Crimea Is Not for the Crimean Tatars

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Crimea Is Not for the Crimean Tatars УДК 343.4:342.727]:07-051(477.75-074) Л84 Text author – Yuriy Lukanov. Editor and idea author – Tetiana Pechonchyk. Proofreader – Steve Doyle. Layout and design – Pavel Reznikov. Yuriy Lukanov Л84 The Press: How Russia Destroyed Media Freedom in Crimea / Yuriy Lukanov; Ed. by Tetiana Pechonchyk; Human Rights Information Centre. – Kyiv: KBC, 2018. – 176 p. ISBN 978-966-2403-19-0 This book discusses the curtailing of freedom of speech and persecution of journalists in Crimea after its occupation by the Russian Federation. This book contains documented evidence from more than two dozen journalists, editors, media owners and representatives of international organizations about beatings, damage and seizure of equipment, illegal detention, violent disappearance, tortures, threats, denial of accreditation, «blacklisting», institution of fabricated criminal cases, fines and other types of pressure and intimidation against journalists in Crimea. For four years since Russia invaded Crimea, none of these crimes have been investigated by the de facto “Crimean authorities” and the perpetrators have not been prosecuted. At the same time, Ukrainian authorities instituted a number of criminal cases based on the described circumstances. This book is designed for a wide range of readers, including representatives of the mass media, civil society, law enforcement agencies, academia and international organizations. УДК 343.4:342.727]:07-051(477.75-074) ISBN 978-966-2403-19-0 © Yuriy Lukanov, 2018 © Human Rights Information Centre, 2018 Human Rights Information Centre is a Ukrainian human rights organization, the purpose of which is to promote human rights, rule of law and values of civil society in Ukraine. In March 2014, together with Russian and Crimean human rights activists, the center members participated in the Crimean Field Mission for Human Rights (KFM), the only international human rights civil initiative, which worked in Crimea on a permanent basis. After the Federation Council included KFM in the so-called «patriotic stop list» in summer 2015, it was forced to stop working in Crimea because of the risk of criminal prosecution of its monitors. Since then, the Human Rights Information Centre has continued monitoring the situation regarding freedom of speech and expression in Crimea, cooperating with local activists, and supports Crimean journalists and human rights defenders. The organization is engaged in information-analytical work and advocacy of human rights topics in Crimea at the national and international arena. This publication was funded by the British Embassy in Ukraine as a part of a joint project of the Human Rights Information Centre and the Crimean Human Rights Group. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and may not coincide with the official position of the UK Government. Content Preface . 6 Introduction . 9 Mayhem Panorama . 15 OSCE, the UN and Obama Being Expelled from Crimea . 15 Bloody Fight in Sevastopol . 23 Russians Only . 31 Limited “referendum” . 34 Accused of spying . 40 The son was held responsible for his father . 45 Sevastopol detective . 52 Kerch ferry service takeover . 55 Injured journalist’s camera . 66 Deprived of the right to a profession . 69 Chornomorka was the first to shut down . 69 Working without equipment . 77 “Freedom” does not fit here . 86 Reporter-”extremist” Mykola Semena . 97 They will stay in prison for five years . 127 Retribution for “Krym” battalion . 127 Russian unwittingly . 137 Crimea is not for the Crimean Tatars . 147 ATR is not for sale . 147 Notice: entry denied . 164 The Last Word . 174 5 Preface Vladimir Putin’s Soviet-Style Repression of Media and Freedom of Speech in Occupied Crimea The annexation of Crimea in spring 2014 by Russia was not just only a blatant act of military aggression and violation of international law; it was far more . Yuriy Lukanov’s detailed book-length study is the first collated publication of memoirs and evidence of journalists about the Russian occupation authorities’ repressions against the media in Crimea . This book covers in breadth the abuse of human rights and freedom of speech in Crimea under Russian occupation which is succinctly in- tegrated with detailed case studies of fabricated repression and ex- treme violence against journalists . The annexation of Crimea led to the return to high levels of Soviet era repression of the Crimean Tatars, Ukrainians and Russians; in- deed, anybody remotely opposed to Russia’s illegal occupation . Heavy-handed repression of the media has gone hand in hand with discrimination against Crimean Tatars and Ukrainophobic chauvinism . Occupied Crimea has been flooded by a massive influx of FSB (Fed- eral Security Service) officers who eavesdrop, place under surveil- lance, undertake wonton destruction of property perpetrate savage acts of violence, detain under false accusations and hold mock trials and convict innocent journalists and civic activists . 6 Yuriy Lukanov | The Press: How Russia Destroyed Media Freedom in Crimea PREFACE President Vladimir Putin’s occupation regime is undertaking systematic repression in Crimea last seen in the dark days of the Soviet Union . This not only includes the closing down and corporate raiding of media out- lets but also the use of vigilante thugs (titushky) to severely beat jour- nalists and in some cases murder civil society activists . Peaceful pickets and protests have been and continue to be violently broken up and their participants savagely beaten, arrested and convicted on spurious Sovi- et-style charges . The book covers a wide range of areas that relate to the suppression of media freedom in Russian-occupied Crimea . These include the expulsion of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) from Crimea because Putin does not want them collecting information and reporting about the destruction of media freedom . Lukanov’s book also analyses how the Russian-occupation authorities have undertaken repressive steps to establish a Putin-friendly monopoly over the media in Crimea . Lukanov analyses how the FSB, Ministry of In- terior, Prosecutor-General’s office and Cossacks and extremist Russian nationalist vigilantes have corporate raided Ukrainian and Tatar media outlets, used physical violence against journalists and civic activists, put on trial members of their families and thrown out of work journalists who refuse to pay homage to Putin’s occupation of Crimea . This book talks about a new wave of political repression of Crimean Tatars that began after Russia’s occupation. Half of the Crimean Tatar people died during their ethnic cleansing from Crimea to Central Asia in 1944 on false charges of “collaboration with the Nazi’s ”. Crimean Tatars are banned from commemorating in May of each year their genocide in 1944 . They were only allowed to begin returning to Crimea in the late 1980s and 1990s and by 2014 accounted for 15% of the Crimean popula- tion . Since 2014 under Russian occupation, Crimean Tatar leaders have been expelled and imprisoned, their media outlets have been closed down, and the unofficial parliament Mejlis has been banned. Lukanov’s detailed study of the massive infringement of human rights and media freedom in Russian-occupied Crimea is an important docu- mentary evidence for journalists, academics, civic activists and policy makers . This important and ground-breaking study should be widely 7 PREFACE circulated to Western governments, media and experts . The world needs to know about Putin’s use of Soviet-style political repression in a terri- tory that he has illegally annexed . Dr. Taras Kuzio is a Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Transatlantic Relations, Johns Hopkins-SAIS and the author of Putin’s War Against Ukraine and joint author of The Sources of Russia’s Great Power Politics: Ukraine and the Challenge to the European Order. In November 2010, he published The Crimea: Europe’s Next Flashpoint? which forecast Russia’s invasion and occupation four years later. 8 Yuriy Lukanov | The Press: How Russia Destroyed Media Freedom in Crimea Introduction On February 27, 2014 at four o’clock in the morning, armed men in unmarked uniform captured the premises of the Council of Ministers and the Verkhovna Rada of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea . With bitter irony, the journalists compared it with the attack of Nazi Ger- many on the Soviet Union . Then, on June 22, 1941, the war started at four o’clock in the morning, too . Just over a week before, on February 18-20, at the Independence Square in Kyiv, more than eighty people were shot . The funeral cere- mony was held in the same place, at Independence Square, accompa- nied by a sad melody of the song “Duck’s floating.” Hot discussions during the pro-Russian rally in Simferopol . Photo by Yuriy Lukanov 9 INTRODUCTION After this terrible crime, the pro-Russian President of Ukraine, Viktor Yanukovych fled to Russia. His government fled together with him. The country was dominated by anarchy . The opposition supporting the Maidan, which came to power after its victory, did not have time to form a Cabinet of Ministers . This is when the government buildings in Simfer- opol were occupied . The next day after the capture, Simferopol was raging. People were walking down the streets with the Russian tricolor and shouting slo- gans urging Russia to come to the peninsula . The streets were are also full of organized groups of young men in sportswear or militarized uni- form with St . George’s ribbons on their chests . These ribbons were the symbols of the Russian Empire . They called themselves the “self-defense of Crimea ”. They held cam- paigns near Ukrainian military units and then started blocking and cap- turing them together with the Russian military men . As the subsequent events showed, most of the activists and organizers of these rallies were imported from Russia . In fact, these riots were or- ganized by Putin’s Russia, which has been developing the policy of an- nexing foreign territories for years .
Recommended publications
  • Land Auctions
    Dear friends, Today the autonomy has good prospects for investments, a priority region for the economic development of our country. It may and must turn from a subsidized region into a profitable one. This is our key target. Our Crimean strategy of social and economic renewal and development is based on it. No doubt that the Crimea will become a pearl of Ukraine, will be able to successfully implement the whole resort and tourist, agricultural, transport, industrial and certainly land potential. This and other similar publications of the Crimean government popularize the issues of improving business climate in the autonomy, activating investment activities in the region and transparent sales of land in the Crimea. For us holding open auctions is not merely the establishment of clear and understandable rules for doing investing business but also direct replenishment of the republican budget. At the same time this transparent method of selling land will put an end to the illegal schemes of enriching and will enable to use the land – a most valuable Crimean resource – for the benefit of the budget and all the Crimean citizens. I am convinced that this catalogue will become a reference book for a domestic and foreign investor and businessman. Chairman of Council of Ministers of Autonomous Republic of Crimea V.Djarty 22,0 HA LOCATION: BAKHCHISARAI REGION The land plot is situated out of borders of the settlements of Verkhorechie village council, in the area of the village of Verkhorechie 1 LAND PLOT DESCRIPTION Designation: the distance of
    [Show full text]
  • Crimea: Anatomy of a Decision
    Crimea: Anatomy of a decision Daniel Treisman President Vladimir Putin’s decision to seize the Crimean peninsula from Ukraine and incorporate it into Russia was the most consequential of his first 15 years in power.1 It had profound implications for both foreign and domestic policy as well as for how Russia was viewed around the world. The intervention also took most observers—both in Russia and in the West—by surprise. For these reasons, it is a promising case from which to seek insight into the concerns and processes that drive Kremlin decision-making on high-stakes issues. One can distinguish two key questions: why Putin chose to do what he did, and how the decision was made. In fact, as will become clear, the answer to the second question helps one choose among different possible answers to the first. Why did Putin order his military intelligence commandos to take control of the peninsula? In the immediate aftermath, four explanations dominated discussion in the Western media and academic circles. A first image—call this “Putin the defender”—saw the Russian intervention as a desperate response to the perceived threat of NATO enlargement. Fearing that with President Viktor Yanukovych gone Ukraine’s new government would quickly join the Western military alliance, so the argument goes, Putin struck preemptively to prevent such a major strategic loss and to break the momentum of NATO’s eastward drive (see, e.g., Mearsheimer 2014). 1 This chapter draws heavily on “Why Putin Took Crimea,” Foreign Affairs, May/June, 2016. A second image—“Putin the imperialist”—cast Crimea as the climax of a gradually unfolding, systematic project on the part of the Kremlin to recapture the lost lands of the Soviet Union.
    [Show full text]
  • Article of a Given In- with Postdepositional Erosion
    Earth Surf. Dynam., 8, 769–787, 2020 https://doi.org/10.5194/esurf-8-769-2020 © Author(s) 2020. This work is distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. Timing of exotic, far-traveled boulder emplacement and paleo-outburst flooding in the central Himalayas Marius L. Huber1,a, Maarten Lupker1, Sean F. Gallen2, Marcus Christl3, and Ananta P. Gajurel4 1Geological Institute, Department of Earth Sciences, ETH Zurich, Zurich 8092, Switzerland 2Department of Geosciences, Colorado State University, Fort Collins, Colorado 80523, USA 3Laboratory of Ion Beam Physics (LIP), Department of Physics, ETH Zurich, Zurich 8093, Switzerland 4Department of Geology, Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal acurrent address: Université de Lorraine, CNRS, CRPG, 54000 Nancy, France Correspondence: Marius L. Huber ([email protected]) Received: 28 February 2020 – Discussion started: 20 March 2020 Revised: 21 July 2020 – Accepted: 11 August 2020 – Published: 22 September 2020 Abstract. Large boulders, ca. 10 m in diameter or more, commonly linger in Himalayan river channels. In many cases, their lithology is consistent with source areas located more than 10 km upstream, suggesting long trans- port distances. The mechanisms and timing of “exotic” boulder emplacement are poorly constrained, but their presence hints at processes that are relevant for landscape evolution and geohazard assessments in mountainous regions. We surveyed river reaches of the Trishuli and Sunkoshi, two trans-Himalayan rivers in central Nepal, to improve our understanding of the processes responsible for exotic boulder transport and the timing of em- placement. Boulder size and channel hydraulic geometry were used to constrain paleo-flood discharge assuming turbulent, Newtonian fluid flow conditions, and boulder exposure ages were determined using cosmogenic nu- clide exposure dating.
    [Show full text]
  • Svoboda Party – the New Phenomenon on the Ukrainian Right-Wing Scene
    OswcOMMentary issue 56 | 04.07.2011 | ceNTRe fOR eAsTeRN sTudies Svoboda party – the new phenomenon on the Ukrainian right-wing scene NTARy Me Tadeusz A. Olszański ces cOM Even though the national-level political scene in Ukraine is dominated by the Party of Regions, the west of the country has seen a progressing incre- ase in the activity of the Svoboda (Freedom) party, a group that combines tudies participation in the democratically elected local government of Eastern s Galicia with street actions, characteristic of anti-system groups. This party has brought a new quality to the Ukrainian nationalist movement, as it astern refers to the rhetoric of European anti-liberal and neo-nationalist move- e ments, and its emergence is a clear response to public demand for a group of this sort. The increase in its popularity plays into the hands of the Party of Regions, which is seeking to weaken the more moderate opposition entre for parties (mainly the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc). However, Svoboda retains its c independence from the ruling camp. This party, in all likelihood, will beco- me a permanent and important player in Ukrainian political life, although its influence may be restricted to Eastern Galicia. NTARy Me Svoboda is determined to fight the tendencies in Ukrainian politics and the social sphere which it considers pro-Russian. Its attitude towards Russia and Russians, furthermore, is unambiguously hostile. In the case of Poland, ces cOM it reduces mutual relations almost exclusively to the historical aspects, strongly criticising the commemoration of the victims of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army’s (UPA) crimes.
    [Show full text]
  • Foreign Observation of the Illegitimate Elections in South Ossetia and Abkhazia in 2019
    FOREIGN OBSERVATION OF THE ILLEGITIMATE ELECTIONS IN SOUTH OSSETIA AND ABKHAZIA IN 2019 Anton Shekhovtsov FOREIGN OBSERVATION OF THE ILLEGITIMATE ELECTIONS IN SOUTH OSSETIA AND ABKHAZIA IN 2019 Anton Shekhovtsov Contents Executive summary _____________________________________ 4 Introduction: Illegitimacy of the South Ossetian “parliamentary” and Abkhaz “presidential elections” ___________ 6 “Foreign observers” of the 2019 “elections” in South Ossetia and Abkhazia ____________________________ 9 Established involvement of “foreign observers” in pro-Kremlin efforts __________________________________ 16 Assessments of the South Ossetian and Abkhaz 2019 “elections” by “foreign observers” _____________________ 21 Conclusion ___________________________________________ 27 Edition: European Platform for Democratic Elections www.epde.org Responsible for the content: Europäischer Austausch gGmbH Erkelenzdamm 59 10999 Berlin, Germany Represented through: Stefanie Schiffer EPDE is financially supported by the European Union and the Federal Foreign Office of Germany. The here expressed opinion does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the donors. Executive summary The so-called “Republic of South Ossetia” and “Republic of Abkhazia” are breakaway regions of Georgia that are recognised as independent sovereign states only by five UN Member States: Russia (which supports their de facto independence by military, economic and political means), Nauru, Nicaragua, Syria and Venezuela. Other entities that recognise South Ossetia and Abkhaz- ia as independent
    [Show full text]
  • Control of the Value of Black Goldminers' Labour-Power in South
    Farouk Stemmet Control of the Value of Black Goldminers’ Labour-Power in South Africa in the Early Industrial Period as a Consequence of the Disjuncture between the Rising Value of Gold and its ‘Fixed Price’ Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Glasgow October, 1993. © Farouk Stemmet, MCMXCIII ProQuest Number: 13818401 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 13818401 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 GLASGOW UNIVFRSIT7 LIBRARY Abstract The title of this thesis,Control of the Value of Black Goldminers' Labour- Power in South Africa in the Early Industrial Period as a Consequence of the Disjuncture between the Rising Value of Gold and'Fixed its Price', presents, in reverse, the sequence of arguments that make up this dissertation. The revolution which took place in the value of gold, the measure of value, in the second half of the nineteenth century, coincided with the need of international trade to hold fast the value-ratio at which the world's various paper currencies represented a definite weight of gold.
    [Show full text]
  • Sediment Transport to the Laptev Sea-Hydrology and Geochemistry of the Lena River
    Sediment transport to the Laptev Sea-hydrology and geochemistry of the Lena River V. RACHOLD, A. ALABYAN, H.-W. HUBBERTEN, V. N. KOROTAEV and A. A, ZAITSEV Rachold, V., Alabyan, A., Hubberten, H.-W., Korotaev, V. N. & Zaitsev, A. A. 1996: Sediment transport to the Laptev Sea-hydrology and geochemistry of the Lena River. Polar Research 15(2), 183-196. This study focuses on the fluvial sediment input to the Laptev Sea and concentrates on the hydrology of the Lena basin and the geochemistry of the suspended particulate material. The paper presents data on annual water discharge, sediment transport and seasonal variations of sediment transport. The data are based on daily measurements of hydrometeorological stations and additional analyses of the SPM concentrations carried out during expeditions from 1975 to 1981. Samples of the SPM collected during an expedition in 1994 were analysed for major, trace, and rare earth elements by ICP-OES and ICP-MS. Approximately 700 h3freshwater and 27 x lo6 tons of sediment per year are supplied to the Laptev Sea by Siberian rivers, mainly by the Lena River. Due to the climatic situation of the drainage area, almost the entire material is transported between June and September. However, only a minor part of the sediments transported by the Lena River enters the Laptev Sea shelf through the main channels of the delta, while the rest is dispersed within the network of the Lena Delta. Because the Lena River drains a large basin of 2.5 x lo6 km2,the chemical composition of the SPM shows a very uniform composition.
    [Show full text]
  • Living in Two Places : Permanent Transiency In
    living in two places: permanent transiency in the magadan region Elena Khlinovskaya Rockhill Scott Polar Research Institute, University of Cambridge, Lensfield Road, Cambridge CB2 1ER, UK; [email protected] abstract Some individuals in the Kolyma region of Northeast Russia describe their way of life as “permanently temporary.” This mode of living involves constant movements and the work of imagination while liv- ing between two places, the “island” of Kolyma and the materik, or mainland. In the Soviet era people maintained connections to the materik through visits, correspondence and telephone conversations. Today, living in the Kolyma means living in some distant future, constantly keeping the materik in mind, without fully inhabiting the Kolyma. People’s lives embody various mythologies that have been at work throughout Soviet Kolyma history. Some of these models are being transformed, while oth- ers persist. Underlying the opportunities afforded by high mobility, both government practices and individual plans reveal an ideal of permanency and rootedness. KEYWORDS: Siberia, gulag, Soviet Union, industrialism, migration, mobility, post-Soviet The Magadan oblast’1 has enjoyed only modest attention the mid-seventeenth century, the history of its prishloye in arctic anthropology. Located in northeast Russia, it be- naseleniye3 started in the 1920s when the Kolyma region longs to the Far Eastern Federal Okrug along with eight became known for gold mining and Stalinist forced-labor other regions, okrugs and krais. Among these, Magadan camps. oblast' is somewhat peculiar. First, although this territory These regional peculiarities—a small indigenous pop- has been inhabited by various Native groups for centu- ulation and a distinct industrial Soviet history—partly ries, compared to neighboring Chukotka and the Sakha account for the dearth of anthropological research con- Republic (Yakutia), the Magadan oblast' does not have a ducted in Magadan.
    [Show full text]
  • [email protected] Website: Crimeahrg.Org
    e-mail: [email protected] website: crimeahrg.org CRIMEA: UKRAINIAN IDENTITY BANNED Analytical report on politically motivated persecution and discrimination on the ground of pro-Ukrainian opinion Kyiv February 2016 e-mail: [email protected] website: crimeahrg.org CRIMEA: UKRAINIAN IDENTITY BANNED Analytical report on politically motivated persecution and discrimination on the ground of pro-Ukrainian opinion Kyiv February 2016 Crimea: Ukrainian identity banned. Analytical report on politically motivated persecution and discrimination on the ground of pro-Ukrainian opinion. Editor: Olga Skrypnyk — Kyiv, 2016. — 40 pages. The Crimea Human Rights Group (CHRG) is the initiative of the Crimean human rights defenders and journalists, aimed at promoting the observance and protection of human rights in Crimea by attracting wide attention to problems of human rights and international human- itarian law in the territory of the Crimean peninsula, and the search for and development of mechanisms for the protection of human rights in Crimea. The activity of the CHRG is guided, first and foremost, by the rules of basic documents on human rights, namely the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Helsinki Final Act, the Convention on the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and others. The CHRG is guided by principles of objectivity, reliability and timeliness while preparing and spreading information. The CHRG’s team consists of experts, human rights activists and journalists from different countries who are involved in monitoring and documenting human rights violations in Crimea, since February, 2014. CHRG focuses on human rights violations in connection with the illegal actions of the Russian Federation in Crimea.
    [Show full text]
  • A Guide to the Archival and Manuscript Collection of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U.S., New York City
    Research Report No. 30 A GUIDE TO THE ARCHIVAL AND MANUSCRIPT COLLECTION OF THE UKRAINIAN ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES IN THE U.S., NEW YORK CITY A Detailed Inventory Yury Boshyk Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies University of Alberta Edmonton 1988 Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies University of Alberta Occasional Research Reports Publication of this work is made possible in part by a grant from the Stephania Bukachevska-Pastushenko Archival Endowment Fund. The Institute publishes research reports periodically. Copies may be ordered from the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, 352 Athabasca Hall, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, T6G 2E8. The name of the publication series and the substantive material in each issue (unless otherwise noted) are copyrighted by the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies. PRINTED IN CANADA Occasional Research Reports A GUDE TO THE ARCHIVAL AND MANUSCRIPT COLLECTION OF THE UKRAINIAN ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES IN THE U.S., NEW YORK CITY A Detailed Inventory Yury Boshyk Project Supervisor Research Report No. 30 — 1988 Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies University of Alberta Edmonton, Alberta Dr . Yury Boshyk Project Supervisor for The Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Research Assistants Marta Dyczok Roman Waschuk Andrij Wynnyckyj Technical Assistants Anna Luczka Oksana Smerechuk Lubomyr Szuch In Cooperation with the Staff of The Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U.S. Dr. William Omelchenko Secretary General and Director of the Museum-Archives Halyna Efremov Dima Komilewska Uliana Liubovych Oksana Radysh Introduction The Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the United States, New York City, houses the most comprehensive and important archival and manuscript collection on Ukrainians outside Ukraine.
    [Show full text]
  • International Crimes in Crimea
    International Crimes in Crimea: An Assessment of Two and a Half Years of Russian Occupation SEPTEMBER 2016 Contents I. Introduction 6 A. Executive summary 6 B. The authors 7 C. Sources of information and methodology of documentation 7 II. Factual Background 8 A. A brief history of the Crimean Peninsula 8 B. Euromaidan 12 C. The invasion of Crimea 15 D. Two and a half years of occupation and the war in Donbas 23 III. Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court 27 IV. Contextual elements of international crimes 28 A. War crimes 28 B. Crimes against humanity 34 V. Willful killing, murder and enforced disappearances 38 A. Overview 38 B. The law 38 C. Summary of the evidence 39 D. Documented cases 41 E. Analysis 45 F. Conclusion 45 VI. Torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 46 A. Overview 46 B. The law 46 C. Summary of the evidence 47 D. Documented cases of torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 50 E. Analysis 59 F. Conclusion 59 VII. Illegal detention 60 A. Overview 60 B. The law 60 C. Summary of the evidence 62 D. Documented cases of illegal detention 66 E. Analysis 87 F. Conclusion 87 VIII. Forced displacement 88 A. Overview 88 B. The law 88 C. Summary of evidence 90 D. Analysis 93 E. Conclusion 93 IX. Crimes against public, private and cultural property 94 A. Overview 94 B. The law 94 C. Summary of evidence 96 D. Documented cases 99 E. Analysis 110 F. Conclusion 110 X. Persecution and collective punishment 111 A. Overview 111 B.
    [Show full text]
  • Molecular Evidence for Pervasive Riverine Export of Soil Organic Matter from the Central Himalaya
    EGU2020-9017 https://doi.org/10.5194/egusphere-egu2020-9017 EGU General Assembly 2020 © Author(s) 2021. This work is distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. Molecular evidence for pervasive riverine export of soil organic matter from the Central Himalaya Lena Märki1, Maarten Lupker1, Ananta Gajurel2, Hannah Gies1, Negar Haghipour1,3, Sean Gallen4, Christian France-Lanord5, Jérôme Lavé5, and Timothy Eglinton1 1ETH Zurich, Geological Institute, Department of Earth Sciences, Zurich, Switzerland ([email protected]) 2Tribhuvan University, Department of Geology, Kathmandu, Nepal 3ETH Zurich, Ion Beam Physics, Zurich, Switzerland 4Colorado State University, Department of Geosciences, Fort Collins, USA 5CNRS – Université de Lorraine, Centre de Recherches Pétrographiques et Géochimiques, Vandœuvre-lès-Nancy, France Soil erosion in high mountain ranges plays an important role in redistributing soil organic carbon across landscapes and may influence the global climate on different timescales [1, 2]. Here, we investigate the dynamics of soil organic matter export in the steep mountain belt of the Himalaya by tracing the provenance of soil-derived lipids in riverine sediments from nested catchments with areas ranging from 370 to 57700 km2. Branched glycerol dialkyl glycerol tetraethers (brGDGTs) are a suite of lipids that occur ubiquitously in soils [3, 4]. Their isomer distribution depends on environmental parameters such as the mean annual temperature of the local environment [3]. In this study, we explore the use of brGDGT distributions as a proxy for the altitudinal provenance of soil organic matter in riverine sediments of the Central Himalaya of Nepal. BrGDGT distributions in soils collected along an altitudinal profile, spanning elevations from 200 to 4450 m asl, yield a robust calibration of soil signatures as a function of elevation.
    [Show full text]