Fiona Norman Robert Ovetz Sean Winkler Alberto Bayo Lewis Hodder Luca Wright Joel Hellewell Aflie Hancox Winter 2020

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Fiona Norman Robert Ovetz Sean Winkler Alberto Bayo Lewis Hodder Luca Wright Joel Hellewell Aflie Hancox Winter 2020 Winter 2020 ISSN 2632-7732 Fiona Norman Robert Ovetz Sean Winkler Alberto Bayo Lewis Hodder Luca Wright Joel Hellewell Aflie Hancox Winter 2020 3 Editorial no. 2 4 Reflections on Hong Kong 6 When workers shot back Robert Ovetz 12 Social democracy and its discontents Alfie Hancox 17 Bolsheviks without Soviets Luca Wright 20 Lessons from LulzSec Alberto Bayo 22 Fully Automated Luxury Communism Lewis Hodder 24 People's Republic of Walmart Sean Winkler 26 Bullshit Jobs Robert Ovetz 29 Why We Lie About Aid Joel Hellewell 30 Who Killed Cornelius Cardew? Fiona Norman Robert Ovetz, Ph.D. is a contingent lecturer in political Joel Hellewell researches methods for forecasting infectious science at a university in California in the US. He is the author disease outbreaks at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical of When Workers Shot Back: Class Conflict from 1877 to Medicine. You can follow him at @HellewellJoel. 1921 (Brill 2018, Haymarket 2019) and the forthcoming tentatively titled Workers’ Inquiry: Strategies, Tactics and Sean Winkler is a postdoctoral research fellow in Philosophy at Objectives of the Global Working Class (Pluto Press). the National Research University – Higher School of Economics in Moscow, Russia. His areas of specialization include Early Modern Luca Wright writes on Marx and historical communist Philosophy and the Sociology of Science/Technology, and his movements and from time to time helps out at Ebb Magazine. areas of competence include 20th-century French Continental Philosophy, Daoism and Soviet philosophy. Alfie Hancox is an MA student at the University of Warwick researching the British Black Power movement. Alberto Bayo is an editor of Ebb Magazine and a Marxist-Leninist from the United Kingdom with a background in engineering. He is Fiona Norman is a community musician based in Berkshire. interested in orthodox Marxism and its role in 21st century politics as well as technology, infrastructure, and other hands on ways to Lewis Hodder is one of the editors of Ebb Magazine. improve people's living conditions. Editors Lewis Hodder Alberto Bayo Editorial Assistant Luca Wright Summer Oxlade All content is available online to read and download for free at www.ebb-magazine.com. You can also follow us on Twitter @ ebb-magazine and support us on Patreon at https://www.patreon.com/ebbmagazine. If you want to contribute to Ebb, you can submit your work to editorial@ebb-magazine. More details can be found on https://www.ebb-magazine.com/submit Cover image Edvard Munch, Workers in the Snow, 1912 ISSN 2632-7732 Editorial no. 2 n our last editorial we asked, ‘What would it take for people to believe that the UK, US, and Europe aren’t the “good guys”?’ amid constant news coverage that demonised Nicolas IMaduro’s resistance to the attempted US-backed coup. Since then, reactionary forces in Bolivia bolstered by the US have removed Evo Morales, the first indigenous president of Bolivia, and forced him into exile in Cuba. After the failure of the coup against Nicolas Maduro people on the left saw this as America’s paper tiger falling under its own weight, as its privatised military becomes increasingly bloated and inefficient, but this failure only testifies to the class consciousness and strength of the Venezuelan people and its military. To paraphrase Nietzsche’s famous dictum, that which is falling must be pushed – and that push cannot come any sooner; Iran and Iraq’s right to self-determination has been obscured and played against them after the tragic downing of a passenger jet from Iran to Ukraine, and the ground that the US has been preparing in raising tensions with China is paying off in the rabid Sinophobia we see reaching new levels over the outbreak of coronavirus in China. Those on the left that swear by the strict definition of socialism and communism to discredit countries in imperialism’s sights must instead turn their attention to our bourgeoisie. To quote Lenin in his ‘Theses for an Appeal to the International Socialist Committee and All Socialist Parties’, a ‘socialist of another country cannot expose the government and bourgeoisie of a country at war with “his own” nation, and not only because he does not know that country’s language, history, specific features, etc., but also because such exposure is part of imperialist intrigue, and not an internationalist duty.’ At the same time, those focussed on our bourgeoise must not overlook all the ways in which oppression manifests itself and fall into reaction. It remains essential to not fall behind the working class but to lead it. As Luca Wright recognises: we see ‘communist parties in the UK struggle with basic social problems that are easily resolved elsewhere, condemning trans- struggles as a conspiracy and reverting to homophobia and racism of the most reactionary element of the working class.’ In Britain especially, reaction continues to grip much of the left as social democracy received a decisive blow – yet social democrats are determined to relive this loss as they prepare for the next Labour leadership battle. While, on the other hand, opportunists parrot the right’s renewed zeal with the creation of Worker’s Party, a rebranding of the CPGB-ML (flat-caps and all), as they declare that ‘obsession with identity politics, including sexual politics, divides the working class’, and calls for a ‘socialist system’ with ‘control of our borders, both physical and financial.’ It is a sad state of affairs when Britain’s communist parties cannot conceive and overcome basic social problems; when they sooner turn to the right and believe the media of the bourgeoisie rather than the oppressed in their own countries; when communist and workers’ parties have been overtaken by liberal movements in their demand for citizens’ assemblies and strikes. But the question remains; the question of workers’ councils. 3 Ebb Magazine Reflections on Hong Kong estern propaganda has be another ‘brown’ country the US can the measures to protect the Chinese a foothold on audiences invade, it still bears the same hallmarks Communist Party, revolution, and around the world. of racism, bigotry, and shallowness the their people. But to fall for the West's Without basic fact- imperialist media utilises in its quest for propaganda and allow its Orientalist Wchecking or even the pretence of unbiased regime change. narrative to take root in our perspectives rhetoric, mainstream media pounces China's current and historical ‘author- against China is unacceptable. They are on enemies of capital with ludicrous itarian’ rule has been misrepresented for our comrades. They are closer to our accusations. After Iraq and Venezuela, the benefit of Western propaganda, from ideals than any capitalist country in the Western media now has its sights on China the Chinese revolution, to the Cultural West. Without the proper diligence, we to continue its imperialist agenda with all revolution, all the way down to Tianan- may be aligning ourselves with the true its ‘credibility’ still intact. It also just so men Square, and Westerners in the left oppressors (whether it’s the US or the happens that Hong Kong is rallying, with continue to gobble up Western propagan- CIA), rather than those fighting against the United States' fingerprints all over the da that goes against the country. But let's them with established socialist countries unrest. say there are leftist, Marxist, or even com- that have overthrown capitalism and The mainstream media approach to munist groups in Hong Kong that are ad- feudalism. the protests in Hong Kong is nonsensical vocating for independence; let's say they Demands for Hong Kong’s independence and war-hawkish, and they are waiting have strong theories, praxis, and reasons from China become increasingly absurd. and goading on another ‘Tiananmen’-like as to why independence will be great for Hong Kong heavily relies on China for its massacre while the Chinese government the masses. In this hypothetical situation, own financial stability, despite its gigantic has done everything they can to let’s go far as to say that they were 100% economic inequality; 55% of Hong Kong’s preserve peace and respect the Special independent and not using any western trade and 80% of its tourists are from Administrative Regional Status. Those funding or backing, they are still a mi- mainland China. Hong Kong’s GDP with white-saviour complexes nevertheless nority. But 37,000 NGOs in Hong Kong growth slowed down but by 2017 it was promote the same false narratives, and receive money from the corrupt NED back on track, only to be hit by the trade Hong Kong protesters are using this to organization, US State Department, and war with the Anglo countries – which is a their advantage – waving signs in English, CIA, and numerous Hong Kong leaders bigger obstacle than the local unrest. American flags, and even singing the US and organizers have met with US officials If Hong Kong protesters were not national anthem as they make their way to including Ted Cruz – all drowning out waving imperialist flags, or even refusing US consulate. any chance of promoting a working class and rebuking the aid of the West for its If you want to witness the epitome of agenda. Does any leftist sincerely think independence, this conversation will be mainstream media failure, just see the that an independent Hong Kong would vastly different. If this was not the case, shallowness of their coverage of the Hong allow any sort of socialism or Marxism in communists could really analyse how Kong protests. But it’s the same with their country? China might deal with this problem Venezuela only, this time, they have a We can no longer ignore the semantics internally.
Recommended publications
  • Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930S
    Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Ariel Mae Lambe All rights reserved ABSTRACT Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe This dissertation shows that during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) diverse Cubans organized to support the Spanish Second Republic, overcoming differences to coalesce around a movement they defined as antifascism. Hundreds of Cuban volunteers—more than from any other Latin American country—traveled to Spain to fight for the Republic in both the International Brigades and the regular Republican forces, to provide medical care, and to serve in other support roles; children, women, and men back home worked together to raise substantial monetary and material aid for Spanish children during the war; and longstanding groups on the island including black associations, Freemasons, anarchists, and the Communist Party leveraged organizational and publishing resources to raise awareness, garner support, fund, and otherwise assist the cause. The dissertation studies Cuban antifascist individuals, campaigns, organizations, and networks operating transnationally to help the Spanish Republic, contextualizing these efforts in Cuba’s internal struggles of the 1930s. It argues that both transnational solidarity and domestic concerns defined Cuban antifascism. First, Cubans confronting crises of democracy at home and in Spain believed fascism threatened them directly. Citing examples in Ethiopia, China, Europe, and Latin America, Cuban antifascists—like many others—feared a worldwide menace posed by fascism’s spread.
    [Show full text]
  • 0714685003.Pdf
    CONTENTS Foreword xi Acknowledgements xiv Acronyms xviii Introduction 1 1 A terrorist attack in Italy 3 2 A scandal shocks Western Europe 15 3 The silence of NATO, CIA and MI6 25 4 The secret war in Great Britain 38 5 The secret war in the United States 51 6 The secret war in Italy 63 7 The secret war in France 84 8 The secret war in Spain 103 9 The secret war in Portugal 114 10 The secret war in Belgium 125 11 The secret war in the Netherlands 148 12 The secret war in Luxemburg 165 ix 13 The secret war in Denmark 168 14 The secret war in Norway 176 15 The secret war in Germany 189 16 The secret war in Greece 212 17 The secret war in Turkey 224 Conclusion 245 Chronology 250 Notes 259 Select bibliography 301 Index 303 x FOREWORD At the height of the Cold War there was effectively a front line in Europe. Winston Churchill once called it the Iron Curtain and said it ran from Szczecin on the Baltic Sea to Trieste on the Adriatic Sea. Both sides deployed military power along this line in the expectation of a major combat. The Western European powers created the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) precisely to fight that expected war but the strength they could marshal remained limited. The Soviet Union, and after the mid-1950s the Soviet Bloc, consistently had greater numbers of troops, tanks, planes, guns, and other equipment. This is not the place to pull apart analyses of the military balance, to dissect issues of quantitative versus qualitative, or rigid versus flexible tactics.
    [Show full text]
  • Lewisham Labour 2018 Manifesto
    LEWISHAM FOR THE MANY NOT THE FEW MANIFESTO 2018 Lewisham for the many, not the few Lewisham Labour’s Manifesto for the 2018 Local Elections 2 Inside 07 Damien Egan – Building a Lewisham for the many 11 Open Lewisham 15 Tackling the Tory housing crisis 19 Giving children and young people the best start in life 23 Building an economy for the many 27 Protecting our NHS and social care 31 Making Lewisham greener 35 Tackling crime 39 Your Lewisham Labour candidates 50 Get involved Pictured left, Lewisham Labour members’ manifesto workshops Damien Egan — Building a Lewisham for the many Welcome to Lewisham Labour’s Manifesto for the next four years, on which I as Mayoral candidate and 54 councillor candidates are standing on May 3rd: a platform that offers a bold, radical, socialist alternative. The elections give us the opportunity to show exactly what our community thinks of the Tory and Lib Dem Coalition Government’s massive cuts and how their austerity agenda has failed the country. We are in a fight to protect services for vulnerable residents on a scale like we have never seen before. This Manifesto highlights the many things that, together, we can do, while highlighting how much more we could do with a Labour government. It outlines what we want to do to make life better for everyone in Lewisham. That’s why it’s a huge honour to be selected by Labour’s membership as their candidate for Mayor of Lewisham. I love this borough and am proud to have served it as a councillor for the last eight years.
    [Show full text]
  • 2018 Warden's Annual Public Engagement Awards Programme
    Warden’s Annual Public Engagement Awards 2018 Celebrating excellence in public engagement at Goldsmiths 3 May 2018 Table of Contents 2 Welcome 3 Running Order 4 Established Researcher category 4 Winners 8 Commendations 10 Nominated 12 Early Career Researcher category 12 Winner 14 Commendation 15 Nominated 20 Postgraduate Researcher category 20 Winner 22 Commendation 24 Nominated Table of Contents — 1 Welcome Running order Welcome to the Warden’s Annual Public Engagement Awards ceremony at Warden’s Annual Public Engagement Awards Ceremony Goldsmiths, University of London. These awards recognise and celebrate the Richard Hoggart Building, Room 137 excellent work researchers at all career stages do with members of the public, whether they’re sharing ground-breaking findings with new audiences or 5pm Welcome by Pat Loughrey, Warden of Goldsmiths collaborating with the public throughout their research. 5.05pm Introduction by Dr John Price, Academic Lead for Public Engagement An exceptional range of innovative activities and projects were nominated by Goldsmiths staff, showcasing different approaches to engaging the public with 5.15pm The presentation of the awards and commendations in the category of research and practice. Our researchers worked with organisations like the BFI, the Established Researcher Labour Party, the Zoological Museum Hamburg and Parliament to engage diverse audiences through film, performance, art and citizen science. Two special awards for public engagement with an emphasis on community engagement and research impact will be also be presented. There was a real sense that researchers, partners and the public benefited from this work, demonstrating how research in the arts, humanities, social 5.35pm The presentation of the award and commendation in the category of sciences and computing can create positive change in the world.
    [Show full text]
  • 1977: the Battle of Lewisham
    1977: The Battle of Lewisham An account of the street battles which took place in London when local residents decided to stop a fascist National Front march in their community. On August 13 1977, the fascist National Front (NF) tried to march through the multi-racial working class area of Lewisham in South East London. It was a national mobilisation with local NF branches coming from all over Britain. However, a large anti-racist mobilisation turned out to oppose them in what was to become the biggest street battle against the fascists since Cable Street in 1936. The NF had grown rapidly during the 1970s, evolving from a tiny group of fascist crackpots to a large party with a national presence. They even threatened to overtake the Liberals as the third place party in British politics. In May 1977, the NF had gained 119,000 votes in the elections for the Greater London Council, in some areas gaining one in five of all votes. These electoral successes were accompanied by growing racial violence, with attacks becoming more frequent. The NF also began to feel in control of the streets and began attacking the meetings, paper sales and other events of political opponents. Just one week before the march in Lewisham, there was an (unsuccessful) attempt to burn down the offices of the Trotskyist group, Militant. When word got out that the NF were planning to march, the All-Lewisham Campaign Against Racism and Fascism (ALCARAF) – a group made up of various Labour Party members, local religious and ‘community’ leaders – refused to directly oppose them.
    [Show full text]
  • Milan and the Memory of Piazza Fontana Elena Caoduro Terrorism
    Performing Reconciliation: Milan and the Memory of Piazza Fontana Elena Caoduro Terrorism was arguably the greatest challenge faced by Western Europe in the 1970s with the whole continent shaken by old resentments which turned into violent revolt: Corsican separatists in France, German speaking minorities in Italy’s South Tyrol, and Flemish nationalists in Belgium. Throughout that decade more problematic situations escalated in the Basque Provinces and Northern Ireland, where ETA and the Provisional IRA, as well as the Loyalist paramilitary groups (such as the UVF, and UDA) participated in long armed campaigns. According to Tony Judt, two countries in particular, West Germany and Italy, witnessed a different violent wave, as the radical ideas of 1968 did not harmlessly dissipate, but turned into a ‘psychosis of self- justifying aggression’ (2007, p. 469). In Italy, the period between 1969 and 1983, where political terrorism reached its most violent peak, is often defined as anni di piombo, ‘the years of lead’. This idiomatic expression derives from the Italian title given to Margarethe Von Trotta’s Die bleierne Zeit (1981, W. Ger, 106 mins.), also known in the UK as The German Sisters and in the USA as Marianne and Juliane.1 Following the film’s Golden Lion award at the 1981 Venice Film Festival, the catchy phrase ‘years of lead’ entered common language, and is now accepted as a unifying term for the various terrorist phenomena occurred in the long 1970s, both in Italy and West Germany. By the mid 1980s, however, terrorism had begun to decline in Italy. Although isolated episodes of left-wing violence continued to occur – two governmental consultants were murdered in 1999 and in 2002 respectively – special laws and the reorganisation of anti-terrorist police forces enabled its eradication, as did the 1 collaboration of many former radical militants.
    [Show full text]
  • Italy and Its Traumatic Past
    How to Transform a ‘Place of Violence’ into a ‘Space of Collective Remembering’: Italy and its Traumatic Past Anna Lisa Tota* Abstract: This paper seeks to analyse cultural trauma theories and their consequences as well as their potential applicability to cases of collective trauma where access to the legal arena in the rehabilitation process is not possible. When ‘state terror’ occurs, such as in Latin America, or, more arguably Italy, access to the legal arena is systematically denied through a variety of criminal strategies. In these cases, the cultural working through of trauma takes place on the aesthetic level. What are the consequences of this process both for the inscription of the crucial event in public discourse and for its relationship with justice? Moreover, how do aesthetic codes affect the public definition of justice and a collective understanding of what happened? Introduction1 A new wave of international terrorism has emerged in the wake of the attacks of September 11, March 11 and July 7 affecting our common perceptions of risk, justice and everyday life. These attacks challenged existing ideas about the state, war, torture, prison, human rights and presented a host of new questions for intellectuals, social scientists, artists, politicians and common citizens to consider. The question of how to locate terror in the public space is a complex question but it can be analysed by considering the nature itself of the aesthetic codes used to transform a place of violence into a space of collective remembering. This process of transforming place is shaped by the performative nature of the narratives used in the different national contexts.
    [Show full text]
  • Technical and Legal Overview of the Tor Anonymity Network
    Emin Çalışkan, Tomáš Minárik, Anna-Maria Osula Technical and Legal Overview of the Tor Anonymity Network Tallinn 2015 This publication is a product of the NATO Cooperative Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence (the Centre). It does not necessarily reflect the policy or the opinion of the Centre or NATO. The Centre may not be held responsible for any loss or harm arising from the use of information contained in this publication and is not responsible for the content of the external sources, including external websites referenced in this publication. Digital or hard copies of this publication may be produced for internal use within NATO and for personal or educational use when for non- profit and non-commercial purpose, provided that copies bear a full citation. www.ccdcoe.org [email protected] 1 Technical and Legal Overview of the Tor Anonymity Network 1. Introduction .................................................................................................................................... 3 2. Tor and Internet Filtering Circumvention ....................................................................................... 4 2.1. Technical Methods .................................................................................................................. 4 2.1.1. Proxy ................................................................................................................................ 4 2.1.2. Tunnelling/Virtual Private Networks ............................................................................... 5
    [Show full text]
  • Battle of Lewisham Mural Public Consultation Responses
    Battle of Lewisham mural public consultation responses Summary 117 consultation responses have been gathered online (33) and through live consultation activities (84) in partnership with community organisations since April 2019: 70% of comments submitted by the public were coded either ‘Positive’ or ‘Positive / constructive’. 14% of qualitative comments submitted by the public were coded either Negative’ or ‘Negative / constructive’. 45% of comments submitted by the public engaged with the design and provided constructive criticism There is broad, if not unanimous, support for the concept of commemorating the Battle of Lewisham through public art. Nearly half (45%) of respondents provided constructive criticism which will inform the final round of design changes before the mural is launched in late 2019: Colour – Revisit the use of yellow and green in terms of the visual impact of these colours and how they help clarify the composition. E.g. What / who do they reveal and obscure. Context – Ensure interpretation boards are installed alongside the artwork at launch. People - Consider including Lewisham Mayor Ron Pepper if an appropriate image can be sourced. Banners & symbols – Remove the ‘National Front’ banner and move the ALCARAF banner to a more central position. NF platform - Consider ways in which the design can be altered to obscure the NF or minimise the risk of being perceived to give them a platform. Composition – Consider revisiting the central third of the composition in order to address the perceived lack of clarity and focus. This could be achieved by altering contrast and exploring how a stronger punk zine ‘cut out’ technique might provide clearer lines and greater structure.
    [Show full text]
  • Don't Panic: Making Progress on the 'Going Dark' Debate
    Foreword Just over a year ago, with support from the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, the Berkman Center for Internet & Society at Harvard University convened a diverse group of security and policy experts from academia, civil society, and the U.S. intelligence community to begin to work through some of the particularly vexing and enduring problems of surveillance and cybersecurity. The group came together understanding that there has been no shortage of debate. Our goals were to foster a straightforward, non-talking-point exchange among people who do not normally have a chance to engage with each other, and then to contribute in meaningful and concrete ways to the discourse on these issues. A public debate unfolded alongside our meetings: the claims and questions around the government finding a landscape that is “going dark” due to new forms of encryption introduced into mainstream consumer products and services by the companies who offer them. We have sought to distill our conversations and some conclusions in this report. The participants in our group who have signed on to the report, as listed on the following page, endorse “the general viewpoints and judgments reached by the group, though not necessarily every finding and recommendation.” In addition to endorsing the report, some signatories elected to individually write brief statements, which appear in Appendix A. Our participants who are currently employed full-time by government agencies are precluded from signing on because of their employment, and nothing can or should be inferred about their views from the contents of the report. We simply thank them for contributing to the group discussions.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Creating an "Arc of Crisis": the Destabilization of The
    “MUNDO ÁRABE CONJUNTURA ATUAL E ANÁLISE DE CENÁRIOS”- 2011 Creating an "Arc of Crisis": The Destabilization of the Middle East and Central Asia The Mumbai Attacks and the “Strategy of Tension” By Andrew Gavin Marshall Global Research , December 7, 2008 Introduction The recent attacks in Mumbai, while largely blamed on Pakistan’s state-sponsored militant groups, represent the latest phase in a far more complex and long-term “strategy of tension” in the region; being employed by the Anglo- American-Israeli Axis to ultimately divide and conquer the Middle East and Central Asia. The aim is destabilization of the region, subversion and acquiescence of the region’s countries, and control of its economies, all in the name of preserving the West’s hegemony over the “Arc of Crisis.” The attacks in India are not an isolated event, unrelated to growing tensions in the region. They are part of a processof unfolding chaos that threatens to engulf an entire region, stretching from the Horn of Africa to India: the “Arc of Crisis,” as it has been known in the past. The motives and modus operandi of the attackers must be examined and questioned, and before quickly asserting blame to Pakistan, it is necessary to step back and review: Who benefits? Who had the means? Who had to motive? In whose interest is it to destabilize the region? Ultimately, the roles of the United States, Israel and Great Britain must be submitted to closer scrutiny. The Mumbai Attacks: 11/26/08 On November 26, 2008, a number of coordinated terrorist attacks occurred across India’s main commercial city of Mumbai, which lasted until November 29.
    [Show full text]
  • French and British Anti-Racists Since the 1960S: a Rendez-Vous Manque
    XML Template (2015) [23.2.2015–12:43pm] [1–26] //blrnas3.glyph.com/cenpro/ApplicationFiles/Journals/SAGE/3B2/JCHJ/Vol00000/140054/APPFile/SG- JCHJ140054.3d (JCH) [PREPRINTER stage] View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Edge Hill University Research Information Repository Article Journal of Contemporary History 0(0) 1–26 French and British ! The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav Anti-Racists Since the DOI: 10.1177/0022009414559615 1960s: A rendez-vous jch.sagepub.com manque´? Daniel A. Gordon Edge Hill University, UK Abstract While immigration situations in France and Britain are often contrasted to each other, they are not mutually closed systems. This article asks to what extent anti-racist move- ments in the two countries interacted with each other between the 1960s and 1990s. Although one could be forgiven for thinking that the two operate in parallel and mutu- ally incomprehensible universes, it suggests that there has been more exchange than meets the eye, by examining case studies ranging from the Mouvement Contre le Racisme et Pour l’Amitie´ entre les Peuples to the magazine Race Today, and the trajec- tories of individuals from Mogniss Abdallah to John La Rose. Though less immediately apparent than those from across the Atlantic, influences occasionally, at times surrep- titiously, crept across the Channel. Nevertheless it concludes that this specifically Anglo-French form of transnationalism became more developed after, rather than during, what is classically considered the heyday of transnational protest in the 1960s and 1970s. It also argues that despite the much-vaunted French resistance to the ‘Anglo-Saxons’, influences in anti-racism in fact flowed more readily southwards than northwards across the Channel.
    [Show full text]