be expelled from Uganda. India held the viewthat allAsians in East Africa who held British passports were Britain's responsibility and the group which was then threatened with expulsion would come under the same policy which India applied to the Asians who were forced out of Kenya. Indian policy was that these Asians were allowed into the country in limited numbers on humanitarian grounds if their passports were endorsed to the effect that Britain acknowledged that the immigrants were British responsibility. India later ridiculed Idi Amin for his irresponsible charge that India was planning to attack Uganda in cooperation with Tanzania and Zambia, India was disturbed when it became known that Indian passport holders were also to leave the country in 90 days before the November8, 1972 deadline, The Government of India started evacuating the Indian nationals numbering about 5,000 from Kampala by rail to Mombasa and then by ship to Bombay. In a diplomatic move, India asked the Ugandan Government for an assurance of safety of the life and property of Indian nationals under orders of expulsion, The contribution of the Asians to Uganda became clear when the Ugandan authorities began to feel the effects of mass expulsions. According to reports in 1973, education, engineering, building and transport services, export and import trade, industry and urban consumers were all adversely affected. The country's educational system was under great strain with the departure of 700 Asian teachers and lecturers. Three hospitals in Kampala were abandoned because of the serious shortage of doctors, The judiciary also suffered with the shortage of magistrates. A full-page advertisement in the Government-owned newspaper Voice of Uganda appeared for 64 posts at one sugar estate alone. President Idi Amin promised that Indians expelled from Uganda would be compensated for their properties and business. This assurance wap given by him to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi when they met In Algiers at the Non-aligned Summit on September 1, 1973. Earlier, in a meeting with the Indian High Commissioner in Kampala, Amin indicated that he was keen on promoting IndiaUganda relations and would like to see greater cooperation between the two countries. He wanted India to understand that the expulsion of Asians should not be construed as hishaving anything against India. He said he had onlytaken steps to put Ugandan economy into the hands of the Ugandans. India places the question and problems of Indian settlers in East Africa and in South Africa on a different footing (Indians in Mauritius are Mauritians). For years the Governmentof India's sympathies have been with the people of Indian origin in South Africa, because they have suffered the ravages of racial discrimination along with the Africans and the"coloureds", Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi have always advised the Indian settlers to make common cause with other non-whites in their struggle against the rule of the white minority. India feels happy and satisfied that by and large the Indians have had good relations with the Africans and "coloureds". A few Indians belonging to the South African Indian Council, a puppet organisatlon of the Government of South Africa, are known to be supporting the racist government. India has nothing to do with these stooges. It is a matter of gratification to India that the Natal Indian Congress and Transvaal Indian Congress, with which Mahatma Gandhi was associated, have fought the liberation struggle In South Africa on a common platform with the African National Congress. A number of Indians in South Africa today are behind the anti-apartheid activities of the United Democratic Front. We in New Delhi are convinced that the recent disturbances between the Africans and the Indians in Durban were the handiwork of the Botha regime's hirelings. Mewa Ramgobin, grand son-in-law of Mahatma Gandhi, who isone of the accused in the treason tri- als in South Africa, has borne testimony to this fact. Asonetalksof the crucial role played by Indians in South Africa in promoting the unity of the oppressed people, one is reminded of the talkswhich led to the alliance of the ANC and the two Indian Congresses (in Natal and Transvaal) in 1947-the "Three Doctors' pact" signed by Dr A.B. Xuma, Dr Yusuf Dadoo and Dr G.M. Naicker. They participated actively in the Campaign of Defiance in 1952, A number of Indians faced treason trials along with Mandela and they face similar trials as members of the United Democratic Front today. Apart from nearly one million people of Indian origin in South Africa and about 150,000 in Kenya, Ta nzania and Uganda, Indian population in the continent of Africa istotheextentof 2.5 million, As in South Africa and EastAfrica, the Government of India's advice to Indians in other parts of Africa Is also that they should consider the interests of the local population as paramount, As "ambassadors" of India, they should play a role that will strengthen Indo-African friendship and understanding. No discussion on the role of Indians in Africa will be complete without a mention of the contribution made by Indian teachers in Ethiopia. Any Ethiopian official, military or civilian, will tell you with pride that he was taught English, mathematics or physics by an Indian teacher in his remote village or in Addis Ababa. The Government of Ethiopia has recently honoured sorhe Indian teachers who have been serving the country for long periods. The teachers received medals and certificates at a ceremony held in Addis Ababa in connection with education. Indian teachers first came to Ethiopia In 1947 and since then their number has been increasing year after year. One of the teachers who landed in 1947, Mr I.J. Muthusami, is nowan adviserin the Ministryof Education. His name is a household word In every nook and corner of Ethiopia. Indians settled in Africa have come a long way since the days of indentured labour and of Mahatma Gandhi. The countries of Africa have also come a long way having graduated from colonies to independent nations, South Africa being a different sort of an entity. Today the Government of India would defend the legitimate rights of the people of Indian origin If they are wronged, but it would want them to behave as "ambassadors" of India, so asto win the goodwill of the indigenous people and to help the development of the country of their adoption. The paramountcy of the interests of Africans in Africa has to be accepted with Indian settlers expecting no special privileges. In the final analysis, the success of Indo-African friendship and cooperation will largely depend on the way the people of Indian origin behave in their new homes, Decolonisation of Africa India's long struggle for freedom and the world-wide movement against imperialism have in historical perspective been so intermingeld that it would be difficult to extricate one from the other. Not only Mahatma. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, but the Indian nation as such considered its independence struggle to be part and parcel of a campaign to dismantle colonial shackles in Africa and Asia. The Indian National Congress, the vanguard political movement, with its liberal sensibilities was cosmopolitan in its character from its very birth. A number of Indian nationalists returning home afterwestern education gave the Indian freedom struggle an international outlook, Inside the Congress Party they raised the banner of freedom on a universal plane. The history of the Congress Party is replete with examples of its Internationalism, Way back in 1904 it strongly protested to the British imperialists forwasting Indian financial resources for its expedition in Tibet. It had from time to time been demanding thewithdrawal of Indian troops from Britain's anti-people adventures in China, Persia, Mesopotamia and in British colonies. From 1920 onwards the Congress fully backed Mustafa Kamal Pasha's liberation struggle in Turkey against western domination. Support to Egypt's Wald nationalists and to the peoplesof Palestine forms a glorious record of the Indian national movement. The Congress lost no time in sending a message of congratulations to the people of China after they successfully concluded their revolution under Sun Yat-Sen on their having "attained their full and complete freedom and nationhood and ended theera of foreign domination in their country". At the same time the Congress Party felt thatwestern Imperialism in other parts of the world presented "a great menace to India's freedom struggle". The Congress Party's participation In the 1926 Brussels Congress against Imperialism led it at its 1929 Calcutta session to say categorically: The Congress, being of opinion that the struggle of the Indian people for freedom is a part of the general world struggle against imperialism and its manifestation, considers It desirable that India should develop contacts with other countries and peo pleswho also suffer Imperialism and desire to combat it. The Congress, therefore, calls upon the All India Congress Committee to develop such contacts and to open a foreign department in this behalf. In 1937 when Italian forces occupied the defenceless Ethiopia, the Congress Party stood up in protest and in solidarity with the African nation. At its Lucknow session, it offered "sympathy of the Indian nation for the Ethiopian people who are so heroically defending their country against imperialist aggression and consid- ers Ethiopia's fight as part of the fight of all exploited nations for freedom". The Congress Party also condemned the great powers and the League of Nations for their inaction in regard to the Italian-Ethiopian war. Early in the 20th century when Mahatma Gandhi was campaigning against racial discrimination in South Africa, he was asked why he was fighting the battle only of the Indians settled there and not of the African people as a whole and why only on the racial issue and not Africa's freedom itself, He replied with great articulation. It was not as if he did not sympathise with the plight of Africans, he said. They had suffered as much through racial discrimination, indeed, even more for they were the children of the land and his heartbled forthem, There would be no occasion when hewould not stand four-squarewith them. The campaigns hewas conducting would eventually benefit them as much as the Indians. But he said he would not presume to lead them. They must throw up their own leaders who would give them inspiration, guidance and the sinews to wage their struggle. At that moment they would find him by their side. So, too, with the large cause of liberation. The African liberation struggle must be fought bytheAfricans themselves at a time and place of theirchoosing with strategyand methodsdevised bythem according to their genius. He could only hope that theywould elect to use non-violence. When that struggle was launched, India would not be found wanting. Jawaharlal Nehru's feelings for the African cause touched the core of many a heart. He sought everyoccasion and every forum to fight side by side with theAfrican nationalists. Way back in 1938 in his presidential address at the Conference on Peace and Empire held in London he said that probably no people in the world had suffered so much as the Africans. He said: "We think of India, China and other countries, butwe are too often apt to forgetAfricaand the peopleof Indiawantyou to keep them in mind. After all, though the people of India would welcome the help and sympathy of all progressive people, they are today perhaps strong enough to fight their own battle, whilst that may not be true of some of the peoples of Africa. Therefore, the people of Africa deserve our special attention". The Asian Relations Conference in New Delhi in 1947 was another occasion chosen by Nehru to give vent to his feelings for Africa he said: We of Asia have a special responsibility to the people of Africa. We must help them to their rightful place in the human family, The freedom that we envisage is not to be confined to this nation or that orto a particular people, but must spread out over the whole human race, The universal human freedom also cannot be based on the supremacy of any particular class. It must be the freedom of the common man everywhere and full opportunities for him to develop. AsAfrica's liberation strugglewas raising its head and as theAfrican personality was emerging from deep slumber, India's Congress Party fighting forthe country's independence had become a force to be reckoned with. It used such influence as was available to encourage theAfrican struggle and for the justice of Africa's right to freedom. It was only when India became free that the Congress Party could strengthen the hands of the Government of India to champion the cause of Africa's liberation. It was then that the commendable role of India could be measured in reality. At the Afro-Asian Conference in Band rng in 1955 Pandit Nehru returned to his favourite theme of ending colonialism in Africa. He said: We have passed resolutions about conditions in this or that country. But I think there is nothing more terrible than the infinite tragedy of Africa in the pastfew hundred years, Everything else pales into insignificancewhen I think ofthistragedyever since the days when millions of Africanswere carried away as galley slaves to America and elsewhere, half of'them dying in the galleys. We must accept responsibility for it, all of us, even though we ourselves were not directly involved. But unfortunately, in a different sense, even now the tragedyof Africa is greaterthan that of any other conti nent, whether it is racial orpolitical. Itisup toAsia to help Africatothe bestof herability becauseweare sister continents. We are determined not to fail. We are determined, In this new phase of Asia and Africa, to make good, We are determined not to be dominated in anyway by anyothercou ntry orcontine nt. We are determined to bring happiness and prosperity to our people and to discard the age-old shackles th at have tied us not only politically but economically-the shackles of colonialism and other shackles of our own making. A fact very little known Is that on India's initiative the South African racist regime was excluded from the Asian-African Conference in Bandung. A delegation of the African National Congress consisting of Moses Kotane and Maulvi Ismail Caohalia was received asobserver. This gave them an opportunityto make the acquaintance of a number of Afro-Asian leaders including Nehru whom they met again during a stopover In Delhi on their way back home. Right from the day of its independence, India under the towering leadership of Nehru began to play the roleof a crusader for peace and freedom. He had personal contacts with a number of freedom fighters from Africa who were then either studying in London or were based there--Jomo Kenyatta, Kwame Nkrumah, Kenneth Kaunda, Julius Nyerere, Obefemi Owolowo and others. Having closely followed the non-violent struggle for independence successfully waged by India under Gandhi's guidance, the African leaders needed no persuasion to follow a similar path in their own countries, On the Indian political strategy Owolowo has written: "India is the hero of subject countries. Her struggle for self-government is keenly and sympathetically watched by the colonial peoples, the more so because they are marked by untold sufferings. And Nkrumah is on record as having said: "After months of studying Gandhi's policy and watching the effect it had, I believe.., that when backed by strong political organisation, it could be the solution of the colonial problem."

In the early years of India's independence, the people and leaders of India watched with immense interest political developments in the neighbouring continentof Africa, While itwas a matter of great satisfaction that the Africans had woken from their deep slumber and the continent was on the move, some developments, were disturbing because of the onslaught of the imperialists, their oppression and tyranny. They were resisting the forces of change. While the colonised people of Ghana, Nigeria, Tanzania, Zambia, Uganda and larger number of French colonies were peacefully marching towards independence, there was violent uprising in some African countries. When Qhana becamefreefrom British ruleon March 6,1957, Nehru told the African students in Delhi who had assembled to celebrate the event: I am happy to be present here. I would have been happier if I could be present todayin Accra,the capitalof Ghana. Iwantedto go there very mdch but unfortunatelyelections came in thewayand it became impossiblefor me to leave India. But my mind has been full of this great event which we have come to celebrate. The independence of any country is a thing to be celebrated and welcomed butthere issomething more distinctive aboutthe independence of Ghana than perhaps of some othercountries. It signifies so much for the continent of Africa. In Kenya in theearlyfifities, as the Mau Mau freedom fig hterswere unnerving the British colonial power,the latter let loose a reign of terror. Killings and mass arrests were the order of the day. Jomo Kenyatta, the charismatic leader of the Kenyans, was also detained. Nehru was greatly perturbed. Hisgesture in sending two Indian lawyers to Nairobi to defend Kenyatta for his alleged complicity in Mau Mau is still remembered by Kenyans, as the gesture was a symbol of Indian solidarity with the struggling people of Kenya. The Algerian war of freedom is a heroic saga of the valiant people's struggle. While France was meeting its Waterloo in North Africa, the Government of India allowed the National Liberation Front (FLN) to open its office in New Delhi. Apart from giving financial and material help to FLN, India's advocacy of Algeria's right for freedom in the United Nations helped to forge Afro-Asian unity on this issue. Afterthe ceasefire agreement had been arrived at between FLN and the French Government, Nehru welcomed the settlement and told the Indian Parliament on March 12, 1962 that it was an intensive struggle "unparalleled in history", Describing the agreement as a long hoped-for one, Nehru said: I doubt if we can find from the records of history such an intensive struggle as the Algerian people have lived through during the past seven years and more, such intense suffering, such a large number of killings and casualties. A substantial portion of the Algerian population had suffered because of this, Surely no one can deny that if a price has to be paid for freedom, the Algerian people have paid much more than any price that could have been paid. 23

The tripartite aggression, (by Britain, France and Israel) over Egypt following Gamal Abdul Nasser's decision to nationalise the Suez Canal in 1956 found Nehru angry and concerned. Supporting the Nasser government's right to take over the Suez, Nehru castigated the tripartite attack with considerable vehemence. In the United Nations, Indian delegates took a lead in condemning theattackand asking thethree belligerent nationstowithdrawtheirforces India felt satisfied onlywhen a UN police force was sent to the Canal zone to enforce a ceasefire and replace British and French forces, Another African issue that disturbed Nehru a great deal was the cold-blooded murder of Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba of Congo (Zaire) by the henchmen of the Belgian imperialists in 1960. An anguished Nehru warned the imperialists: "A dead Lumumba isfar more powerful than a living Lumumba." Nehru meantto simply say that martyrs never.die. He perhaps remembered Lumumba's prophetic words: "You will be heroes but not when you are alive." He asked the United Nations to be firm to defend the sovereignty and integrity of the Congo and to defeat the attempts of the imperialists who wanted Katanga to secede. In a memorable address to the UN General Assembly in 1960, Nehru blamed the Belgianswho leftthe Congo in such a sorry state. He spoke of the long years of colonial rule resulting ir plundering vast wealth from that country for the enrichment of the colonial power, while the people of the country remained utterly poor and backward. Demanding the withdrawal of the military and semi-military personnel of Belgians, the Indian Prime Minister said: Disruptive forces have been let loose and have been encouraged by people who do not wish this newly independent Congo well. Some footholds of the old colonialism are still engaged in working to this end. It is an encouragement to the disruption of the state. We must realise that it is essential to maintain the integrity of the Congo for if there is disintegration of the state, this is bound to lead to internal civil wars on a large scale. There will be no peace in the Congo except on the basis of the integrity of the state. Foreign countries must particularly avoid any interference in the internal affairs or encouragement of one faction against another, Nehru was keen on seeing a united Congo and, therefore, at the pressing request of the UN Secretary-General agreed to send Indian troops to strengthen the hands of the UN. But he put forward three conditions for India's agreement to send its troops. First, they must function as a unit by themselves and not be mixed with others, Secondly, they must not come Into conflict with the forces of any UN member country other than the Belgian mercenaries and thirdly, in no manner must they be used gainst popular movements in the Congo, Within this framework India was able to help in the eventual restoration of the independence and integrity of the Congo and the ultimate creation of conditions to end the agony of the nation, now called Zaire, 24

Portuguese Colonies India having seen the worst savagery on Its own soil in Goa, always considered Portuguese colonialism as the most primitive and uncivilised. Indian leader, keen to remove the Portuguese pocket in Goa which they described as an ugly pimple on thefairface of India, realised after independence that peaceful methods of noncooperation and satyagraha would have no effect on the brutal rulers in far- flung Lisbon. When Portuguese troops started firing on peaceful protesters in Goa Nehru's patience was exhausted, and he had no option but to order the Indian troops into Goa in December 1961. The use of force to liberate Goa, even though minimal, was not exactly in keeping with th.e Gandhian philosophy, butNehru'sgovernment madeitclearthat it handled every situation on its own merit. The anti-imperialist forces the world over were happy with Nehru's decision, but the freedom fighters in Africa, particularlyl rom the Portuguese colonies, hailed itas ashot in their arm. India'simage as a champion of freedom went up higher in Africa and Indian foreign policy was seen by Africans at its brightest. Solidarity between india and the liberation movements in Africa from then on became the order of the day. India, through its action in Goa, had showered its blessings on the armed struggle being waged In many parts of Africa. Three months before the liberation of Goa, Prime Minister Nehru inaugurating an International Seminar on Portuguese Colonies held In New Delhi affirmed India's right to military intervention in Goa. India, he said, could not tolerate a foreign bridgehead on India's coast and as aforeign base, Goawas athreatto India's security. Nehru regretted that India's efforts to persuade the Salazar government to settle the Goa question peacefully had borne no fruit. He spoke at length of the "larger complex" of the Portuguese and other colonial structures in the African continent. Paying a tribute to the freedom fighters in Angola and Mozambique, Nehru said theirs was a vital struggle against Portuguese colonialism. It was a tragedy that they should suffe'r from terrible repressive measures and it was a special tragedy that some big powers should help the Portuguese for cold war reasons. In a forthright assurance of support to the African peoples, he said: "So far as India is concerned, ourthinking and emotions are with you and in so far as we can help we shall help you in the task of coming out of the morass of colonial domination." The Seminar on Portuguese Colonies was attended by representatives of the freedom movement in Goa and large number of senior leaders of the Portuguese colonies in Africa. There were also a number of special invitees, I'ncluding Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia. African leaders expressed confidence at.the seminar that if India and the African leaders worked together for the liberation of the oppressed people the day of their freedom would not be far off, Nehru described the seminar as a unique event which had broughtthe peopleof India and Africa together. The two had been close in the past, but in the last decade or so, India had taken an intimate interest in the freedom movements in Africa and, in some measure, tried to help them in the councils of the world body, he said. The same yearthe Indian Prime Minister took up cudgels against Portugal at the First Non-aligned Summit in Belgrade in September 1961. "Angola, the horror of Angola", pronounced Nehru with passion. He said: I do not know how many of the delegates present here have had occasion to read the detailed accounts of what has happened in Angola-not only in Angola but round about-which has a kind of horror which one hardly associates with the modern world, massacres, genocide and so on. Of course, our minds go out and we need not only to sympathise, we want to do what we can to put an end to this. Itis well to rememberthe odd fact that today the Portuguese empire is the biggest empire-possibly the worst too-that exists in this age of the liquidation of imperialism and colonialism. It is an odd fact that when great and more powerful empires have given way very largely, the Portuguese empire should continue, It is, of course, in a bad way today and in its major territories in Africa like Angola, the situation has been particularly horrible and painful, and probablyeven the past records of imperialist domination will not give us an example of what is happening there now. I have no doubt in my mind that in Angola, and certainly also in other Portuguese dominions like Mozambique,the Portuguese empire is doorned. Although we have not on our part been very favourably inclined towards Portugal during the last many years, what is happening in Angola has been so horrible that the reaction of whoever has heard of it, whether in this country orin any other country, has been one of extreme anger. Massacres have taken place on a big scale and yet the people of Angola have been strugg ling, not without some success, It is not now an easy matter for the Portuguese Government to suppress the Angolan people though it may be a long business. Of course, there is Mozambique, and there are the other Portuguese territories, which may also be drawn into this conflict. One aspect of these Portuguese colonies, more especially Angola now and Goa a little time ago, is the indirect help or rather encouragementsometimes help in addition to encouragement-that Portugal has received from the fact that it is a NATO country. That is a very important fact which, I have no doubt, has made a differenceto the Portuguese also. But so bad have been the Portuguese activities in Angola recently that many countries, even NATO countries that encouraged Portugal or helped it, have had to desist and express their displeasure. Even the United States of America voted against Portugal in the United Nations on this issue, One NATO country, Norway, has openly and publicly said that itwill not assist directly or indirectly in anything Portugal does. African nationalist leaders from the former Portuguese colonies rememberwith admiration that Nehru's voice against the Portuguese atrocities In Africa was loud and clear and was heard with rapt attention. He helped to build up international opinion against Portugal, even inside Portugal. While the Organisation of African Unity year after year condemned Portuguese imperialism till its end in 1975, India kept the issue alive in the United Nations and in the Non-aligned Movement. An Indian delegate told the UN Trusteeship Committee on November 11, 1963 that only a combination of measures, including economic sanctions and pressures, would persuade Portugal to abandon Its colonial policies. Speaking In the Committee's general debate on Portuguese colonies, he said the Portuguese were seeking to debase and distort the meaning of the term self-determination, The Portuguese rulers' claim to a non-racial record was reduced to mockerywhen it was overlaid by "cultural genocide", he said and went on to condemn the decadent ruling elite of Portugal. The Indian delegation and the delegates of the African countries walked out of the UN General Assembly session in December 1964 in protest against a speech by the Portuguese delegate Bonifacto Miranda. He was sharply critical of India's Minister of External Affairs, Swaran Singh, who In a speech to the General Assembly made a general indictment of the Portuguese colonialism and racialism. The Portuguese delegate, whose speech amused many Asian and African delegates, said: Another self-styled champion of self-determination of peoples-I now referto the representative of the Indian Union-also came to this rostrum and said something about joining others in judging Portugal. His remarks reminded us and must have reminded many others who heard him of the story of the thief who joined the crowd In shouting for a policeman, Obviously, the Indian representative had a look at the poor record of his own government and felt that he needed company. But I am sure those whom he wishes to join will be ashamed of such company. India naturallyearned the ire of the Salazar government because of its exposure of Portuguese atrocities and because of its courage in deciding to take over Goa by force. Soon after Goa's liberation, the Portuguese authorities in Mozambique began expelling Indians resident there. There were then 2,394 Indian nationals in Mozambique holding Indian passports. In addition, there were 22,000 people of Indian origin, who for all practical purposes were Portuguese citizens. Nearly 14 years after Goa's liberation, Mozambique became independent of Portuguese ruleinJune 1975,Thiseventwas greeted bylndia astheculmination of an eraofliberation struggle. Eight months later, when the Minister for External Affairs, Y.B. Chavan announced in Parliamenton February6, 1976 the Government's decision to recognise the MPLA government in Angola, the announcement was greeted with thunderous cheers, Chavan said the MPLA government alone seemed committed to preserve Angola's integrity and independence and fight South

Africa's armed intervention. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi sent a message of -greetings and felicitationsto President Agostin ho Neto pledging "our continuing cooperation in the common task of cansolidating the long-standing friendship between the government and peoples of Africa and India and in the continuing struggle for a just and peaceful world order". Independence of Zimbabwe In the long battle of decolonisation In Africa, the independence of Zimbabwe in April 1980 was a complicated process. Known as Southern Rhodesia or even Rhodesia before Independence, the presence of a sizablewhite settler community there was the major complicating factor. The Rhodesian settlers who believed In the superiority of thewhite race, always looked to the ruling white minority in South Africa as a model and as a source of inspiration. The apartheid regime was more than willing to extend its support and blessings to Rhodesia, a junior partner in the perpetration of the abominable myth of the superiority of the white race. While India and the Afro-Asian world considered Rhodesia as a non-self governing territory-of Britain, the latter's role was not firm and was in many ways unhelpful. An impression was created by Britain as if it did not mind Rhodesia surreptitiouslybecoming anotherSouthAfrica,the second citadel of apartheid. In any case the British colonial administration right from 1930 excluded Africans from that half of the country that contained the best farming land, when Africans constituted over 95 per cent of the population. Turned away from their lands, the Africans were forced to enter the labour market. In another apartheid-like action, the Industrial Conciliation Act of 1934 banned the African majority from entering skilled employment, The Africans were left with no option but to work on subsistence wage on white-owned mines, farms and factories in virtual servitude. At the same time the British rulers in Rhodesia subsidised the growth of white agriculture, mining and industry, After the Second World War, the white minority persuaded the British authorities to create a Central African Federation, consisting of Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia (today's Zambia) and Nyasaland (today's Malawi), The scheme was to combine the large supply of cheap labour in Nyasalnd and the vast mineral resources of Northern Rhodesia with the capital, technological know-how and coal-supplied power of Southern Rhodesia, at the same time maintaining European dominance. India was strongly opposed to the idea of the Central African Federation even before its formation in 1953 and thereafter too, because it was felt that it was an attempt to perpetuate apartheid and white minority rule. Jawaharlal Nehru on numerous occasions condemned this new phenomenon which was rearing its head in the Rhodesias as "settler colonialism". India was happy when the Central African Federation was dissolved in 1963 paving the way for the independence of Malawi and Zambia on the basis of majority rule. But Britain was unwilling to decolonise Southern Rhodesia until some sort of accommodation could be worked out between the privileged whites and the deprived blacks. Ian Smith, an extreme right-winger and leader of the Rhodesian Front, came to power as Prime Minister, and moved rapidly to curb the activities of the African nationalists by detaining them in 1964. A referendum showed overwhelming white support for his pet dream of Unilateral Declaration of Independence. In the general elections in May 1965 Smith's Rhodesian Front won all the 50 seats and Smith's government illegally seized power from Britain by declaring U DI on November11,1965. Britain meekly protested but kept its eyes and ears closed and let Smith have his way. All the developments since the break-up of the Central African Federation were disturbing and the Government of India watched them with disgust. India decided to withdraw its diplomatic mission with effect from May 7,1965 in an expression of its strong disapproval of the manner in which the minority settler regime in Southern Rhodesia was persisting "in the achievement of its illegal objective". A statement in the Indian Parliament said that India had repeatedly made it known that Southern Rhodesia should gain independence without delay on the basis of the establishment of a duly constituted democratic government, elected on the principle of one-man one-vote. "We consider that the status of Southern Rhodesia as a non-self governing territory, which has been confirmed in the UN General Assembly resolution on June 28, 1962, remains unchanged," the statement said, A day earlier, Ian Smith said that the Indian decision might spark similar action by other Afro-Asian governments. He told a crowded and at times violent election eve meeting in Salisbury that the only reason for India's action was to "gain prestige among Afro-Asian fellow nations". His announcement of India's decision to close the mission was greeted with cheers by students who had been heckling him. There were shouts of "Africa" from the students. The Indian decision to close the mission was welcomed by the Rhodesian African nationalists, who had been exerting pressure on India for such a step. When African leaders wanted India to withdraw its mission, New Delhi pointed out that the mission was accredited to the British Government and not to the illegal Rhodesian regime. Observers, therefore, regarded the decision as a token of India's disapproval of British inaction on the Rhodesian issue. From the very start till its end, India regarded the Smith regime as illegal. Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri described U DI asa "serious development" on the day itwas declared. Shastri told the Congress Parliamentary Partythat UDI would pose agreat problem on the African continent. He said: "So far as India is concerned, we have made it clear that we will not recognise the Smith regime." A day later, on November 12, 1965, the Minister of External Affairs, Swaran Singh announced in Parliament that India would recognise any provisional government set up by the African people of Rhodesia with the support of the Organisation of African Unity. He also declared that India was severing economic relations with Rhodesia with immediate effect, until a fully representative government of the Rhodesian people was established, It was observed that India was the first country to impose economic sanctions against Rhodesia, just as it did against South Africa years earlier. Swaran Singh described the illegal seizure of power by the white-minority government as an outrageous act which posed a serious threat to intenational peace. He strongly criticised the United Kingdom's inept handling of the Rhodesian situation inthe past and called upon the British to use forceif necessary to nullify and checkmate the illegal seizure of power. Outlining the Government of India's views on the Rhodesian developments, he said that Britain was legally, constitutionally, politically and morally responsible for the present situation in Rhodesia. Britain took no positive steps to prevent the illegal seizure of power by the white minority, in spite of repeated appeals bythe UN General Assemblyto take all possible measures, including the use of force to forestall UDI, India, the Minister pointed out, would continue to offer its fullest cooperation to the UN Security Council, the General Assembly and the OAU. India would also remain in close touch with friendly governments in Africa and the Commonwealth so that they could all act collectively to meet this serious situation which contained "all the elements of racism, reaction, fanaticism, disunity and exploitation of man by man". He said the whiteminorities in Rhodesia, Angola, Mozambique, South Africa and South-West Africa were trying their utmost to keep the African peoples of these territories in perpetual bondage. The future of Rhodesia was, therefore, an issue of the greatest importance to the whole process of decolonisation in Africa, The UN General Assembly met in an emergency session on the night of November 11 and condemned Rhodesia's illegal seizure of power. The Indian delegate, Rafiq Zakaria, said that an "extremely grave" situation had developed in Rhodesia and asked Britain what was the use of suspending Rhodesian Ministers when UDI had become a reality. There was still time for Britain to act with courage and with the unanimous support of the UN, he said. When the leaders of the Commonwealth met in Lagos in March 1966 to take stock of the situation in Rhodesia, the Indian plea was that partial economic sanctions against Rhodesia had not produced the desired result and that there was need for a total embargo on all trade. A majority of Commonwealth governments had supported this view. The Indian delegation also took the position thatif within six to seven months of the UDI, the trade and economic sanctions did not prod uce any decisive effect, further measu resshould betaken, not excluding the use of force. India had made it known thatthe difficulties faced by Zambia resulting from economic sanctions against Rhodesia were a matter of concern to it. The Government of India had indicated to Zambia its readiness to render necessary assistance for its contingency planning, The services of an expert on relief and rehabilitation of refugees had already been provided by India and arrangements had been made for the supply of steel drums for transportation of petroleum products by air. AstheRhodesian rebellion continued, India kept on criticising Britain for not us- ing force against the Smith regime. Disappointment was also expressed that because of the non-cooperative attitude of certain countries sanctions against Rhodesia as demanded by the UN Security Council had .not worked. India also kept in touch with the liberation movements, the ZimbabweAfrican National Union and Zimb'abwe African People's Union and on March 12,1970 the Government of India gave an assurance In Parliament that India would give African nations any assistance required, including military support, to liberate Rhodesia. This blank cheque promise was widely welcomed in Parliament. In the UN Decolonisation Committee, India raised its voice against UDI in Rhodesia year after year. Speaking at a meeting of the committee on October 2, 1975 an Indian delegate expressed his country's indignation that Smith in the name of talks with African leaders was trying to break the unity in the nationalist ranks. "Should we choose to be mere spectators while Smith proceeds to try and split the African National Council?" he asked, "We are convinced that a white settler minority of 270,000 persons cannot indefinitely continue to rule over nearly six million black people of Zimbabwe." India watched with interest that in the face of widening war bythe freedom fighters, rising white emigration and collapsing economy, Smith appeared to be yielding. Itwas encouraging that the Commonwealth Summit in Lusaka in August 1979 persuaded Britain to act. A demoralised Smith agreed to attend the Lancaster House Conference and Tanzania and Zambia persuaded ZANU and ZAPU, who founded the Patriotic Front, to attend the London meeting. Despite their adoption of a tough negotiating stance, it also emerged that the Patriotic Front leadership was reasonable and was prepared to accept a workable settlement, Britain passed the Zimbabwe Bill on December 7,1979 by which Zimbabwe was to be granted "fully responsible status as.a republic", and a few days later Rhodesian members of parliament voted unanimously to revert to British colonial rule, 14 years after the UDI. Itwas a matter of gratification that there was a ceasefire in Zimbabwe and in the elections held in February 1980 Robert Mugabe's ZANU won with a comfortable majority. With a pragmatic Mugabe taking over the reins of an independent Zimbabwe two months later, the white settlers accepted the new political situation with little grace, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was present in Zimbabwe, when the last British colony in Africa became independent on April 18, 1980. According to all reports President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia and Indira Gandhi received the maximum applause as they arrived for the independence celebrations. Among the singing and cheering crowds were girls of Indian origin who were performing the garba dance and lighting the arti. India's diplomatic mission, which had been withdrawn at the -time of the UDI in 1965, started functioning again from the date of independence.

South Africa And Apartheid "The United Nations began consideration of racism in South Africa in 1946, at the request of the Government of India." So runs a note introducing a July 1976 UN document against apartheid. That note succinctly indicates India's pioneering role in the world movement against apartheid. India believes with firm conviction that the policy of racial discrimination as institutionalised by the Government of South Africa, so as to subjugate the black population politically and economically for the benefit of the white minority, is repugnant to the conscience of mankind, violates the provisions of the Universal Declaration of H uman Rights and is contrary to the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations. India's struggle against apartheid is, therefore, an integral partof the wider struggle of the people of theworld against all formsof oppiession, domination, exploitation and discrimination. India's abhorrence of apartheid had been given expression to even before the struggle for national independence. The Father of the Nation, Mahatma Gandhi, had many unpleasant brushes with racism during his sojourn in South Africa and this was later a factor in his resolve to uproot imperialism from India. After being called to the Bar from the Inner Temple, Mahatma Gandhi had occasion to go to South Africa for a lawsuit. There he was broughtfaceto face with the repulsivevirulence of racism.A week after arriving in Durban in May 1883, Gandhi visited thecourtwherethe magistrate insisted that he doff his turban. Mahatma Gandhi was later attacked and thrown out of a railway carriage reserved for the whites at Maritzburg in South Africa; at Pardeburg a white policeman beat him up forwalking on a footpath reserved forthe whites; at Durban, a white mob screamed for his blood outside an official's house where he had been put up, and were it not for his chance escape, the mob would have lynched him; and at Johannesburg a white official beat him nearly to death. Gandhi soon started the first campaign of his life against racism in South Africa, He tried there, for the first time, passive resistance, a movement he later successfully employed in India's struggle for independence. The government in Transvaal had at thattime introduced a European-language test, which sought to exclude a number of Asians who wanted to enterTransvaal for the first time. It had also resurrected an old law which required a record of fingerprints as part of the procedure of registration of Asians, This legislation became the occasion, in 1908, for Gandhi's first campaign for passive resistance. The Asians in South Africa felt that the taking of fingerprints implied a criminal status, Large numbers of them went to jail for deliberate breaches of the immigration law, and much sympathy was aroused for their cause both in India and in the United Kingdom. The Transvaal government eventually agreed to enact a law which would be applicable to all immigrants, and to make at the same time administrative regulations which would permit the entry each year of a limited number of educated Asians,

Mahatma Gandhi's second and more intensified campaign of civil disobediencewas in 1913, when the new Union Government in South Africa enacted a General Immigration Act which laid additional restrictions on Asian immigrants and also curtailed the movements of Indians in that country. The large-scale breaches of the immigration restrictions which ensued resulted in numerous convictions of Asians, and strong feelings were aroused in India by their alleged ill-treatment under detention. The campaign of passive resistance was called off in 1914t when an agreement was reached between General Smuts, then Prime Minister, and Gandhi, as the resultof which all furtherimmigration of Indiansto South Africa was to be stopped and the £3 tax imposed on Asians was to be withdrawn. The struggle against racism being so intimately linked with the struggle for India's independence, it was but natural that India should later have led the war against racism in South Africa. Writing in March 1946, Gandhi said thatthe course of events had raised to a higher level the q uestion of the policy of the South African Government. This policy held the seeds of world war, he said. At the governmental level, India tried to persuade the South African Government to put an end to its racial policy. Failing in thisendeavour, the Governmentof India, In 1946, severed trade connections with South Africa and withdrew its High Commissioner from that country. This was before any other country had even considered racism an issue deserving to be protested against, The break-off in trade relations meant to India a considerable sacrifice, South Africa at that time accou nted forfive per cent of its total exports. Besides, the decision was taken at a timewhen asan emergentindependent nation, India needed all the resources atits command, especially foreign exchange to reactivate its economy, which had till then been dominated by the colonial rulers, Jawaharlal Nehru, who had just then become leader of the "Interim Govern ment", said in his first broadcast after assuming office in September 1946: "If this racial doctrineis going to betolerated, it mustinevitably lead to vastconflicts and world disaster." In October that year the UN General Assembly was convened for the first time, Here India introduced the issue o1 the unjust treatment of Indians in South Africa. Addressing the Assembly, the leader of the Indian delegation, Vijayalakshmi Pandit, said: ThewaythisAssemblytreats and disposes of this issue is open to the gaze, not only of those gathered here, but millions in the world, the progressive peoples of all countries-more particularly non-European peoples of the worldwho are an overwhelming section of the human race. The issue we have brought before you is by no means a narrow or local one, nor can we accept anycontention that a gross and continuing outrage of this kind againstthefundamental principles of the Charter can beclaimed by anyone, and leastof all by a member-state, to be a matter of no concern to thisAssembly of the world's peoples.

The bitter memories of racial doctrines in the practice of states and govern ments are still fresh in the minds of all of us. Their evil and tragic consequences are part of the problems with which we are called upon to deal. India firmly believes that imperialism, political, economic or social, in whatever part of the world it mayexist and bywhosoever it may be established and perpetuated, is totally inconsistent with the objects and purposes of the United Nations and of its Charter. During that session the General Assembly, on India's insistence, passed a resolution declaring that 'it is in the higher interests of humanity to put an immediate end to racial persecution and discrimination." it is seen that India took up the issue of racial discrimination because people of Indian origin were being discriminated against in South Africa. Butsoon it became India's concern for all non-white races with the South African Government adopting,through the Group Areas Act of 1950, racial discrimination as an official policy, separating communities on the basis of race and denying them equal rights and privileges. Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, speaking in a foreign policy debate in Parliament on December 6, said that whether It took a month or a year or more, India would never submit "to any racialism in any part of the world", The same year the United Nations adopted a resolution requesting the South African Government to stay enforcement of the Group Areas Act. South Africa, however, paid no heed to the UN resolution, a practice it was to followco nsiste ntly with regard to the world body, the racist regime kept insisting that it regarded the matter as being outside the competence of the United Nations. In 1952 India, along with 12 other member-states of the United Nations, raised the general question of "race conflict in South Africa resulting from the policies of apartheid of the Government of the Union of South Africa", At the instance of the Afro-Asian group, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution providing for the appointment of a Commission to study the racial situation in South Africa. The report of this Commission condemned the racist policies of South Africa and thus demonstrated that South Africa could not take shelter underthe excusethat it was a matter of domestic jurisdiction and not of international concern, It must be noted that during this period the United Nations was a small body. Many of the African nations, who as members of the august body now raise their voice in protest against South Africa's racist policies, could not be heard then, as, not being independent, they could bot be UN members. And the western powers, which dominated the world body, stood bythe racist policies of the South African regime, because of their heavy economic and political stakes in the richest country south of the Sahara. India, thuswasone of the fewAfro-Asian countrieswhich advanced the relentless struggle against apartheid in the United Nations. On the question of discrimination against the people of Indian origin, which continued to figure in the agenda of the United Nations, despite the adoption of resolutions by that organisation that India, Pakistan and South Africa should negotiate on the subject, no agreement could be reached, because of the non- cooperative attitude of the Government of South Africa. Between 1946 and 1962, the UN General Assembly passed 26 resolutions against the racial policies of South Africa. A resolution on the subject was also passed by the Security Council in April 1960. In the discussions held on the resolutions, the representatives of India repeatedly focussed attention on the fact that apartheid was contrary to the principles of the UN Charter, contrary to the sense of human dignityand aviolation of the rule of law and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The sleeping world was jolted Into an awakening on March 21 1960, when the South African police opened fire on a crowd of African people at Sharpeville near Johannesburg. The demonstrators were protesting peacefully against the racist passlawswhen the policefired upon them, killing 69and wounding 178. Bloodwas also shed in Cape Town and elsewhere. The reaction In Indiawas one of shock, horror, angerand grief. A publicmeeting was convened in New Delhi to mourn the Sharpeyille victims, Nehru, who addressed the meeting, compared the outrageto theJallianwala Bagh tragedy in pre-independence India, in which the British soldiers massacred a peaceful gathering of citizens. The Indian parliament passed a resolution deploring the massacre and extended its sympathy to those who had suffered as a result of this outrage, and were suffering due to racial discrimination in their own homeland. Until then, the Commonwealth did not consider domestic or bilateral issuesat its various conferences. South Africa also was a memberof this multi-racial body. But after Sharpeville, there was strong resentment In India and otherAfrican membercountries of the Commonwealth against South Africa's racist policies. At the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference held in May 1960, India raised the question of discrimination in South Africa. Nehru said: "I don't think it is possiblefor any country to follow a racial policy like that. It just cannot be tolerated," At the Commonwealth Conference in 1961, the Indian Prime Minister pointed out thatthe "main thing is that in South Africa this is the official policy; itis notthe failure of an official policy, The apartheid policy of suppression, separation and segregation is the officially declared policy of the government there.... It became a question, practically speaking, of whether a number of other countries should continue in the Commonwealth," The growing criticism of South Africa's racist policies finally forced that govenment to quit the Commonwealth. The numerous requests, recommendations, admonitions and condemnations by the United Nations, meanwhile, failed to deter the South African Government from its setcourseof racism.And so in 1962, a resolution was moved by34 memberstates, Including India, deploring the failure of the South African Government to comply with UN resolutions, The assembly passed a resolution, requesting member-states to take certain diplomatic and economic steps against the Government of South Africa, to goad it into abandoning its racial policies, India had recalled its High Commissioner from South Africa in 1946. The Indian mission was withdrawn in 1954. Until the latest UN resolution India maintained some contact with Pretoria through its mission in London mainlyto implement the various UN resolutions urging negotiations between the two countries on the question of treatment of persons of Indian origin in South Africa. In compliance with the provisions of the latest resolution, India broke off even this diplomatic contact. The Government of India also instructed the authorities concerned not to allow vesselsflying the South African flag totouch Indian seaports and to prohibit Indian ships from going to South African ports. The general ban on trade with South Africa, which was in existence since 1946 and had been extended to cover SouthWestAfrica since 1953 had allowed some itemsof cultural and religious interestto be sent through postal and other channels, Restrictions were now placed on even sending such literature bylimiting itto asmall numberof specified categories, Further, the Government of India informed the International Civil Aviation Organisation that it would not allow aircraft registered in South Africa to land at Indian airports or to overfly India. In New York, India played a leading role in the formation of the Special Committee against Apartheid set up by the General Assembly in 1963 and also made contributions to the United Nations Trust Fund formed in 1965, The Trust Fund was to provide legal assistance to persons prosecuted under discriminatory legislation, to provide relief to such persons and their dependents and to refugees from South Africa, When the United Nations in 1965 adopted a Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, India became a signatory to that Convention, The Convention laid stress on the dignity and equality of all human beings and the parties to the Convention were to undertake and pursue by all appropriate means a policy of eliminating racial discrimination in all its forms, India also allowed, in 1967, theAfrican National Congress to establish an Asian mission in New Delhi and began to extend financial and other help to this liberation movement. In 1970, when the General Assembly decided to observe 1971 as the international year for action against racial discrimination, India, through various publicity media, carried out a comprehensive programme to draw attention to the evils of apartheid and the need to combat it by all possible means, In 1972, the GeneralAssembly resolved thatapartheid constituted a total negation of the principles of the UN Charter and was a "crime against humanity". In recognition of the need for the suppression of apartheid, it adopted the International Convention on the Supression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid in November 1973. India soon formally acceded to this Convention. Along with the adoption of the Convention, the Assembly also adopted a resolution in 1973 on "A Decade of Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination". Among otherthingsit provided for the holding ofa conference "to combat racism and racial discrimination", for reviewing the steps already taken in that direction and to'consider future steps. At the World Conference against Racism held in Geneva in August 1978, India called for firm and decisive measures under the UN Charter in order to force South Africa to seethe path of sanity, and advocated mandatory measures including sanctions against export of oil, investment of capital, and the revocation of existing licences for the manufacture of arms in order to make more effective an arms embargo against that country. Other landmarks in the struggle against apartheid in the United Nations in which India along with some other countries took a leading part may be summed up here: 1965: TheGeneralAssemblyforthe firsttimecalled upontheSecurityCouncllto take action under Chapter VII of the UN Charter to tackle the problem of apartheid. 1967: The General Assembly condemned apartheid as a crime against humanity. 1968: The General Assembly recognised the right of the people of South Africa to self-determination and to majority rule on the basis of universal suffrage. 1970: The General Assembly accepted the right of the people in South Africa to end apartheid "by all means at their disposal", which included armed struggle. The racist regime of South Africa was declared illegitimate which had no right to represent the people of South Africa. 1977: The Security Council adopted a resolution on a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa, India had been opposed to the South African policy of introducing racism in sports and had always protested against racist South Africa participating in sports events, on the grounds that the Pretoria regime was hindering black sports talent from coming up while giving the best attention possible to boosting the sports talent of the whites, who constitute barely 20 per cent of South Africa's population, Along with other countries, India had been instrumental in ousting racist South Africa from world sports events like the Olympics, with the threatthat it would nottake part in any event where South Africa was represented. A test of India's sincerity in the anti-apartheid campaign came unexpectadly in late 1974 during the Davis Cup tennis matches. For the first time in the 74-year history of the Davis Cup India had a chance of carrying away the coveted trophy. Its tennis stars Vijay Amritraj and Anand Amritraj had taken India to the finals against South Africa, and the odds seemed to be very much in favour of the Amritraj brothers. However, India refused to play racist South Africa and the cup went to Pretoria bydefault. The very nextyear India saw to it thatSouth Africawas expelled from the Davis Cup tournament. It was another show of its solidarity with the African countries, when India decided to boycott the 1986 Commonwealth Games in Edinburgh. India came to the conclusion that there was no point in taking part in the Games in the light of Britain dontinuing to oppose the idea of imposing sanctions against South Africa. India feels hurt that Britain is not prepared to implement even the minimum measures which it had accepted at the Commonwealth Summit in Nassau.

The Government of India has consistently advised the people of Indian origin to identify themselves with the urges and aspirations of the peoples of the countries of their adoption, and to integrate themselves with the mainstream of those societies, On numerous occasions, Gandhi and Nehru reminded Indians abroad of their basic responsibilities towards their fellow citizens and warned them to expect no sympathy or understanding from India if they displayed racial arrogance, exclusiveness and bigotry or isolated themselves from the majority's aspirations. It is a matterof great salisfaction to New Delhi that Indians in South Africa have made common cause with other non-whites in their fight against racial discrimination. Many of the more notable freedom fighters in South Africa are of Indian origin, among them the late G.M. Naicker and Yusuf Dadoo, Ahmed Kathrada, Billy Nair and Shanti Naidoo. India was strongly opposed to the "constitutional sham" of a tri-camarel parliament, which gives democratic rights to the whites, "coloureds" and Indians, but denies such rights to the majority African population, the indigenous inhabitants of South Africa, It was because of Indira Gandhi's appeal to non-white voters to boycott such an unrepresentative constitution that came into f6rce on September 3,1984, that the Botha regime could get only a minimal support from about one million Indians and three million "coloureds". The Government of India has now come out with an executive order that those South African Indians, who contested the elections and who are known henchmen of the apartheid system, will not be allowed entry into India, India was greatly perturbed when early in 1986 African hooligans, who were the hirelingsof the Pretoria regime, attacked Indian homes and Iroperty, including the Phoenix Ashram in Durban. It was sought to be conveyed that relations between Africans and Indians were unfriendly and that a stage had come when indians would become unwelcome in South Africa. Later it emerged clearly that all the rioting had been engineered by the apartheid regime to break non-white unity. Speaking about this attempt at the anachronistic divide-and-rule policy, the Prime Minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi said in Parliament: "The manoeuvres of the South African regime must not be allowed to sow discord among the African and Asian population. This is thetimewhen all the non-white people of South Africa and even those sections among the whites who oppose apartheid should close their ranks 'and fight unitedly and vanquish the racist policies, The people of India will be with hem." The South African regime's attempts to sow dissension among Its )pponents came up for serious discussion in the Indian Parliament, Both Houses ,ondemned thevioience against the people of Indian origin in Durban and the de,truction of the institution associated with Mahatma Gandhi. The Indian Members )f Parliameritwere convinced thatthe anti-I ndian riots were instigated by the racist egime. The countries concerned with eliminating apartheid have not been slow in ippreciating India's pioneering role in this campaign. On October 5,1976, the UN ommittee againstApartheid was convened in NewYork specially to pay tribute to

India. Spokesmen from African, Asian, Latin American and the socialist countries praised India for the role it had played, beginning 30yers ago. It was the first time that the Committee, during the 12 years of its existence, had honoured a memberstate. Speaking at the session, Ambassador Leslie 0. Harriman of Nigeria and Chairman of the Special Committee, said: We in this Special Committee owe particular appreciation to India for its consistent cooperation. When this Committee began its work on April 2,1963, the very first document before it was a letter from India offering full cooperation. When this Committee appealed in 1964 for assistance to political prisoners and their families in South Africa, the very first contribution came from India.We found a response from India forevery requestwe made in the cause of the liberation of South Africa, Frank E, Boaten of Ghana, speaking on behalf of the members from African countries, said: The isolation of the racist regime of South Africa owes its origins, to a large extent, to the sacrifice made by the Government and people of India.., Unlike the majority of the European developed countries, which made pious statement of abhorrence of the apartheid system but continue to encourage the racist regime by economic and militarycollaboration, India took the extreme step by breaking diplomatic relations with that regime in complete disregard of the huge loss of revenue.., India took the leading role in assailing South Africa's institutionalised racism of apartheid, before independent black African states became members of the United Nations, It was through such efforts that the international community awakened for the first time to the reprehensible implications of the system... But for India's exemplary initiative, wewould not have had such a strong foundation uponwhichto build asuperstructure from which we have continually launched our persistent attacks on racism, racial discrimination and apartheid. Carlos T. Alzamore (Peru), speaking on behalf of the members from Latin American countries, said that India's example had inspired the leaders of the third world and would continue to be an incentive until the common goal was achieved-the total elimination of apartheid. The other representatives spoke in a similar vein. The praise is incidental, For India's campaign has not been for the limelight, but from a genuine conviction that apartheid is an intolerable affront to man's conscience. As India said in an anti-apartheid document: We have waged this battle, not to win international plaudits, but because we genuinely feel that as long as apartheid and racism remain meshed in the fabric of society, progress would remain a hollow concept. Moreover, in fighting this evil, we give substance to our most cherished values and in doing so, pay homage to the ideals of the Father of our Nation, Mahatma Gandhi. We are firmly convinced that in a world where progress and humanitarianism have become the touchstone of human development, we carhnot allow such regressive and inhuman practices to continue. India's support to the freedom struggle in South Africa is unequivocal, so is its support to those like Nelson Mandela, who are braving the, tyranny of the oppressive rulers. In fact India's admiration for Mandela who was given the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding, goes back to many years. As Indira Gandhi told the African Students Association in India on January 11, 1982: "We regard Nelson Mandela as one of the foremost proponents of freedom-freedom of man. We regard him also as a friend of India. We admire him. We have honoured him as one of our own heroes and ourthoughts are often with him and his family." Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi on July 18, 1986 greeted Mandela on his 68th birthday, which he celebrated in the Pollsmoor prison near Cape Town. In a message to Win nie Mandela, wife of the jailed nationalist leader, he said: "To the people of India and to the entire civilised world Nelson Mandela is a symbol of free human spirit. We salute the indomitable fortitude with which Mr Mandela has b.orne his personal tribulations during his long incarceration in pursuance of human rights and a majority government in South Africa." On the occasion of Mandela's birthday, RajivGandhi and hiswife witnessed a colourful programme of African songs and dances by students studying in Delhi. Today Rajiv Gandhi is following the footsteps of Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi in trying to dismantle apartheid. He rightly feels that apartheid is the root cause of all the problems in Southern Africa. For the demolition of apartheid and ushering in genuine majority rule will not only bring about peace in and around South Africa but the decolonisation of Namibia would be possible without delay. His passionate talk of an immediate end to apartheid sounds like awar cry. Now-or-never seems to be histhemeof abolishing this abominable practice. His impatience on the issue isvisible. He spares no platform where he does not condemn the Pretoria regime and its western supporters. Last year the battle drums against apartheid were sounded by Rajiv Gandhi in London, Nassau and New York. He is more than convinced that only mandatory and comprehensive economic sanctions against South Africa will bring it to its knees. It is good that he chose the Commonwealth Summit in Nassau in October 1985 as a forum to bring pressure on Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher to agree to economic measures against Pretoria. TheCommonwealth Eminent Persons Group, inwhich India was represented by former Foreign Minister Swaran Singh, was appointed under the Nassau Accord to promote a processof dialogue for ending apartheid and establishing a genuine non-racial democracy in South Africa. The EPG worked against a background of mounting turmoil within the country and increased calls for sanctions. Although the EPG report has presented a pessimistic scenario, India Is certain that the Commonwealth can produce positive results in dismantling apartheid, as itdid in defusing the Rhodesian imbroglio after its Lusaka Summit in 1979. New Delhi is not at all impressed with the British argument that sanctions against South Africa will hurt the neighbouring states and hence should not be applied. Nor does it see merit in Washington's plea that sanctions are inimical to peaceful change in South Africa. India feels that even if sanctions do hurt some countries otherthan South Africa, they are well worth the additional cost and sacrifice if they would accelerate the ending of apartheid. India asks those who are concerned about the negative effects of sanctions to provide assistance to minimise the impact. The Indian Prime Minister's suggestion during his recent visit to Mauritius of a Commonwealth economic package to offset the losses suffered by some countriesas a result olthe imposition of sanctions against South Africa isworthyof serious consideration. British Prime Minister, Mrs Margaret Thatcher has lived up to her reputation as a protector of apartheid when at the mini-Commonwealth summit early in August 1986 she refused to go along with the other six-India, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Bahamas, Canada and Australia on the question of sanctions against South Africa. While New Delhi is unhappy that she has backtracked even on the Nassau accord, RajivGandhi's role in keeping the six united and to make a common cause on additional measures of economic sanctions has been favourably commented upon. His suggestion of a machinery to monitor the application of sanctions has been accepted in principle. India is, however, satisfied that the Commonwealth has survived. Its Minister of State for External Affairs Eduardo Faleiro in fact told the Indian Parliament that the Commonwealth had emerged a stronger organisation after the mini-summit. After a lively discussion, both Houses of Parliament passed a resolution condemning apartheid, calling upon the international community to ensure its being dismantled and demanding the release of Nelson Mandela and othe1' freedom fighters. It is sad that a short-sighted and arrogant South Africa is not seeing the writing on the wall and is refusing to look atthe dangers ahead, when the people are in a revolutionary mood. The proclamation of emergency is no answer and, therefore, RajivGandhi in a message to the people of SouthAfrica oh the tenth anniversary of the Soweto uprising rightly said that the emergency was a grim reminder that the policies of the Pretoria regime had not changed. He said: "We demand an end to racism and the immediate'and unconditional release of Nelson Mandela. I am confident that ourcommon struggle will triumph and the peopleof South Africa will live in freedom." The Indian Prime Minister also sent a message to the World Conference on Sanctions against South Africa held in Paris in June 1986. He urged the international community to launch "concrete and immediate action" against South Africa. The message was read out by India's Minister of State for External Affairs Eduardo Faleiro at the opening session of the conference convened by the UN Special Committee Against Apartheid. He said: "The time for verbal condemnation is over, There should not and cannot be any encouragement to efforts for the so-called reform of the evil system of apartheid. It has to be totally uprooted and destroyed." Apartfrom its help to build up international public opinion against racism and its effort to raise the morale of the struggling masses of South Africa, India's direct support to the liberation struggle has been in the form of moral and material support to the military wing of the African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa, A number of scholarships have beeri offered to South African students on the recommendation of the ANC. India has also been contributing to the various UN funds for assistance to the victims of apartheid, to the Solidarity Fund of the Non-aligned Movement for Support to the African Liberation Movements, to the OAU Assistance Fund for Struggle against Colonialism and Racialism and to the International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa. The question of apartheid and South Africa's aggressive policies have been discussed at the various Non-aligned Summits beginning with Belgrade in 1961. Various successive summits have condemned racism and South African intransigence, which results from the support it enjoys from its western friends and allies, At the Seventh Summit of the Non-aligned Movement in March 1983 in New Delhi, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi termed the Non-aligned Movement as "history's biggest peace movement", Inaugurating the summit she said Israel "feels free to commit any outrage...." and added: "The other notorious outlaw is the South African regime, which defies the international familywith impunity. It has been rightlyobserved that the very existence of the Government of Pretoria, which institutionalised racism, negates the oneness of the human race and commits aggression against its own people and those of Namibia and other neigbours, is an affront." Indira Gandhi, in her capacity as the chairperson of the Non-aligned Movement, played a key role in the drafting of the final communique issued at the end of the New Delhi Summit, It strongly condemned Pretoria for its systematic and barbarous acts of oppression and discrimination against the overwhelming majority of the population and noted with great concern the increased acts of military, political and economic destabilisation perpetrated by the South African racist regime against the independent neighbouring states. The summit noted with indignation the Introduction by the Pretoria regime of so-called constitutional reformsand unreservedlycondemned that act "asyet anotherdevice to dividethe oppressed people of South Africa and consolidate and perpetuate apartheid and white-minority rule". Significantly, the New Delhi Non-aligned Summit condemned the US policy of

"constructive engagement" which is aimed at countering the international .campaign for the total isolation of apartheid South Africa. Deep concern was expressed about persistent reports of the attempts by some Latin American countries to form a so-called South 'Atlantic Treaty Organisation (SATO) in conjunction with the racist regime of South Africa, "The persistent efforts of the apartheid regime to acquire a nuclearweapon arsenal wereyetanother indication of its determination to maintain its dominance", the summit said. Today India sees South Africa as a strong entity with a capacity for mischief like Israel, but in a vulnerable position, becausethe country is in a revolutionary mood, The activities of the United Democratic Front and the ANC's striking capacity have so unnerved the Botha regime that it has to take shelter amidst emergency laws, Strikers in their millions are determined and they have killed the economy. The country is becoming unmanageable. The situation in South Africa is almost similar to the one that obtained in Rhodesia in 1979 when Smith had no alternative butto yield. As in the case of Rhodesia, the Commonwealth may be called upon to play a major role in defusing the South Africa situatiton. The Commonwealth can force Britain to go along with It on the question of sanctions and with such a threat of sanctions Britain can put pressure on South Africa to give up. Such a scenario mray take some time to be noticed, but it is very much in the realm of possibility. The sequence of events may not be as fast as was in the case of Rhodesia in 1979, but the time is not far when Botha may agree to release Nelson Mandela for negotiations with him and the rest of the ANC leadership. Majority rule on non-racial lines could'be the next step. Discrimination on the basis of colour will disappear. This is what India and other freedom-loving countries are waiting for and have been fighting for, As the struggle for liberation in South Africa is nearing its end and as one is beginning to see some light at the end of the tunnel, one remembers Indira Gandhi's prophetic words: "The embers of colonialism and racialism might appear to glow inthewind of change. But these are dying embers. In cooperation with othercountriesweshould continueto make all possible efforts to wipe outthese remnants of a shameful past," It is not for nothing that a medal in honour of Nelson Mandela was presented to Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi on October 22, 1985 by the Chairman of the UN Special Committee against Apartheid, Joseph Garbaof Nigeria. The medal has been produced by the Holland Committee on Southern Africa. He was also presented with a book entitled Art Against Apartheid produced by Artists of the World against Apartheid. South Africa compounds the guilt of apartheid by its illegal occupation of Namibia and aggression on Its neighbours. As Rajiv Gandhi has pointed out in his address on the observance of Africa Liberation Day in New Delhi on May 25,1986: "The evil from Pretoria looms over Southern Africa, Apartheid in South Africa underpin colonialism in Namibia, the occupation of parts of Angola, subversion in Mozambique, the overt and covert destabilisation of all the frontline states."

But he is confident that like the rest of Africa, Southern Africa will see peace, stability and progress. He has a lot of faith in the ability of the people and their urges and aspirations to overcome all odds, He told the Africa Day meeting: ",.,..I have just returned from a journey through the frontline states where I had gone to express our solidarity with them. We were enthused by the vibrant vitality of the people, impressed with their determination to consolidate their nationhood, impart fresh vigour to their culture, restructure and develop their economies. The odds they have to contend with would daunt any people of lesser cheer or weaker will." Namibia Along with the struggle for the elimination of racial discrimination, India has given its unflinching support to the decolonisation of Namibia at all forums, especially at the United Nations and in the Non-aligned Movement. When after the Second World War, the Namibian independence issue got an international outlook, India backed the plea that the mandate system had given way to trusteeship and that South Africa must understand that the UN General Assembly was the organ legally qualified to exercise those functions previously entrusted to the Council of the League of Nations. India welcomed the decision of the International Court of Justice to this effect, When in 1966 the UN General Assembly decided finally to terminate South Africa's mandate over the Namibian territory and when it became a direct responsibility of the United Nations, the Government of India welcomed the development calling it a "unique, historic and sacred" responsibility. Sincethen India hasconsidered South Africa's occupation of theterritoryas illegal and has worked ceaselessly to wrest the territory from Pretoria's stranglehold. The UN Council for Namibia is the legal administering authority and India never had any doubt that SWAPO is the "sole and authentic" representative of the people of Namibia, whose armed struggle always had New Delhi's blessings and material support. In 1978 when the UN Security Council Resolution 435 took final shape, many people were happythat finally a plan for a negotiated settlement of Namibian independence had been worked out within a framework acceptable to the Namibian people, the international community and South Africa. But the freedom-loving world was in for many a shock when South Africa started its delaying tactics by coming outwith objections and reservations on the electoral system, on the size of the UN Transition Group, on the demilitarised zone and on the role of the internal parties, the puppets of Pretoria. When, however, South Africa came out with an extraneous and irrelevant issue of the withdrawal of Cuban troop from Angola as a precondition for the independence of Namibia, India not only lost its faith in the honesty and sincerity.of the Pretoria regime bul also in the integrity of the five-nation Western Contact Group, which had helped to bring about the UN plan on Namibia. South Africa's continuing illegal occupation of Namibia is thus seen by India as a challengeto the authorityof the UN, which has direct responsibility over Namibia until its independence, Its stalling tactics, which have delayed the independence of the territory for eight long years, are designed to buy time so that it can further frustrate the possibility of SWAPO dominating the politics of the new state. Washington's open support to South Africa on the Namibian imbroglio is seen by New Delhi as a factor which hardens Pretoria's attitude. Speedy implementation of UN Resolution 435 without any precondition and reservation has been India's consistent stand. In a message to the UN-sponsored Conference on Namibia held in Paris in April 1983, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi said: Of late attempts have been made to lin k Namibia's independence with various extraneous and unrelated issues. The Conference should reaffirm that the right of the Namibian people to independence like that of any other country in the world is absolute and unfettered by irrelevant considerations. The Conference should urge the UN Security Council to act immediately to implement the plan for the independence of Namibia contained in its Resolution 435, and to impose comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa if it persists in defying the Security Council resolution, Expressing India's solidarity with the people of Namibia, she said: "India's solidarity with and the support for the brave people of Namibia under the leadership of the South-West African Peopple's Organisation, is a matter of record. I reiterate the pledge of the Government and the people of India to continue to support the freedom struggle of the Namibian people." Atthe New.Delhi Non-aligned Summit Indira Gandhi referred to South Africa as a 'notorious outlaw" but Rajiv Gandhi spoke with anger, passion, and also with sincerity, atthe Extraordinary Ministerial Meeting of the Non-aligned Movementon Namibia held in New Delhi in April 1985. He condemned South Africa's latest decision to set up a puppet "internal government" at Windhoek to perpetuate its illegal occupation of Namibia. Considering that this was an attempt to fabricate possibilities of unilateral declaration of independence, he said: "We must not let it pass," The non-aligned ministerial meeting declared a virtual war of independence for Namibia and pledged to increase military assistance to SWAPO and other frontline states in their armed struggle against the racist regime. Severance of diplomatic relations, imposition of oil embargo, pullout of and ban on investments, denial of facilities for South African aircraftand ships, and sports and cultural boycott were other elemeRts of a positive strategy the non-aligned adopted to secure Namibia's independence, The western powers were asked to display the ''necessary political will". The New Delhi declaration was seen by diplomatic observers as the most militant reaction yet by the Non-aligned Movement to the situation in Namibia.

The Indian Prime Minister, paying tribute to SWAPO, said that for 25years it had spearheaded the struggle of the Namibian people under the inspiring leadership of Sam Nujoma. He then made a splendid gesture, announcing India's decision to accord full diplomatic recognition to SWAPO. Nujoma raised his arms in joyto reciprocate the Indian decision, which was also hailed with loud applause by the non-alig ned foreign ministers assembled in New Delhi. India, the current chairman of the Non-aligned Movement, isthe first country to accord diplomatic recognition to SWAPO, which was, indeed, a short in the arm forthe latter. SWAPO viewed it as a "profound source of inspiration". Sam Nujoma paid an official visit to India in May 1986 when he was accorded honoursdueto a Head of State. He formally opened the chancery premises of the Embassy of Namibia in New Delhi. He joined Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi on the occasion of Africa Day (May25) in calling upon governments across the world to join in the struggle against colonialism, racism and apartheid. Recalling India's service to the independence of Namibia, he said that India took the initiative to abort the fraudulent attempts of General Smuts and his henchmen to annex Namibia into South Africa. "Since then India hasbeen second to none in support of the struggles in South Africa and Namibia. We thank you for everything you have done for us, Please keep it up. Forour part we will not betray ourtrust but will continue to intensify the struggle on all fronts, until final victory", he said. The opening of the Namibian Embassy in New D&1hi wasa unique event in its heroic liberation struggle. It. marked the setting up of the first diplomatic mission representing the heroic people of Namibia and symbolising their determination under the leadership of SWAPO to end the oppressive, colonial and racist regime. New Delhi has, according to observers, become a vitally important centre for the final assault on South African colonialists. In a message to the UN-sponsored International Conference on Immediate Independence for Namibia, which opened in Vienna on July 7, 1986, Rajiv Gandhi asked the international community to demonstrate the "political courage to act" and said "the UN's unconditional plan of action cannot be held hostage to the global political and economic designs of some powers and the connivance of a universally condemned regime". The message read out by Eduardo Faleiro said: "Namibia summons up theimage of a heroic fight againstexploitation, inhumanity and international double-dealing." United Nations From the very birth of the United Nations, India's consistent endeavour has been to usetheworld bodyas an instrument, which can promotefreedom and peace. At the sametime, India's attitude towards the role of the UN in liberating the peoplesof Africa, Asia and Latin America has been distinctive and in many ways unique. The first battle was over racial discrimination in South Africa, When India raised this problem in the United Nations in 1946, South Africa took shelter behind the domestic jurisdiction clause of the United Nations. India played a key role in demolishing this thesis and transforming certain other issues which were considered to be purely internal or-domestic into international concerns. On the question of decolonisation, India felt perturbed over the slow progress in this field. In collaboration with other countries, Nehru inspired the United Nations to evolve a new charter on decolonisation. The UN Charter included provisions covering two categories of colonial territories-Trust Territories and Non- selfgoverning Territories. India contended that progress towards the complete emancipation of such dependent peoples had been too slow and needed to be accelerated. The efforts of India and other freedom-loving countries led to the passing of a resolution bythe UN General Assembly in December 1970 entitled "declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples". It reaffirmed the principles in the Charter concerning fundamental human rights and the selfdetermination of peoples and called for immediate measures to tra nsfer powers to the peoples of the coldnial territories. It was a great honour for India when it was made the first chairman of the Decolonisation Committee (Committee of 24). Since then it has been an active member of the Committee, having helped to deliver many colonised people to independence. At the same time India's work on the Trusteeship Committee, the Special Committee On Non-self-governing Territories and the Fourth Committee hasearned herthe praise of the colonised people and the wrath of the imperialists. The liberation of the African peoples has been a continuous preoccupation within the four walls of the United Nations, On African issues as well as on non-African issues, India has been in close consultation with the African group at the United Nations. On questions of apartheid and Namibia, in particular, India has been generally guided by the decisions and resolutions of the Organisation of African Unity. As a matter of fact, India places a lot of importance on the OAU, non-aligned and UN resolutions on all colonial issues. The Government of India has consistently underscored the fact that the liberation struggles, especially those of the African people, present a grave threat of death and destruction. Hence if expeditious and effective steps are not taken soon to bring freedom to the colonised people it would mean increased tensions resulting in violent conflicts on a larger scale. Thereby, the world maywell lose all it hasgarnered over millennia of human intelligence, wisdom and energy, The threat of bloodshed and impending civil war in South Africa is a clear pointer to the threats which India sees to world peace today. It is for this reason that Indian leaders conceive the role of the United Nations to be far from being neutral and passive, It has urged that the UN's is a dynamic role aimed at creating conditions that would lead to peace and freedom. Speaking at the Silver Jubilee celebrations of the UN General Assembly in 1970, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi told a glittering gathering that she had come to reiterate her country's deep commitment to the principles and purposes of the UN

Charter, Ever since India became sovereign, the United Nations had occupied a pivotal position in its foreign policy. She said: All these twenty-five years we have striven to make the United Natiohs stronger, and to defend it from the corrosive effects of cynicism, We have borne burdens on its behalf, undertaking missions of peace to Korea, the Gaza and Congo. We have endeavoured to serve the cause of peace in IndoChina. We have sought to reconcile the conflicting viewpoints in this forum, And we have resisted attempts to subordinate the United Nations to powerful national wills, Indira Gandhi then underscored the role of the world body in removing the shackles of slavery for which India had also worked ceaselessly and patiently. In ringing tones she declared: The great revolutionary cycle which was set in motion by the struggles for independence, by the yearning for equality, by the search fora new meaning in life, is notyet complete, We have pledged ourselvesto complete the unfinished revolution of our times. Rekindling faith in itself, the United Nations must concern itself with this unfinished task, Vast political changes have taken place, but some countries still find themselves under the yoke of colonialism, The world o rganisation mustworkfor their liberation,Where theories of racial superiority determine governmental policies, the United Nations must work for racial equality. We cannot view with equanimity the supply of arms to South Africa. The total abolition of colonialism and racialism in every form is a prerequisite of a new world order. Soon afterthe Bandung sonference, independence came to Ghana in 1957 and Guinea in 1958 and later with astonishing rapidity, 17 former French colonies were free from colonial shackles. They were followed by Nigeria, Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya, Zambia, Malawi, Botswana and others. These lightning changes delighted Nehru and other leaders of India, Portuguese territories, having paid a heavy price in blood, also won their independence in the seventies. India rejoiced over the notable national victories of the freedom fighters in Angola, Mozambique and Gui nea-Bissau. Rhodesia also is now free. But the hard core of colonialism and racialism remains embedded in Southern Africa, The picture, therefore, is not complete as yet. The story of racial overlordship is still being told. South Africa is still undercolonial bondage, Racialism inside South Africa is like a festering sore. Namibians are crying for freedom. South Africa's neighbours wish to live in peace and cherish the hope that the former can be disciplined. The United Nations has a major role to play in Southern Africa by putting brakes on the racist regime's colonial and aggressive designs, The demand by India and other non-aligned countries for sanctions against 48

South Africa under Chapter VII of the UN Charter is a just one, Only sanctions can bring South Africa to its knees and force it to bring about a genuine majority rule in South Africa and the decolonisation of Namibia. If the western supporters do not agree to impose sanctions, the subcdntinent of South Africa will become a theatre of bloodshed. To end colonialism and racialism at any cost, India and other countries are strengthening the hands of the liberation movements to step up the armed struggle, the only other alternative. The indomitable spirit of Africans will eventually prevail and end the agony through a long-drawn bloody era. The United Nations alone can see this tragedy avoided, because Southern Africa is in ferment and there is an irresistible urge for freedom. On the 40th anniversay of the United Nations, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi on October 24, 1985 paid tribute to the international otganisation and said that without it many liberation movements would not have succeeded. Yet, in frustrantion and anguish he said: "Twenty-five years have passed since the UN Declaration of freedom for colonies and seven years since the Security Council unanimously spelt out the steps for Namibia's independence. Seven years of deprivation. Seven years of death. The world awaits an independent Namibia."

Political Relations After the advent of India's independence In 1947 and with the emergence of African nations on the international scene, Indo-African relations were greatly enriched each year with scores of political level exchanges, many of them at the summit level, Since India and the countries of Africa share common values of peace, freedom and progress, there has been a complete identity of views on international issues that have over the years created tension and turmoil. On the questions of Southern Africa, Arab-Israel dispute, Indian Ocean and disarmament in particular, India and the Organisation of African Unity, which reflectsthe political aspirations of theAfrican countries, have been on a similar political wavelength. A cursory glance at the resolutions of the OAU and the joint communiques issued at the end of the visits to African leaders to India and of Indian leaders to Africa will clearly bear out the authenticity of the above statement. Apart from political understanding, the exchange of visits has also let to agreements of economic cooperation. The Arab countries of Africa have always appreciated India's support to the Arab and Palestinian cause, which means condemnation of Israel's aggressive and expansionist policies and Israel's defiance of world opinion in not vacating the Arab lands it has forcibly occupied, a demand made by the United Nations, the League of Arab States and the Organisation of African Unity, The Government of India's diplomatic recog nition of the Arab League's office in New Delhi in 1965 provoked Zionist indignation to such an extentthat itled an influential Israeli newspaper to demand that Israel and the Jewish organisations in the world reconsider their attitude towards the Government of India. What annoyed the Israeli mouthpiece the most was the fact that India was the only non- Arab countrywhich had granted diplomatic recognition to the Arab League, It was also pointed out in that article that the Government of India had cancelled the visits of some of its nationals to Israel and permission to celebrate Israel's Independence Day in the Indian capital was not granted, During her State visit to Cairo in October 1967, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi stronglycondemned the Israeli attack on Egyptand asked forthe withdrawal of the Jewish forces from the occupied Arab land and demanded the reopening of the Suez Canal.The press in Cairo described her as"one of thesymbols of peace in the world". India has been strongly opposed to the secession movements in Africa, particularly in Zaire, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Chad and the Sudan. It has time and again condemned the nefarious activities of the white mercenaries in Zaire, Guinea, Senegal and the Seychelles. On the question of border disputes in Africa, New Delhi has always appealed to the neighbouring belligerent nations to solve their disputes through peaceful negotiations without outside interference. In general terms, India welcomes African solutions to African problems. As an uncompromising champion of freedom and a vehement opponent of colonialism and racialism. India has been an unequivocal supporter of the liberation movements, SWAPO, ANC and P.olisario, in particular. I ndia feels that resort to armed struggle for liberation is an honourable cause, which receives the Government of India's moral and material support. Speaking on the occasion of Africa Day, 1986, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi said: "We are honoured to have with us on Africa Day one of Africa's bravest freedom fighters: Sam Njoma. He personifies the qualities for which the African struggle has earned renown throughout the world, unflinching courage and unwavering commitment, dedication, endurance, discipline; and the will to victory." India welcomed the birth of the Organisation of African Unity in Addis Ababa in May 1963, The successive Indian Ambassadors in Ethiopia have maintained extremely cordial relations with the OAU secretariat in the Ethiopian capital. Africa Day (May 25) is celebrated each year in New Delhi as Africa Freedom- cum-Africa Unity Day. A high-powered OAU team led by Tanzanian Foreign Minister John Malecela paid a five-day official visit to New Delhi in March 1975. The team had extensive discussions with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and officials of the Ministry of External Affairs. The liberation struggle in Africa, Malecela explained, was inspired by Mahatma Gand hi, who was the first to raise the banner against apartheid and Africans owed a debt of gratitude to Jawaharlal Nehru also, who blazed a trail for the subject people all over the world. The main purpose of the OAU delegation's visit he said, was to thank the Government and the people of India at this hour of triumph for the African liberation movements, which India had supported politically and aided materially in the past. The team was also exploring the prospects of Indian assistance to the emerging nations in the task of nation-building. Malecela said that the OAU planned to utilise the services of Indian engineers, doctors, teachers and other trained personnel for the Portuguese colonies of Africa readying themselves for independence during thatyear. He disclosed that a large numberof Portuguese experts and tech nicallyq uaified people had deserted their posts in Mozambique, Angola and other Portuguese colonies owing to their unwillingness to serve a free African regime, or out of fear of retaliation for their past misdeeds. Characterising India as a nation that was "more developed among the developing nations", the leader of the OAU team appealed to the people of India to come forward to cooperate with these newly emerging nations in their current difficulties. The Indian Prime Minister, he said, was sympathetic to the idea of helping the former Portuguese colonies, The United Nations is the best place for seeing India and Africa work closely on all matters of interest to the international community, especially on subjects which relate to freedom and peace. The similarity of views is astonishing, much to the discomfort of some western countries. During the past three years of India's chairmanship of the Non-aligned Movement, Indian representatives at the UN have seen to it that that Non-aligned Movement and the Africa group keep up the regular process of consultations at all levels. Thrs has become an important factor in the functioning of the UN system, so much to the advantage of the developing countries. As itis, India sees clearlythat the numerical strength ofthe OAU,which is nearlyone-third thestrength of the United Nations, gives so much prestige and importance to Africa. It is well worth noting that the Africa group at the UN shows remarkable unity on matters relating to Southern Africa. The issue of racism unites all the countries in the continent as no other single issue does. It is very much to India's liking when it sees theAf rica group at th UN presenting texts of possible positions which serve as the basis of the non-aligned declarations and resolutions. It also needs recalling that the mood in Africa around the time of the New Delhi Non-aligned Summit was one of anger against the United States. President Ronald Reagan had, just prior to the summit described South Africa as a "friend and ally", and an aroused African group insisted on a stronger language in the resolution on Southern Africa submitted to the summit. This suited the Indian and non-aligned strategy. India has watched with admiration the identification of the African continent as a whole with non-alignment, one half the numerical strength of the movement. It serves the cause of peace, India feels, when Africa gives a firm anti-colonial and anti-racial content to the movement. At the same time as the continent with the largest number of least developed countries, Africa gives impetus to the demand for a New International Economic Order. India thus feels that Africa is the acid test of the success of the International efforts towards a new order based on equality and human dignity. For India, therefore, the African continentwill always remain a region of veryspecial concern. And Africans see India asa friend in need. India and Africa thus fulfil all the tests of friendship. India's respect for the political leaders of Africa is evident from the fact that four worthy sons of Africa have been honoured with the coveted Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding. They are President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, South African freedom fighter Nelson Mandela and President Leopold Senghor of Senegal. The award was instituted by the Government of India in 1965 as a tribute to the memory of Jawaharlal Nehru for his life-long dedication to the cause of peace and international understanding. Receiving the award on January 25,1975, President Kaunda called upon the third world cou ntries to work more closely to meet the international economic crisis and to further the aims and objectives of sovereignty and freedom of nations in a genuinely interdependent and peaceful world. "The grave crisis of our times requires the vision, wisdom, courage and determination of a Jawaharlal Nehru", he said. 52

Expressing his deep senseof honour at receiving the award, the Zambian leader spoke with feeling and reverence of the path of non-alignment shown by Nehru and his followers. The path of a new social and political order had a major role in averting a third world war as tensions raged in those days of cold war. Nehru, Nasser and Tito could have chosen the easy way out by -accepting one nuclear umbrella or the other, but they braved hostility and evolved their own policy which gave accent to peace, freedom, non-alignment and sovereignty of free nations, he said. Prime minister Indira Gandhi read out a citation which hailed Kenneth Kaunda as a freedom fighter and a compassionate human being, who became a tireless champion of African unity and freedom and lent moral and material support to the liberation movements of Africa. The citation read: "In the life of every nation, there are occasions when its ethos is identified with one man who rises above oppression, degradation and wages a struggle againstthem, and by hissufferings and sacrifices inspires his fellowmen to liberate themselves. Such a man is Kenneth Kaunda, the founder of modern Zambia." The citation noted that Dr Kaunda rose above the indignities he suffered at the hands of the colonial rulers. It spoke of his relentless fight for the freedom of his people and adherence to non-violence and universal freedom. "Society, as Dr Kaunda sees it, should be man-oriented without prejudice of colour, creed or religion, Not tensions and confrontation but cooperatin and understanding among different peoples must form the basis of the new society envisioned by Mr Kaunda. President Kaunda's path will ensure peace and build bridges of understanding and tolerance among different peoples." The citation said Dr Kaunda's "humanism transcends parochial and racial boundaries embracing all mankind".The Zambian,President was hailed as a "man of vision, an internationalist of greatstature, a humanist in whom Jawaharlal Nehru saw a kindred spirit". "In honouring him today, we recognise that like Jawaharlal Nehru, Kenneth Kaunda is committed to the same belief and ideals which will prevail for generations to come", the citation said. President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, who presented the award to the Zambian President paid tributes to his indomitable spirit, his love for his people and hisfight for all subjugated mankind. President Ahmed said both Kaunda and Nehru were men of intense compassion. They envisaged a world without war, a world without want and aworld of universal brotherhood,where mankind could live in peace and harmony. The President of Tanzania, Julius Nyerere, was presented the 1973 Nehru Award at a glittering function in New Delhi, on January 17, 1976. The presentation had been delayed by three years as it had not been possible for Nyerere to visit the Indian capital earlier. The Prime Ministerof India, Indira Gandhi in a brief address before delivering the citation, said that Julius Nyerere had played a part in the formation of her own personality as she had known him as a friend, a friend of hIer father and as one whose understanding of world problems was a lesson to all. In the citation, she described Dr Nyerere as a man of vision, a man of action and a man of compassion who would liketo light a candle on top of Mount Kilimanjaroto bring hope and faith to those in despair. In honouring him, the people had dedicated themselves to the ideals of Jawaharlal Nehru once again. Presenting the award, President Ahmed said that Nyerere was one of the outstanding leaders of resurgentAfrica and one of the foremost champions of human rights. It was fitting thatthiseminent fighter against racialism and colonialism and staunch champion of Afro-Asian unity and cooperation should be honoured with an award instituted in the name of a great emancipator of mankind. Addressi ng the gathering after receiving the award, the Tanzanian leadercalled for the establishment of a new world economic order based on international justice, which he said, was the only way towards greater equality of mankind, Stressing the basic unity of mankind, Nyerere said the working of the economic systems created by man had caused exploitation of some by others. This had led to gross inequalities In the world, economic, political and social, which had to be fought. The first necessityfor this was a deliberate transfer of wealth from the rich to the poor nations and a series of changes in the world finance and exchange system. This had to be coupled with the development of respect forthe humanityof the individual, both nationally and internationally, Nyerere added. He said the first responsibility of the poor nations was to arouse and channel the power of their people to further their own development and not the profit of. the few. Condemning racialism in all its forms, President Nyerere said that the onlyway to root it out from the minds of men was to challenge its organised State expression, The nations of the world had to unite to take positive action to defeat the tyranny based on race as it was a challenge to all mankind, The unity of mankind could no longer be denied, he added and this was perhaps the greatest achievement of man today. Even in societies where economic inequalities existed, this situation was not regarded with pride. Only in one country did they pretend that the species of homo sapiens was divided into men and submen. Colonialism must be totally rejected as a system of political organisation, he said, The Tanzanian President received a standing ovation from his audience as he concluded his hour-long speech with the words: "Our path lies.., through the development of all human beings regardless of race, colour, culture or creed." The Nehru Award for the year 1979 was conferred on Nelson Mandela in recognition of his fight against oppression and racial prejudice, Theyear 1979 had been designated by the UN as "Anti-apartheid Year" and thus Mandela was the right choice for the Nehru Award. India was hoping that Nelson Mandela would be released so that he could come to New Delhi to receive the award, failing which New Delhi was keen to welcome his wife Winnie, But because of the noncooperation of the authorities in Pretoria, ANC President Oliver Tambo travelled to India to take part in the award-giving ceremony on November 14,1980. Presenting the award, President Sanjeeva Reddy of India said: "The conferment of the award is a reiteration of India's unflinching support to the African people in their fight against apartheid, racialism and colonialism." Tambo opened his speech at the ceremony with the observation that "thevast majorityof the people of South Africa regard this day in New Delhi as a national obcasion forthem". In a moving speech on the occasion, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi said: "Mandela is with us in spirit as is my father." Winnie Mandela has hailed India's decision to boycott the 1986 Commonwealth games. In a letter to Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, she said: "You can imagine the rejoicings at Soweto," She expressed gratitude for India's solidarity with the oppressed South African people and for leading the world in honouring her husband. She thanked the Indian Prime Minister for his birthday greeting to her husband, who is languishing in jail for his relentless struggle for the country's freedom and said: "The warmth. love and solidarity of the people of India give us courage and strength to stand up and walk upright under the load of apartheid and continue the bitter struggle against the inhuman regime." India's President Zail Singh conferred the 1982 Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding on Leopold Sedar Senghor, former President of Senegal on December 12,1984. At a function held in New Delhi with a distinguished gathering present, the President recalled the rich contribution made by Senghorto international understanding and world peace. He was a poet, teacher, philosopher, statesman and an ardent promoter of universal brotherhood. "A great supporter of national independence and international cooperation based on mutual respect and tolerance, he has spoken consistently and in an unwavering voice, for freedom, racial equality, African unity, world peace and international cooperation." Receiving the award Serighor said: "Thejuryof theJawaharlal Nehru Award has honoured me by bestowing on tre this coveted award. I have appreciated this all the more because my teachers at Sorbonne had taught me to admire Indian civilisation when I was a student." The citation honouring Senghor at the award ceremony said: The world community owes a special debt of gratitude to Senghor. He hasenriched our lives with the magic of his words, the enchantment of his images, the acuity of his insights and the magnitude of his visions. No one would have been prouder today to find his name linked with that of Leopold Sedar Senghor than Jawaharlal Nehru forwhom the emancipation of Africa, as that of all nations subjected to colonial domination marked the most significant development in the troubled history of this century, At the official diplomatic, level, India has rapidly established and expanded its diplomatic commercial and consular relations with independent countries of Africa. Resident Indian Missions now exist in Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Morocco, Mozambique, Nigeria, Senegal, Somalia, Seychelles, Sudan, Tunisia, Uganda,

'Tanzania, Zaire, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Non-resident Indian Missions cover Benin, Botswana, Burundi, Cameroon, Comoros, Cape Verde, Chad, Congo, Central African Republic, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Lesotho, Liberia, Mall, Mauritania, Sierra Leone, RWanda, Swaziland, Togo and Upper Volta. An office of the Commissioner of India has been established at Mombasa and consulates at Djibouti, Sierra Leone, Port-Said and Zanzibar, Development of commercial and economic ties with countries of their accreditation is one of the most important function of these Missions, whether or not they have a separate commercial wing. Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Liberia, Libya, Mauritius, Morocco, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, Tunisia, Uganda, Tanzania, Zaire, Zambia and Zimbabwe have established resident diplomatic missions in India. The record of the visits of the Indian leaders to Africa and of the African leaders to India during the past 25 years is quite impressive, These visits not only enabled the leaders to discuss matters of mutual interest, but also demonstrated India's abiding interest in peace and progress of the African countries. Through these visits India has also underlined its traditional interest in Africa's major political cause, namely, elimination of the remaining vestiges of colonialism and racialism. Astothevisitsof Indian leaders, Indira Gandhiwas received in EastAfrica in 1961 in her capacity as the President of the Indian National Congress. Jawaharlal Nehru visited Egypt thrice and Nigeria in 1962. Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri was in Cairo for the Non-aligned Summit in September 1964. In her capacity as Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi paid visits to Egypt in 1966 and 1967, Zambia in 1970 forthe Non-aligned Summit, Algeria in 1973 again forthe Non-aligned Summit, Kenya, Mozambique and Mauritius in 1982 and Libya and Tunisia in 1984. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi paid a State visit to Algeria and Egypt in 1985 and in 1986 his African safari took him to Zambia, Zimbabwe, Angola, Tanzania and later to Mauritius. Indian Vice-President Zakir Hussain visited Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia in 1964 and President S. Radhakrishnan was received in Ethiopia and Egypt in 1965. President Fakhruddin All Ahmed paid State visits to three African countries, Ethiopia, Tanzania and Zambia in 1972. Vice President B.D. Jattiwenton an official visit to Tanzania in 1975. Another Indian President Sanjeeva Reddy's African tour took him to Kenya and Zambia in 1981. President Zail Singh visited Mauritius in 1984 for the 150th anniversary of Indian immigration to that country, Apartfrom that a number of Indian foreign ministers have been paying visits to a number of African countries. A good many Indian mihisters have also visited Mauritius, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, and Algeria for periodic meetings of the Joint Commissions. During these visits India has reiterated its preparedness to share with the countries of Africa the experience gained in the process of Its own development. Various agreements and protocols covering trade, economic, technical, scientific and cultural cooperation were also signed during these official visits,

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1. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi with friends outside his office in Durban, South Africa, 1913. 2. Jawaharlal Nehru. Gamal Abdel Nasser and Josip Broz Tito in Belgrade, 1961. 3. Gamal Abdel Nasser, Josip Broz Tito and Jawaharlal Nehru in Belgrade, 1961. 4. Dr. Oliver Tambo,'President o the African National Congress of South Alrica being received by Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, New Delhi, 1983, 5. Ciloyen Kengo wa Dondo, First Stale Commissioner of Zaire with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in New Delhi, 1983. 6. Marshal Samora Machel, President of Mozambique being received by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in New Delhi, 1983. 7, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi with President Denis Sassou-Nguesso of Congo, New Delhi, 1983. 8. Sam Nujoma, President o1 SWAPO, President Kaunda. President Nyerere and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in New Delhi, 1983, 9. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi with President Ahmed Sekou Toure, New Delhi, 1983. 10. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi with President Julius Nyerere, New Delhi, 1983. 11. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi with delegates cf the Nonaligned Coordinating Bureau Meeting, Now Delhi, 1986. 12, Sam Nuloma with SWAPO delegation at the Extraordinary Ministerial Meeting ot Coordinating Bureau ol Nonaligned countries on Namibia. New Delhi, April 1985. 13. Sam Nujoma, President of SWAPO being greeted by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Yasser Arafat, Chairman, Palestine Liberation Organisation at the commemoration of the 25th Anniversary of SWAPO, New Delhi, April 1985. 14. Prime Minister Rajiy Gandhi at the Exlraordinary Ministerial Meeting of Coordinating Bureau ot Nonaligned countries on Namibia. New Delhi, April 1985. 15, Sam Nuloma, President of SWAPO with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, New Delhi, 1986. 16, Sam Nujoma, President ot SWAPO hoisting the flag at Embassy of SWAPO of Namibia, New Delhi. 17. Sam Nujoma, President of SWAPO with Eduardo Faleiro, Minister of State for External Aflairs during the opening ot the Embassy ot SWAPO of Namibia, New Delhi, 1986. 18 Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi with President Kenneth Kaunda in Lusaka, 1986. 19, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi with Prime Minister Robert Mugabe on arrival at Harare. 1986. 20. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi with President Jose Eduardo dos Santos in Luandi. 1986. 21, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi with President Jose Eduardo dos Santos on arrival at Luanda, 1986. 22, Prime Minister Raliv Gandhi at the Agostinho Nato Memorial Luanda, 1986. 23. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi with President Ali Hassan Mwinyi on arrival at Dar-es-Salam, 1986. 24. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi being welcomed by Prime Minister Aneerood Jugnauth in Por Louis, 1986. 25, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi with elder statesmen Julius Nyerere, Dar-es- Salam, 1986.

As to African leaders, President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana was the ffrst to pay a Statevisitto India in the 50's. But it wasonly in the mid-60'sthat India stalted playing host to a number of African Heads of State and Government. Uganda's Milton Obote, then Prime Minister, visited India in 1965, followed by Sudanese President Sayed Ismail el Azhari in 1967 and Emperor HaileSelassie of Ethiopia in 1968. President Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire and President Leopold Senghor came to India in 1973 and 1974 respectively. In 1975, New Delhi welcomed President Kenneth KaundaofZambiawho cameto Indiato receivethe Nehru Award and Prime Minister Rashidi Kawawa of Tanzania. President Seretse Khama of Botswana was welcomed in 1976 and the same year President Julius Nyerere came for the Nehru Award. Among the freedom fighters SWAPO President Sam Nujoma honoured India in 1978 with a visit, The Zambian Prime Minister Daniel Lusilo came to New Delhi in the year 1979. The eighties saw the beginning of an era of warmer Indo-African understanding, when more nd more African leaders started honouring India. In 1980, India welcomed President France Albert Rene of the Seychelles, President Mobutu of Zaire and President Kaunda of Zambia. ANC President Oliver Tambo visited New Delhi in 1980 for receiving the Nehru Award on behalf of Nelson Mandela. in 1981, India had the privilege to receive President Sekou Toure of Guinea, President Daniel Arap Moi of Kenya, President Nyerere of Tanzania, President Kaunda and Prime Minister Roberl Mugabe of Zimbabwe. The year 1982 was marked by visits to India from President Chadli Benjeddel of Algeria, President Quett Masire of Botswana, President Hilla Liman of Ghana, President Samora Machal of Mozambique and President Didier Rasirika of Madagascar. President Hosni Mubarak, President Shehu Shagari of Nigeria, SWAPO President Sam Nujoma and ANG President Oliver Tambo also paid visits to India. President Senghor came for the Nehru Award in 1985 and in 1986 Chairman Mengistu Haile-Mariam of Ethiopia, President Rene of Seychelles, SWAPO leader Nujoma and ANC leaderTambo have been received by India. Mention must also bb made of the fact that in view of the special Indo-Mauritian relations, Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam and Aneerood Jugnauth have visited their country of origin on a number of occasions. New Delhi never had the privilege of seeing so many African Heads of State and Government as in 1983.Theycame in large numbers forthe Non-aligned Summit In March that year and in November for the Commonwealth Summit. Political level exchanges have undoubtedly brought India andAfrica closer and have helped to forge cooperative bonds, The people of India and those of Africa are no more strangers. It is observed that today India's image as a champion of freedom and as a firm believer in the third world getting its due share is rather bright. But it is felt that India's existing friendly relations with the countries of Africa should be further strengthened through economic and technical cooperation. South-South cooperation is considered a must for the gigantic effort to overcome poverty, hunger and underdevelopment. The complementarlties obtaining in Indianand African economies present atremendous scope for mutually beneficial cooperation. It is good to see that steps are being taken in this direction at theofficial level.

Economic Cooperation Political independence is no doubt important, but it Is well recognised that economic strength is required to safeguard it, Ga'ndhi and Nehru always emphasised that freedom does not connote mere political independence,but economic welfare and social justice. Economic independence has also been looked upon as an urgent precondition for the success.of an independent foreign policy. Indira Gandhi rightly affirmed: "Freedom is the starting point." Apart form striving to bring to completion the process of decolonisation in Africa, India would like to see stability and economic prosperity in the continent, With its limited resources whatever little contribution India can make or is making towards the well-being of Africa stems from its genuine desire to strengthen the roots of the hard-won independence in the neighbouring continent. To the newly liberated countries of Africa, the scope and dimension of India's support was enunciated by Indira Gandhi in these words: "We are not a rich country. Nor can we compete with the affluent and developed nations in giving help. but we would like to share our experience and our skills with those whom we call our friends." In looking at India's political support and economic assistance, one must keep in mind its fundamental approach, India has desired to appear as a friend and ally and not as an exploiter; to work with and not order about; to inform not to advise; to explain, not to sermonise; to share and exchange knowledge and experience, not hand it out, determinedly shunning the temptation to take part in what Julius Nyerere calls the "second scramble for Africa", More specifically on the subject of mutual cooperation, Indira Gandhi told the Non-aligned Summit in Lusaka: The spirit of freedom goes hand in hand with the spirit of equality. Beyond the political problems of the unfinished revolution, there are complex and difficult economic tasks, However, a realistic appraisal of our natural resources, our capacities and our competence reveal the possibility of ourworking together to reduce our dependence on those.who do not respect our sovereignty so that economic leverage for thinlydisguised political purposescannot be used against us. Neo-colonialism has no sympathywith our efforts to achieve selfreliance, It seeks to perpetuate our position of disadvantage, International markets are so manipulated that primary producing countries have a permanent handicap, The levers of technology also are operated against us through unequal collaboration and royalty agreements. Hence, we have to redouble our effort to gain for each nation the opportunity to develop to its full stature. The primary responsibility rests upon each developing country, but we also owe a duty to one another. The fallacy, that there is no complementarity between our economies, has so far made it difficult to realise the undoubted potential of mutual cooperation. There is greater complementarity amongst our economies than between the economies of developed nations. Yet, advanced nations have been more successful in forming instruments of cooperation amongst themselves and our own effort in this direction has not even begun. The potential of trade and economic cooperation amongst us has been left virtually unexplored. By meeting each other's needs, wewould diversifyourtrade, safeguard it against the caprices of international commerce, and reduce our dependence on middle-men and brokers. South-South cooperation and collective self-reliance among the developing countries is considered by India as a positive strategy to deal with the developed countries from a position of strength and confidence in its pursuit of North-South dialogue, Inaugurating the Seventh Non-aligned Summit in New Delhi, Indira Gandhi picked up the theme more boldly: "Each of our countries must strengthen its domestic base of science and technology and collectively we should devise a more effective mechanism for pooling our experiences. Earlier non-aligned gatherings have considered this subject. At this summit let us move forward to make collective self-reliance a reality." But for development every developing country must look into its own national conditions, genius and ethos, Imported models for development are not what we require. Nor is our dependence on high-cost technologies of the affluent, At the New Delhi Non-aligned Summit, Indira Gandhi, therefore, emphasised that developing countries must pursue "effective cooperation in agriculture, irrigation, research in plant varieties, public health, technical training and small industries". The principle once laid down in another context by Julius Nyerere regarding the kind of help required may well be kept in mind: When we ask for technical assistance wp are almost always offered very highpowered expert advisers with the very reasonable condition that we should provide a "counterpart" who will absorb the wisdom made available to us. The trouble is that we do not desperately need exceptionally clever people, save in very rare and special cases. What we do need very badly are practical people who know their job and who will come and work with our people while theytrain them, and who are willing to taketlxcecutive responsibility under the direction and control of our Government where necessary. The worldrenowned expert is often an embarrassment to us. President Nyerere inaugurating the non-aligned inter-regional programme of cooperation inGeorgetown (Guyana) on September 13, 1974 called upon third world countries to seek India's economic cooperation and technical assistance for meeting their needs. He urged poor countries to help each other saying that "the real economic partners of the poor are the other poor". He added, however: "Despite the fact that India had made great strides in the manufacture of simpler type of capital equipment, do any of us investigate whether our wants can be met from that country before we place an order in Europe or America?" Nyerere's call to other developing countries to look to India for economic cooperation was made because he real ises that there are similarities of socio- economic conditions and cooperation is mutually beneficial, He is, therefore, a wellknown advocate of economic cooperation between India and the newly independent countries of Africa. More so, because the economies of most of the African countries have registered a perceptible decliine in the past decade or-so. Apart from the direct effect of oil price increases, Africa has also been hit by the recession in the industrialised countries resulting in the fall in prices of primary commodities, both mineral and agricultural. Inflationary pressure and the debt burden have made things worse for the continent, which is struggling hard to balance its trade. India has noted with grave concern that during the past manyyears, Africa's agriculture production has been on decline, resulting in large Imports of foodgrain, Drought in manycountries and scanty rainfall in most others have aggravated already serious food production problems. The stark reality of the shortage of food resulted in acute famine in countries like Ethiopia, Sudan, Somalia, Chad, Mauritania and other Sahel countries of West Africa. While India is keen to share the experiment of its successful Green Revolution with the countries of Africa, it is good to note that the realityof the economid situation drove Africa to place more reliance on Its own Initiatives, The most important summit of the Organisation of African Unity, with special emphasis on the continent's economic situation, was held in Lagos on April 28, 1980, President Sheh.u Shagari of Nigeria opened the meeting by saying: "This meeting is the signal for Africa'sstruggle for economic independence. Itwill be a long battle, buta battle we are determined to win, forwe know that without political independence it is Impossible to achieve economic independence; and without economic power political independence is meaningless, incomplete and insecure," The principal achievement of the summit was the adoption of a plan to create an"African Common Market" by the year 2000. The idea had originated at the OAU summit of July 1979 in Monrovia,when the OAU Secretariat had been asked to produce "guidelines and measures for national and collective self- reliance". The other important economic objectives of the Lagos Plan of Action were: -self-sufficiency In food production; -creation of efficient African communication links' -promotion of intra-African trade' and -creation of an energy common market by the year 2000. The African determination to pull itself out of the economic chaos is an* encouraging trend and this encourages and propels India to promote coopera- tion with the countries of Africa on bilateral as well as multilateral level, India's desire to cooperate with Africa takes a positive dir ension because its experience in planned development is relevant to Africa. No African has ever pointed out that it is an imported model. On the other hand one hears many African leaders say: "When India can do it, why not Africa." Finding the responsefrom Africa positive, economic cooperation has become a strong underlying theme with India in its international relationship for the past few years. In fact India took the initiative in sponsoring economic cooperation as an integral programme amongst the non-aligned countries and in helping to build up the Group of 77 within UNCTAD. India has noted that theAlgiers Charterfashioned out by the Group of 77 reiterates the need for the developing countries to promote maximum cooperation amongst themselves, so that the responsibility for development is shared to the maximum extent by them. In concrete terms, India conceives economic cooperation with the countries of Africa in a broad four-tier set-up: balanced trade, joint ventures, technical assistance, and consultancy. The base for fruitful cooperation is, of course, set by exchange of commodities and products. International trade also plays a vital role in getting together countries geographically apart and creating in them a sense of belonging. The mutuality of interests generated by close and increasing trade exchanges tends to influence countries to work in cooperation in other fields as well. But confining the exchanges between independent countries to the field of trade alone may prove unequal at times. If, however, on this foundation the growing superstructure of technical assistance, joint collaboration etc. is. also built up, what results is an integral pattern of relationship strong enough to sustain short- term strains and yet dynamic enough to propel an ever-widening circle of close interdependence-a feeling of partnership. That is what India is trying to achieve with the friendly countries of Africa, Signing of trade agreements with a number of African countries bears testimony to the desire for mutual cooperation, Trade Linkage The dimension of commercial exchanges between India and Africa is getting steadily widened, although it is depressing to note thatthetrade figure is on the decrease. The present-day economic crisis of Africa leading to critical shortage of hard currency has much to do with this trend, India is no more an exporter of old traditional items, the primary products, but has taken to the export of manufactured goods, some of them as sophisticated as those available in the West. The seven groups of manufactured good, engineering products, iron and steel, cotton manufactures and textile products, jute goods, chemicals and pharmaceuticals, tobacco manufactures and certain kinds of food products, account for the major bulk-over 80 per cent-of India's exports to Africa.

The items India imports from Africa are also limited in numbers and quantity. These are precious and semi-precious stones, particularly diamonds, edible oils, raw cotton, phosphates, copper, zinc, raw cashew and dyeing and tanning materials. They are all crucial items and any reduction in their imports is likely to cause a slowdown in India's industrial production. India's major trading partners are Algeria, Botswana, Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Libya, Malawi, Mauritius, Morocco, Mozambique, Nigeria, Sudan, Tanza-nla, Tunisia, Uganda, Zaire, Zambia and Zimbabwe. It is a cause for concern to India that its trade with the Francophone countries is almost negligible, although efforts have lately been made to enter these markets, with some encouraging success. It is noteworthy tlhat although Indo-African commericial ties are age-old and significant endeavours have been made towards increasing mutuaily beneficial trade likns, much more needs to be done. Thefigures of trade hardly near any relationship with either the needs or requirements of the countries of the continent, or the capacity and capability of India, India's share of exports to Africa is just about four percentof its total exports and of imports from Africa is less than two per cent. TABLE I Indo-African Trade* (Rs million) Exports Imports Balance of Trade 1976-77 1432.1 1672.7 +240.6 1977-78 1987.4 1979.7 +7.8 1978-79 1850,4 982.8 + 867.6 1979-80 2023.6 1616.4 +407,2 1980-81 2702,5 1452,2 + 1250.3 1981-82 2960.9 1229.7 + 1731.2 1982-83 2527.9 1686,7 + 841.2 1983-84 1864.4 3135.6 -1271,2 1984-85 1884.4 2220,4 - 336,0 1985-86 480.9 490,6 - 9.6 (April-June) *Relates to African countries, South of Sahara India, it appears, has not tapped the African markets fully, A good many items thattheAfrican countries keep importing can easily be supplied by India. Africans are also not in the knowof the potential of India. This communication gap has to be filled. In food and beverages, light engineering products like nuts and bolts, fans, sewing machines, electrical and electronic goods and machinery and equipment, which form a considerable. position of Africa's Imports, India, over the years, has developed tremendous capacity and has comparative cost advantage. These products are even finding markets in the West,

It is good to see that India is making efforts to find new markets in the continent for its needs. For example, India imports raw cashew form Tanzania and Mozambique and these countries can not meet India's needs. Benin, Ivory Coast and even Nigeria can supply the required quantity of cashew. Similarly India's requirements of edible oil and oil seeds can be met from a number of West African countries. Ghana is a new supplier of diamonds to India. Since many countries In Africa are critically short of foreign exchange, India is offering commercial credits, but on a modest scale because of its paucity of resources. The credit terms are soft, bearing an interest of five per cent in most cases. They are primarily designed to enable the countries concerned to buy goods and services from India. But it is odd to note that a number of African countries have not utilised the credits offered by India. According to a study made by the Exim Bank of India, not even 50 per cent of credits sanctioned for purchase of Indian goods have been utilised. The major shortfalls have been in countries like Tanzania, Ghana, Zambia and Uganda, the countries which need the credits most. TABLE II Indian Credits to African Countries Govern me nt-to-Government Commercial (Re million) Mozambique 40 180 Ghana 50 50 Zambia 100 150 Uganda 25 Tanzania 50 174 Mauritius 150 150 Seychelles 25 50 440 754 Two years ago India came out with an ambitious Africa Plan in regard to Its exports. But present-day circumstances are such that the exports have declined, instead of increasing. The most important factor which haseroded the enthusiasm of Indian exporters is the delay in receiving payments from a number of African countries. Since the World Bank has projected that many African countries will continue to face slow growth rates, high rate of inflation and difficult external balance position, chances of Indian exports catching up immediately seem to be remote, Another malor cause of decrease in Indo-African trade isthe inadequate and often irregularshipping services. Export and importcargoes keep piling up at Indian and African ports for months, Heavy freight and high insurance costs are another formidable impediment in the way of trade,

While India and Africa must sit down and sort out infrastructural problems like shipping, the economic hardship of Africa, despite a pessimistic picture painted by theWorld Bank, is a passing phase. Two orthree years of normal rainfall will curb Africa's food imports and increase the prospects of earning foreign exchange from cash crops liketea, coffee, sisal, tobacco, cocoa, groundnuts etc. Africa is recovering fast and the signs of revival in fact are already visible. Indo-African trade will not only attain to its old glory but will soon reach a new horizon. Joint Ventures While trade is recognised as an important link in the economic cooperation programme, India also recognises the need for cooperation with the friendly countries in the matter of setting up joint ventures and sponsoring programmes of joint collaboration. India's joint ventures, now in production and those that are on the anvil are more than 280. The majority of these ventures are in Africa and Asia. Indian participation in the joint,ventures covers a wide and exciting spectrum, including paper and pulp, machine tools, tractor assembly, electric fans, steel furniture, razor blades, chemicals, textiles, glass products, cement, soft drinks, auto parts, diesel sets, jute goods, garments etc. TheAf rican cou ntriesthat are the beneficiaries of as many as 44 projects are Botswana, Egypt, Kenya, Liberia, Mauritius, Nigeria, Senegal, Seychelles, Uganda and Zambia. The total Indian equity in these projects Is Rs488 million, A look at the terms and conditions on the basis of which these collaboration arrangements have been finalised will convince one th~t the dominant motive is only to share the knowledge which India possesses in the sphere of industrial technology, together with a keenness to help other developing countries. Thus India has stipulated that Indian partners in these collaboration projects will normally not have majority participation; they will be mainly minority partners, Their contribution to equity capital should be in terms of supply of capital equipment and know-how. The basic idea of the terms of these agreements is that the collaboration arrangement should not smack of anything even remotely suggestive of any kind of exploitation, The management of all these projects from the beginning or atleast at a laterstagewillfall inthehandsof local partners.Training of local labour is an essential part of the agreement. Indian technology which is of the intermediate type, involving more labour and less capital, is relatively well suited to Africa, where capital is scarce and labour, both unskilled and skilled, abundant. It ought to be borne in mind that the labourintensive technology which India offers through joint ventures is not necessarily lowest cost technology, but it does enjoy comparative cost advantage at a lowvolume of production needed by most, if not all developing counbtries. Barring Nigeria, most countries of Africa have small consumer markets. Undoubtedly, jointventures have played a major role in stepping up the themeof two-way cooperation, thus paving the way for the much-desired self-reliant industrial development. Africans are now beginning to realise and accept that economic and technical cooperation among developing countries (ECDC and TCDC) is an extremely beneficial way of boosting the process of economic development, for It provides an opportunity of transfer andassimilation of modern technology best suited to the needs and genius of the developing countries. In the ultimate analysis, India is largely motivated bythe desire to share its experience of development. The offer of collaboration from a developing country like India, which has a relativelystrong industrial and infrastructural base and which has the third largest reservoir of technical and scientific talent (after the USA and USSR) meets the varied needs of the developing- countries and acts as an alternative source of transfer of technology. Significantly, the scope for overseas ventures is slowly but steadily expanding. Apart from joint ventures by equity participation, several project contracts have also been undertaken by Indian companies, both In the public and private sectors, Some of them are even on a turnkey basis. In such cases, Indian'entrepreneurs have offered only technical know-how in the collaboration effort. For example, technical cooperation has been extended for the manufacture of bicycles and parts in countries like Sudan, Tanzania and Zambia, It is noteworthy that the first joint venture was sponsored by India in Africa some 30years ago with a lotof fanfare, Itwas a textile mill in Ethiopia, which served a useful purpose in the sense that it opened up textile production in that country and trained Ethiopians in that field. This project has been taken over by the Ethiopian Government. Africa should normally have provided scope for more and more joint ventures' for two specific reasons. First, the similarities in conditions and problems of development and secondly, the presence of Indian settlers should provide easy local partners. Although the scope for the expansion of jont ventures is very much there, progress in Indo-African collaboration in this direction has been less than was expected. And because of language difficulty in francophone countries, no headway has been made in the matter of joint ventures, In fact even Indo-African trade with French-speaking countries has not expanded to its possible limits. A point to be borne in mind is that so far the African countries have looked to the developed West for technical know-how, for their quest for rapid development, While India has acquired certain capabilities to meet the needs of African countries for developmental inputs, there is a general lack of awareness in these countries about India's capabilities. That would explain why India and Africa have not collaborated to the extent possible. This communication gap ought to be bridged. India has also to note that Africans have embarked upon a. programme of economic strategy and they are keen to diversify their trade and economic relations. Indian missions and organisations like the India Investment Centre can and should, therefore, play a greater role in publicising India's economic achievements. Larger participation of Indian firms in trade fairs and exhibitions in Africa should help a great deal. For trade helps joint ventures and vice versa. , It is not often reallsed by many cqu ntries, including, those in Africa that in the last two decades India has made tremendous progress in all the sectors of the economy through planned development. The share of primary means of production like agriculture In India's GNP has gone down considerably. Industry, transport and other services now account for nearly58 per cent of the national income, Moreover, India is no more an exporter of primary products and raw materials. It manufactures and exports even sophisticated products in a large measure and importsthe latest technology and industrial raw materials. India's industrial base was in fact laid by Nehru when he tried to bring the country into the modern era by laying emphasis on the increased production of steel and power. And lately, there is emphasis on R&D, even though the country still keeps looking for foreign collaborations, TABLE III Indian Joint Ventures in Africa in Production Under Implementation (as on September 30,1985) Country Number of Indian Equity Areas covered Projects (Rs Thousand) Botswana 1 500 Packaging material Egypt 2 980 BlendingandPackagingoftea and management of hotel Kenya 11 104,755 textiles, pulp and paper, pharmaceuticals, auto ancillaries, iron foundry, electric wire, machine tools, sulphuric acid, insurance business Liberia 1 6,800 Glass products Mauritius 4 6,321 Garments, power driven pumps, hotels, etc. Nigeria 21 168,023 Light engineering goods, transmission line towers, diesel sets for drilling, machine tools, drugs and pharmaceuticals, textiles, glass products, cement, soft drinks, consultancy, etc. Senegal 1 169,600 Fertilisers and phosphoric acid Seychelles 1 13,450 Sea resort hotel Uganda 1 2,807 Jute goods Zambia 1 15,000 Infant foods Total 44 488,236

Among developing countries, India being reasonably developed offers a great scope forcollaboration. It is also a characteristic of the Government of India's policies forjoint collaboration thatthey are of a highlycooperative nature and farfrom exploitative.Asthe Government encourages joint ventures by Indian companies in Africa, it has set upfirm guidelines, apart from the fact that Indian participation has to be of aj.unior partner. One of theguidelines is that only new machineryshould be exportd from India, No second-hand oreven reconditioned machinerywillform the equity participation. Ordinarily, Indian participation in thejointventures abroad should be in theform of export of indigenous plants and machinery. On merits of each, case, however, participation in on one more of the following forms may also be considered: -export of know-how; -capitalisation of service fees, royalties etc; -raising of foreign exchange loans abroad; -grant of loans by Indian participating companies to the joint venture units; -cash investment in equity. It is stipulated by the Government of India that Indian participation should ordinarily bethrough a corporate entityin India. AnyIndian companygoing in fora joint venture abroad should have at its command necessary manufacturing experience and positive technical competence. The questions are often asked: Have the Indian joint ventures been successful? How far havetheseventures helped In import substitution and export promotion of the host countries? Reports from Africasuggest that quite a few Indian joint ventures set up in Kenya, Nigeria and Mauritius have served the purpose of their existence, They have created sizable employment, developed local manpower, technical resources, brought about savings in imports and added to foreign exchange earnings of these three countries. Oneof the most successful Indian joint ventures operating in Africa isthe unit set up by Orient Paper Mills, Calcutta in Kenyafor the manufacture of paper and paper pulp, It started production in November 1974 and is one of the largest single industrial units in East Africa. India exported complete consultancy service in paper production from feasibilitystudy and supplyof technical know-howto plant set-up, operator training and financial and management assistance, By exporting finished paper to neighbouring countries, Kenya has earned sizable amount of foreign exchange for the country. The unit issaid tofunction without trouble, A light engineering unit in Nigeria, manufacturing electric fans and steel furniture has also given a good account of itself. It is because of the success of some units in Africa that there are a good number of African parties looking for Indian sponsors or entrepreneurs. Technical Cooperation Asearly as 1949,when Indiawasstill struggling withthe birth pangsoffreedom, she instituted a modest scholarship scheme for African youth to study in India. The first lot of students numbered just 53. Since then, thousands have come and gone and are still coming in to pursue studies in India's hig her centres of learning, in the technological institutes and scientific laboratories, which have come up in the meanwhile. Some of Africa's best officers in the armed forces have also been trained in Indian defence establishments and academies, One would recollect that in 1958, soon after Ghana's independence Nkrumah asked India to help in getting the services of a wide variety of technical personnel like doctors, engineers, architects, geologists, agricultural scientists and science teachers for her development programme. India moved in quickly and helped in finding them for recruitment in Ghana. Thisset a pattern of personnel aid by India, which has been utilised by many countries, This also led to the establishment of Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) Programme in 1964with aviewto sharing India's technical expertise with other developing countries. The programme has been steadily expanding and more than 50 countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America have benefited from it since its establishment. The main forms of technical assistance are providing training in India, deploying experts abroad for short or long terms, underwriting feasibility and techno- economic studies, financing the visits of economic delegates both ways, organising technical workshops and supplying of equipment. The field of cooperation is very extensive. Training facilities have been provided in such diverse fields as development of water resources, foreign trade promotion, rural development, small-scale industries, standardisation, journalism, veterinary science, railways, consititutional and parliamentary studies etc. The Indian experts deployed have been for such fields as transportation, geology, animal husbandry, telecommunications etc, Equipment supplied has been mainly in the areas of scientific laboratories, agriculture, engineering and law books etc. Assistance in setting up of industrial estates and technical training institutes has been warmly welcomed by many countries of Africa, specially in Tanzania, Mauritius and Kenya. ITEC's programme is multi-dimensional and covers a large numberof countries. It is the major organisation today handling a considerable portion of India's economic diplomacy. It has been observed that lately assistance to Africa in the field of food and agriculture occupies a lot of attention of the functionaries handling ITEC programmes. In the wake of the grave food and economic situation faced bysub-Saharan and Sahelian Africa, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, in November 1984, expressed sympathy and support for the struggle against the crisis. India announced a gift of 100,000tonnes of wheat in keeping with the principles of international cooperation and mutual assistance.the major recipients of the grain were: Ethiopia (41,374 tonnes), Sudan (22,560 tonnes), Somalia (10,000 tonnes), Kenya (5,000 tonnes) and Tanzania (5,000 ton nes). The total cost of food assistance was Rs 230 million. In 1985, when the crisis of food shortage in, Africa showed no signs of improvement, India announced another contribution of Rs 120 million worth of wheat, amounting to 57,000 tonnes to the Organisation of African Unity Special Emergency Fund, The recipients were: Tanzania (15,000 tonnes), Mozambique (15,000 tonnes), Sudan (12,000 tonnes), Somalia (4,000 tonnes), Ethiopia (4,000 tonnes), Madagascar (3,000 tonnes) and Seychelles, Djibouti, Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic and the African National Congress of South Africa (1,000 tones each), The Government of India having realised the importance of strengthening the infrastructure of Institutions related to agricultural production hosted a seven-day workshop in May 1986 in New Delhi at which 40 senior agricultural policy experts from 25 African countries took part in discussions with Indian experts. The workshop was conducted with the involvement of the World Food Council and the UN Development Programme.*The main sub-sectors in which working sessions were held were: agricultural research and training, planning, irrigation and water management, drought management and extension services. The sessions provided an opportunity to both African and Indian experts to identify the specific nature of structural problems faced by individual African countries and the possibility to formulate the strategies to tackle them, Under the Agricultural Rehabilitation Programme for Africa (ARPA) initiated by the Food and Agricultural Organisation, the Government of India has identified nine projects In Africa in which Indian agricultural experts will be seconded. India's contribution of Rs 120 million worth of food to the OAU Emergency Fund was appreciated by the outgoing Acting Secretary-General of the OAU, in his report to the meeting of the Council of Ministers in July 1985. He expressed happiness at the Government of India leading theway In regard tothe contribution for this Fund. At the Extraordinary Ministerial Meeting of the Non-aligned Coordinating Bureau in New Delhi in April 1985, the critical economic situation in Africa was also considered. A Plan of Action was adopted to meet the immediate requirements of Africa, aswell as to evolve a medium and long-term strategy, India was chosen as a focal point to monitor this plan and to coordinate offers of assistance, Under this plan, India will provide technical expertise for agricultural projects in seven subSaharan countries. Africa's daunting economic problems elicit considerable sympathy in India, as also admiration for the way thevarious cou ntries there are handling their problems manfully. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, in a message to the Special Session of the UN General Assembly on the critical economic situation in Africa (May 1986) said that though faced with political challenges and disruption caused by the world economiccrisis, the peoples and leaders of Africa had emerged stronger and more determined, Making an appeal for greater international aid to Africa, he said: "By working together in a spirit of partnership the international community has a great opportunity and challenge to contribute towards building a modern and prosperous Africa, An economically strong and dynamic Africa will be an important factor for world peace and stability," India's Minister of State for External Affairs KR, Narayanan, who represented his country at the Special UN General Assembly.session, the first ever held to consider the economic situation in a particular region, said that the session marked the beginning of a new era in international cooperation for development, so that a tragedy such asthe one Africa had been through recentlyshould never again befall any people anywhere in the world. Referring to Africa's Priority Programme for Economic Recovery 1986-1990, he said India was greatly impressed bythe special role assigned to food and agriculture. He said: We believe it is an emphasis of strategic importance for the developing countries of Africa. In the developmental history of my country, where the immense majority of people, just as in Africa, live in rural areas and are dependent on agriculture, primary emphasis was placed on food and agriculture. In 1954, Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India, had said "everything else can wait but not agriculture". The Green Revolution that took place in India was a result of this particular priority in development. We are today In a position to share the knowtedge and technology we have acquired in food and agriculturewith ourAfrican brethren.As a matterof fact, a number of collaboration projects are underway between India and several. African countries in the field of agriculture. Also underthe ITEC programme, in thesphere of industry, especially small-scale and medium-scale, India has initiated programmes where its experience and technology in this sector can be utilised by African countries. An exposition of Indian machinery for small-scale industries was held In Nairboi in 1985 and later in Addis Ababa, At the Biennial Pledging Conference held during the 20th Session of the UN Economic Commission for Africa, India pledged a sum of $400.000 for an ECA project for the promotion of small-scale industries In Africa, With funds from ITEC and assistance from the National Small Industries Corporation, the Government of India has to establish 48 small-scale industrial units In Tanzania, Tanzania's Agricultural University in Morogoro will recive academic as well as practical assistance, Five Indian experts were deputed to the Zambia Small Industries Development Organisation to prepare a report for deeloping the smallscale sector in Zambia, A vocational training centre is being set up in Kenya. Various types of related equipment and machinery have also been gifted to Tanzania, Nigeria, Zambia and Mauritius, In Southern Africa, India has attended six annual consultative conferences of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) at which the delegation was led by the Ministry of External Affairs and also included representatives of the National Small Industries Corporation, Water and Power

Consultants, Projects and Equipment Corporation and Exim Bank. In view of the need to intensify India's economic relations with the "frontline states" of Southern Africa, at the last SADCC conference held in Harare in January 1986, India announced programmes of cooperation to be spread over a five-year period, the main features of which werethe offerof 300training fellowships, services of 100 Indian specialists, joint pilot projects in agriculture, feasibility studies and consultancyservices, a memorandum of understanding on manpower development and a grantof Rs 15 million forthe setting up of an Indo-SADCC Industrial Service Centre. Member countries of the SADOC have noted that India's offer of assistance in the field of agriculture assumes special Importance in the context of ECA's "strategy for Southern African Agriculture", which involves creating good employment opportunities In the agricultural sector through labour-intensive rural development schemes, In Zimbabwe, India has initiated pilot projects in the areas of sericultural development and commercial cultivation of rubber. An experimental station in wheat plasm to identifysturdyvarietles of wheat, suitedto local conditions has also been set up there. Aproject proposal forestablishing a Rural Service Centre for enhancing economic activity based on appropriate technology in Zimbabwe is being developed by the Centre for Advancement of Rural Technology. In Tanzania, an agricultural centre is proposed to be setu pwith Indian technical assistance, and a feasibility study prepared for establishing a large cooperative farm there, In the field of telecommunications, 27 engineers and technicians have been deputed to the Zimbabwe Post and Telecommunications Corporation. Experts from Bharat Heavy Electricals Limited are also on assignment in Zimbabwe. In the mining sector, techno-economic reports have been prepared for an aluminium plant in Zambia and a kyanite calcination plant in Zimbabwe, A report for sponge iron projectsforthe Preferential Trade Areafor Eastern and Southern Africa will be prepared by an Indian team of experts. Some other examples of the ITEC programmes in Africa are the provision of machinery and equipment for establishing a handicrafts and cottage industry centre in Dar-es-Salaam, cooperation with Kenya by way of machinery and equipment forestablishing a small-scale industrycentre in Nairboi, railway techno- economic surveys in Nigeria, help in streamlining the existing railways in Ghana, sending rail experts to Zambia and Zaire, providing mining experts and technical know-how to Zambia and setting up a small-scale industrial and training estate in Mauritius, Liberia, Sudan, Ethiopia and Uganda are also beneficiaries under the ITEC programme. The visit of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi to Angola in May 1986 will open new vistas of Indo-Angolan cooperation, especially when the Indian diplomatic mission will start functioning there, Under ITECa hospital will beset up in Luanda and India will help modernisation of the national museum there, A draft agreement of a economic and technical cooperation will soon be discussed and finalised by the two governments, Angola is the SADCC coordinator for energy, India will help

Angola and SADCC in matters of non-conventional uses of energy. Indian joint ventures in Kenya having earned a good name, the scope of further cooperation between the two countries has increased. The exhibition of technology for small-scale industries in Nairobi in 1985 has shown the way for establishing an arms and ammunition project with Indian consultancy. Machinery for a technical training school in President Moi Forces Academywill be supplied by India under ITEC. With Ethiopia, the agreement of economic and technical cooperation signed in 1969 is still valid. Railways and small-scale industries are two fields of present- day cooperation. Indian medical personnel render service in the two Indian-aided hospitals. India has sentengineers, printing, naval and tea expertsto Ethiopia, Fifty fellowships are provided to Ethiopia for training in various fields, An Indian team has prepared a feasibility report on water resources, agricultural and livestock development. The recent visit of Chairman Mengistu to India promises the expansion of Indo-Ethiopian bilateral cooperation, A number of West African countries, namely Ghana, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, Gambia, Gabon, Zaire, Senegal, Guinea, Togo, Liberia and Burkina Faso are getting assorted assistance under the ITEC programme and economic cooperation between these countries and India is growing every year. Small-scale industries. agriculture, bio-gas and solarenergy are popular areas of cooperation that have been identified. A number of trainees from these countries are being imparted in- plant training in such diverse fields as railways, posts and telecommunications. agriculture, feeder roads, remote sensing, cartography, scientific instruments etc. Nineteen Sudanese candidates have been provided training in railways. A delegation from the Sudanese Petroleum Corporation visited India recently to study the oil exploration and drilling technology. Under ITEC two Indian experts have been deputed to the University of Gezira. Assistance to Swaziland under ITEC is opening up as India has received some requests. An agricultural implements plant was set up under ITEC in 1986. Assistance to Malawi under ITEC is response-oriented. Trainees have been attending short-term courses in the small-scale sector. Books are being gifted to the University of Malawi. Indo-Mozambican cooperation started with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's visit to Maputo in 1983. An Indian delegation from the Department of Industrial Development visited Mozambique and has prepared a report for cooperation in the small-scale industries sector. India's economic cooperation programme with Mauritius is of special significance, in size and dimension, to both the countries, Small-scale industries, training of Mauritians in India and deputation of experts are the main themes of cooperation, The Mahatma Gandhi Institute, a cultural organisation and the Mahatma Gandhi Hospital receive a lot of attention. The number of Mauritian students getting scholarships from India annually has gone upto 100, the highest ' for any individual countryof Africa. Lastyearlndia donated 10,000 tonnesof wheat flour and 500 tonnes of pulses for the Mauritians. During Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi's visit to Mauritius in July 1986, an agreement for an Indian creditof Rs 100 million wassig ned. It comprises Rs 50 million on government-to-govern ment credit and an Exim Bank credit of a similar amount. Indian assistance to Mauritius so far totals Rs 300 million. Indo-Egyptian political and economic ties are old and historic and efforts are being madeto strengthen bilateral relations. The first meeting of the Indo- Egyptian Joint Commission was held in New Delhi in November 1985, The Egyptian Deputy Prime Minister and Planning Minister Kamal El Ganzouri led his country's delegation to this meeting. The economic cooperation betwen India relates to many subjects, Including industrialisation but emphasis is being given to agricultural research and production technology of some of the majorcrops of the two countries, A boost to Indo-Egyptian relations was given in June 1985 during the Indian Prime Minister's visit to Egypt. Earlier President Hosni Mubarak had visited India in 1983. With Libya, India's relations have been cordial. The two countries have been holding mutually beneficial negotiations from time to time on a wide range of bilateral and international issues. The visit in April 1986 of the Indian Foreign Minister as leader of the non-aligned delegation to show the solidarity of the Nonaligned Movement with Libya following the American aggression on that country was a hallmark of Indo-Libyan friendship. The Indo-Libyan Joint Commission has been extremely active in the last decade. Libyan authorities are fully satisfied with the work of the Indian companies in helping its economic development project relati ng to construction, roads, electric power, airports and petro-chemicals, During Indira Gandhi's visit to Libya in April 1984, the two countries agreed to upgrade their economic and technical cooperation and explore ways to achieve a higher level of political relationship. After a late start, Indo-Algerian ties are poised to become a model of SouthSouth cooperation, During the pastfiveyearsorso a considerable increase in economic and commercial relations between the two countries has been noticed. High-level delegations, including the Indo-Algerian Joint Commission meetings, have, enhanced the range and scope of Industrial and technical cooperation. A building construction, power, irrigation, roads, railways, airports, machine tools and petro- chemicals are the major fields of cooperation between the two countries. The latest meeting of the Joint Commission has indicated certain other projects likely to fructify in the near future: pharmaceuticals, fertilisers, hydraulics, auto parts and blanket factory. India has already executed projects worth $250 million and negotiations are under way with regard to additional projects worth about $200 million. During Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi's visit to Algeria in June 1985 it was agreed that India would buy half a million tonnes of crude from Algeria and in return provide itwith greater assistance in setting up projects in the field of science and technology.

Although Indo-Tunisian economic and technical cooperation has taken firm shape in the past few years, the Indo-Tunisian Joint Commission keeps identifying new areas of cooperation. Exchange of economic delegations paves the way for promoting further friendlyties between the two countries. Following Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's visit in 1984, during which she held wide-ranging talks with President Habib Bourguiba, the two countries agreed to expand economic and political cooperation and to work closely in the Non-aligned Movement. During the past few years, India has been trying to improve economic relations with Morocco. An Indian delegation led bythe Ministerof State for Commerce, P.A. Sangma, visited Rabat in May 1985 for the Indo-Moroccan Joint Commission meeting which had been set up under the Trade Agreement of 1981, In 1984, the two countries agreed to step up India's exports to Morocco and to establish-some joint projects there. The projects are in the field of mining, fisheries, port development, railway equipment, mini cement plant and a carbon black unit. India will also export trucks, buses, and frozen meat. India is a traditional buyer of phosphates from Morocco. A cultural protocol also exists betweent the two countries. In March 1985, India received the Moroccan Speaker, Ahmed Osman and thereafter the Moroccan Minister of Culture, Mohammed Benaissa as special envoys of King Hassan II. The Indian Prime Minister also sent an envoy to Morocco in September 1985 with a message for the King. In these circurfstances, it was unfortunate that Morocco chose to break off diplomatic relations with India on October 1, 1985 following India's recognition of the Saharwi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). It may be mentined that India's decision to recognise the SADR was taken because it was an issue of decolonisation and before Indian recognition extensive consultations with all parties concerned, including Morocco, had taken place. Moreover, this decision was in tune with India's policy of supporting freedom struggles and genuine liberation movements the world over, as also with the policy of being guided by the decisions taken by the competent regional organisation, in this case the OAU, which admitted the SADR as an active member and of which the SADR was elected a Vice-President. Besides its ITEC programmes, which are of its own initiative, India also participates in other programmes of cooperation like the Colombo Plan and the Special Commonwealth African Assistance Plan (SCAAP) in their programmes for. Africa. Underthe Colombo Plan, India has so far given technical assistance byway of training places and making available the services of experts to various membercountries, a number of them from Africa. The main fields of training have been engineering, forestry, agriculture, power, fuel, public administration, social service, statistics, fisheries, cooperatives, irrigation, banking, finance, insurance, smallscale industries etc. The Commonwealth Africa Plan was inaugurated in 1963. It provides for training places and deputation of experts to Ghana, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Gambia, Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Malawi, Zambia, Zimbabwe and Mauritius. More than 1,000 training places and the services of 200 experts have been provided by India under SCAAP.

India also introduced a General Cultural Scholarship Scheme in 1949, under which morethan 400 scholarships have been awarded annually to nationals of Africa, including thosefrom Namibia and South Africa for post-matriculation studies in arts, humanities and basic sciences. There is hardly any field of study in which African students in India are not to be found. Thousands of otherAfrican students also pay their way for education in India's places of learning because they find education in India economicalwhile being eminentlysuited tothe needs of theirrespective countries. A number of African governments also provide scholarships to their nationals for studies in India, There are estimated to be 20,000 African students in colleges and universities all over India, the bulk of them coming from Mauritius, Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Ethiopia, Sudan and Nigeria. New Delhi, Chandigarh, Lucknow, Aligarh, Pune, BombayCalcutta, Hyderabad and Bangalore are the Indian cities preferred by self-financing African students. Bilateralism is the keynote of India's economic cooperation, but multilateralism seems to bethe latesttrend. For this, India is cooperating with Africa through international organisation. In December 1979, the Government of India concluded an agreementwith the UN Economic Commission forAfrica (ECA). India gave a grant of Rs 5 million to the UN Trust Fund forAfrican Development, These funds are used by the ECA to hireexperts and consultancy and training services in different fields. By entering into this agreement, India became the first non- African developing couintryto contributeto this Fund. The agreementgave a multilateral dimension to India's existing programmes of bilateral cowperation with African countries. India further provided a sum totalling Rs 12.5 million to the ECA for small-scale projects in countries like Botswana, Ethiopia, Kenya, Angola, Senegal and Zimbabwe. The National Small Industries Corporation of India Limited will be the competent authority handling these projects. Another important development is India 'becoming a member of the African Development Fund and the African Development Bank. This enables India to take part in projects funded by the Bank. Consultancy Services Yet another field of economiccooperation which has earned India many laurels and given it much satisfaction relates to the offer of technological surveys and consultancy services. This programme being result-oriented has had some farreaching success. Surveys are offered and conducted for ore extraction, hydroelectric power, railway modernisation and expansion, petrochemical and steel, sugar and cement industries and water resources. The Metallurgical and Engineering Consultants (India) Limited (MECON) has conducted consultancy service for two steel mills in Nigeria. The Steel Authority of India Limited was associated with the reopening of Bomi Hill Mines in Liberia for iron ore and for setting up a steel plant. The Water and Power Consultancy Services has secured contracts for water supply projects in Nigeria, Ethiopia, Tanzania and Mauritius. Among the other projects that have been undertaken and executed in theAfrican continent are: power generation and distribution plant in Kenya, cement unit in Nigeria, steel structurals and fabrication in Malawi and water storage tanks in Ethiopia. Tanzania has had with Indian consultancy a string of integrated units, sugar plant, textile mill, paper and pulp plant and bicycle assembling factory. In Zambia, too, a bicycle plant with a capacity of producing 100,000 bicycles annually was inaugurated by President Kaunda in 1982. Indian consultancy firms have also secured jobs concerning tyre retreading, corrugated board cartons, wire drawing, PVC cables, aluminium utensils and builders' material. Bharat Heavy Electricals Limited has executed a commendable power plant unit in Libya and Hindustan Machine Tools Limited has done machine tools contracts in Kenya, Nigeria and Algeria. Technical assistance in hotels operation has been extended to Tanzania and Egypt. Airports and feeder roads are coming up in many countries of Africa. The list is unending, if private sector companies are also mentioned, In the matter of technical assistance and consultancy, a special mention may be made of the work of the Indian railwaymen in Africa. Rail India Technical and Economic Services Limited (RITES), a Government-owned undertaking, is a specialist team dedicated to the innovative railroad network, It specialises in feasibility studies, staff training, manpower planning, systems design and management consultancy. It has executed and has in hand presitigious railway projects in Algeria, Ghana, Guinea, Mozambique, Nigeria, Zaire, Zambia and Zimbabwe, all this in the last ten years or so. RITES has become a household name in Africa. RITES took over the management of Nigerian Railway Corporation in 1979, when the railway system was close to the breaking point, In three years RITES teams helped in bringing about steady improvement in passenger services and amenities, larger freight and higher revenue. It has helped train hundreds of Nigerian railway staff to enable them to maintain the momentum. In Zimbabwe more than 40 Indian rail experts are helping Zimbabwe railways in maintenance, rehabilitation and training of staff, More th'an two thousand railwaymen from different parts of Africa have undergone training in the RITES establishments in India. Today RITES provides total consultancy in transport, including roads, ports and inland waters. The Indian Railway Construction Company Limited (IRCON), another public sectoragency of the Indian Railways, specialises in the construction of new railway lines, strengthening existing railway lines, railway electrification and telecommunications installations. A relatively new organisation, it has handled jobs in Algeria and Nigeria. Telecommunications Consultants india Limited (TCIL) provides consultancy services and executes projects in telecom fields in many countries of Africa, notably Mozambique, Nigeria and Somalia. Its consultancy is from concept to completion. In the field of electronics know-how, there isthe Electronics Trade and Technology and Technology Development Corporation Limited (ET&T), It has provided consultancy to Algeria, Nigeria, Sudan, Egypt, Mozamibque, Kenya and

Ethiopia. ET&T offers consultancy as well as material for transistor radios, television sets, quartz clocks and watches, telephone instruments etc in knockeddown condition. Apart from this it specialises in defence and aerospace equipment. Special mention may also be made of the work of the National Small Industries Corporation Limited (NSIC), well known in practically every country of Africa, Devoted to the promotion of small industries in India, NSIC is gladly sharing its experience with the countries of Africa. India's experience of one million industrial units in the small-scale sector, which turn out 50 per cent of the country's productibn, could be greatly beneficial to African countries, most of them having small populations, NSIC offers turnkey projects in all kinds of industries, engineering, chemicals, electrical, food, textiles and leather. While India is offering sophisticated technology as well as assistance in smallscale industries, it isIndian consultancy in the field of food and agriculture, which is understandablygaining popularitythese days, Being a pribrity sector in almost every African country, India's scope to help these countries is vast and varied. West African countries in particular are looking to India in the vitally important field of food self-sufficiency. India's programme of economic and technical cooperation with the continent of Africa is a modestone, but there is avast scope forexpansion, Given the fact that tremendous amount of political goodwill and understanding exists between the peoples of India and Africa, it is but natural that the ideas of South-South cooperation and collective self-reliance as ordained by the Non-aligned Movement aregaining firm ground. At the same time, denied the economic and financial backing by the developed countries the developing countries are left with no option but to inculcate the spirit of partnership among themselves, Africans are now getting to know the fact of India's experience in developing its own resources. The idea of sharing this experience is becoming a two-way traffic. Sharing of experience in reality means pooling together of resources, know-how, production methods, and markets. It is well understood that this self-reliant process is bound to open up a promising vista for the bulk of humanity living in Africa and India. Constraints and bottlenecks disappearwhen there is a will on both sides to cooperate. Interdependence is an economic necessity and is based on equality and free will, The UN Economic Commission for Africa has rightly said: "South-South cooperation is being undertaken in a spirit of understanding and dignity, wholesomely devoid of the traditional dependence of the donor and reciepient psychology of colonial relationship...."

APPENDIX I African Tributes To Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi The sudden death in New Delhi on May 27,1964, of Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, was widely mourned in Africa as in other parts of the world. African leaders paid glowing tributes to Nehru's support to the freedom struggle in Africa and his unceasing fight for the cause of world peace. A number of African countries also sent special envoys to the Indian capital to either participate in Nehru's funeral or offer condolences to the Indian Government and Nehru's daughter Indira Gandhi. The following were some of the reactions: UAR: The news was received with profound shock in the United Arab Republic (Egypt). President Gamal Abdel Nasser ordered one week's national mourning. President Nasser, who regarded Nehru as a close personal friend and an ally in the policy of non-alignment, said his death was a "great loss to humanity", but that "his flame, lighting the way for humanity, will cQntinue to burn brilliantly". Nasser's statement said: "I saw him as leader, thinker, statesman and human being, He was a flame lighting the way for India, Asia and humanity. With his death his work has ended but the flame will continue to burn brilliantly." UAR newspapers devoted several pages to the late Prime Minister's life and work and praised his espousal of Arab causes and non-alignment. The last message sent abroad by Nehru was addressed to President Nasser, the Egyptian weekly Rose el Youssef reported on June 1. The weekly said the message concerned the visit which Nehru was to have made to Cairo on his return from the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference in London. It said the document reached Cairo after Nehru's death. Youssef el-Sebal, Secretary-General of the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation said Nehru would always shine throughout history for Afro-Asian people and for all humanity as a great man and valiant leader, Hussein Shefae, UAR Vice-President, who flew to Delhi to represent President Nasser at the funeral, said there that the Arabs had seldom been so grieved as they were on Nehru's passing away. President Nasser's first impulsive decision on hearing the news had been to decide to come to New Delhi to pay homage to his personal friend, but he was running high fever. KENYA: The news of Nehru's sudden death came as a deep shock to the people of East Africa where his name had been a household word for decades. It was regarded as the passing of an era in the annals of the freedom fight in Asia and Africa, All flags in East Africa were flown at half mast and the Indian shops were closed. The Hindustani service of the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation, which started playing mourning tunes, was inundated with calls from all parts of Kenya and individuals and associations wanting to announce their condolences. The English section of the KBC played the Indian National anthem afterflashing the news of the death. The Daily Nation of Nairobi brought out a special mid-day edition, a most unusual thing for it to do to pay its tribute to the great world leader, Its offices were surrounded bythousands of Indians and Africans awaiting the full news, On behalf of its readers, the editor of the East African Standard sent a telegram of condolences to President S. Radhakrishnan. Prime Ministerof KenyaJomo Kenyattaon May28 led his entire team of Ministers in procession to the Indian High Commission where they signed the book of condolences on Nehru's death. Before doing so they observed a minute's silence in the Prime Minister's office. At a public meeting Governor-General Malcolm Macdonald reflected the feelings of the assembly when he said: "The whole world sees the flame of Jawaharlal Nehru's life extinguished," Paying his tribute to Nehru, Kenyatta said: Seldom is it given to one man to bear the burden carried so ably and so patiently as by this great patriot, and his name will be remembered for ever throughout the world. He was the only man who could have steered his country through all the perils arising after independence and led it triumphantly to its present proud place among the foremost nations of the world. He always labou red unceasingly for his people with no thought of self, and yet he found time to help other nations less fortunate than his own. Those of uswho were fortunate enough to have known him personally will always carry with us the imperishable memory of a great statesman and a very human man, the friend of all who needed him and true follower in the footsteps of an immortal Gandhi. UGANDA: The Uganda National Assembly adjourned on May 27 as a mark of respectto Nehru after the members of Government and Opposition parties had paid glowing tributes ho him. Prime Minister Milton Obote asked the members to stand in silence for two minutes in memory of "a great statesman who had been a great believer in the parliamentary and constitutional system". Flags were flown at halfmast. May28was declared a dayof national mourning and all Government offices were closed. Obote appealed to federal and district governments and private firms to follow the Central Government's lead. On behalf of the Opposition, Gaspare Oda said that Nehru's death was a loss not only to India but to the whole world. He was a devoted nationalistwho foughtforthe emancipation and freedom of all subject nations. "His name will shine with golden letters as a great statesman who was working not only for India but for the cause of the whole world", he said. NYASALAND (MALAWI): Dr Hastings Banda, the Prime Minister of Nyasaland, said in Zomba on May 29 that the independence movements in Africa and Asia were there only because of Nehru and Gandhi, In a tribute to Nehru, he said in the

National Assembly: "All of us know what Pandit Nehru did, His passing away removes from the political scene, both nationally in India and internationally, a great figure. TANGANYIKA (TANZANIA): In Dar es Salaam, flags flew at half-mast on all Government buildings, There was a stream of callers at the Indian High Commission to offer condolences, including Prime Minister Julius Nyerere, GHANA: In a broadcast, President Kwame Nkrumah paying his tribute to Nehru said: Rarely have the qualities of wisdom, courage, humanity and great learning found such perfectfusion and expression in one individual astheydid in Pandit Nehru, Soft of speech but forthright in expression, his voice was heard in the councils of the world in defence of freedom and the dignity of man. He will long be remembered for his championship of the Afro-Asian cause and his support for the ideals of-freedom, unity and world peace, Hissympathy and understanding of the problems of Africawas a greatsource of encouragement to all of us who have been engaged in the struggle for the liberation and unity of Africa. By Mr Nehru's death the Commonwealth has lost a Prime Minister of outstanding courage and calibre. The people of India have lost a great and illustrious leader and the world an eminent statesman, A six-man Ghana delegation headed by K.A. Ofori-Atta, Ghana's Minister of Justice, arrived in New Delhi on June 5to convey President Nkrumah's messages of condolence tothe Indian President, Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi, ETHIOPIA: Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia in a telegram to Indira Gandhi expressed "deep grief at the passing away of an illustrious father and our close friend", "His leadership and statesmanship would long be remembered", he added. Ethiopian Prime Minister Aklilou Habtewold and acting Foreign Minister Ketema Yifru also sent telegrams of condolences, It was later stated in Addis Ababa that the Emperor had deputed his Prime Minister to attend Nehru's funeral but he could not do so because of shortage of time, TUNISIA: The National Assembly observed a minute's silence on May 27, AlAmal, official organ of Tunisia's ruling Neo Destour Party, said in an editorial that Tunisia did not share all views of Nehru. But what was beyond anydoubtwas that hewas a political genius, a man faithful to his principles, profoundly and sincerely attached to freedom, peace and peaceful coexistence among human beings regardless of their race, their religion, their language, and their civilisation. For the whole of m lnkind, his death is a loss." Tunisia sent its Foreign Minister Mongi Slim to attend the funeral. SENEGAL: President Leopold Senghorsaid the death of Prime Minister Nehru had been strongly felt in Senegal where the deceased had been rpgarded as one of the great champions of the two countries' common struggle for peace and liberty. NIGERIA: The Nigerian Prime Minister, Sir AbubakerTafawa Belewa, in a telegram to President Radhakrishnan recalled Nehru's visit to Nigeria in 1962. He said Nigerians would always remember his "shining qualities of wisdom, simplicity and humilityaswell as his deep understanding of human problems". "We shall miss his wise counsel in the comity of nationsand especially in the Commonwealth", he said, In Kaduna, Northern Nigeria, the Regional Premier, Sir Ahmadu Bello said that in the death of Nehru "India has lost a father". In a telegram sent to President Radhakrishnan, SirAhmadu said the Commonwealth had lost one of its able and renowned democratic leaders and the world a champion of human liberty, U PPER VOLTA: President Yameogo of Upper Volta expressed his country's "deep sense of stupor" at the death of Nehru. He said Nehru personified "the hero of national liberation and had created the myth of an Indian symbol of peace", SOUTH AFRICA: The sudden death of Nehru came as a shock to the 600, 000 Indians in South Africa, Indian traders closed their shops to mourn his death, Indian women were seen weeping in the streets in Johannesburg. In Durban, Dr Monty Naicker, President of the South African Indian Congress, founded by Mahatma Gandhi, sent a message of condolence to Indira Gandhi. Dr Naicker said the democratic world had "lost one of the greatest torch-bearers of freedom of our time". Mrs Manilal Gandhi, daughter-in-law of Mahatma Gandhi said at Phoenix, that she and Nehru "were very very great friends. I shall be praying for him today". In Cape Town South African papers paid tribute to Nehru in theireditorials. The Rand DailyMailsaid: "Pandit Nehru wasoneof the great men of modern Asia-a man of practical idealism'" The Cape Timer:"Jawaharlal Nehru was... a statesman with a wide view, a deep sense of history. He was to show...that moral influence can be powerful even where a country has no atom bombs," The Natal Mercury wrote: "His death removes from the international scene a controversial but nonetheless stupendous figure." Cape Town's Afrikaans-lang uage Die Burgersaid: "He had a powerful influence on the history of the modern world." At a public meeting held in New Delhi to mourn Nehru's death a number of visiting African leaders paid their tribute to the departed Indian statesman, UAR VicePresident Shafae said Nehru was intimately identified "with all that is best in modern India and all that is representative of it", In international affairs, Nehru's wasthevoice of sanity, morality and hope, he said. Shafae said men of Nehru's calibrewere rarelyborn in theworld, The sea of humanitythat had turned up to pay its homage to him at the funeral was indicative of the affection in which Nehru was held by the Indian people, The Foreign Minister of Tunisia, Mongi Slim, said his people considered Nehru their elder brotherand Nehru had inspired them in the difficult task of shaping and building the nation. The death of Gandhiji gave to Nehru and India strength to overcome communal passions. "Let Mr Nehru's death give strength to those who have to shoulder the tremendous responsibility of building a nation devoted to peace and brotherhood", he said.

Kalule Settal, Uganda Minister, said the news of Nehru's death was received in East Africa with great shock. The Uganda Prime Minister had described Nehru's passing away as a personal loss. He said Nehru was the torch-bearer offreedo m of all nations which had newly achieved self-government and which were struggling for freedom. L. Brahimi,Algerian envoy said the Algerian people shared the grief of the Indian people who suffered a terrible blow in the death of Nehru. He offered "sincerest condolence and sympathy" on behalf of President Ben Bella and the people of Algeria, He said Nehru was"as much ours as he was yours. We have the greatest admiration and love for him. We wish India should continue to be a great nation in the world and continue to play a leading role aswas done under the leadership of Mr Nehru." Moving tributes were paid to Nehru as a world statesman and for his contribution to peace and freedom of colonial peoples at a meeting of the AfroAsian group at the UN Headquarters in NewYork on May29. Orhan Erlap of Turkey was in the chair. Speaker after speaker spoke glowingly of Nehru as a humanitarian, idealist, man of action and fighter for the cause of freedom and justice. The entire Afro-Asian group stood up for a moment in silence in homage to the departed statesman and asked the Chairman to convey to Indira Gandhi, the Government of India and the people the deepest sorrow and condolences of the Afro-Asian group. Africa Mourns Indira Gandhi As with Jawaharlal Nehru, the sudden and most unexpected death of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi on October 31,1984 was received with profound shock. The manner of her assassination left the world leaders and the entire international community in a sense of disbelief. A number of leaders paid tributes tothe great Indian leader. Paying his homage to the departed leader, Paul Lusaka, President of the UN General Assembhly said: Mrs Indira Gandhi was born in one of the cradles of the concept and practice of non-alignment. The daughter of one of the founders of the Non-aligned Movement, she herself worked tirelessly to help nurture the movement in an international environment which was and unfortunately still is, clouded in many ways by East-West rivalry. It is significant that she died while occupying the Chairmanship of the group of non-aligned states. Her faith in the United Nations as arbiter of inter-state conflict, and the most important centre for harmonising the actions of nations, cannot be challenged. For asshe herself said, firm faith in the United Nations iscentral to the non-aligned. The aim is the same, to maintain peace by removing the sources of tension and to bring out the humanity in human beings.

Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General of the United Nations said: Mrs Gandhi was a highly respected figure worldwide and at the United Nations, which she supported staunchly following in-the tradition of her illustrious father, Pandit Nehru. She represented on the international scene the spirit of moderation, tolerance and understanding which is so vitally needed in theworld today, The untimely passing of Mrs Gandhi is a great loss to India, to the United Nations and to me personally. The following were the reactions from Africa: BOTSWANA: President Q.KJ. Masire said: "The tragic death of. Her Excellency Indira Gandhi has deprived the world of a great stateswoman and a champion of peace. Indira Gandhi will be particularly remembered for her work and close cooperation with the Commonwealth and the Non-aligned Movement. "it is unfortunafe that great leaders lose their lives prematurely." MALAGASY: President Didier Rasiraka said: "lam convinced that her name will remain attached to the ideals of peace, social progress and non-alignment." SEYCHELLES: President Albert Rene said: The death of Mrs Gandhi undoubtedly constitutes a heavy loss not only to the people of India but to all peace-loving peoples of the world and progressive mankind. During her tenure of office the eminent qualities of statesmanship displayed by her are an undeniable proof that she has been one of the most outstanding leaders of her country. it is needless to stress the progress attained by the people of India during such ashort period of time in history, her total commitment to that cause is unequalled. Beyond India's borders Mrs Gandhi will be mostly remembered for her relentless endeavours in achieving a new international economic order, detente, disarmament and world-wide peace. We have lost a great leader and friend and heractionswill be a sourc ..,f inspiration for many generations to come. TANZANIA: President Julius Nyerere said: "We in Tanzania recognised and acknowledged her as a friend of Africa as well as a devoted supporter of the liberation of this continent from the colonialism and racism. We know also how important was her contribution to the struggle of the third world for justice and peace. Her chairmanship of the Non-aligned Movement was a recognition of her great abilities and the world's need of them. The cause of world peace and jus- tice was being dealt a heavy blow by this assassination. MrsGandhi'swhole lifewasone of serviceto hercountryand to humanity. Our tributeto her must be a renewed commitment to unity, within India and within the third world, and to the struggle for human dignity, justice and peace throughout the world. TUNISIA: Mrs Wassila Bourguiba, the First lady of Tunisia, said: "History will recall the achievements of this lady, who has done a great deal for her people, for the peoples of the third-world, and for the whole humanity.' UGANDA: President Milton Obote said: "Indira Gandhi was not only the leader of the largest democracy in the world, but was also the elected leader of the struggling people in the Non-aligned Movement, "I join you in mourning a most outstanding lady who was one of the greatest leaders in modern times. She made her mark on the Indian political scene through the support of the people,"

APPENDIX II Indo-African Seminar on Cooperation An effort to give a boost to the Government of India's efforts to promote cooperation with Africa was made by the Federation of Indian Export Organisations (FIEO), an apex body of Indian Exporters. With the blessings of the Indian Ministry of Commerce, itorganised in New Delhi in September 1984 an IndoAfrican Seminar on Trade, Economic and Technical Cooperation, which was attended by, apart from 400 Indian delegates, 45 delegates from 15 countries of Africa. The first seminar of its kind and size, the Indian and African delegates represented governments and para-statal organisations, trade, industry, chambers of commerce and trade associations. The African participants came from Algeria, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Egypt, Ethiopia, Gabon, Guinea, Kenya, Malawi, Mauritius, Nigeria, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe, all of them important trading partners of India. The theme of the seminar, which was inaugurated by President Zail Singh, was to share information and experiences on: -policies'and progress on economic development with special reference to investment and fiscal policies; -international trade with special reference to import-export policies and export promotion measures; -the role of small-scale and cottage industry sectors in industrial and economic development, with special reference to support measures' and -the contribution of technical cooperation and consultancy services in agricultural, industrial and technological progress. After detailed discussion lasting five days consensus was reached on the following: (1) The need for continuous updating of commercial intelligence and information and its speedy dissemination taking advantage of the, latest technological advances in communications such as computers, electronic mail and satellite communication to promote trade flows, (2) Development of small-scale industries by'updating technologies of traditional crafts and tools was possible without loss of productivity and efficiency in a large.number of consumer products manufacturing. Small-scale industries management and operations have reached a high degree of sophistication. Small-scale industries, provided better employment opportunities and by taking industries to rural areas helped prevent industrial city slums and pollution and created a framework for improved quality of life.

(3) Industrial support and technology delivery services were at the core of modern and advanced industrial structure. Even where large-scale industrial units were established their efficient and full capacity performance presented challenges. Today India and Africa have developed their own indigenous capacities for industrial operations, expansion and renovation and increased cooperation in these fields was of crucial importance. (4) Agriculture is and will remain a dominant sector of the economies of African countries and India for a long time, The climatic and soil conditions in Africa and India presented many similarities. The seminar discussions highlighted varied possibilities of cooperation in increased food production, food grains storage and equitable distribution, availability of improved varieties of seed, farm management, dairy farming and exchange of experience and research material in important non-food crops like cotton, silk, cocoa, coffee, tea, cashewnut, oil seeds and an immense variety of forest-based commercial products like, gums, resins, fruits etc. which often were responsible for sizable earnings of foreign exchange of Indian and African economies, (5) Industrialjointventures have carved out a useful role in self-reliant industrial development in India and Africa. We have gained much experience of joint establishment and economic operation of large industrial units over the last two decades. A new self-confident class of industrial entrepreneurs, technologists and business and financial management has come into existence in Africa and India, Cooperation in joint ventures should be expanded to cover marketing and export sectors. The seminar recommended detailed study for standards, patent, royalty and brand name laws and regulations and conclusion of avoidance of double taxation agreements. (6) It was important to identify priority sectors foir scientific and technological cooperation in view of the high cost of research and development. Updating traditional skills, new and renewable sources of energy, pollution control and preservation of environment and ecological balance and energy saving and conservation, today demanded overriding attention. Successful transfer of know- how developed in laboratories and R&D establishments to the farm and factory was the biggest challenge. (7) The seminar urged strengthening of ties in the field of banking services, institutional finance, communication and transport network to increase trade flows between Africa and India, (8) Tourism was now recognised as an industry and was an important foreign exchange earner. It encouraged more people-to-people contacts and familiarisation with social and economic conditions. The seminar .greed that greater tourist flows would help assist economic, trade and technical cooperation

(9) The seminar strongly stressed the need for forging closer contacts and relationships between non-governmental institutions, organisations and associations engaged in trade, industry and services fields e.g. chambers of commerce and industry, trade development centres, exh-ibitions and trade fairs, organisations and associations of professionals like technologists, engineers, architects, university professors etc. A. Perspective of Cooperation As to the perspective of cooperation, the seminar pointed out that India and the African countries have many socio-economic characteristics in common. They are predominantly agriculturalwith large rural and semi-urban populations, They also share a common colonial past, Similar political experiences in the past and present-day difficulties in their effort to develop rapidly make them ideal partners who can help one another in their programme of all-round economic growth. Inview ofthe difficulties faced bycountries of the South in the matter of trade and aid from the North, there is urgent need to build autonomous development structuresamong themselves in an effort to become self-reliant in the matter of scientific, technological and industrial development. There is, therefore, need to reinforce mutual relationships to foster collective self-reliance. While collective self-reliance should be promoted, such cooperation should not be at the cost of any real benefit flowing from existing cooperation arrangements that different countries of the region have forged on inter-regional, regional, subregional or bilateral basis. In their effort to forge close links with one another, India and the countries ofAfrica should identify complementarities in their economic goals and plans and in their overall resource positions, Significant complementarities have been located among countries of theSouth which could be useful in building up intra as well as inter-regional cooperative structures for development. This could prove to be a useful alternative to developing countries who wish to reduce their dependence on the North without sacrificing their growth rate. This effort at mutual cooperation hastoextend to organisations and institutions outside the Government, Besides governmental and non-governmental agencies, entrepreneurs and businessmen have a vital role to play. In the ultimate analysis it is they who can translate the idea of close cooperation into a meaningful reality, B. Specific Areas of Cooperation !. Science and Technology Science and Technology form an important force for accelerating social and economic development. Technology should not be viewed in the narrow sense of something related to manufacturing activities. It is concerned with all aspects of human life, that is, agriculture, family plan ning, irrigation, energy, protection of the environment etc. Science and Technology should start at the demand level and provide answers to the basic problems-faced by the people, In the development of technology, the countries of the Southwill haveto evolve a careful mixof availabletechnology and indigenous capabilities. Every country will have toworkout atechnological plan best suitedto itsown genius and conditions. Science and Technology should not be transplanted in a mechanical way. They should be integrated with their socio-economic environment, India can share with African countries its experience of developing technology which is suited to its people and its soclo-economic environment. The manner in which the technologies were developed and transferred through various methods could be of interest to African countries, In the developing countries there is need for technologies which will optimise both employm'ent as well as output per unit of investment. Developing countries should, therefore, think in terms of labour-intensive technologies, But, in the name of appropriate and alternative technologies, the door should not be closed to advanced technologies, as the latterare the motive force for bring Ing about a technological revolution. Technologies offered should be target-oriented and take into consideration the potential of the receiving country to absorb the technologies. Even the so-called "appropriate" or "relevent" technologies themselves may prove unsuitable in some countries because the technology needed by any country is determined by its socio-economic conditions and its special characteristics, Technological linkages can be forged on the basis of studies by multidisciplinary teams of technocrats, financial experts and researchers who will be able to indicate possibilities of areas of useful cooperation, In the sharing of information, it would be worthwhile to share experiences of failures alsb, besides that of successes, The mistakes made by some countries in the pursuit of objectives desired should be known so that circumstances leading to such mistakes are avoided by others. There is need for an institutional mechanism for development of science and technology integrated with the needs of society. Capabilities in the area of consultancy, technology transfer etc. need to be built up. There is a need to build up capabilities for absorption and up gradation of technology, and training in specific areas. Suitable traditional technology should be upgraded to meet modern needs. Cooperation in the area of Science and Technology should include: -organising of training courses in the management of technology; -exchange of information with regard to the nature of av ilable technologies or areas of improvement and innovative technologies II. Industrial Support and Technology Delivery Services Technology Delivery Services, which cover, consultancy services and industrial support services in the form of standardisation, testing and quality control, and information and training, areessential prerequisites for obtaining the benefits which science and technology offer. In the process of transferof technology, it is essential to bear in mind technical and socio-economic compatibility of the country to which the transfer is being made, Technology transfer should include training of personnel (imparting of know-how and skills) and not merely transfer of plant and equipment, The training imparted in developing countries needs to be job-oriented. The mechanism for cooperation in this area can be on a bilateral or multilateral basis. India and African countries can also explore the possibilities of obtaining assistance from international agencies such as UNDP, FAO, UNIDO, etc. India has made substantial progress In the areas of construction consultancy, particularly relating to infrastructural development i.e. power, irrigation, transport (especially railways), In the area of engineering consultancy'also India has developed a training package which could be of interest to participating countries. Cooperation in this area can be atgovernmental, institutional or individual level. In their effort towards industrial development, developing countries could' consider earmarking a small part of the product or service cost or profit for technology delivery services, Il. Developing Small-Scale Industries In view of the constraints of capital and other resources in developing countries, small-scale industries become crucial for industrial and economic development and in the efforts towards achieving self-reliance. They generate employment opportunitiesto large sections of the rural and semi-urban populations and make use of local resources and talents, Small-scale industries also meet local demands, and help in the development of entrepreneurial skills among the common people. They are labour-intensive and also get integrated with the larger industrial sector in the country. India's experience in the area of small-scale industries is unique in the developing world which could beof use to African countries. All small-scale industries must be "bankable" projects. To build up the small scale sector, developing countries need to set up entrepreneurial development programmes, IV. Industrial Development and Joint Ventures There is vast scope for cooperation in the area of industrial development between the African countries and India. The extent of cooperation will increase if the existing communication gap among these countries is reduced. An important means of cooperation would be establishment of joint ventures. To increase cooperation among the countries of Africa and India, there is need to Identify specific projects. A two-fold action is suggested: (i) identify specific projects; and (Ii) identify centralised, or nodal agencies which will take on the work of cooperation in industrial development, and in joint ventures,

V. Food Production and Agricultural Practices The critical position of agriculture in the economies of India and the African countries needs to be emphasised. Economic and social progress cannot be attained without development of the agricultural/rural economies in these countries India's greatest success in recent years has been in the field of agriculture. India's experience, both in the matter of setting up agriculture-integ rated institutes and agriculture-relevant technology cQuld be of direct relevance to a number of African countries, There can be linkages between agricultural research institutes in African countries and in India, Jointventures in the field of agriculture and agro-based industries could be considered. For further coopertion there is an urgent need for building up a strong infrastructure related to agricultural development, Vt. Trade Trade has to be a two~way flow. India needs increasing quantities of semiprocessed and processed minerals, industrial raw materials and products. Likewise, many African countries will stand to benefit from an association of the vast Indian market with their products. If trade flows are to increase, infrastructural facilities such as shipping and transport, air links, communications, marketing etc, need to be developed, Lack of detailed information, and also lack of familiaritywith conditions in India and in the African countries hamper the efforts to come closer in the matter of trade. The lack of information particularly relates to the existing political and economic realities of each country. Traditional linkages of many countries associated with their colonial experience inhibit or prevent meaningful trade or cooperation among many developing countries. In many cases, the economies are very much linked with those of the metropolitan countries. Flexible cooperative links should be forged in relations to certain identified commodities, products or projects-with a general consensus and understanding amongst the countries on major economic Issues, and a ready desire to share appropriate technologies among themselves. The dominant role of international financial institutions like the IMF, the World Bank etc., has an important political influence which goes to constrain SouthSouth cooperation. Bilateral exchange of goods and services may provide a workable solution to the problem of lack of hard currency. Tariff, preferences, long-term planning and package deals could go a long way in strengthening trade flows. Trilateral trade agreements such as those existing between India, Egypt and Yugoslavia could be a model for close trade relations among developing countries,

C. Suggestions and Recommendations The Indo-African seminar made some suggestions and recommendations, which sound rather ambitious, but deserve serious consideration, It said that a research team should be formed which should try and analyse in detail some of the constraints of South-South cooperation, particularly with reference to the relationship of different African countries with India. This team could also indicate the areas in which the traditional colonial linkages should be broken, or the areas in which the existing export and import patterns could be substituted with new arrangements between India and the African countries. There was need to create a set-up for continuous follow-up in areas of bilateral and multi-lateral cooperation amongst developing countries on the one hand, and between India and Africa on the other. A centre for science and technology for non-aligned countries might be set up where experiences could be shared. It would be a common house for exchange of information. Institutions might be established for joint R&D of industrial know-how and technology with facilities for training of nationals of member-countries. A multi-disciplinary consortium might be organised to initiate an effort towards economic independence. Technological linkages could be forged where technocrats, financial experts and researchers could get together to examine areas where there were possibilities of cooperation. Linkages could be developed to function as clearing house and guidance centres at the small-scale industry level for transfer of technology and skills from one country to another on a bilateral and multi-lateral basis. Linkages should be developed not only between governments, but also at the institutional and enterprise levels, and among non-governmental organisations. Specialised financial institutions and trading house should be established in member-countries to identify, promote and develop business relationships relating to bilateral and international trade, Trade promotion offices might be established in India and African countries. A common data bank, a common programme for gathering, storing, and disseminating information on a day-to-day basis was needed. The information collected should be on a global basis and not confined to information pertaining to India and African countries alone, The central banks of all the member-countries should get together and examine techniques and devices relating to the foreign exchange problem faced bysome of the countries in the region. There should be company-to-company dialogue in operational terms. Detailed follow-up on the part of individual companies, individual organisations such as FIEO, with their counterparts in African countries was necessary for a meaningful pattern of trade to evolve. A committee may be constituted byFlEO to examine in detail matters such as the nature of the technology needed by individual countries in the African region and its delivery system. 92