Reflections on the Post-Partition Period: Life Narratives of Kashmiri Muslims in Contemporary Kashmir
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HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 38 Number 2 Article 9 December 2018 Reflections on the ost-PP artition Period: Life Narratives of Kashmiri Muslims in Contemporary Kashmir Hafsa Kanjwal Lafayette College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Kanjwal, Hafsa. 2018. Reflections on the ost-PP artition Period: Life Narratives of Kashmiri Muslims in Contemporary Kashmir. HIMALAYA 38(2). Available at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol38/iss2/9 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Reflections on the Post-Partition Period: Life Narratives of Kashmiri Muslims in Contemporary Kashmir Hafsa Kanjwal This article examines the political subjectivities and uncertainty surrounding the Kashmir of the first generation of post-Partition ‘dispute’ led to a political subjectivity that Kashmiri Muslims and presents their life sought coherence amidst contradiction and narratives, both written and oral, as an incommensurate political and ideological important vantage point from which to commitments. In particular, this coherence was understand shifts in Kashmiri Muslim society reflected in the desire to assert and foreground in the early post-Partition period. It also a Kashmiri Muslim identity, one that existed explores how these narratives are mediated alongside other class, regional and gendered by the respondent’s present, a period after identities, but was nonetheless sharpened the militancy of the late eighties and nineties, as a political community. I conclude with a but one in which there remains a mass reflection on the importance of this generation uprising against Indian rule. This generation to understanding the making of political was important for a number of reasons. One, subjectivities in Kashmir today. they witnessed the erosion of Kashmir’s Keywords: Kashmir, Muslim, Partition, life narratives, militancy, autonomy and the promises of a plebiscite, as oral history. well as intense political repression. Two, they were enlisted in the project of state reform and nation building, and thus, effectively participated in those same processes of erosion. As a result, I argue that the conditions 40 | HIMALAYA Fall 2018 Introduction political aspirations vis-a-vis the two new nation-states of India and Pakistan, both of which laid claims to the entire A vast majority of Kashmiri Muslims who went to state, and whose borders were heavily militarized. As this India for study, had a sort of hatred for India, but article will illustrate, this paradoxical context and these the air was so oppressive that they couldn’t express multiple, sometimes conflicting, aspirations (for example, it. The Kashmiri educated middle class always lived a desire for a political resolution for Kashmir through the in such a dichotomy. When a Kashmiri Muslim was plebiscite as well as a desire for jobs and employment) engaged in government service, he was an Indian. were to leave an impact on the political subjectivities of But at home, he was a Pakistani. He cried if this post-Partition generation. This article seeks to under- Pakistan lost a cricket match, but then when it was stand what that impact was, and in doing so, shed light on time to go to office he changed from his pheran1 to the ways in which conflict, war, or occupation shape the Western clothes, took dictates from his bosses, and subjectivities of those who live under its logic of rule and somehow became instrumental in suppressing his governance. How did Kashmiri Muslims reconcile their own people (Dr. Mir Nazir Ahmed, former personal aspirations with the political context prevalent Medical Superintendent). in the state? How did they justify their participation in the The above quote illustrates the complex entanglements of very state that sought to undermine their political rights political ideology, religious identity, and class aspirations and demands? How did they traverse the political possibil- that defined Kashmiri Muslims in the early post-Partition ities made available to them? And finally, which of these period.2 After the monumental Partition of the Indian dilemmas or tensions endure today? subcontinent in 1947, Kashmiri Muslims found them- This article examines the political subjectivities of the selves divided between the new nation-states of India and first generation of post-Partition Kashmiri Muslims and Pakistan (Snedden 2012).3 As a separate political commu- presents their life narratives, both written and oral, as an nity that had its own political visions and direction in the important vantage point from which to understand shifts late colonial period, they did not seamlessly fit into the in Kashmiri Muslim society in a time of significant change.6 political trajectories of either.4 Those in the Indian-held It primarily engages with those Kashmiri Muslims who state of Jammu and Kashmir had to deal with multiple were either part of the Kashmiri bureaucratic state or the contradictions and dilemmas. One, as contestations over primary beneficiaries of state-led policies of socio-eco- the future of Kashmir still remained unresolved, they nomic and educational reform, which included land reform witnessed the erosion of Kashmir’s autonomy and the and free education.7 Indeed, the early post-Partition promises of a United Nations-mandated plebiscite, as well period in Kashmir saw the creation of an upwardly mobile, as intense political repression. As the Indian government educated Muslim middle-class that was complicit in the sought to stamp out the “provisionality of Kashmir’s everyday work of the state and bureaucracy. In addition, accession to India”, declaring Kashmir to be an integral it also explores how these narratives are mediated by the part of India, political repression was meted out by both respondent’s present, a period after the armed resistance the central government, as well as the local Kashmiri state of the late eighties and nineties, but one in which there government (Duschinski, et al., 2018: 15-18).5 The latter remains a mass uprising against Indian rule.8 As Kashmiri operated under a veneer of democracy, stifling all dissent, Muslims attempted to navigate the complex political and whereby the demand for a plebiscite by local Kashmiris social terrain of Kashmir’s disputed status in the early was seen as an ‘antinational position’, and oppositional post-Partition period, I argue that their life narratives perspectives were censored or jailed. Paradoxically, reflect an attempt to seek coherence amidst contradiction Kashmiri Muslims had to negotiate their own aspirations and incommensurate political and ideological commit- for modernity and progress after decades of poverty ments. In particular, the search for coherence in these and misrule under their princely rulers, the Dogras. In life narratives was reflected in a desire to assert and the context of state-led socio-economic and educational foreground a Kashmiri Muslim identity, one that existed reform, and patronage that sought to empower the local alongside other class, regional, and gendered identities, population, Kashmiris became dependent on the state, but was nonetheless sharpened as a political community. “torn between [their] subordination to the state and [their] aspirations for national liberation” (Duschinski, et al 2018: Recent scholarship on Kashmir has engaged with the 14-15). By actively taking part in the state apparatus, they concept of political subjectivities in important ways, contributed to the processes of erosion of the demand for drawing attention to the contingent nature of the forma- a plebiscite. Furthermore, they also had to situate their tion of political subjectivities as a result of broader social HIMALAYA Volume 38, Number 2 | 41 and economic dynamics. Most have primarily focused on a generational sample; many of the individuals who can the pre-Partition period, as well as the period after the speak directly to the post-Partition period have passed armed resistance of the late eighties. Chitrelekha Zutshi away and some were not available to be interviewed explores how Kashmiri-ness in the eighteenth to twen- due to illness or old age. My positionality as a Kashmiri, tieth centuries was related to both regional and religious from a Muslim family that had been involved in the state forms of belonging, and how both were linked to the bureaucracy at the time, was critical in opening doors, broader economic and political dynamics of their time especially in speaking with former bureaucrats. Thus, (Zutshi 2004). Mridu Rai has examined how Islam played an after meeting a few individuals that were known to my important role under the Dogras, arguing that the protest family, I was directed to the others, which resulted in by Kashmiri Muslims adopted a religious idiom because the snowball sampling. Most of my respondents identified as Dogra state itself was religiously politicized along Hindu Kashmiri Muslims who had been involved with state insti- lines (Rai 2004). Other scholars have examined