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HENDERSON, GAIL HASSELRACH perceptions OF selected school- age mothers, THEIR PARENTS AND SCHOOL PERSONNEL REGARDING SCHOOL ACTIVITIES AND EDUCATIONAL PRACTICES.
THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY, PH.D., 1978
University. Microfilms International 30 0 n zttBHOAu, a n n a h b o h . m m s i m PERCEPTIONS OF SELECTED SCHOOL-AGE MOTHERS, THEIR PARENTS AND
SCHOOL PERSONNEL REGARDING SCHOOL ACTIVITIES AND
EDUCATIONAL PRACTICES
Dissertation
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for
the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate
School of The Ohio State University
By Gail Hasselbach Henderson, B.S., M.A.
*****
The Ohio State University
1978
Reading Committee: Approved By
Charles M. Galloway
James K. Duncan
Jean D. Dickerscheid
7 AdVisor Academic Faculty of Educational Foundations and Research ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I wish to express my appreciation to my advisor, Dr. Charles
M. Galloway, whose support and encouragement were ever-present through this endeavor. Sincere appreciation is also extended to
Dr. James K. Duncan for his advice and guidance throughout this study.
Special recognition is also extended to Dr. Jean D.
Dickerscheid who gave unselfishly of her time in providing assistance and encouragement.
I would like to recognize the young mothers, their parents, and the school personnel who participated in this study. They were generous with their time and concern. The writer is also appreciative of the efforts of Brenda Stauffer who typed the manuscripts.
I wish to express my thanks to my daughters, Kelly and Amy, who were required to extend their patience on numerous occasions in order that this study reach completion.
Lastly, I wish to express my greatest appreciation to my husband, Dennis, whose understanding and assistance have provided support throughout this effort. VITA
April 12, 1944...... Born - Fremont, Ohio
1966 ...... B.S., The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
1966-1968 ...... Teacher of Home Economics, Spencerville High School, Spencerville, Ohio, and Lima Senior High School, Lima, Ohio
1969-1970 ...... Substitute Teacher, Williamston Local Schools, Williamston, Michigan
1970-1971 ...... Graduate A ssistant, Family Ecology, College of Human Ecology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan
1971 ...... M.S., Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan
1972-1975 ...... Instructor, Family and Child Development, College of Agriculture and Home Economics, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
1975-1976 ...... Graduate Research Associate, Office of the Deans, College of Education, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
i i i FIELDS OF STUDY
Major Field: Educational Foundations and Research
Studies in Curriculum and Teacher Education. Dr. Charles M. Galloway
Studies in Instruction and Research. Dr. James K. Duncan and Dr. Jack Hough
Studies in Family Relations and Human Development. Dr. Claribel Taylor TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... ii
VITA...... iii
LIST OF TABLES...... vi
LIST OF FIGURES...... vi i
CHAPTER
I. THE PROBLEM...... 1
Introduction ...... 1 Problem Statement...... 6 Research Procedures...... 8 Definition of Terms...... 8 Plan of the Study...... 10
II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE...... 11
School-Age Mothers and RegularSchool ...... 11 School-Age Mothers and Special Programs...... 16
III. METHODS AND PROCEDURES...... 20
Overview...... 20 Sources of Data...... 20 Description of Settings...... 29 P rocedures...... 36 Instrumentation...... 45 Analysis of D ata...... 46
IV. PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA...... 48
Predelivery Interaction with the School...... 49 Educational Decision Making bySAMS ...... 63
v Page
Postdelivery Interaction with the School...... 88 Consequences of School-Age Pregnancy and Motherhood...... 108
V. SUMMARY, DISCUSSION OF RESULTS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS . 130
Discussion of Results ...... 139 Recommendations for Further Research...... 148
APPENDICES
A. Part B of Section 86.40 of Title IX of theEducation Amendments of 1972 ...... 153
B. School-Age Parent Educational Process ...... 155
C. Explanation of Study to Subjects...... 157
D. Consent Form...... 159
E. Proposed Use of Human Subjects...... 161
F. Criteria for Selection of SAM Interviewees...... 163
G. Descriptive Data - SAM Interviewees...... 165
H. School Representative Interviewees by Occupation. . . 168
I. Descriptive Data - Communities...... 170
J. Descriptive Data - School Systems...... 172
K. Interview Guide for School-Age Mothers...... 174
L. I. Interview Example - SAM...... 183 II. Interview Example - PSAM...... 197 III. Interview Example - REP ...... 204
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 212 LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1 Parent-School Interaction by Type and School System...... 55
2 Postdelivery Educational Alternatives Chosen by SAMS...... 73
3 Childcare Utilized During SAMS' Time in School. . . 76
4 Postdelivery Interaction With the School Prior to the Resumption of Schooling and Educational Option Chosen by SAM...... 90
5 Age of School-Age Mothers...... 166
6 Marital Status of School-Age Mothers...... 166
7 Current Employment Status of School-Age Mothers . . 166
8 Age of Children at Time of SAM Interviews ...... 167
9 School Representative Interviewees by Occupation. . 169
10 Descriptive Data - Communities...... 171
11 Descriptive Data - School System s...... 173
vi i LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1 School-Age Parent Educational Process...... 156
2 Criteria for Selection of SAM Interviewees .... 164
vi i i CHAPTER I
THE PROBLEM
Introduction
Adolescent pregnancies are not a new phenomenon. Concern about
early childbearing has accelerated in the last several decades, how
ever. While the number of births in the United States has been
declining in total since the early 1960's, the number of births to
women below the age of twenty has been steadily rising (Braen and
Forbush, 1975). In 1975, one girl in ten was a mother prior to her
eighteenth birthday (Ogg, 1975). In 1957 the number of births to women 10 to 19 was 557,172 while in 1975 the number of births to women in this age catagory was 594,880. On an age specific basis
the figures show that births to females 10 to 14 have nearly doubled.
(In 1957 there were 6,960 births to females 10 to 14; in 1975 there were 12,642 births to females 10 to 14.)
Definite trends are seen in decisions made by young mothers concerning their babies. Fewer girls choose to relinquish their
children for adoption compared to the 50's and early 60's (Nye,
1976). Although an estimated one half of all teenage pregnancies
1 2 end in abortion, this alternative remains inaccessible to some girls.
For others abortion is simply not a recognized alternative.
Effects of early childbearing and childrearing upon these adolescents are manifold. Significantly greater health hazards are noted in both children born to school-age mothers and the mothers themselves (Battaglia; Jekel, 1975). Girls under the age of seven teen are considered biologically at risk for childbearing (Braen and Forbush) showing greater likelihood of toxemia and anemia
(Menken). Fetal deaths, premature births, low birth weight and less than satisfactory psychological, neurological, and intellectual development are associated with early pregnancies (Braen and For bush; Nye; Menken), with the younger adolescent having a greater likelihood of producing children with these deficiencies (Nye).
Repeat pregnancies, marital instability, large total family size, heavy dependency upon public assistance, high attempted suicide rates, and unemployment are some of the long term situa tions associated with and possibly resultant from school-age pregnancies.
Some of these difficulties, particularly those relating to unemployment and public assistance relate directly or indirectly to the curtailment of formal education (Bacon; Furstenberg).
Historically, pregnancy has signaled the termination of schooling for the majority of adolescent females.
Reasons for school termination prior to 1975 were based upon various local and state school board requirements to expel pregnant 3 girls from classes. Such requirements appear to have been based on the grounds that such students created a hindrance to the educa tion of other students and a health hazard to themselves (Howard).
Thus, in the 1950's and most of the 1960's, administrative strategy for dealing with pregnant girls followed a cycle: detection of pregnancy by school officials, removal of the girl from school, and possible reinstatement after delivery of the child (Baizerman).
Many schools refused readmittance of the girls. Often schools that did allow the return of adolescent mothers carried out punitive measures to "control" the incidence of pregnancy (Baizerman) by withholding extracurricular activities, assemblies, and honorary privileges. For many adolescent pregnant girls school could be completed only on a home-tutorial basis.
Social reform movements of the 60's began to bring the situation of school-age mothers and associated school withdrawals to public attention. Several advocacy forces were formed by the late 1960's:
the National Alliance Concerned with School-Age Parents, the Con
sortium on Early Childbearing and Childrearing, and the Inter-Agency
Task Force on Comprehensive Programs for School-Age Parents. These
national level bodies focused upon discrimination with respect to educational opportunity for adolescent pregnant girls and young mothers (Braen and Forbush). This movement in the direction of equal educational opportunity was measurably strengthened by a
policy statement from Sidney P. Marland, J r ., former Commissioner of Education on February 29, 1972. Marland announced that his department was taking charge of a governmental effort to develop and promote a model of services integration to attend to problems of school-age parents. Marland stated:
Every girl in the United States has a right to and a need for the education that will help her prepare herself for a career, for family life, and for citizenship. To be married or pregnant is not sufficient cause to deprive her of an education and the opportunity to become a con tributing member of society. Young fathers also require assistance to enable them to meet the considerable resp o n sib ilities which they have assumed. In serving both young women and young men experiencing or anticipating early parent hood, we also serve the children involved and promote a strengthened family structure. (Marland, 1973, p. 3)
This pronouncement that every adolescent has a rig h t to continue his/her education has not yet, according to Furstenberg (1976B), led to facilities and supportive services to provide that right.
Perhaps the strongest impetus was given to education for all adolescent mothers and pregnant girls by Title IX of the Educational
Amendments of 1972 (86 S tat. 373; 20 U.S.C. 1681, 1632), which addresses issues of sex discrimination as practiced by educational institutions receiving Federal aid. After the HEW's office of
Civil Rights proposed new regulations concerning the enforcement of Title IX, revised regulations were published in the spring of
1975 and enacted July, 1976. Part B of Section 86.40 is found in
Appendix A. 5
The intent of the Section 86.40, in essence, prohibits exclusion
from school of any student on the basis of pregnancy of a pregnancy-
related condition, requires schools that provide separate programs
for school-age parents and adolescent mothers to have "comparable
programs" to those of regular students, and requires that such
special programs for pregnant adolescents and school-age parents
be attended on a voluntary basis. T itle IX does not require that altern ativ e programs be established for pregnant adolescents and/or
school-age parents.
Despite this Federal mandate the state of school-age mothers and pregnant girls within public schools remains unclear. There
is no evidence th at his law has changed the relationship between school discontinuation and school-age pregnancy and motherhood.
Limited current information is available regarding actual school procedures and practices used in relation to school-age pregnant g irls and young mothers. Though SAMS now have the right to make decisions with respect to their education, little is known about the factors effecting these decisions. Further, there is virtually no data available which reflect school-age mothers'
interpretations of interaction with the school.
This lack of clarity with respect to the status of young mothers and pregnant girls within public schools coupled with the general desire to increase the number of young mothers who will receive a high school diploma in order to better provide for 6 her progeny and herself, create a need for greater information on the impact of school policies and practices on school-age mothers.
Problem Statement
Considering the above limitations in knowledge with respect to young mothers and pregnant g irls within public schools, the problem investigated was:
What are the perceptions currently held by a
selected group of persons regarding school
activities and practices related to school-age
mothers?
What implications do these perceptions have
for the understanding of school activities and
practices related to school-age mothers?
More specifically, the inquiry focused upon four major research questions:
— What are the perceptions of the SAMS, PSAMS and REPS about the predelivery interaction of the school with the perspective mother and her parents.
— What factors are perceived by the SAMS, PSAMS and REPS to influence SAM decision making regarding educational alternatives during the pregnancy and after the birth of the child? 7
— What are the perceptions of the SAMS, PSAMS and REPS about the postdelivery interaction of the school and the school-age mother?
— What do the SAMS, PSAMS, and REPS per ceive to be consequences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood?
The perceptions of these significant persons were investigated
in order to yield data which might aid in future attempts to clarify
the nature of the relationship of the school-age mother and the
school. It was anticipated that findings and their corresponding
implications would provide school personnel with information to be utilized in a reassessment of procedures and practices regarding current SAM programs and in comprehensive program planning to meet the needs of school-age mothers.
The study did not address formal school policies and procedures as described by school personnel. It was thought that the activities and practices carried out by the school as perceived by significant persons would reflect a more clear and realistic picture of the school's interaction with and regard for school-age mothers. It was also feared that if asked about formal school policies, school personnel might be disposed to reiterate those policies and prac tices outlined by T itle IX even if such policies and practices were not reflected in actual school situations. Since that which the individual perceives is influential on behavior, it was thought that greater comprehension of these perceptions would yield knowledge significant to educational endeavors regarding SAMS. 8
Research Procedures
In order to determine the nature of activities and practices related to SAMS in a selected school population, face-to-face individual interviews were carried out with 30 SAMS, 28 PSAMS, and
14 REPS in the Washington, D.C., Northern Virginia, Southern
Maryland metropolitan area. Interviews were of an unstructured or nonstandardized nature with an interview guide used as an explor atory device to facilitate interviewee participation. Analysis consisted of catagorizing, comparing, contrasting, and tabulating the responses of the significant persons.
Definition of Terms
Adult School — o ffic ia lly named Adult Education High School
Diploma Day—Credit Programs, these programs allow students, mostly age 16 and over, to work toward a diploma within an informal class room atmosphere and during a shortened school day. These programs are usually held in a separate facility from that of the regular high school.
General Education Development (GED) Test — an examination administered by the local school system which, when passed, pro vides the student with a High School Equivalency Certificate.
No Program — this classification indicates that the school system does not offer a special class or school for SAMS. The SAM may remain in the regular school or curtail her education. Perceptions — oral reporting of the interviewees.
Regular School -- the public school in a given district de signed to meet needs of typical students at a given age and the school designated for a given student if she were not a SAM.
School-Age Mother (SAM) — a female below the age of nineteen who has given birth to or is currently expecting a child and who was enrolled in school at the beginning of her pregnancy. This definition is more encompassing than "unwed mother", "teenage pregnant girl", or "pregnant adolescent."
School Representative — a school affiliated person who inter acts with the SAM in relation to her pregnancy and motherhood.
This person has been identified by the SAM as being significant in her relationship with the school.
Special Class — a class in which SAMS are segregated from non-SAM students. The class may be held in the regular school building or in a separate facility. Aside from time spent in this special class, SAMS attend their regular school classes.
Special Counseling — planned counseling sessions involving a
SAM and a counselor related to situations confronting a SAM. The sessions may be composed of group counseling and are attended voluntarily.
Special Program — any public school program with curriculum, f a c ilitie s , and/or faculty to meet the specific needs of school-age mothers. Such programs may be organized jo in tly with socialservices and/or medical agencies and are attended voluntarily. 10
Special School -- a school in which SAMS are segregated from non-SAM students. The totality of the SAM'S school day is spent within this school: she does not attend the regular school.
Plan of the Study
Chapter II: Review of Literature. The purpose of Chapter II was to provide an orientation into the nature of the professional and/or research literature related to school-age pregnancy and motherhood with respect to public schools.
Chapter III: Methods and Procedures. This chapter was oriented toward a discussion of the research methodology and procedures used in this study. The discussion included interview procedures, qualitative research methods, access to the population, and demo graphic and situational factors associated with the population.
Chapter IV: Presentation and Analysis of Findings. The intent of this chapter was to present and examine the information gleaned from the 72 interviews. The data were organized and presented in four sections: parent-school interaction, educational decision making by school-age mothers, post delivery interaction with the school, and consequences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood.
* * Chapter V: Summary, Interpretations, Recommendations. This chapter included any pertinent generalizations and observations gleaned from this study. In addition, this chapter included recommendation for future research relating to school-age pregnancy and motherhood with respect to public schools. CHAPTER I I
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
The review which follows addresses school-age pregnancy and motherhood with respect to public school policies, procedures, and
practices. The literature is limited; a minimum of research
focused on young mothers and pregnant girls has been reported.
The review is organized into two sections: (1) School-age Mothers
and Regular School, and (2) School-age Mothers and Special Programs.
School-Age Mothers and Regular School
Due to previously stated Federal requirements, an increasing
number of school-age parents and pregnant girls are now able to
continue with school during pregnancy and directly following
delivery. However, the literature indicates that many adolescent
pregnant girls continue to find that pregnancy adversely affects
th eir chances of completing high school (Bacon, 1974; Furstenberg,
1976B; Menken, 1972; T russell, 1975).
Though there appears to be a relation between early pregnancy
and school dropouts, it should be recognized that there have been
few extensive longitudinal studies verifying these short term
11 12 findings: it is not known how permanent the education curtailment may be. Furstenberg (1976A) indicates questions about the nature of the relationship between school dropouts and pregnancy when he sta te s,
While it.is widely accepted that a link exists between pregnancy and withdrawal from school, this connection is not at all obvious or agreed upon by educational authorities, (p. 129).
No research has been presented that describes the process by which pregnancy leads to dropping out. (p. 127).
Typical paths offered and taken by SAMS are known (Appendix B), but little is known about the decision-making factors and processes pushing or pulling SAMS toward any given alternative or about persons effecting these decisions. What factors lead a school-age parent to one of the alternatives of maintaining student status rather than curtailing her education?
Furstenberg has attempted to shed lig h t upon this question by catagorizing three independent explanations of the association of school-age pregnancy and motherhood and educational curtailment.
The f i r s t and most widely accepted (yet least documented) of these explanations is "the status-failure hypothesis" which claims that adolescents who become pregnant lack the background, ambition and competence to achieve in school. Bowerman (1966), in agreement with this explanation, states that pregnancy is often not the cause of school-age mother dropouts but rather that pregnancy is something 13 that is allowed to happen because of the lack of desire or concrete plan to continue with school. He suggests that increased motiva tion for an education would reduce premarital pregnancies and subsequent dropouts.
Furstenberg questions this status-failure hypothesis. In
Unplanned Parenthood, The Social Consequences of Teenage Child bearing, one of the few longitudinal studies on adolescent parent hood, Furstenberg reports that nearly one half of the young mothers who dropped out of school were at least moderately able students and were committed to obtaining a high school diploma. Thus,
Furstenberg concludes that in order to explain the educational path of these women we need to consider other explanations for the link between pregnancy and school discontinuation.
A second explanation of the linkage between adolescent pregnancy and curtailment of education is labeled by Furstenberg as the
"status-conflict hypothesis". This hypothesis implies that when the roles of student, parent, wife, and/or daughter are attempted simultaneously, strain is often the result. The role that may be the easiest to eliminate in order to lessen the strain is that of
"student". This view assumes that low commitment or motivation toward education is a consequence of early pregnancy rather than the cause as in the status-failure hypothesis.
A third explanation for dropout rates for pregnant adolescents emphasizes the role played by school policies and educational per sonnel . 14
The traditional posture of educators toward pregnant students has been extremely unsympa thetic. If the pregnant teenager is not officially barred by restrictive regulations from attending school, often she is unofficially discouraged from continuing her education by administrators, guidance counselors, and teachers. (Furstenberg, p. 130).
Furstenberg considers this third explanation for school dis continuation based upon school personnel and policy as "status- disruptive" claiming that the disruption or interference with normal adolescent educational procedures is enhanced by school o ffic ia ls.
Various research studies concur with this third explanation by Furstenberg. The Children's Defense Fund of the Washington
Research Project, Inc., concluded that most pregnancy related exclusions from school resulted from informal advice in favor of
"voluntary withdrawal" rather than from overt policies. The
Children's Defense Fund researchers concluded that educators' attitudes and recommendations appeared to convince many pregnant adolescents that they were not "wanted" in the schools (Ambrose,
1975).
Hoeft (1968) found that considerable disapproval from school officials, both formal and informal, was encountered by young mothers, especially those who were unmarried, who returned to school. Pregnant students encountered even more unofficial restrictions and general hostility than the young mothers. 15
Harold Webb (1969), former Executive Director of the National
School Board Association, states that board members and administra tors "may not be ogres who cackle as they kick mothers-to-be out of school," but he indicates that past and perhaps present actions of school personnel such as requiring removal of pregnant students from classes, prohibiting extracurricular school activities for young mothers, and requiring special but in ferio r programs for school-age parents have sometimes created such an impression.
McMurray (1975) in a brief review of New York schools found that though official policies "allowed" a SAP to remain in school, attitudinal, institutional, and political barriers were still present.
The research and statements of Ambrose, Hoeft, Webb, McMurray and others reflect situations in schools prior to the 1975 enact ment of Section 86.40 of T itle IX in which formal policies and procedures regarding school-age mothers were mandated. However, some of the schools involved in these studies had altered their formal school policies and positions prior to the 1975 date, and the studies, therefore, reflect school systems that had officially accepted school-age mothers but may have unofficially barred them from attendance. It remains unclear how informal procedures and faculty/administrative behavior toward school-age mothers are currently affecting the continuation and discontinuation of educa tion for school-age mothers. 16
School-Age Mothers and Special Programs
Furstenberg's indictment of educational personnel and the supportive statements of this indictment by other researchers center on the continuation/discontinuation of schooling for school-age mothers. Other researchers go beyond concerns for simply remaining vs. not remaining in school to concerns for pro viding quality nonmandated, special programs for those school-age mothers who may choose not to attend regular classes and/or who show need and/or desire for additions to the curriculum (Webb, Jekel and Forbush).
Stanley Kruger, Special Program Director for the Office of
Education, Department of Health, Education and Welfare, emphasizes
three necessary components in an educational program for school-age mothers:
General Education - completion of a secondary school
program equal in quality to that offered the school-
age mothers' peers.
Vocational or Career Education - development of
marketable skills to enable the school-age mother
to meet the support requirements necessary for the
assumption of parental status. 17
Parenthood Education - acquisition of skills
necessary for the proper physical, socio-
emotional, and intellectual care and develop
ment of the child.
McMurray (1975) found that fa ilu re to allocate su fficien t resources for and neglect in attending to special needs of school-age parents continue to effectively bar school-age parents from completing their education and prohibit quality education for those who remained in school.
In a survey of 63 local programs which in some way served school-age parents, Jekel and Forbush (1976) found th at school-age parents rated parent education, health and safety education, and driver education as being of greatest importance in the curriculum.
Though the school-age parents appeared to consider academic com ponents leading to a diploma as highly necessary, they indicated that the immediate need for parenting s k ills , driving sk ills and health and safety information made these components of the cur riculum of the highest priority. Such assessment by school-age parents would indicate need for special programs beyond the basic academic subjects.
Not all school personnel or researchers are in support of special programs for school-age parents which contain curriculum beyond academic studies. Concern has been raised as to the 18 condoning of young motherhood by providing special services and programs to school-age mothers. Nye (1976) suggests that a positive relationship exists between the elimination of stigma of school-age childbearing, brought about in part by educational programs for pregnant students, and an increase in the number of school-age parents. Reluctance by some school administrators to establish special programs may stem from interpreting this relationship (if , indeed, one does exist) as one of cause and effect.
Few researchers have considered the school-age mother's inter pretation of the school's role in relation to pregnancy and mother hood. Though Jekel and Forbush surveyed school-age parents' assess ment of curriculum needs, no research is visible related to how school-age parents or, specifically, school-age mothers perceive the overall role the school plays in confronting the status of pregnant student and young parent and/or mother. Do school-age parents feel that schools should be assisting them more in prepara tion for delivery and in providing family counseling and child care services? Do school-age parents consider schools as entering areas that are beyond the school's jurisdiction in both curriculum and counseling situations? Do young parents consider the special curricula offerings to be within the scope of the public schools?
Answers to these questions are not reflected in the literature.
Few studies have directly involved school-age mothers. Rather, researchers have questioned school personnel or perused quantitative data to learn more about school-age parent programs. 19
A sunmary of the literature shows that little is known of the
process by which pregnancy leads to school discontinuation or of
how mandated school policies for school-age mothers are implemented
on a day-to-day basis. Further, little is known about school-age mothers' perceptions of school activities and practices related to young mothers and pregnant girls. 19
A sunmary of the literature shows that little is known of the process by which pregnancy leads to school discontinuation or of how mandated school policies for school-age mothers are implemented on a day-to-day basis. Further, little is known about school-age mothers' perceptions of school activities and practices related to young mothers and pregnant girls. CHAPTER I I I
METHODS AND PROCEDURES
Overview
The purpose of this study was to determine perceptions held by significant persons regarding the school's activities and practices relating to school-age mothers. Research studies and literature concerned with schools' activities and practices with respect to school-age mothers have been cited in Chapter II in order to pro vide a rationale and focus for this study.
Chapter III contains a discussion of sources of data, a description of school system settings in which sources were located, and procedures, instrumentation, and analysis of data used in this investigation.
Sources of Data
As outlined in the introduction, this research was designed to look at perceptions held by significant persons regarding the school's activities and practices related to school-age mothers.
It was assumed that school personnel would by nature be significant
20 21 persons in these activities and practices. It was further assumed that, given the history of school-parent interaction regarding students' remaining in or dropping out of school, parents of school-age mothers would comprise a second set of significant persons. The third set of significant persons was the school-age mothers themselves.
Peer group members were not considered sig n ificant since they do not have a history of interacting with school personnel re garding the school's practices and activities for school-age mothers. This is not to say that peers do not have an effect on school-age mothers behavior.
Gaining access to school-age mothers proved to be difficult due to necessary concerns for students' rights to privacy.
Hesitancy was evident on the part of school administrators to consider such a research undertaking which by necessity would identify pregnant girls and young mothers, and could thereby place undue pressure and discomfort upon students.
Because of this concern, i t was necessary to use systems that had already identified school-age mothers and that had an established leader (teacher, d irector, supervisor) for school-age mother programs or practices. School systems were nonrandomly selected a fte r talking with community personnel who were able to identify school systems whose practices were in keeping with these criteria. Another criterion was that schools included in the study be no more than 40 miles from
Washington, D.C. 22
After receiving permission from administrators in each school system, the researcher met with a school person designated by the administrators in each school system as someone who in some manner acted as a leader of SAM programs or practices.
This leader acted as a liaison between interviewer and in te r viewee in order to gain permission from all interviewees prior to any interviewer/interviewee contact. In this way any school-age mother (SAM) who felt uncomfortable discussing her relationship with the school regarding her pregnancy and motherhood was not included in the study. No names of SAMS were given to the research er until said SAM agreed via the program leader to participate in the interview.
After stating to the program leader that she would be willing to be interviewed, the SAM was contacted by the researcher by telephone. Further explanation of the interview was given to the interviewee and a time and place was established for the interview
(Appendix C). A third and more thorough explanation of the purpose and nature of the research was given at the outset of the interview and a consent form was signed prior to any discussion (Appendix D).
This three step explanation to and consent from SAMS along with other precautions for privacy aided in gaining the approval of The
Human Subjects Review Committee (Behavioral Sciences) of The Ohio
State University (Appendix E). These precautions also aided in 23 gaining assistance from school personnel in order to gain access to SAMS.1 Two of the three school systems contacted consented to participate in this research study. The third school system denied the request for assistance in carrying out the research because of a Division of Research and Evaluation curtailment of "outside research studies" other than those of a mandatory nature for the
1977-78 school year. In lieu of direct cooperation school per sonnel within this system directed the researcher to a Parent
Child Center, a community based, non-profit organization funded by the Department of Health, Education and Welfare, the local
Department of Human Resources, and the local United Way. The program director for the Parent Child Center acted as a liaison between the researcher and SAMS by contacting young mothers in the program (all of whom had attended the third school system) for possible interviews.
Thus, interviewees included a non-random sample of school-age mothers who had attended or were currently enrolled in three public school systems in the Washington D.C., Northern Virginia, Southern
Maryland metropolital area. These particular systems afforded observation of three distinct offerings of educational options for school-age mothers.
lThe school systems involved in the study were asked to 1) assist the researcher in gaining access to SAMS and 2) to allow the selected school representatives to be interviewed by the researcher. 24
School-Age Mothers (SAMS)
School-age mothers included in this study were limited to girls who had been of typical school age, i.e., 18 and under, and enrolled in school at the beginning of their pregnancy. Students who had dropped out of school prior to their pregnancy would not have reflected action and procedures of the school regarding pregnancy and motherhood. For this same reason girls who did not choose to mother their children were not included in the study.
Girls who chose abortion or adoption as solutions to their preg nancy would not have reflected the total process of SAM interaction with the school.
A further stipulation in choosing SAM interviewees was that th eir child had been born and was not over 24 months of age a t the time of the study. It was felt that students who had children older than 24 months might reflect school practices no longer in use since significant changes occurred in school practices with the
July, 1976, enactment of Title IX of the Educational Amendments of
1972. (Though school-age parents with children 20-24 months of age would have experienced early stages of pregnancy prior to the
Federal mandate, all school systems involved in the study had, at least one year prior to the mandate, allowed pregnant students to remain in school.)
Including those mothers whose children were as old as 24 months allowed reaction from those students who may have chosen to curtail 25 their education during their child's infancy but who chose to re enroll in school at a later point. These interviewees allowed for perceptions of re-enrollment practices and policies as well as perceptions related to school-age mothers other than mothers of infants.
A further condition for inclusion in the study was necessitated by concerns for students' rights to privacy. As explained above,
SAMS had to be in a situation that identified them as pregnant or as young mothers. Such identifying situations could have been based on the pregnancy (as in a parent preparation class) or on post delivery situations (as in a day care program for children of young mothers). The identifying situation did not have to be highly structured. Communication between a program leader in a community program for young parents and a SAM established a situation such th at the program leader might in itia te a query about a possible interview of the SAM by the researcher.
In summation, SAMS included in this study were: Mothers
below age 19 who became pregnant while they were enrolled
in public school and whose children were 24 months or
younger and who were iden tifiab le by one of the above
mentioned situations. (See Appendix F for SAM selection
c rite ria .)
Subjects were both married and single; they might have been currently in school, currently withdrawn from school, or they might 26
have graduated from high school,2 and they may have had children
subsequent to the pregnancy under consideration.3 Descriptive
information with respect to age, marital status, and employment
status of the SAMS interviewed is found in Appendix 6.
School Representatives (REPS)
Within each SAM interview the interviewee was asked to
identify someone in the regular school system who played an
important role in her remaining in regular school, entering a special program, or, in general, assisting her in her school
program during her pregnancy and/or motherhood. Identification was to include only school personnel at the regular school since these persons would more accurately reflect the total school-age mother educational process.
In some cases SAMS strongly stated that no one within the school assisted them in any way or was important to them in rela tion to th eir pregnancy and/or motherhood situation. In these cases
REPS were readily identified from the content of the interview: a teacher, counselor, or other school person mentioned two or more times within the interview was considered a school representative.
Thus, the identifying of the school representative by the SAM did
2One SAM enrolled in and attended a Community College.
3Five SAMS had children subsequent to the pregnancy considered in the study with four of the SAMS having one subsequent child each and the other young mother having twins. One additional SAM was pregnant at the time of the interview. 27 not necessitate a positive relationship or attitu d e between the SAM and REP. Rather, the identification reflected a person within the school who interacted with the SAM regarding her pregnancy and motherhood. School representatives identified by SAMS are pre sented by occupation in Appendix H.
Parents of School-Age Mothers (PSAMS)
Within the school-age mother interview the researcher asked the SAM when her parents could most easily be contacted and if she felt her parents would permit an interview. Only one case existed in which a SAM felt her parent would not permit an interview and in which the SAM appeared anxious about the researcher's contacting her parents. This parental interview was not attempted, and the
SAM was removed from the study.
In some situations a guardian, aunt, or grandmother took the place of a parent; in other cases a husband or boyfriend had interaction with the school regarding the SAM'S pregnancy and/or motherhood such as contacts with the school personnel regarding special programs for SAMS or transportation to and/or participation in such programs. In such cases these persons were included with the parents or substituted for the parents in the interviews.
An initial attempt was made to obtain 30 sets of interviews with each set composed of a school-age mother (SAM), a parent of the school-age mother (PSAM), and a school representative (REP).
This configuration would have yielded a total of 90 interviews. 28
Only 28 of the possible 30 PSAMS were interviewed due to the absence of a parent or parent substitute in the homes of two SAMS.1*
The relatively small number of REP interviews is accounted for by the fact that several SAMS identified the same person as being significant to them in their interaction with the school during their pregnancy and motherhood. Fifteen school representatives
(REPS) were identified with as many as seven SAMS' indicating a given school representative. One school representative (a school principal) could not be located. Actual interviews with schdol representatives, therefore, totalled 14.
The actual sample in this study was 30 school-age parents,
28 parents of school-age parents, and 14 school representatives.
Interviewing was carried out from September 26, 1977, to
March 30, 1978. The goal of 30 SAM interviews was realized by
March 1, 1978; follow up interviews with parents of SAMS and school representatives continued through the month of March (due to scheduling difficulties).
‘‘In one of these two cases the SAM appeared to function independently. Though she had an older brother as her legal guardian he was not "in town" during the five months the re searcher was in contact with this SAM. School officials had no information about the guardian. The other case was composed of a student whose father was at the time of the study institu tionalized because of alcoholic problems. The student had married since the birth of her child, but the husband was not involved in the situation at the time of the pregnancy or delivery and could not yield information as a substitute for a parental interview. 29
Description of Settings
Three separate school systems within the D istrict of Columbia,
Northern Virginia and Southern Maryland metropolitan area were represented by the interviewees in this study. These three systems represent three p o litic a lly autonomous communities within the major metropolitan area. Descriptive characteristics of these communities, their school systems, and SAM programs and procedures carried out by the school systems assist in better understanding interviewee responses.
School System A School system A is an extension of the
District of Columbia with the Federal Government being the primary employer for its citizens. 5 The total population of the County is
155,900. The median household effective buying income in the
County is $19,399 (Appendix I).
System A has a total enrollment of 18,077 (K-12) with 8,810 students in grades 7-12. The pupil-teacher ratio for academic classes is 19.5:1 and 14:1 for vocational classes. The budget per pupil for grades K-12 is $2,674. Seventy-one and four-tenths per cent (71.4%) of the enrollment is white, 14.5% black, and 14% Asian,
Hispanic and American Indian (Appendix J). Students of Asian heritage, particularly Korean and Vietnamese students, constitute the most rapidly growing racial catagory in the school system.
50ver one-third of this school district's adults in the work force are employed by the Federal Government according to a 1977 survey by the local League of Women Voters. 30
A program for school-age mothers has been in existance for nine years and is considered a special school (See: Definition of
Terms). The program, which is periodically threatened with elimination due to budget costs, involves four part-time non contract teachers, cooperation with school health nurses, and assistance of a Red Cross volunteer nurse.
This program for junior high and high school pregnant g irls is located in a house adjacent to a junior high school, and is referred to as "the Family Center." The location has altered several times with the acquisition and sale of Board of Education properties. There appears to have been some difficulty during the center's early years with residential groups resisting its presence in th eir community. These problems seem to have dissipated in the last four to five years.
Students may enter the family center at any point in their pregnancy. Bus service is provided from the students' homes, and the school sessions are daily from 9:30 to 2:30 with girls spending this entire time at the center and not returning to their regular school during the pregnancy. The program is voluntary as required by Section 86.40 of Title IX of the Educational Amendments of 1972.
The curriculum has four major emphases: the continuation of all academic and vocational subjects (so that the student can return to her regular school after delivery without losing academic credits); provision of health care information focusing on prenatal 31 care, delivery and infant nutrition; provision of information regarding social services assistance; and education for parenthood.
Such a program is considered in this study to be comprehensive.
Students may return to the Family Center for six weeks after their delivery prior to returning to their regular school. School personnel estimate that most pregnant girls in the system choose to attend the Family Center for at least a part of their pregnancy.6
Approximately 60% of the students at the center are black; 40% are white, the average enrollment fluctuates from 11 to 17 students at any given time. Fourteen of the 30 SAMS in the study were from school system A and had enrolled in the special school for pregnant students.
School System B School system B is also adjacent to the
D istrict of Columbia. I t has a population of 116,300. The median household effective buying income for 1976 was $16,295 (Appendix I).
As in the other two communities in this study, much of this buying income is from Federal Government employment.
School system B has a total of 12,906 students with 5,663 students in grades 7-12. Forty-four percent (44%) of the total enrollment is white, 48% black, and 8% Asian, Hispanic and American
Indian. The budget per pupil is approximately $2,200. The pupil- teacher ratio for grades 7-12 is estimated to be 23:1 for academic classes and 16:1 for vocational classes (Appendix I).
6An exact account of girls choosing to remain in regular school was not available since some students disguise their pregnancies until the later months and then curtail class attendance without providing an explanation for their absence. 32
A program for school-age mothers, referred to as "the School-
Age Parents' Program", has been operating in this school system for six years and is comprised of a class which meets one afternoon a week with students attending their regular school the other 4-1/2 days. The class sessions are held in a remodeled school which also houses the secondary school occupational classes. Bus service is provided from the regular schools to this special school setting.
The curriculum is composed of delivery information, infant care, parenting skills, and awareness of community services. A series of speakers including public health nurses, social service personnel, extension agents, and child psychologists present the material; several teachers from the occupational center serve as coordinators. This series of speakers does not allow for a close teacher-student relationship. Most of the teaching is done by non-school personnel. This procedure appears to be based on the precedent that the early stages of this program (in 1972-73) were organized and carried out by the city Mental Health Association, and class sessions were held in the local YMCA building. Since that time the public school system has assumed responsibility for the administration and housing of the program, but they carry out only a minimum of the teaching responsibilities.
Students are encouraged by school personnel to enroll in the special class as soon as they become aware of their pregnancy.
They may, however, enter a t any time during th eir pregnancy. Girls 33 are encouraged to return to the classes after their babies are born and to attend the classes with their babies. In this way they are to serve as resource persons as well as learners. During the six years this program has been in existence only five g irls have re turned after their deliveries, and each of these five attended sessions only once or twice.
Students from middle schools (grades 7 and 8), secondary schools (grades 9 and 10), and the senior high school (grades 11 and 12) are able to enroll in the program. Attendance varies greatly with some sessions having only three students present and other sessions having as many as 15 students in attendance. Eight of the SAMS in this study were from school system B and had par ticipated in the special program for pregnant students.
School System C School system C is the central city from which the other two communities extend. The total population is
716,000. The median household effective buying income for 1976 was $13,601 (Appendix I).
School system C has 117,786 students with 55,882 in grades
7-12. Racial distribution within the total school enrollment is
94.8% black, 3.7% white and 1.43% Asian, Hispanic and American
Indian. Per pupil budget in grades 7-12 is $1,968. The pupil- teacher ratio for these grades is 32.6:1 for academic classes and
20.6:1 for vocational classes (Appendix J).
Until early 1976 this school system provided a separate school for pregnant g irls within which academic subjects, delivery 34 information, and child care oriented subject matter were provided.7
Established in 1962 as a demonstration project by the Children's
Bureau of the Department of Health, Education and Welfare, this school served as a model for other large metropolitan schools encountering high rates of teenage pregnancies (Braen and Forbush,
1975, p. 257 and Baiserman, et al_., 1971, p. 13). According to school board members and adm inistrative personnel, the program was terminated due to transportation problems, desire of SAMS to remain in regular school, enactment of Section 86.40 of Title IX of the
Educational Amendments of 1972, and, most directly, because of a limited school budget.
School age mothers currently choose between remaining in th eir regular school throughout their pregnancy or curtailing their educa tion. No special classes are provided for school-age mothers nor is emphasis given to special counseling.
Since this system contains no program which id en tifies pregnant girls, a concern was felt for invading students' privacy by either asking teachers to identify pregnant students or by contacting those students who appeared to be pregnant. A second concern for obtaining SAM interviewees from this school system came to light when the system's Office of Research and Evaluation curtailed non mandatory research studies for the 1977-78 school year. D istrict
7Though four of the six SAMS interviewed from this school system began their pregnancies while the special school was in operation, none of the four had attended this school: all six had remained in regular school. 35 school personnel assisted in solving this dilemma by directing the researcher to a local Parent Child Center. This community based, non-profit center assists young mothers returning to school or beginning employment. All students attending the Parent Child
Center had previously attended school within school system C.
The center, operating with funds from HEW, the local Department of Human Resources, and United Way provides extensive child care services, parent education workshops, and guidance for students working to complete the High School Equivalency Certificate. The center is located in the city's inner-city core and is housed in a former drug store flanked by boarded-up store fronts. The center utilizes extensive security procedures to protect the children within the facility.
With the assistance of the Parent Child Center, SAMS who had been enrolled in school system C at the time of their pregnancy were able to participate in the study. This was possible despite the fact that this system had no program that identified pregnant students nor did the school system formally assist with the research.
Eight of the 30 SAMS in this study were from school system C where no special program for SAMS was offered.
Thus, the three school systems involved in this study have responded to school-age pregnancies and motherhood in three distinctly different ways: provision of a separate school for pregnant students encompassing both academic and special curricula, 36 provision of a separate class for pregnant students offering a special curriculum, and the provision of no special services to pregnant girls and young mothers.
Procedures
In order to answer questions posed in this study, data were collected by means of individual unstructured interviews. (It was felt that a questionnaire or other more structured device would be unsatisfactory given the nature of reading difficulties of many of the SAMS and PSAMS as attested to by school personnel.) From the
72 interviews (with 30 SAMS, 28 PSAMS, and 14 REPS) oral informa tion was gathered using both taping and notetaking. The first six taped interviews were transcribed. The remainder of the interviews were taped but not transcribed. The transcribing procedure took an inordinate amount of time, and satisfactory data appeared to be gained from listening to the tapes and using notes immediately after the interviews.
The research question in this study calls for perceptions held by significant persons in the decision-making milieu faced by school-age mothers. Since perceptions are not concrete, observable static entities, but rather are often hidden, abstract and elusive, qualitative rather than quantitative procedures were used to strive for a response to this research question. 37
Q ualitative methodology refers to research strategies such as participant observation, indepth interviewing, field work, etc., which enables the researcher to gain firsthand understanding of the empirical social world in question. It permits the researcher to "get close to the data" and in doing so to develop analytical, conceptual and catagorical components of explanation from the data its e lf . In areas not amenable to experimentation and s ta tis tic a l treatment (here including perceptions held by school-age mothers and significant others) qualitative approaches appear to be best suited for the expansion of understanding.
Elite Interviewing The qualitative research strategy used in this study can be best described as a type of elite or specialized interviewing with the interviewee being the elite participant
(Dexter). Though other terms have been used to describe non participant indepth interviews (intensive, unstructured, open- ended, non-standardized, exploratory and journalistic) elite or specialized interviewing as explained by both Dexter and Riesman seemed to most closely meet the needs of th is research question.
An elite interview is an interview with anj' inter viewee who in terms of the current purposes of the interviewer is given special, non-standardized treat ment. By special, non-standardized treatment
1. stressing the interviewee's definition of the situation.
2. encouraging the interviewee to struc ture the account of the situation. 38
3. letting the interviewee introduce to a considerable extent (an extent which will of course vary from project to project and interviewer to interviewer) his no tions of what he regards as relevant, instead of relying upon the investigator's notions of relevance. (Dexter, p. 5)
Though the term "elite" can be misconstrued due to the conno
tation of superiority, it is apt in that the interviewees are
important, superior persons in regard to the obtaining of the
information the researcher desires. Further clarification of the
term might be made by comparing e lite interviewing with stan dardized interviewing.
Standardized Interviewing Elite Interviewing
Interviewer defines the Interviewer is willing to let inter question and looks for viewee set the boundaries of the answers within bounds question. Interviewer permits in firmly set by presupposi terviewee to teach him what the tions about the problem problem or situation is (to the or situation. limits of the investigator's ability to perceive relationships to his basic problem).
An exception or deviation An exception, deviation or unusual is usually handled sta interpretation may suggest revision, tistically. extension, or new approaches.
The interviewing was carried out on an individual basis but was focused within a triad of a school-age mother (SAM) interview,
a parent(s) of the school-age mother (PSAM) interview, and a school
representative (REP) interview, i.e. questions within any inter
view reflected a given SAM, REP, or PSAM: questions related to a
specific SAM, REP, or PSAM, not SAMS, REPS, or PSAMS in general. 39
The triadic focus of interviews was employed in order to yield more substantive data regarding the SAM'S educational path and decision-making processes. The three interviews also served as validity checks upon each other.
Reliability and Validity The principle of reliability refers to the precision and accuracy of the research effort as well as the precision and accuracy of the knowledge resulting from that effort.
Highly reliab le research data are unequivocal, exact, unambiguous, clear and free from vagueness (Schwab, 1960).
In an interview situation these criteria of accuracy and c la rity can be enhanced by the interview er's opportunity to re phrase questions and probe for clarity of interviewees' perceptions.
Indeed, one of the advantages of the elite interview is its un structured nature and the opportunity it provides to probe for clarification.
A further guard against vagueness and lack of clarity within interview settings is for the interviewer to be knowledgeable of the interviewee's background and frame of reference relating to the particular setting investigated (Dexter, 1970). This re searcher has had experience with school-age parents and school personnel regarding early parenthood when serving in a secondary teaching capacity and in assisting in program planning for young parents. To further the researcher's knowledge of interviewees a pilot study was conducted two months prior to the actual 40 interviews using three school-age parents, three parents of school-age parents, and three school representatives. (Subjects were from a Northern Virginia school system not included in the actual study.) Results of the pilot study brought about several changes in interviewing approaches and techniques.8
Additional insight into the interviewing of young parents within a public school situation and, thus, a further guard against ambiguous, unclear responses was given by Dr. Allen Okin, Director of Pupil Services in Alexandria, Virginia City Schools. Dr. Okin and his staff had recently completed an interview study of young parents, and they offered practical suggestions to enhance inter- viewer-interviewee rapport.9
The principle of validity refers to the degree to which the research task and resulting knowledge provide a rich and meaningful
8Changes brought about by the pilot study included the follow ing: use of a shopping bag to carry notes, toys, etc., rather than a more business-like carrying case, omition of interviewee checklists because of reading disabilities of interviewees, focusing upon dis cussion of the baby at outset of interview to build raport, brief interaction with any preschoolers present in order to assure the SAM that noise and talking were acceptable behaviors in the interview, and perfection of tape recorder use in the presence of young children.
9Dr. Okin and his staff suggested the provision of simple toys and games to occupy the young children usually present a t the home interviews, the utilization of the kitchen table as an interview spot since it is more often without television interference and thus provides privacy from T.V. viewers, and the confirmation of the interview time and place several hours prior to the actual inter view to remind the interviewee of the appointment. These suggestions assisted the researcher in eliminating distractions which could have adversely affected both reliability and validity. 41 account of the situation under investigation (Schwab). The re
searcher asks, "What do the informant's statements reveal about
his feelings and perceptions, and what inferences can be drawn from them about the actual environment or events he has experienced?"
This question searches for depth and richness of the informant's responses and requires that the researcher interpret the real world from the perspective of the subjects of the investigation.
In open ended or unstructured interviewing the assumption is made that interviewers will reflect their perceptions (filtered and modified by their cognitive and emotional reactions) to the viewer to yield rich data unless circumstances are such that the inter viewee has need to fabricate or hold back these perceptions.
Dexter considers three such circumstances to be common threats to validity in interviewing: subjects being "interview-wise", contempt for the interviewer, and bars to spontaneity. In this study, controls were applied to these threats in several ways:
Subjects Being "Interview-Wise" — An interviewee is considered to be interview-wise when she knows the "right" answer to give in order to meet her needs in relation to the organization or person conducting the interview. Participation in previous interviews guides the responses of the interviewee limiting the meaningful ness of the responses, and, thus, threatening validity.
In this study none of the interviewees had previously taken part in any formal efforts to consider the school's activities and 42 practices regarding pregnant students. Interview-wise subjects were, therefore, not a threat to the validity of this study.
However, as described below, previous interviews of a general nature may have created contempt for the interviewer.
Contempt for the Interviewer — When interviewing SAMS and their parents, the interviewer attempted to remove herself or be divorced from the school system. The interviewing approach focused upon a search for assistance in planning new programs for
SAMS. Interviewees were told that the researcher/interviewer was interested in starting a program for SAMS in the interviewer's home area. The interviewer explained that she was trying to "find out both the good and bad parts" of the interviewee's particular program or school situation in order to "learn what would be the best kind of program or situation" for her school. This general
"plea" for assistance was used in order to reduce contempt and thereby gain assistance of the interviewees. This approach follows
Dexter's emphasis upon the interviewer's taking advantage of the interviewee's desire to aid or in a sense "teach" those that do not know of or about a given situation or problem.
When interviewing school personnel the interviewer attempted to override contempt by emphasizing common goals of the interviewer and interviewee: "better handling of the school-age parent situa tion." Again, the interviewer's approach of attempting to gain information for creating new programs assisted in rapport building. 43
Though it was felt by the researcher that subjects could not be considered "interview-wise" as described above, SAM interviewees had participated in previous interviews which could have resulted in contempt for the interviewer. Most of the young mothers in volved in the study had been previously interviewed by public health officers, welfare workers, and representatives of other public and private agencies in regard to their pregnancy and motherhood. These interviews had required responses of a highly private nature such as naming the baby's real father, identifying the birth control method in current use, and stating reasons for not considering abortion.
A dislike of such personel questions on the part of the inter viewees caused some hesitancy about the interview procedure in general and may have created limits to the meaningful ness of the responses. This situation was obvious in the pilot interviews and necessitated a set of innocuous introductory questions to assure interviewees th at questions of such a personal nature were not the basis of this study.
Even with the employment of the innocuous introductory questions, interviewees may have been affected by the previous interviews. How ever, elimination of subjects previously interviewed was impossible since virtually all of the school-age parent interviewees had had contact with social service interviews of some sort. 44
Barriers to Spontaneity — A major barrier to open, direct responses is an interview site considered to be unnatural and/or uncomfortable to the interviewee. This barrier was removed by allowing interviewees to choose their own interview site. For the SAMS this was usually their home, their school at a time of their choosing, an eating place at lunch, their place of work, or, in one case, a t a playground where a mother took her children.
Though some of the homes were crowded, all but a few situations seemed to offer sufficient privacy for the interviewee.
The parents of the school-age parents were interviewed in their homes, or in two cases, at eating places near their employ ment. One interview was done by telephone due to inability to establish a mutually acceptable meeting time.
All of the school representatives were interviewed in their offices or in faculty lounges. These interviewee selected sites appeared to provide no barriers to spontaneity.
Barriers to spontaneity may still have been operating due to interviewer-interviewee differences of social class, race and background. Though the emphasis of the inquiry was not based on income level or racial situation, the inquiry was carried out by a white interviewer and focused upon how the school personnel
(primarily white and middle class) related to the young mother and parents of the young mother interviewees (primarily black and low income).10 Though such a barrier to direct, open responses
10Twenty-five of the 30 SAMS were black; five SAMS were white. 45 may have been operating the researcher had l i t t l e evidence of such
limitations to spontaneity.
Differences in social class and race presented an additional
threat to both reliability and validity. Hall gives substantial
evidence that white, middle-class observers of black working-class
subjects are more likely to distort observations than are black observers of black subjects. Rains, expressing the opposite view,
states that identical interviewer/interviewee social class level, race, and sex*can cause interference in the interviewer's observa
tions. While the matter cannot be settled here, the researcher found no evidence of differences of social class or race inter fering with the interview process.
Instrumentation
A single instrument used in data collection for this investiga
tion was an interview guide (Appendix K). The interview guide
served as an exploratory device to facilitate interviewee participa
tion. It was constructed such that questions were asked in different order and form determined by the general flow of information from the
interviewee. Each question had several probes to assist in guiding the interviewee to better understand the question. The four sections of the interview guide correspond to the four central research questions of the investigation. 46
Construction of questions and probes took into consideration
the findings and philosophical approaches of research and liter ature, first hand experience of the researcher and colleagues working with school-age parents and administrative and teaching practices of public schools. There was one basic interview guide with modifications for the three catagories of interviewees.
In addition to the interview guide, data were received through contact with school personnel while establishing interviews with the SAMS. Additional data became available from interviewees within informal, preliminary conversations prior to actual use of the interview guide. Such discussions allowed for unexpected, but useful data about the interviewees and the school policies and procedures.
Analysis of Data
The process of analysis of data in this investigation consisted of seeking the degree of agreement, similarity and concurrence or the degree of d issim ilarity and variance within and between the groups of significant persons (SAMS, PSAMS, and REPS). The placing of data into classes was, in essence, the analysis task in this investigation. The data were compared, contrasted, collated, tabu
lated and catagorized with respect to seemingly logical variables 47 within each of the four central research questions. The framework for reporting the data is as follows:
Predelivery Interaction with the School
Educational Decision Making by SAMS
Postdelivery Interaction with the School
Consequences of School-Age Pregnancy and Motherhood CHAPTER IV
PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF THE DATA
The primary aim of this study was to ascertain the perceptions
held by SAMS, their parents, and school personnel regarding the
school's activities and practices related to school-age mothers.
Specifically, the inquiry was guided by four research questions:
What is the nature of interaction with the school at the predelivery
stage? What is the nature of SAMS' decision-making regarding educa
tional alternatives? What is the nature of interaction with the
school at the postdelivery stage? What are the consequences of
school-age pregnancy and motherhood? Perceptions related to these questions were gained by means of individual interviews with 30
school-age mothers, 28 parents of school-age mothers, and 14 school representatives considered by the school-age mothers to be signifi cant in their relationship with the school.
The intent of this chapter is to present and examine the data gleened from these 72 interviews. These data are organized into sections related to the research questions. The sections are:
Predelivery Interaction with the School, SAMS' Decision-Making Regard ing Educational Alternatives, Postdelivery Interaction with the
School, and Consequences of School-Age Pregnancy and Motherhood.
48 49
Predelivery Interaction with the School
It became clear within the pilot interviews that it was uncommon for the three sig n ificant persons (SAM, PSAM, and REP) to interact as a group. Three-way, face-to-face conferences at the outset of the pregnancy took place in only 2 of the 30 cases.
Interaction regarding the SAM'S pregnancy with respect to her education was of two classes: (1) school-age mother-school interaction, and (2) parent-school interaction. These two classes of interaction will be reported separately.
Interview questions relating to predelivery interaction were focused upon interactions that actually took place as well as interviewers' suggestions for interaction that should have taken place (Appendix J, Section B). Variables considered with respect to predelivery interaction were: type of interaction, participants in the interaction, initiators of the interaction, number of inter actions, purpose of the interaction, and assessment of the inter action.
SAM-School Interaction
All sig n ificant persons (SAMS, PSAMS, and REPS) were asked about SAM-School interaction. However, the PSAMS were unable to respond to the questions. With the exception of three parents,
PSAMS did not know whether or not school personnel contacted their 50 daughters. This section, therefore, reports only the responses of
REPS and SAMS.
Type of Interaction. All 30 SAMS reported some type of inter action with the school in the early stages of their pregnancy.
These interactions usually took place when it becamse generally known that the SAM was pregnant. All such interactions were in the form of a face-to-face conference and were held in the school.
Subsequent interactions were held in special schools and, in two cases, in the SAM'S home. Four instances of subsequent telephone interactions were confirmed by SAMS and REPS.
Participants in Interaction. Interactors in the initial interaction consisted of nurses (15 instances), guidance counselors
(12 instances), teachers (2 instances), and a principal (1 instance).
Subsequent interactions were usually with teachers in special programs for SAMS or with school nurses.
In itiatio n of Interaction. In most cases (25 of the 30) in te r action was initiated bv the school person. In some cases this school person had been alerted to the pregnancy by other school personnel who had been told of the pregnancy by the SAM. In other cases the school person had "heard" from other students that the
SAM was pregnant.1 In five of the 30 cases the SAM initiated the contact in order to tell the school person about the pregnancy.
School personnel interviewed seemed unclear as to how they knew about the pregnancy prior to the initial interaction with the SAM. Hallway and teachers' lounge gossip seemed to account for some of the knowledge. Nurses in some cases reported suspecting a pregnancy based upon the frequent clinic room visits by the SAM. 51
Number of Interactions. The number of predelivery inter actions between school-age mothers and school personnel was related to the provision of a special program or special school by the school system. If no special program or school was provided, interaction was limited to a single conference. Eight of the 30
SAMS fell into this catagory. For these 8 SAMS no further inter action existed with any school person regarding the pregnancy except for informal comments.
SAM: Well, I saw the nurse one time in the hall and she asked how I was doing, but I didn't really talk with her no more after that first time.
Twenty-two of the SAMS were in a school system that offered a special program or school. All 22 of these SAMS chose to attend the special option. These SAMS, therefore, had continuous inter action with the school throughout the pregnancy.
Purpose of Interaction. All SAMS and REPS indicated that informing the SAM of prenatal health care facilities was a purpose of the initial interaction. Another purpose of initial interaction between SAMS and school personnel was that of making the SAM aware of educational options. All 14 REPS stated that this was a purpose. Twenty-three of the 30 SAMS said that this was a purpose of the initial interaction. 52
Subsequent interaction for those 22 SAMS who were in school
systems with special programs were for the purpose of making the
SAM further aware of special programs and services (information
about class time, transportation, curriculum, and exploration of
facilities at the special program site). All 22 of the SAMS who were in school systems th at offered a special program or school
chose to attend the special offering. Interactions between the
school and these SAMS were for the purposes of preparation for
delivery and motherhood (as established by the curricula of the
special programs).
Assessment of Interactions. The SAMS responded positively
regarding the interaction with school persons. Most (27 of the 30)
SAMS indicated that the school should interact with SAMS. None
of the SAMS indicated that the school was interfering in her
personal life. However, eight SAMS who had only one interaction with the school regarding their pregnancy did not indicate a need
to have had further interactions with the nurse, counselor, or
teacher. They did not indicate any expectation of greater inter
action with the school regarding th eir program.
SAM: I d id n 't see no need to talk with her (counselor) any more. I knew I was going to stay in school and I was going to the clinic so I really didn't need to talk to her. 53
Likewise, school representatives in schools having only an initial interaction did not indicate a need for more conferencing.
These REPS indicated th at most g irls chose to remain in school during their pregnancy, and after the school encouraged the SAM to seek medical aid, there was little else to be done by the school.
GUIDANCE COUNSELOR:
We tell the girls about the (public health) clinic, and I usuallv give a (phone) call to the nurse a t the clinic closest to the girl's home. I try to call back and see if she's been going (to the c lin ic ), but I can 't always do th at. I think th a t's about all we can do.
REPS in school systems with special programs and, therefore, additional interactions with SAMS indicated a need for multiple interactions. Nine of the 14 REPS interviewed were from schools with special programs, and all nine indicated that the interactions were instrumental in the SAMS remaining in school during the pregnancy. Five of these REPS also stated that these predelivery interactions created greater rapport with SAMS and were related to SAMS returning to school after delivery.
Findings:
With respect to the population studied, findings related to
SAM-school interaction are as follows: 1. School personnel in all school systems interacted
with SAMS when the pregnancy became known for the
purpose of explaining educational options and
encouraging SAMS to seek medical counsel and
assistance.
2. Interactions beyond this initial contact were
related to the provision of special programs
for SAMS. If special programs were provided,
multiple interactions took place: if no special
programs were provided, interaction was limited
to the initial interaction.
3. While limited SAM-school interaction was not
perceived by SAMS as a problem, existence of
multiple interactions was perceived by SAMS
to be beneficial.
PSAM-School Interaction
Type of Interaction. Interaction between parents of SAMS
(PSAMS) and the school fell into three categories: face-to-face interaction, telephone interaction, and no interaction (Table 1)
The most common type of interaction between PSAMS and the school was telephone interaction. Ten instances of telephone interaction were reported and three instances of face-to-face 55
TABLE 1. PARENT-SCHOOL INTERACTION BY TYPE AND SCHOOL SYSTEM.
School Systems Type of Interaction A B C TOTAL2
Face-to-face 3 0 0 3
Telephone 8 1 1 10
No Interaction 31 7 7 17
Personnel in system A reported that they attempted to con tact all parents, but that 3 parents were inadvertantly overlooked with the excitement of beginning a new school year.
2Though only 28 of the 30 parents could be interviewed, the daughters of the uninterviewed parents and the corresponding REPS confirmed that there had been no parent-school interaction.
contact were reported. The remaining 17 PSAMS had no interaction with anyone from the school (special school, special class, or regular school) regarding their daughter's pregnancy.
Participants in the Interaction. Of the thirteen PSAMS who interacted with the school, all interacted with the same school person as did their daughters. Nine of the 13 PSAMS interacted with a school nurse and four of the PSAMS interacted with a school counselor.
Eleven of these 13 interactions included only mothers as the
PSAM. There was one instance of only the father as the PSAM and there was one instance where both parents together interacted with the school person. 56
Initiators of Interaction. Twelve of the thirteen cases of interaction between the school and the PSAMS were in itia te d by the school person. The one case of a parent initiated interaction was the instance of a father who contacted a school counselor in order to learn about a special school for pregnant girls.
Number of Interactions. Ten of the thirteen PSAMS who inter acted with the school regarding their daughter's pregnancy had only one interaction. Three parents stated that they had additional interaction with school personnel while attending open houses held at the special school for SAMS.
Purpose of Interactions. The purpose of PSAM-School inter actions was according to all SAMS, PSAMS, and REPS, to inform the
PSAM of educational alternatives for their daughters. An addition al purpose was to inform PSAMS about available medical facilities for their daughters.
A further purpose was that of encouraging the PSAMS to visit the special school or special program facilities.2 In two cases the interaction was for the purpose of relaying to the PSAM that their daughter was pregnant. Both of these interactions (according to SAMS and REPS) were with the consent of the SAM.
2In none of the cases did the PSAMS indicate they had visited the school prior to their daughter's enrollment. Six PSAMS stated that they "drove by" the school to check its location and "see what i t looked like." 57
Assessment of Interaction. PSAMS who interacted with the school regarding their daughter's pregnancy reflected positive attitudes about the interaction. In general they said they were glad the contact had been made, and they indicated that communica tion between parent and student had been made easier due to the school contact. In no instance did a parent indicate that the interaction was an intrusion into their family affairs.
Parents who had interacted with the school were well informed regarding school options. They knew that special schools or special classes were optional and that students had the legal right to remain in regular school if they so desired. These parents also seemed to be at least moderately informed about subject matter covered in special programs compared to those parents who had no contact with the school. Most of these parents could tell the interviewer at least several topics covered in the special sessions.
By comparison, parents who had not interacted with the school were less aware of the presence of special programs and were more vague regarding educational options than were parents who had interacted with the school.
Parental response to the lack of interaction was matter-of- fact. The 17 PSAMS who had no school contact with the school did not seem surprised or angrv about the lack of communication. They did not suggest that the school "should have" provided more information. They did not indicate that they felt the school had 58 failed to carry out a responsibility to keep parents informed about school programs nor did the parents offer statements indicat ing a desire for more information. Statements from three parents reflected re lie f that the school did not contact them. These parents apparently perceived school contact as a negative action.
Mrs. F., Parent of SAM:
They didn't tell me nothing about the class (special class), but Clara (the SAM) knew all about it and she told us. Actually, I don't be talkin' much to the school people.
Mrs. R., Parent of SAM:
No, nobody said nothing to me about her stayin' in school. I figured if they say she got to quit I'll hear of i t soon enough.
Though these parents did not offer statements relating high or even moderate expectations regarding parent-school interaction, they did respond positively when possible parent-school interaction was mentioned by the researcher. Over half of these parents indicated that they would have attended sessions for parents of young mothers and would have wanted to learn more about the school's policy regarding pregnant girls and young mothers.
SAMS gave positive responses regarding the parent-school inter action. Six SAMS stated that their relationship with their parents was improved by the interaction. Eight SAMS indicated that in some way they felt better after the school person met with her parents. 59
None of the SAMS whose parents interacted with the school reflected irritation or anger about the interaction.
SAM: I felt relieved after it (the conference) was all over. I f e lt like things were cleared up and I could go on with school and getting ready for my baby.
SAM: After Mrs. W. talked with my Dad I settled down some. I know he'd have made me stay home (from school) if Mrs. W. hadn't explained to him about being able to keep on (at school).
Many of the SAMS who reported "no contact" regarding parent- school interaction were generally antagonistic when discussing the absence of such communication.3 They did not appear to expect the school to interact with their parents, and when asked about possible school-parent interaction SAMS responded with statements as follows:
SAMS:
— My parents don't need to be told about the center. They aren't interested anyway.
— There's no need for them to be involved.
— She (my mother) didn't have nothing to do with it (the special school) so why (should the school) talk to her?
3It is difficult to know if this antagonistic attitude toward parents and sometimes toward the school was present when the student talked with the school representative and, perceiving this attitude, the school representative chose not to contact the parents, or if due to little or no parent-school interaction, and therefore little apparent interest in the school program, the students became antag onistic regarding their parents' involvement with the school. 60
— It's my business, they (parents) don't need to be in i t , and the school doesn't need to butt in.
Assessment of PSAM-school interaction by REPS appeared to be related to whether or not their school made a practice of such interactions.** REPS in school systems where personnel contacted most of the PSAMS voiced strong convictions about the need for such interaction.
TEACHER AT SPECIAL SCHOOL:
I t (communicating with parents) is very, very important, and we're not doing enough. If I could add anything to our program I ' d add weekly meetings of the parents, the fathers, and the young mothers. Adolescents and parents just typically have problems—I know that with my own (children)—and then the problems encountered with an early pregnancy just add on We've just got to do more. The whole picture can change if you can talk with parents (PSAMS) and gain their confidence.
TEACHER IN SPECIAL SCHOOL:
I'm not sure th at anyone (within administra tion) knows just how much effort we put out to contact parents. Some of us do a lot more than others, but I think we all have seen how important it is. If we want a healthy situation for a young mother and her baby we have to depend on the young mother's family for help. They just have to be included in the program.
‘‘None of the three school systems involved in this study had a written policy regarding parent-school interaction in relation to young mothers. However, school personnel within any given system reflected ideas similar to their colleagues in that same school system in regard to PSAM-school interaction. 61
REPS whose school system did not make a practice of interacting with PSAMS did not appear to highly value PSAM-school interaction nor did they seem to see PSAM-school interaction as a part of the role of the school.
GUIDANCE COUNSELOR:
I don't contact parents and I don't think anyone else (related to this program) does. Parent-student relations are poor, and I'm not at all sure we can help. Some parents consider the pregnancy as traumatic and embarrassing. Some parents, especially mothers, want the girl to get an abortion— I think some force their daughters to get an abortion. These are areas where the school just cannot enter.
GUIDANCE COUNSELOR:
Why should we call their parents? This whole thing is a family m atter. That (contacting parents) would simply agitate the situation. The girl is pregnant, sooner or later her parents know, the school nurse gives her information she needs, the law says she can stay in classes— that's the way it is now. I don't see why we should get the parents involved.
Findings
With respect to the population studied, findings related to
PSAM-school interaction are as follows:
1. Virtually all PSAM-school interaction was initiated
by the school. 2. While absence of parent-school contact is not per
ceived by young mothers and their parents to be a
problem, existence of such contact is perceived by
these persons to be beneficial.
3. SAMS whose parents experienced parent-school inter
action gave positive responses regarding this parent-
school interaction. SAMS whose parents had exper
ienced no interaction with the school gave antagonistic
and negative responses regarding parent-school inter
action.
4. Parents of SAMS who had experienced at least moderate
parent-school interaction displayed greater knowledge
of educational alternatives for young mothers and
greater awareness of the curriculum for SAMS than did
parents of SAMS who experienced little or no interaction
with the school.
5. School personnel in systems which had no parent-school
interaction indicated that such interaction was un
necessary and not within the role of the school:
School personnel in systems which had at least moderate
parent-school interaction indicated that they saw such
interaction as highly necessary and an integral part
of the role of the school. 63 Educational Decision Making by School-Age Mothers
As stated in earlier chapters, decisions about staying in school were seldom applicable to SAMS prior to the 1976 enactment of Title IX of the Educational Amendments of 1972 which forbade schools from expelling a student because of pregnancy and/or parenthood.1 The amendment also required that any special schools or classes for pregnant girls or young mothers be optional for the school-age mother: the provision of special programs did not make such programs mandatory for SAMS. Thus, since
1976 SAMS would seemingly have been faced with decisions or choices re garding their education. Technically all SAMS would have the choice of remaining in regular school or dropping out; those SAMS in schools which offered special provision for young mothers and pregnant girls would choose among staying in regular school, dropping out of school, or the altern ativ e program for SAMS.
Variables considered with respect to educational decision making by SAMS were: knowledge of educational options, decision making factors, sources of assistance, and time allowance for and reversibility of decisions. Questions related to these variables are in Section B of
Appendix J.
The pilot interviews indicated that there was no single decision regarding the continuation of school: the pregnancy period afforded one decision and the post delivery situation offered a second. For this reason results will be reported in two segments: decision making
:It needs to be made clear that some school systems did allow SAMS to remain in regular school prior to this date. Other systems provided special schools for pregnant girls and mothers which varied in quality and purpose. 64
regarding school continuation during pregnancy and decision making
regarding school resumption after delivery.
Decision Making Regarding School Continuation During Pregnancy
School-Age Mothers
Awareness of Educational Options. SAMS were asked about the
educational options available to them during the pregnancy period.
Those SAMS whose school system offered a special program were able
in almost all cases to state that they could choose between attend
ing the special school or class and remaining in the regular school.2
All school-age mothers appeared to be very aware of school policy regarding SAMS, and many volunteered information regarding the alter ation of physical education requirements due to pregnancy and school policy regarding the maximum number of absentee days allowable. In total, the SAMS were very knowledgable regarding options available to SAMS and related school policy.
The striking aspect of responses to inquiry about educational options was the fact that the SAMS seldom mentioned the possibility of dropping out of school during pregnancy. Only six SAMS Mentioned this as an option. Other SAMS, when asked if dropping out was an option, answered affirm atively, but they did not seem to consider i t as an option for them personally.
20ne student who attended the special school stated that this special school was required for all pregnant girls. This particular student was confused on numerous issues discussed in the interview, and, thus, may have misinterpreted information given to her. 65 — Well, yea, I could have dropped out but I wasn't about to.
— Sure, I knew that, but I didn't really have no idea to do it (drop out).
— I could have dropped out but I couldn't see no reason to. Nobody drops out any more just cause they get pregnant.
It appears that though SAMS know they could drop out of school they do not consider it a viable alternative. This situation may be related to the fact that all three school systems involved in this study allowed pregnant students to remain in school prior to the
Federal enactment of 1976, and students involved in the study were accustomed to the presence of pregnant students within the school and might be less likely to consider dropping out.3
Reasons for Decision Making. Twenty-one of the 30 SAMS men tioned the need to graduate in order to get a job as a factor in th e ir educational decision making.
— I gotta have a diploma so I can earn some money.
— I'm staying in 'cause I have to make my own way, and without graduation I can't make it.
Of the nine school-age mothers who did not mention their need for education as a factor, five said that they never gave any thought to
3The difficulty in ascertaining when attendance of pregnant girls was first permitted lay in the fact that such allowance was not always verified in writing by the school system or administration at a given high school. Rather, situations appeared to be decided individually and informally. It was verified by pupils and teachers that as early as 1969 one system allowed pregnant girls to remain in regular school until the eighth month of pregnancy, and school personnel in all three systems reported incidents of girls attending regular school in the eighth month by 1970. 66 deciding about school, but rather "just stayed in" or "just kept going."
Four respondents indicated a lack of other things to do as a factor in their decision.
— I didn't think about anything much. I just kept going to school cause I didn't have much else to do. I knew other g irls who were pregnant and who stayed in.
Girls in school systems which offered special programs indicated some factors used in deciding whether to attend special school or regular school. Factors most often mentioned were: shorter school days, fewer steps to climb, more pleasant teachers, and the fact that they would learn about babies.
Sources of Assistance. SAMS were asked to identify a person or persons who aided them in their decision making about remaining in school. The most common answer reflected that SAMS made this decision by themselves:
— I didn't talk it over with anyone; I just knew I would stay in school.
— Nobody helped me. I f e lt well enough to stay in school and I did. Nobody knows how I fe ll b etter than me.
Neither parents of the SAMS nor fathers of the babies were men tioned as sources for decision making. A school representative was mentioned as a source by two SAMS. These SAMS were in the system with the special school and stated that a teacher at that school encouraged them to attend rather than remain in regular school.
Peers who had already attended a special class or school were also 67 indicated as sources of information for deciding between regular school and special school. Peers who had remained in school during pregnancy also appeared to assist SAMS by providing a precedent for remaining in school.
Time Allowance for and Reversibility of Decision. Questions related to time allowed to SAMS for decision making and in reversibility of this decision were included since they appeared to be factors in decision making and since these factors offer the opportunity for school personnel to impose unreasonable barriers to the SAMS' continua tion of school. Both of these questions were answered succinctly and almost unanimously. Almost all SAMS stated that they felt they had ample time to make the decision about staying in school, and almost all SAMS felt they could reverse any decision made about continuing their education. ** Indeed, many SAMS appeared incredulous that any decision could not be reversible.
— Sure, i f you don't want to be in (school) you drop out, and i f you drop out and want to come back then you ju st come back.
— Yea, anybody can change th e ir mind.
Parents of School-Age Mothers
Educational Options. All parents of school-age mothers stated that their daughters knew about the educational options available.
In most cases (25 of the 28 PSAMS) the PSAMS themselves were aware of the educational options. When asked about these options PSAMS
**SAMS whose responses did not correspond to these common state ments gave responses of, "I don't know" or "I'm not sure." Six such responses were given. 68 more often mentioned dropping out as an option than did their daughters.
Though they in no way indicated that they had wanted their daughters to drop out, they seemed to regard dropping out as a likely happening more than did their daughters. This may be because the PSAMS were less accustomed to seeing pregnant girls within schools than were their daughters.
— Well, I knew she could stay in school while she (was) pregnant, and I ju st expected her to. Some girls drop out, though, and I d id n 't even want to think about that.
— I thought she'd probably stay in school t i l l she had the baby 'cause she likes school and all. We (daughter and parents) didn't say nothin' about droppin' out 'cause it just wouldn't do nobody no good to stay home. She needs to finish up.
Decision Making Factors. The PSAMS' perceptions of factors in volved in their daughters' decision making were very much like those of their daughters. Factors mentioned were related to the need to stay in school. Parents appeared to be firm in their opinion that their daughters needed to finish school in order to get along in life.
— She had to finish up her school. You just can't get by without it today.
— School is important. I said she should stay in right to the end, as long as she be feeling OK, so she can get her diploma.
PSAMS also indicated that there was not much else for their daughters to do so staying in school seemed logical. 69 — I didn't see much need for her to drop out. She don’t have a job. Nhat else could she do all day?
The PSAMS whose daughters were in school systems which offered a special school for pregnant girls indicated that factors assisting perceived physical limitations of pregnancy (shorter school days, fewer steps to climb) were considered by the daughter in deciding on the special school. Five PSAMS stated that the special school being isolated from regular students whose comments might cause embarrassment for their daughters was a factor in choosing the special school. Only one SAM had indicated embarrass ment as a factor.
Sources of Assistance. Parents considered themselves as sources of assistance in their daughter's decision making about school continuation/discontinuation during pregnancy. Nineteen of the 28 parents indicated that they assisted their daughters in deciding to stay in school. (No school-age mother mentioned her parents as sources of assistance for this decision.) While the
SAMS saw remaining in school as their own choice, their parents perceived the decision as a joint venture. Yet, however important the parent perceived his/her role in this decision making, he/she did not seem to consider the decision making a major event.
— I didn't really do much talkin'. I just said I hoped she wouldn't get behind the rest of the class. I guess she just decided to stay in school.
— We didn't really set down and talk about it. I did say that me and her Daddy would like to see her keep on. She mostly had already planned on that. 70
Four parents of school-age mothers indicated that school REPS
had helped their daughters with the decision to stay in school. All four of these SAMS had been involved in special schools during their
pregnancy.
Time Allowance for and R eversibility of Decisions. PSAMS re
sponded to questions about the rev ersib ility of decisions and time constraints related to the making of these decisions in the same manner as did the SAMS. All PSAMS considered the decision reversible, and all indicated that their daughters had ample time in which to consider the decisions.
School Representatives
Educational Options. All school representatives (REPS) stated that all SAMS knew they were allowed to remain in regular school. How ever, several (3) of the REPS, though knowing that their school system offered a special program for SAMS or an adult school that the SAM could attend, were not knowledgable about the operation of the pro gram (purposes, functioning, etc.). Four REPS stated that their school was one of the few in the area allowing SAMS to remain in school throughout the pregnancy. These REPS were obviously unaware of the 1976 enactment of Title IX. Six REPS stated that though SAMS can drop out during pregnancy, he/she did not tell SAMS this.
— Of course they can drop out and nobody is going to force them to return, but we certainly don't tell them that. We want them to stay in (school) so we don't give it (dropping out) as an option.
Sources of Assistance. When asked who acted as sources of assistance for the SAMS for this decision making REPS stated that they 71 and other school personnel were sources to the SAMS helping them to decide to remain in school. Of the 14 REPS interviewed, 9 stated that they acted as sources of assistance to SAMS.5 Two additional
REPS stated that other school personnel 1n their school assisted SAMS.
Two REPS apparently defined decision making very precisely and stated that they only tell the SAM of educational alternatives available but do not assist in decision making. Three REPS indicated that parents and peers assist the girls most in decision making.
Decision Making Factors. REPS stated that major factors considered by SAMS when making this decision were strength of the SAM'S desire to remain in school and degree of embarrassment brought about by the pregnancy. The former factor is in conjunction with statements of both SAMS and their parents who stated that the SAMS' needs and motiva tion to finish school were major factors. The latter statement related to embarrassment though mentioned by several PSAMS and by one SAM was not considered significant to most SAMS and PSAMS.
Time Allowance for and Reversibility of Decisions.REPS were asked if SAMS were given ample time to make a decision about remaining in or dropping out of school. Like SAMS and PSAMS, the REPS indicated that time was ample. Indeed, many REPS mentioned that time was not a factor since no deadline was placed on this decision.6
5These 9 included 2 of the 3 REPS who were uninformed about the special school in their school system.
sSeveral REPS pointed out that the schools had specific dates before which a student would not gain credits for th at semester and after which students could not reenter the school for a given semester. These deadlines were for any student reentering or cur tailing school. Other than these stipulations decisions were with out time constraints. REPS were asked if SAMS were able to reverse whatever decision they had made and if SAMS were aware of the possibility of reversing their decision. All REPS indicated that decisions were reversible and that all SAMS were aware of this reversibility.
Decision Making Regarding School Continuation After Delivery
School-Age Mothers
Of the 30 SAMS in this study, seven never returned to school after the birth of their child. Three of these seven, however,
* joined informal groups at a community center to prepare for the
General Educational Development Test (G.E.D.) which can yield a high school equivalency certificate.7 Seventeen of the 30 SAMS returned to regular school within six months of delivery. Of these
17, four had graduated from high school by the time of the interviews
(one of these four had attended a local community college for one semester.). Eleven of the 17 were still in regular school. Two of the 17 stated they had dropped out of school. Six of the 30 SAMS enrolled in adult high school within six weeks of delivery. Of these six, three remained in school at the time of interviews, and three had dropped out of school (Table 2).
Educational Options. Options available to the SAMS (according to written school policies of the 3 school systems) were to return to the regular school, attend day or evening adult high school, or
7Three of these four mothers who had not returned to any form of schooling were married. This finding correlates with statements in the literature that marriage tends to interrupt an adolescent's educational career or more specifically, according to Furstenberg, marriage provides a socially acceptable alternative to school con tinuation for women with low commitment to education. 73
TABLE 2. POST DELIVERY EDUCATIONAL ALTERNATIVES CHOSEN BY SAMS.
Alternative # of SAMS
Never Returned A fter Delivery 7
Never returned to any formal or informal educational session (4) Currently participating in formal community study session for G.E.D.1 (3)
Returned to Regular School Within 6 Weeks of Delivery 17
Later dropped out of school2 (2) Still in school Graduated %) Enrolled in Adult School3 Within Six Weeks of Delivery 6
Later dropped out of school (3) Still in school (3) Graduated (0)
rThe General Education Development Test (GED), when passed, provides the student with a High School Equivalency Certificate.
2 One SAM who reported that she had dropped out of school was reported by a principal and 2 teachers to have been expelled for hitting the principal.
O f fic ia lly named Adult Education High School Diploma Day- Credit Programs. These programs allow students, mostly age 16 and over, to work toward a diploma within an informal class atmos phere and during a shortened school day. Most students within the programs are above the typical high school age or are students who have difficulty coping with the typical high school environment. 74 remain out of school. None of the school systems offered a post delivery special school for SAMS to complete their education.9 Students were very knowledgable of options available being able to state the locations of adult school centers, cost of the classes, and transporta tion provided. The knowledge was derived, according to the SAMS, not from inquiry into these options as personal possibilities, but from knowing what other young mothers had chosen as options.
In response to this question about school options several students said th at a young mother had to return to school i f she was below the age of sixteen.9 i.e. for students under 16 dropping out was not an option. All other SAMS when asked about this school requirement to remain in school until sixteen negated the statement saying:
— They c a n 't really make you go back.
— They say you have to go back (to school), but if you don't go they won't force you.
— If you have a baby they aren't going to make you come back.
Decision Making Factors. The major factor considered when deciding whether or not to return to school after delivery was the same as the
aThe school system which offered a special school for pregnant students allowed mothers to return to this school until six weeks post delivery. The researcher, however, inquired about school continua tion after this period, thus, eliminating this special school attendance as an option.
9The stated school policy is that students, including young mothers, below the age of sixteen must remain in school. However, to the research e r 's knowledge and to the knowledge of school personnel interviewed there has never been a case of forcing a young mother to return to school by means of court action. Indeed, with some schools only grudgingly permitting SAMS into schools in 1975, it is difficult to imagine court action forcing young mothers to return to schools in 1977. 75 major factor considered when deciding to remain in school during pregnancy; namely, the desire to complete school in order to secure a job. The major additional factor mentioned by SAMS was availability of adequate day care for their children. Twenty-two of the 30 SAMS indicated that adequacy, cost, and/or convenience of day care was a point that they considered when thinking about returning to school.
As time progressed from delivery to six weeks postdelivery the securing of adequate child care increasingly played a part in the
SAMS' decision regarding school continuation. Though some SAMS had made provisions for child care early in their pregnancy, other SAMS made no plans for child care until the approach of the six week post delivery point. Many of the early provisions for child care had failed by six weeks postdelivery.
This factor of availability of adequate child care did not, how ever, appear to curtail the return of many of the SAMS since only 7 of the 30 SAMS never resumed their schooling. Of the five SAMS who returned to school but la te r dropped out, four stated that some aspect of child care was the major reason for their dropping out.
— This lady I knew was going to take care of Angela while I went to school. She has 3 little kids and I thought she'd be O.K. (as a baby s itte r ) . But when I saw how she treated her kids—shoutin' and being mean--I started thinking about not leaving Angela with her. I t kind of worried me, ya know? But I wanted to finish up (at school) and it's only till 2:00 so I said O.K.—she can 76 go to the sitter. But then later I .iust said "No!" I didn't like how she (the baby s itte r ) handled Angela so I ju st dropped out and will go back la te r. I'd had enough of payin' th at woman to le t my baby cry.
Of the 26 SAMS who returned to school or to informal study sessions, 16 relied on family members for child care while they returned to school. Nine of these 16 relied on their mothers, three relied on their fathers, one relied on an aunt, two relied on sisters, and one young mother relied on combined effo rts of her father and grandmother to care for her child. In some of these family member child care situations, public assistance funds paid for the family members' services. Four of the SAMS relied on community centers for child care.
TABLE 3. CHILD CARE UTILIZED DURING SAMS' TIME IN SCHOOL.2
Care Giver # of SAMS Usin9 ______Lare b1ver ______This Caregiver
Mother of SAM1 9 Father, Grandparent or Relative1 other than SAM'S Mother 7 Conmunity Center 4 Paid Sitter Provided by Public Assistance (not related to SAM) 4 Paid Sitter Not Provided by Public Assistance (not related to SAM) 2
R ela tiv e s of SAM mav be receiving payment from public assistance for the sitting services.
2The four SAMS who did not return to school after delivery are not included in this table. 77
A third factor considered by SAMS when deciding whether to return to school or remain at home after delivery was the desire to remain with their babies during early infancy. This factor was mentioned by
5 young mothers.
-I really thought all along that I'd go back to school rig h t a fte r the baby (was born) but after I saw Jason and was with him, for a while I decided I'd stay home with him for a while at least, and go back to school later. I really want to be with him now while he's l i t t l e . My husband and I talked it over and we think its better th is way. I know I 'l l go back (to school) la te r.
-At the family center they always were tell in you that around the early ages the child really needs to be with the mother so the child can get to know the mother and the mother can get to know the child and all this and all that and how important i t is . Then you have to send them (babies) to the baby s it t e r so you can go to school. They need a child care or nursery program right there (at the family center) but they don't have any. So, I have Devon with a sitter 'cause I really want to graduate. I don't want to be on welfare. My momma she had 6 kids and was on welfare and its hard. I don't want that. I gotta learn a skill and earn my way. It's just hard, that's all, won dering if you should be home with your baby or n o t.1”
When asked about factors involved in deciding to attend an adult school rather than returning to a regular school, the 6 SAMS who chose to attend an adult school stated that the more workable school schedule
10This paradox was revealed by 3 different SAMS during the dis cussion of decision making factors: SAMS who had experienced special programs during pregnancy f e lt that instructors were encouraging them to return to school but were also telling them of the importance of being with their infants. 78 was important in their decision. This flexible scheduling allowed some of the SAMS to hold a part-time job. Other SAMS mentioned that they were able to minimize their child care costs with more concen trated school hours.
Attitudes and reactions of their parents and teachers were not mentioned as factors effecting SAMS' decisions about their return to school. There was no indication that possible negative responses from peers played a part in th is decision making.
Sources of Assistance. When asked who helped them the most in making* the decision to return/not return to school SAMS strongly indicated that they made the decision themselves. Sixteen of the 30
SAM interviewees said they alone, with no one's aid, decided to return and where to return. Even those school-age mothers who indicated that someone had assisted them in this decision making stressed that they, themselves, made the final decision.11
The other SAMS related various sources of help. The four SAMS who were married indicated that their husbands helped them with this decision (three of the four did not return to school after delivery).
Two SAMS reported that their boy friends who were their babies' fathers assisted in their decision making (both returned to school), and five
SAMS indicated that school personnel assisted in this decision (all five of these SAMS returned to School). Three SAMS indicated that their parents helped them in deciding to return/not return to school.
n SAMS emphasis on making this decision themselves is an expected response considering the intensification of the identity crisis during adolescence and the need to resolve this crisis outside the locus of the family (Hill, p. 394). By perceiving that this decision is one's own, an adolescent can gain measurably in self-esteem especially since staying in school is probably perceived by SAMS as the "right" decision. 79
Throughout the discussion of sources of assistance SAMS referred
to school-age mother peers who had previously faced this decision of whether or not to return to school after delivery. (This was noted
by 13 SAMS). Most of these references were to SAMS who had returned
after delivery and were still in school. Their advice appeared to be
to return to school; the advice often included a cautionary note that
school plus motherhood would not be easy. The following is a typical
response:
— My girl friend, Lothia, told me I'd be crazy not to come back. She said I need to get back with friends as soon as possible and that I'd need a job more than ever. She said i t would be hard 'cause of all the school work and homework, but that I could do i t .
All of the 13 girls who indicated that in some way they had dis
cussed their return to school with SAM peers were among those who
stated they had made the decision themselves.
It might be that the SAM interviewees did not consider peers as
sources of help even though the peers had great influence on their decisions. Rather, they may have looked upon peers as confidants with whom they could openly discuss their situation while adults
(teachers, parents) were looked upon as persons who did or did not give assistance.
Time Allowance and Reversibility of Decision. All SAMS related
that whatever their decision, it was reversible. Again, SAMS ap
peared surprised at the question of reversibility. 80 — What do you mean? Like a fte r I'd drop out could I go back later? Well, sure, you can always go back to school even i f you're 40.
All of the SAMS indicated that they were given ample time on which to decide about returning to school.
Parents of School-Age Mothers
Educational Options. All PSAMS indicated that their daughters were aware of educational options. Twenty-five of the 28 parents were aware that g irls could resume attendance of classes a t the regular school,12 and 26 of the 28 parents were aware of the option of adult school. Their knowledge about these options came from the
SAMS and from school personnel.
Decision Making Factors. Questions about what factors their daughters considered in making the decision were responded to by
PSAMS in ways similar to SAMS. The need to graduate and adequate care of the baby were both mentioned. Though parents of young mothers themselves stressed the former, both recognized the importance of both of these factors.
PSAMS stated that the major factor 1n their daughter's choosing the adult school rather than the regular school was lessened class room hours at the adult school so students could get jobs. Embarrass ment of returning to regular school was not indicated. PSAMS did not
12These 3 parents were obviously among those who had daughters who did not return to school. Each said they had not given much thought to the fact that their daughters had not returned to school, and th at they had ju s t assumed th e ir daughters were not allowed to return. The four parents who didn't know about the adult school in cluded 3 of the parents who were not aware that SAMS could return to regular school. 81
Indicate SAMS' desire to remain with their baby while it was in its infancy as did some of the SAMS. Four of the 5 SAMS who had mentioned th is were married and therefore may have shared decision making factors with husbands rather than parents. Thus, the parents of these young mothers would be less aware of these concerns.
Sources of Assistance. Parents perceived their own role in this decision making as larger than that perceived by the SAMS. Though only 3 of the 30 SAMS stated that their parents assisted them in deciding whether or not to return to school, 14 of the 28 PSAMS stated that they helped their daughters with this decision. This discrepancy in the responses of PSAMS and SAMS to this question is not surprising.
Parents, in general, perceive themselves as functioning in a responsive, helping role in relation to their children. The PSAMS, therefore, felt that they had assisted their daughters in this decision. The SAMS, like most adolescents who seek autonomy and independence, reported their decision-making as an independent action.
Six PSAMS indicated that school personnel assisted their daughters.
All of these PSAMS had daughters who had gone to a special school during pregnancy. Two PSAMS stated that older siblings of the SAMS had helped them decide by encouraging them to return to school.
Eight PSAMS stated that their daughters decided on their own about resuming/not resuming their education and used no assistance in making this decision. All 7 SAMS who never returned to school were among these 8. It could be interpreted that because parents did not assist these young mothers in making this decision the daughters did not 82 return; or since parents, in general, considered school continuation as positive and their daughters did not continue with school, the parents did not want to admit being part of the decision.
Time Allowance for and Reversibility of Decision. PSAMS stated that their daughters were given ample time to decide about returning to school and they did not feel that their daughters were rushed into a decision. Several PSAMS mentioned the importance of return ing to school soon after the delivery since they felt that as more time elapsed while the young mother was out of school, the more difficult would be the resumption of school.
Reversibility of the decision appeared to be of little signif icance to PSAMS: it was clear that they felt whatever the decision, it could be reversed.
School Representatives
Educational Options. All 14 REPS indicated that SAMS were in formed of all educational options. However, in some cases, the REPS themselves had limited knowledge about some of the options. Five
REPS knew little about the adult schools within their own school system (location of the schools, programs offered, for whom the programs were intended, e tc .).
Decision Making Factors. In correlation with the SAMS and their parents, the REPS stated that availability of child care and desire of SAMS to complete their education were major factors in the SAMS' decision to resume or not resume school a fte r delivery. 83 According to REPS the SAMS, in choosing between regular school and adult school, considered workability of the adult school schedule and embarrassment of SAMS regarding return to school. This factor of embarrassment to return to school is an interesting one. REPS considered embarrassment as a factor in SAMS' choosing to attend special schools during pregnancy and choosing to attend adult schools after delivery. SAMS did not mention embarrassment as a factor in decision making a t any point in th e ir educational career and only five of the 28 PSAMS mentioned embarrassment in relation to SAMS and this was only with regard to the pregnancy stage. One explanation for this discrepancy might be that SAMS were unable to admit such embarrassment to the researcher. The REPS and PSAMS, on the other hand, may have assumed embarrassment on the part of SAMS based on their own feelings in such a situation when in reality the embarrass ment fo r the SAM did not ex ist.
Sources of Assistance. REPS indicated that school personnel
(themselves in many cases) and parents assisted SAMS in deciding to return to school after delivery. At least 3 REPS voiced opinions that SAMS needed assistance with this decision: they felt that SAMS in some cases might be incapable of deciding this alone.
— Young girls can't handle these (decisions) themselves. Time and again I've seen girls who don't have parental assistance and who aren't helped by counselors, and they just drop out. It's too big a decision to handle without help. 84 The 3 REPS who indicated this need by young mothers were REPS who were actively involved with SAMS to encourage their return to school.
The idea that school personnel helped young mothers was not in alliance with perceptions held by SAMS: only 5 SAMS stated that school personnel assisted them.
Again, this discrepancy may be related to the young mothers' desires to appear independent by stating that they reached their own decisions. It may also be explained by the REPS' desires to carry out an expected role—that of assisting students.
Time Allowance and Reversibility of Decisions. REPS agreed with responses of SAMS and PSAMS that reversibility of decisions was possible, and they f e lt th at SAMS were aware of this re v e rsib ility .
REPS, again lik e SAMS and PSAMS, f e lt th at SAMS were given ample time to decide about returning to school.
Throughout the reporting in this chapter the researcher has had d iffic u lty in expressing the complacency with which interviewees, in particular the SAMS, responded regarding decision making. By re phrasing questions and using probes the researcher was able in most cases to get responses regarding these decisions. However, it seemed clear that for the SAMS and their parents as well as some REPS that the continuation/discontinuation of school did not seem to be related to a conscious decision. Remaining in school during pregnancy was for most interviewees not considered a deliberate resolution but rather a continuation of the status quo. 85
The choosing to return or not return to school after delivery appeared to be more of a conscious endeavor, seemingly because it was not a continuation of the status quo but rather an overt action that had to be taken. Additional factors that might pull the SAM toward remaining at home (need for adequate child care, desire to remain with one's infant) seemed to require a more conscious decision than that of remaining/not remaining in school during pregnancy.13
The question of why some SAMS drop out of school during the stage of pregnancy remains unanswered since all 30 SAMS remained in school during the pregnancy period.1,1,15
Findings
With respect to the population studied, findings related to educational decision making by school-age mothers are as follows:
1. SAMS, PSAMS, and REPS, in general, indicated that all
educational options both during pregnancy and after
the delivery were known to all SAMS.
13Furstenberg discusses the research on problems associated with status disruption and indicates that most studies reveal various degrees of strain involved in reclaiming a former status. The return to school after pregnancy, according to Furstenberg, is a case in point where the young mother may face strain and uncertainty as to whether she will resume her student status.
^As mentioned in e a rlie r chapters, a sizeable sample of SAMS who had dropped out during pregnancy could not be found in these schools. Seven out-of-school pregnant girls who were located were found to have been out-of-school prior to th eir pregnancy.
lsTwenty-five of the 30 SAMS remained in school until ten days or less prior to delivery. Four students left school ar earlier points of their pregnancy: one student at the 5th month, one at the 6th month, and two at the 8th month. One student gave birth during the summer vacation. 86 2. Though SAMS were aware th at they could drop out of school
while pregnant, they did not seem to consider dropping
out as a viable alternation for themselves.
3. Though all school representatives were aware of all educa
tional options, some REPS displayed a lack of knowledge
about special programs for pregnant g irls and adult schools
within their own school system.
4. Three major factors considered by SAMS when deciding to
return or not return to school after delivery were (1) the
perceived need to complete their education, (2) the ade
quacy of child care, and (3) the desire to remain with
their child during the infancy period.
5. SAMS indicated that embarrassment related to remaining in
school and returning to school was not a factor in their
decision making: REPS indicated th at such embarrassment
was a factor in SAMS' decision making.
6. The major factor involved in the choice of returning to an
adult school rather than a regular school was the workable
schedules at the adult schools. Factors involved in the
choice of attending a special school rather than remaining
in the regular school during pregnancy were (1) SAMS' per
ceptions of curriculum offered at the special school,
(2) situations favoring perceived limitations of pregnancy,
and (3) the SAMS' feelings about the regular school. 87 7. Each of the 3 groups of significant persons considered
themselves to be a major source in the SAM'S decision
to remain in school during pregnancy and to return to
school after delivery.
8. SAMS, though stating that they alone were the decision
makers, appeared to rely on school-age mother peers to
gain information to assist in their decision making.
9. There was no apparent falsification or fabrication of
school policies and practices regarding the continuation,
discontinuation or re-enrollment in order to discourage
school continuation by pregnant girls and young mothers.
10. The continuation of school during pregnancy was not per
ceived as a conscious decision but rather as a continuation
of the status quo. The return to school after delivery was
perceived as a more conscious decision since it involved
a change of status. 8 8
Post Delivery Interaction With The School
During the p ilo t interviews the researcher became aware that a given school representative had little or no knowledge of the school-age mother's current life situation. Though the representa tive had written records and clear recall of the particular young mother at the outset of her pregnancy, the REP knew little about the young mother a t the la te r stages of motherhood nor could he/she refer the researcher to other school personnel who had knowledge of the young mother's situation subsequent to her delivery. School representatives who had played some role in the SAMS' lives during the pregnancy period appeared to play no role at the post delivery stage. Interaction between the young mothers and the school regarding her motherhood ironically seemed to have ended or slowed considerably with the delivery of the child.1 This finding led the researcher to develop more pronounced questions and probes regarding the school's activities and practices related to this second phase (that of actual motherhood) than had been planned at the outset of the study.
Concurrent with this finding was the publication of research data by the National Alliance Concerned with School-Age Parents (NACSAP, 1977). One segment of this research ("An Evaluation of Current Programs") reported a relative lack of follow-through services available to young parents after delivery. "Of all services reported as most needed and not now available, agency representatives cited follow-through support as the most c r itic a l." 89
It became clear that two phases of post delivery interaction existed: post delivery interaction with the school prior to the resumption of school, and post delivery interaction with the school after the resumption of school. These two phases of interaction differ in type and purpose and will be presented separately within this chapter. Variables considered with respect to post delivery interaction were: type of interaction, participants in the inter action, initiators of interaction, number of interactions, purpose of interaction, assessment of interactions, school policy regarding interactions, and interaction related to school resumption.
Post Delivery Interaction With The School
Prior To Resumption of Schooling
SAM - School Interaction
Type of Interaction. Fourteen of the 30 young mothers were contacted by telephone or in person by school personnel within six weeks after the delivery of their babies (Table 4). Three of the
30 SAMS received formal le tte rs from the school adm inistration.
Thirteen of the 30 SAMS had no interaction with anyone from the school regarding th eir motherhood or any aspect of th e ir lives related to th eir motherhood. Most of these SAMS (9 of the 15) who experienced no interaction with the school were in school systems that offered no special program during pregnancy. TABLE 4. POST DELIVERY INTERACTION WITH THE SCHOOL PRIOR TO THE RESUMPTION OF SCHOOLING AND EDUCATIONAL OPTION CHOSEN BY SAM.
Educational Alternative Educational Alternative Type Chosen at 6 Weeks of Returning SAMS at of Post Number of SAMS Postdelivery Time of SAM Interview delivery DFoppedJ Gradu-- |~~S tiT 1~i n Interaction Not Return T Return Out ated School 1 1
Formal 1 1 Letter 3 0 3 3 0 0 1 1
Telephone 1 1 or In-person 1 1 Contact 14 3 11 0 3 8 1 1
No Contact 13 4 1 9 2 1 1 1 6 91
Participants in Interaction. The 14 instances of SAM-school interaction included 6 instances in which a school nurse was involved (one nurse was involved with 2 different situations), 3 instances in which a guidance counselor was involved, and six instances in which a teacher or coordinator from a special prenatal school or class was involved.
Initiators of Interaction. In all 14 instances of telephone or in-person interaction the interaction was initiated by the school person. No SAM initiated a contact with anyone from the school.
None of the 3 SAMS who received a formal le tte r from the school contacted the school in response.
Number of Interactions. Twelve of the 15 telephone or in- person SAM-school interactions were single interactions, i.e. the school person interacted one time only with the SAM. The three instances of multiple interaction consisted of two interactions each: one instance of two telephone interactions, and 2 instances of in-person interactions followed by telephone interactions.
Purpose of Interactions. The primary purpose of interaction at the early stages of motherhood as perceived by young mothers, their parents, and school personnel was that of showing concern for the health and well being of the young mother and her baby.
Initial interactions at the hospital or upon return home focused on questions of the baby's sex, weight, general health, and congratulatory communications. 92
A secondary purpose of the interaction as perceived by SAMS,
PSAMS, and REPS was that of encouraging the SAM to return to school. This purpose appeared to be more pronounced in interactions taking place closer to the six week post delivery point.
SAM:
Mrs. J. called me later on at home to see how I {was} getting along and when I gonna come back {to school}. I said I was ready—I was glad to get back and away from her {Tonja} for a while. I t was good to get back and see my friends. They ask all kinds of things—like what it {delivery} was like and did it hurt and was she {Tonja} bad. {Laughs} They all be wantin' to know how i t goin' to be.
Two instances of more involved interaction were for the purpose of assisting the young mothers in their return from the hospital.
In these two instances teachers from a special school brought dinner to the homes of the young mothers upon their return from the hospital.
Mrs. J., Teacher at Special School:
Some girls need more support than others. It depends on th eir family background and how much concern and support there is there. You men tioned Genny—well, we did quite a lot for her. She needed the psychological support plus her home situation is so poor that we were afraid she'd not get enough to eat or at least not the right food for a new mother. We've kept close contact with the public health nurse and one of the teachers made sure she {Genny} got to the c lin ic on the Well Baby Days. Most g irls don't need as much help as Genny but most need some encouragement 1 was really strong on getting Genny back in school. I know neither her father or grandmother would have encouraged her to go back, but she has the ability to hold a job if she can just get that diploma. I think she will. 93
Now somebody like Ingrid—you've talked to her. She's got a supportive family, she's a good student, both parents work, the fa th e r's family is concerned and they help her—she didn't need our support so much. Still, one of us will visit or call every girl unless somehow we miss them.
The purpose of the formal letter interaction was to inform the
SAMS that they must return to school by 6 weeks post delivery or have a physician's statement as to their inability to attend school.2 The letter did not request a response from the SAM or her parents other than to re-enter school by the given time period.
Assessment of the Interactions. Young mothers who experienced telephone or in-person interaction with school personnel relayed positive feelings to the researcher about the interaction. There was no instance of the young mother regarding the post delivery contact as other than genuine, sincere response from the school representative.
SAM:
Mrs. J. and Mrs. B. visited me in the hospital the same day Tonja was born. They {were} all excited and were surprised she was so big. They {the teachers} kept saying she was gonna be a small baby, but she {was} 7 lbs. 4 oz. Mrs. J. brought flowers from her garden.. . .They want to know all about Tonja so they can te ll the re st {of the students} at the Family Center.. ..Oh, it made me feel good. I had lo t of family v is it me too—but it {was} nice they {teachers} came, too.
2The policy of sending formal letters to SAMS was adopted for a period of approximately 6 months in school system C. The policy was curtailed, and at the time of the interviews school system C had no post delivery interaction in any form. A copy of the formal letters was not available to the researcher. 94
SAM:
When I got home from the hospital Ms. B. stopped by and brought supper—chicken and potatoes and salad—I t was really good. An' by the time I got home I was so tired that I couldn't have fixed much to eat, and Tracy {her baby} was screamin'. My grandma she didn't have no supper ready cause she always waits for my Daddy to get home....The teachers came by to see me two times, I think, before I went back to school. They were real interested in Tracy and how she was doing.
Young mothers did not seem to consider such contacts as the school representative's "job" or something.he/she was "supposed to do". None of these fourteen SAMS reported being harrassed or excessively pushed into returning to school after their delivery.
Most stated that the school representatives were encouraging and helpful regarding their return.
The 3 SAMS who received formal letters telling them to return to school did not reflect any indignation or irritation at these letters nor did they seem to feel that other, more personal forms of interaction should have been forthcoming from the school. Like wise, the SAMS who received no interaction after the delivery of their child reflected no expectations about such interactions.
None of these 13 SAMS expressed statements of surprise, irritation, or anger at the absence of interaction.
SAM:
Oh no, our counselor he never calls kids at their house. My brother took a note in {to school} to say I was in the hospital—you got to do that—and that my baby was born. But they don't do calling. 95
SAM:
They knew I was gonna1 be out of school for a while. I didn't think they'd call. Maybe if I'd have stayed out a real long time they would have called me.
Parents of the SAMS appeared pleased that someone from the school had interacted with their daughter. Of the 14 SAMS personally contacted, 9 of their parents said they were very pleased that the school nurse or counselor visited or called their daughter. The 5 other PSAMS whose daughters had interacted with the school were unaware of the interaction.
PSAM:
She was real happy when Mr. B. called. She always liked him, and he's interested in the g irls .
PSAM:
I think i t 's good when somebody shows in terest. Mrs. K. came to the hospital and saw Toby and Ruth. It was extra, and she didn't have to do that.
PSAM:
It was good. She {the counselor} called her {the SAM} 2 times. It let Bertha know the school was thinking about her.
REPS stated that SAM-school interaction was important and beneficial with respect to showing concern for the SAM as well as encouraging school resumption. 96 Mr. W., Program Leader of a Special Class:
Most girls don't need any persuasion to come back. They're usually ready in a couple weeks. Yet they s ti l l seem to welcome a {phone} call to le t them know we're expecting them and are anxious to see them. I usually call about 2 or 2-1/2 weeks after the baby is born.
Ms. J., Teacher at Special School:
We {at the Family Center} think i t 's important to contact every girl after she delivers her baby. This school is very small and we're very close to the girls. It just seems automatic to v is it them and call to check on them. You'd do that for a neighbor or friend, wouldn't you? Well, these girls probably need the concern shown to them more than your friends. They are going to mother this baby—or a t least try to — so we think it's important to build pride in th at baby, and one way seems to be in lettin g them know we care and are interested in their baby and in them.
Mrs. V., School Nurse:
I don't have any figures to show that my visits get girls back here, but I've got a feeling that quite a few girls wouldn't make it back {to school} without a call or visit from me.
REPS whose schools did not carry out post delivery interaction with SAMS stated that they felt such interaction unnecessary or not within the time constraints of their job. Seven REPS interviewed were from schools where post delivery interaction with SAMS was not practiced. Four of these seven said th at since SAMS commonIv returned to school after delivery such interaction was not necessary.
Three REPS stated that they would like to contact SAMS, but that other activities had priority. 97
School Policy Regarding Interaction. No school system in this study had a written or otherwise clearly delineated policy for the follow-up of pregnant girls within their school system. Though school administrators appear to expect high levels of return of young mothers after their delivery, they do not allocate time or money for follow-up activities which might, at least in theory, encourage the return of the young mothers.3 Job descriptions for teachers in the special program, counselors, and school nurses were without any reference to SAM follow-up activities.
{What amount of your money and time is allotted for th is kind of follow-up by your school administration?}
Mrs. J., Teacher in Special School:
Absolutely none! If we'd ask, they'd say 'that's your time—not school time.' But we think it's important and we do it. I doubt that they {central administrators} even know we do it. I write a full evaluation every year telling what we've done, how many students we've had, number of healthy babies, and the number of girls who return to school but I doubt that they read it. This is n 't the kind of program administrators get real concerned about. We have a low profile here.
Regardless of the lack of formal policy, school personnel in systems with special programs for SAMS spent considerable time and
3Rate of return after delivery was a major criterion for evaluation of special programs in those school systems that had any type of formal evaluation. (Of equal importance in these evaluations was birth weight of the infant.) 98 effort in interacting with SAMS after delivery. Personnel in the special school (system A) attempted to visit each young mother at least once, personnel in the special class (system B) usually telephoned SAMS two weeks post delivery, and school system C (with no special program) carried out no interaction at the time of the interviews. The policy of sending formal letters had been dis continued.
Interaction Related to School Resumption. Of the 13 SAMS who had no interaction with the school, nine returned to school within
6 weeks of delivery (Table 4). By the time of the interviews, six were s ti l l in school, one had graduated, and two had dropped out.
Of the fourteen SAMS who received telephone or in-person contact from the school, eleven returned to school within 6 weeks of delivery. By the time of the interviews, eight were still in school, three had graduated, and none had dropped out.
Of the three SAMS who received formal letters, all three returned to school within 6 months post delivery. All three had dropped out of school by the time of the interviews (Table 4).
When questioned about their reasons for resuming school, SAMS usually responded with statements about the need for a high school diploma:
SAMS:
--I want to finish up and get my diploma.
--You can't get no job without a high school degree. 99
—I need a job to raise that baby, and I can't get it without a degree.
or the lack of something better to do.
—What else is there besides streetin'.^
—My friends are there and I want to be with them.
—My Momma be too much on me all the time. I need to get away and do somethi n'.
—You can't sit on the street all day and come to any good.
These and sim ilar responses were given by SAMS who had experienced involved post delivery interaction with school personnel
as well as those SAMS who had no interaction with the school.
PSAM-School Interaction
Parents of SAMS had no interaction with the school after
their daughters delivered their babies. In no instance did a
school person report an attempted interaction with a PSAM.
No PSAMS or SAMS indicated that they expected or desired such
interaction. REPS did not state that they felt the PSAM should
have been contacted.
^"Streetin'" is a reference to walking along the street, stopping to sit and talk with friends and spend money in the stores. This is not a reference to "street walkin'" as related to prostitution. 100
Findings
Within the population studied, findings related to postdelivery interaction with the school prior to resumption of schooling are as fo l1ows:
1. School-age mothers and their parents appear to have low levels of expectation regarding postdelivery interaction of school personnel and school-age mothers. SAMS and their parents reacted positively and were supportive when such interaction was initiated by school personnel.
2. School personnel who feel that postdelivery in te r action with the school is important will carry out such interaction even though i t is not a formal part of the school system's program for SAMS.
3. School personnel in school systems which have special programs for SAMS carry out a high level of post delivery interaction with SAMS, school personnel in school systems which have no special programs for SAMS carry out little or no postdelivery inter action with SAMS.
4. Reasons given by SAMS for th eir return to school were the same for those who had experienced post delivery interaction and for those who had not experienced postdelivery interaction.
Post Delivery With the School After
the Resumption of School
SAM-School Interaction
Type of Interaction. Twenty-three of the thirty SAMS returned to school within 6 weeks after their delivery. Fifteen of the 30
SAMS stated that the only interaction with school personnel with reference to their role of mother was that of informal conversations in the hall or classroom with a teacher, nurse, or counselor. 101
SAMS:
—I saw Mr. B. one time in the hall and he said, "Hi, how’s your baby?" And once Ms. G. asked me i f I had a g irl or boy.
—Yea, a couple teachers asked about how my baby was doin'.
Of the 23 SAMS who returned to school, four reported that a school nurse went beyond informal inquiries and had individual conferences with SAMS to discuss their baby's health and the SAM'S coping with school and home situations. These conferences were all within the first 4 weeks of school resumption.
Four additional SAMS of the 23 who returned to school reported no instance of contact with school personnel regarding their motherhood role. All 4 of these SAMS resumed th eir education in a new school setting where school personnel with whom they had interacted during their pregnancy were not present. (This was because the SAMS had enrolled in an adult school or had progressed to a senior school high from a junior high school after a summer delivery.)
None of the school systems, regardless of the program offered during pregnancy (special school, special class or no program) offered a program to assist or counsel the SAMS regarding their role of mother and/or the interrelationship of the roles of mother, student, and family member. 102
Participants in Interaction. Of the 15 SAMS who had informal interaction with school personnel, eight had interaction with several school people making a total of 25 school persons involved in informal interaction. Of these 25, eleven were nurses, eight were teachers, and 6 were counselors.
The four planned conferences were with school nurses.
Initiation of Interaction. The nature of the informal inter actions mentioned by 15 SAMS made it difficult to ascertain initia tion. However, the SAMS usually stated that the teacher, nurse,or counselor involved had "asked" them about their babies indicating that the teacher, nurse ,or counselor might have initiated the interaction.
In the 4 cases of planned interaction after resumption of school, the initiation of the interaction was by school nurses.
Two school nurses in two separate schools were involved.
Number of Interactions. The number of informal interactions could not be clearly ascertained. Though the SAMS recalled who spoke to them they were not sure of how many times a particular school person spoke with them.
Of the 4 SAMS who took part in planned interaction, three had two interactions each and one SAM had 3 interactions. All inter actions or conferences included only the SAM and the nurse.
Purpose of Interaction. According to SAMS, informal interactions were for the purpose of inquiring about the SAM'S health and the 103 the health and sex of the infant. REPS stated that informal inter action was carried out in order to show concern and interest.
Mrs. K., Teacher in Regular School:
Well, I always make inquiries if I see a student who was pregnant. I think we should let them know we're interested in them and their home situations. I think most teachers here do that.
The purposes of the planned sessions, according to both REPS and SAMSi, were to discuss health problems of the mother and baby, answer questions about birth control, and discuss SAMS' coping with school and home situations.
SAM:
I met with Mrs. L. and she talked about problems I was having and problems with Jason. She told me about Planned Parenthood and said I could get birth control there, but I already knew that.
Mrs. L., School Nurse:
I try to extend what should be done at the clinic {public health} but just doesn't carry over to the girls. The girls don't feel at home there, and the staff doesn't take time. I've no trouble getting them to talk , and i t 's an easy jump from the physical problems to the emotional problems.
Assessment of Interaction. The SAM'S assessment of the post delivery interaction appeared to be related to the pre-delivery interaction experienced by the SAM. If the pre-delivery interaction was extensive, as in the special schools and special classes, the
SAM noted the absence of post delivery interaction. 104
Valerie, SAM:
You see, we never had nothin' afte r we came back to school after the baby was born. Some of the teachers maybe they say "How your baby doin'?" or somethin' like that but there {were} no sessions or nothin' for us. You see, that would make it known that there are mothers in the school. When we was pregnant we was at the Family Center, and the school don't have to look a t pregnant g irls . So, now that we {are} mothers they not goin1 to have us to meet together and be obvious.
I told them at the Family Center {special prenatal program} I think they got a good program there but it need to continue after our babies born.
{What would you want the school to do for you a fte r your baby is born?}
Well, give us some money, th at would be nice {laughs} I think we need to just set down and talk about bringin' up our babies and some of our problems. Sometimes I do that with the other mothers, but most of my friends don't have kids and they get tired of hearin' me talk about Devin.
We tried to get the school psych—I think that what she is, or maybe she's the nursey school teacher—for counseling or meeting with young married couples and people with young families, but we never could get nobody in the school {school personnel} interested in i t . 5 I don't know—I guess after everybody have their babies it's kinda hard keeping in touch with them.
Students who had not experienced a special pre-delivery program or other extensive interaction during pregnancy appeared to be less aware of the lack of interaction with the school.
5This was the only SAM who indicated taking initiative to instigate a program or session. 105
These SAMS offered no unsolicited comments about the lack of inter action, and they offered indifferent responses when the need for post delivery interaction was questioned. Four of the 27 SAMS who returned to school saw no need to offer a post delivery program and stated that they would not attend such a program i f i t were offered. All four of these SAMS had experienced a minimum of predelivery interaction with the school.
The relationship of the presence of predelivery programs and assessment of post delivery programs seemed to be present with
REPS as well as SAMS. School representatives in systems with no predelivery program for or interaction with SAMS indicated that post delivery programs for and interaction with young mothers were unnecessary and would not be attended.6 School representatives in systems that offered special predelivery or interaction programs stated that post delivery programs were very important. These representatives were often critical of their own system for not having such a post delivery offering.
Ms. W., Teacher in Special Class:
We do nothing for them after their baby is born. I t 's the biggest problem in our whole program. We prepare them for bringing a baby into the world then after it's here we say "OK, you're on your own". I needed help when I became a mother and I was 22, had a husband with a good job and lived in my own home. Our g irls have continuous
6Several school representatives in these systems emphasized that SAMS come from large families and know how to care for children, and that, therefore, no one would attend the sessions. Another said they could not offer such post-delivery programs because everyone, mother or not, would want to attend. 106
problems with their parents and boyfriends, struggles with school, and they don't know how to be mothers and we don't help. I get angry when I think about it.
You saw Rutha in class today, the short one with the red top? Well, last month when we talked about toys and made stuffed animals she came up to me and said she wasn't going to give her toy to her baby because she wanted i t herself. There she was hugging and stroking this toy dog like a small child—she's only 15— and she's going to be a mother in a month and a half, but we're not going to help her at all.
Parents of SAMS, when asked about the absence of or need for post delivery interaction of SAMS and the school after resumption of schooling, unanimously stated that there was such a need. Most parents displayed a degree of enthusiasm for post delivery programs or classes for SAMS and offered reasons for such programs.7 Only two parents offered uninitiated comments, however, about the need for post delivery interaction or programs. It appears that few parents of SAMS expected the school to interact with SAMS or offer such a program but that many would be in favor of such interaction or programs if they were offered.
7Reasons centered around their daughters' lack of knowledge of how to care for and discipline children. Several parents mentioned concerns about the increase in child abuse in their area and that child care programs might prevent such incidents. Two parents referred to possible needs for working out problems in a group situation. 107
PSAM-School Interaction
Not surprisingly, none of the PSAMS had any interaction with the school with respect to their daughter's motherhood after the resumption of their daughter's schooling.
Findings
Within the population studied, findings related to post delivery interaction with the school after the resumption of schooling are as follows:
1. Programs to assist or counsel SAMS after their resumption of school existed in none of the schools, and school interaction with SAMS regarding their motherhood was limited in all the schools regardless of the type of program available during the SAM's pregnancy.
2. Most SAMS who had experienced special school programs during their pregnancy expected some type of school programs at the post delivery stage.
3. SAMS who had not experienced any special school program during their pregnancy had no expectation of any post delivery program.
4. School personnel in school systems with no special program for SAMS indicated less need for post delivery interaction with SAMS than did school personnel in school systems with special programs for SAMS.
5. Parents of SAMS indicated low levels of expectation for post delivery interaction between their daughter and school personnel but expressed support for such interaction when such programs were suggested. 108
Consequences of School-Age Pregnancies and Motherhood
A review of literature pertaining to school-age parenthood reveals a significant amount of data on the consequences of young pregnancies and motherhood (Nye, 1976; Menkin, 1972; Furstenberg,
1976). The majority of these statements indicate major risks and negative consequences to school-age mothers reflected in psycho logical and social spheres. Marital instability, school disruption, economic problems, and difficulties with childrearing and regulation of family size are considered to be the major long term negative consequences of school-age pregnancies.
The perceptions held by significant persons (school-age parents, their parents, and school representatives) regarding these long term consequences of school age pregnancies and motherhood would appear to be significant in the planning and organizing of programs for school-age mothers. Therefore, inquiries were made regarding interviewees' perceptions of the consequences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood.
Interviews were designed to ascertain perceptions of the sig nificant persons with respect to consequences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood already experienced by the SAM as well as consequences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood that are yet to be experienced by SAMS (Appendix J, Section D). Responses differed substantially among the three significant groups (SAMS,
PSAMS, and REPS). Findings from each group will be reported separ ately. 109 School-Age Mothers
Responses of SAMS related to consequences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood were limited to immediate life changes.
The young mothers appeared to have difficulty conceptualizing their lives beyond the present. Even with the employment of direct questions relating to life five years hence, SAMS did not give responses relating to consequences of their pregnancy and mother hood yet to come. For this reason the reporting of consequences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood as indicated by SAMS is limited to consequences already in existence or having been in existence.
Constricted Social Activities. The most common response from
SAMS regarding the consequences of school-age pregnancy and mother hood was that of the constricting of their social activities because of child care. Twenty eight of the 30 SAMS gave statements about constricted social activities due to child care and general frustra tions arranging for child care.1 The provision of adequate care
^nly two SAMS did not mention constriction of social activi ties due to child care. One of these young mothers held a part- time job in order to pay for child care during her school attendance and occasionally for social activities. Though she also relied on her family for child care services for social functions, she appeared more independent and less constricted socially due to her ability to pay for child care in most instances.
The second young mother who did not indicate that her social life was constricted by child care needs was from a large extended family living under one roof (6 siblings, 3 nieces and nephews, a grandparent, parents, several aunts and inlaws, plus her child and herself). The large number of adults willing to care for her child seemingly allowed for few constrictions of this SAM's social life. no for their infants, according to SAMS, limited their social/personal freedom.
—It really does change things. Like if you want to go somewhere with your friends, you got to get a sitter or you don't go.
—Your life, i t changes 'cause you got to have sitters all the time.
—It ties you down—(there is) a lot less 'going'. It changes how you do things. You have to change your schedule all the time. Mostly I just stay home now.
Since few of the SAMS interviewed had the financial means to pay babysitters, the extended family was often used to provide care for young children. Though families of SAMS appeared to be willing to provide such care, some of the young mothers seemed to recognize this assistance as dependence on the family, especially parents, and a form of control or supervision by the parents.
—My life hasn't changed too much. I depend on my parents more than I used to because I need them for baby sitters if I go anywhere. My brothers and sisters help, too. I'm glad for their help, but sometimes I feel like a baby myself getting their permission to go here or there.
—They (family members) s it for me a lot, but if they don't like where I'm going or who I'm going with they won't do it. Last week my mother wouldn't help me out because she said the place I was going was no good. She wouldn't let my sisters help me either. So, you see, I got no choice; I stay home. Ill
All of the SAMS who expressed constricted social activity as a consequence of school-age motherhood responded immediately to these questions: reflection upon these questions apparently was unnecessary. Indeed, many SAMS offered comments about child care needs and social life constriction early in the interview prior to interviewer questions pertaining to consequences of school-age motherhood. This constriction appeared to be operating continuously in the SAMS' daily lives and, in some cases, was an anger producing topic.
Increased Parent-Daughter Friction. Eight SAMS made specific statements that their pregnancy and motherhood brought about a significant increase in parent-daughter friction.
—My life hasn't changed so much except that I get hassled more by my parents. They say I don't do enough (household chores) and that I'm 'not carrying my load' and all that shit. They're on me all the time now. I'm always hearing 'You made your mistake, now you live with i t .'
—The biggest change is problems with my Mom and Dad. We don't seem to get along at all anymore. We're at each other's necks all the time since Timmy was born. They don't like Timmy's dad, and they don't want me to see him. My mother is old fashioned. She thinks (that) because I have a baby I should be a hermit now. Like, she thinks I should stay home all the time. That's just not the way I am. So, we fight about i t Yea, it's more than before I was pregnant, but we had fights then too.
The main issues involved in the parent-daughter friction appeared to be related to dating, household chores, and the 112 overriding issue of independence. It seems that the dependence- independence struggle typical of adolescence is heightened by the reported constriction of social activity due to child care.
Improved Life Style. Four SAMS indicated that their lives had been somewhat changed "for the better". They felt that their current life style was an improvement over their pre-pregnancy/ motherhood life style.
--My life doesn't seem much different than before though in some ways it's better. I don't have my father bothering me (her father is an alco holic). I like our apartment and I feel secure. I know I 'll finish school later, but right now Jerry (her husband) wants me to stay home with the baby, and I want to, too.
—It ties me down some—there's a lot less going places, but Tracy gives me something to look forward to. I always feel good when I go home; I'm always glad to see her No, I didn't used to feel good coming home. My Dad was always on me, fussing at me. Now I'm busy with Tracy and don't hear him. And now I work parttime and I like that.
—I'd say I like my life better now. I'm in adult school so I don't have all that school jive to put up with. Tina's father helps with support and he gets her to the center every morning (child care center). I got mvself an afternoon job, and they're giving me extra hours starting November. Everything's just better all around. 113
—I guess my life's about the same. I get us as early as I did before. I thought I'd be able to sleep later if I didn't have to go to school, but I gotta get up anyway. I do more stuff around the house and I like that. I don't have to go out to school, I never liked school very much. I want to graduate someday, but I really like being at home better.2
Several other SAMS indicated that though their pregnancy and motherhood brought about some difficulties for them (difficulties in attending social functions, need to get a job, etc.), resultant situations could be considered as positive changes in their lives.
One such SAM (statement below) indicated that she would have employment after graduation as an indirect result of her early motherhood. Another SAM indicated that though her pregnancy brought about difficult situations with her parents (arguments, fighting, etc.) the resultant move to her grandmother's home was considered positive.
— I wouldn't be working now if I didn't have Dean. I have to have a job in order to pay the baby sitte r while I'm in school. I'd be going to things after school instead of working. But since I got this job it looks like they'll keep me on fulltime after graduation and that's good. I've got friends who aren't going to find a job.
2Several of the responses in this category may be attributed to difficulties, both academic and disciplinary, in the SAM'S school career. This SAM is considered by one of her teachers to be "nearly retarded". Her absence from school since her delivery might explain how her life is more positive now. Two other students in this group have had difficulties with discipline in regular schools. Now, in adult classes where they feel they are treated better, they feel more positive about school and perhaps more positive about their lifestyle. 114
—My life 's a lot like i t was, maybe better. When tny parents knew I was pregnant we fought all the time. Then my sister would get in on i t (the fight). It was really bad. But near the end of the 9 months I moved in with my grandmother. Things are really good at her house. I'm gettin' by real fine. (The grandmother is employed fu ll time and the son has a daytime sitter while the SAM attends school.)
Altered Educational Career. Altered educational careers as a consequence of school-age pregnancy and motherhood were reported by three SAMS. These young mothers stated that their pregnancy or motherhood had delayed or prohibited their graduation. No other
SAMS gave either direct or indirect statements referring to altered educational plans. Statements by these three young mothers about the curtailment of their education were in conjunction with caring for their children (obligations of motherhood), as opposed to altered educational plans in relation to their pregnancies.
—Yea, it's a big change. I dropped out to take care of LeRoy. I really missed school at first. I had a year and a half—well, really a little less than that But I know I'd have graduated if I hadn't had LeRoy. I'm not sure I will now. I tried going back to night school but I couldn't keep up. The work wasn't hard. It seemed easier than at (regular school), but some nights I just couldn't get myself to go (to classes). It just was hard to get moving and I hate going out at night on the bus. I started with a friend but when she didn't go I'd stay home too Maybe I 'll get back to it some day, but I don't know for sure. 115
—It's given me more responsibilities. I can't just think of myself anymore. I'm tied down a lot. I'm alone here, I don't have parents in the same house to babysit. I'd like to finish school—I really would, but everytime I want to go anywhere I have to pay a sitter or call my brother or sister—they still live at home—and ask them to sit. If I went back to school I'd have to have my brother take care of the kids cause I can't pay a sitter, and he's looking for a job and can't help me If I hadn't had Stephanie I'd be finished with school and be working—or maybe even in college!
It is important to note that 12 SAMS had dropped out of school for at least a period of more than six weeks after their babies were born with 7 of the 12 SAMS having never resumed their schooling after delivery (Table 2). Yet, only 3 SAMS mentioned altered school careers as a change in their current lives or in their future lives.
Given the frequent statements from the SAMS regarding their desires and goals to complete high school, one might have expected to have most of these 12 SAMS state that the onset of parenthood prevented them from graduating.
Also of interest is the fact that 14 SAMS attended a special school and another 8 SAMS attended a special class during their pregnancies. Again, these alterations in their school careers were not mentioned by the SAMS as consequences of pregnancy and motherhood.
The limited number of SAMS who indicated altered educational careers as consequences of pregnancy and motherhood in respect to the number whose educational careers had been clearly altered 116 from the norm remain a curiosity but might be explained in several ways.
It may be that for the population included in this study school curtailment is common for a number of family related reasons—parental illness, temporary assistance in a family business, assistance of an extended family member who is in need. Care of their own child, therefore, may be perceived of as one of many family related reasons for altering their educational plans and not as a direct consequence of their pregnancy and motherhood.
It could also be construed that though SAMS, in general, did state that they aspire to complete their high school education, school itself (for both SAMS and their non-SAM counterparts) is not perceived of as a major aspect of their liv es.3 Other activities such as employment, social activities, and family functions appear to take up a significant amount of the SAM'S time. By curtailing school attendance, especially when she perceives that she is doing so temporarily, the SAM may not perceive her life as having been altered.
It could be that the SAMS felt that they would have dropped out of school regardless of the birth of their children and that their school curtailment was not a consequence of their motherhood.
3This is supported by the fact that a typical full school day for most of the SAMS prior to their pregnancy was from 8:30-2:30 with few students spending evening and weekend time doing school assignments. A large portion of their day, therefore, consisted of non-school activities. 117
This seems less plausible since if the SAMS were inclined to drop out of school, they would have done so during their pregnancies rather than wait until after their deliveries.
Extensive Burdens and Responsibilities. Three SAMS considered that, aside from the commonly mentioned constriction of social activities, their lives had changed considerably since their pregnancy and motherhood. All three of these young mothers re flected heavy burdens of responsibility in their lives.
—Well, since Clarissa was born I don't relax much. I got to get a job. I keep looking and looking. My parents help me (she and the baby live with her parents and siblings) but there's just not enough money. I feel like I've added a burden and I got to help pay for things Sometimes I feel like I got to get out—just get out. I got so much to do- getting her to the sitte r's house early (by bus) getting to school (school begins 7:30 a.m.; doing the work, getting back to sitter, getting home again, getting supper Some days my friends go to places shopping or to games after school (athletic events) but I can't go. It costs too much at the sitte r's and my family expects me home All that is a change from before Clarissa. See, I love Clarissa and I'm glad I got her but she has changed things for me.
—It just means you grow up (snaps her fingers) like that. Now you're grown and here come the responsi bilities! It doesn't mean you can't make your way— I don't buy that line. Things will take a little longer but you can do it. You can graduate, you can get a good job (while caring for your children) if you're willing to work. But, Lordy, the load is heavy! It just wants to wear you down. (Valerie had three children; a son 23 months and a set of twins 4 months. Since the birth of her firs t son she has graduated from high school and attended one semester of community college. She lives with her children, is supported by public assistance, and attended college by means of a scholarship for Black minority students.) 718
These responses reflect the difficulties of early motherhood most often mentioned in the 1 iterature—heavy burdens of responsi bility and drastically altered life styles. Yet, it needs to be pointed out that only three of the 30 SAMS interviewed indicated such consequences of their early motherhood. Heavy responsibilities and altered ways of life were not reported to have significantly affected the other 27 SAMS.
It may be that SAMS in this study were attempting to impress the researcher by their stoicism in facing the task of early parenthood. Some young mothers may have been unable to admit the difficulties brought about by school-age pregnancy and moterhood.
It may be, however, that with the assistance of parents and other family members, lessened social stigma of young parenthood, and, for some SAMS, the assistance of school courses to prepare young mothers, these school-age mothers were insulated from some of the burdens and responsibilities accompanying parenthood.
Absence of Consequences. Aside from the constriction of social activities due to child care needs reported by nearly all SAMS, few consequences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood were indicated by any large segment of SAMS. Indeed, a substantial mumber of SAMS could not identify any change in their life either currently or in the future. Eighteen of the 30 SAMS interviewed could not articulate any altering of their life style as a consequence of their pregnancy or motherhood (aside from constrictions of social life due to child care needs), i.e ., they perceived their life different than prior to their pregnancy and motherhood.
—My life's not much different now than before I had Devin. I never went out and around a lot. If I wanted to go "around" a lot I'd have a hard time with sitters and t h a t ....I '11 get a job next year after I graduate and that's not a lot different from if I'd not got pregnant. I 'll probably use the same babysitter.
—I don't see how it has changed my life any. I'm in school. I can get training if I want to. Right now I'm in a job training program in brick laying. I'm going to be a mason. I can get a job just like anyone with or without a baby.
—Well, I was a senior when I was pregnant and I stayed in school and finished before my delivery. If I'd dropped out of school I'd be back in classes this year finishing up—so really all it would have done there was put me behind a year.
—(Not in school, not working) If I didn't have Clifton I'd be working now, but then a lot of my friends have graduated and haven't got any kids and they still haven't found a job. So I guess he hasn't changed my life much....I'd say my future will be what it will be—I don't think Clifton has changed it much.
In some instances circumstances that might be interpreted major consequences to the researcher and/or the reader were not perceived as significant by the SAM. School curtailment, the necessity to secure a job, and postponement of higher education were sometimes mentioned or alluded to but were followed by statements indicating their station as minor incidents and not major changes in their life style. 120
—I come home and take care of my baby but I always came home before to care for my brothers—So it's about the same.
—Didn't change too much. More time for just doing nothing than before baby. I dropped out so I had more time Yea, I think I'd have finished if I hadn't got pregnant.
Three specific consequences of school-age pregnancy and mother hood often alluded to in the literature were not mentioned by any of the 30 SAPS. These consequences—greater difficulty in gaining employment, limited post high school educational activities, and limited possibilities of finding and maintaining a boyfriend and/or husband—when mentioned by the researcher, were openly negated by
SAMS or otherwise responded to in a manner indicating the absence of these consequences from their life styles. Comments such as
"Everybody have troubles with getting a job now days. Ifthe
(discount store) opens up again there'll be jobs for a lot of people and I think I can get one." And "I got quite a few boy friends—too many, my Momma says—and I'm sure not needing any husband." indicated that these consequences did not operate to a major extent.
Parents of SAMS
Parents of SAMS, like their daughters, perceived few conse quences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood affecting their 121 daughters' future lives. Consequences mentioned by the PSAMS focused on the SAMS' current situation(s).
Constricted Social Activities. Like their daughters, PSAMS most frequently mentioned the loss of freedom and constriction of social activities as a consequence of school-age motherhood.
Twenty-one of the PSAMS indicated this situation as being a con sequence.
Increased Parent-Daughter Friction. Increased parent-daughter friction was mentioned by a small segment of PSAMS as it was by
SAMS. All eight SAMS who perceived an increase in parent-daughter friction had a parent counterpart who also perceived this friction.
Two additional PSAMS stated that friction had increased between themselves and their daughters as a consequence of their daughter's motherhood.
Four parents of school-age mothers mentioned the lessening of parent-daughter friction since their daughter's motherhood, though their daughters did not indicate this ease of friction. It may be that the SAM'S limited social activities and presumably increased time at home curtailed some of the direct parent-child confronta tions related to social activities typical of adolescence. These four parents, therefore, may have interpreted this as a lessening of friction while their daughters' frustrations over constricted social activities remained sources of parent-daughter friction that did not reach the stage of confrontation. 122
Improved Life Style. While several SAMS stated that their lives had improved since their pregnancy and motherhood, none of the PSAMS indicated this consequence. This finding is probably related to the fact that three of the four SAMS who indicated improvements in their lifestyles since pregnancy and motherhood did so with movements toward independence from their parents, both physically and financially.1* If parents of young mothers were aware of these life style improvements for their daughters they may have been reluctant to admit them.
Altered Educational Career. The major difference between responses of SAMS and those of their parents regarding consequences of the SAM'S pregnancy and motherhood was in the area of altered educational careers. Though only three young mothers indicated that their motherhood had delayed or prohibited their graduation,
19 PSAMS mentioned consequences of their daughters' pregnancy and motherhood in relation to their daughters' educational careers.
These 19 PSAMS included PSAMS whose daughters had never returned to school, PSAMS whose daughters had returned to school after delivery and later dropped out, and PSAMS whose daughters had returned to school and were in school at the time of the interviews.
■*0ne of the four SAMS who expressed improvements in their lives since pregnancy and motherhood moved from her parents' home to the home of her grandmother. Another of these four SAMS married and left her father's home. Two of the SAMS in this group indicated that they now have jobs to aid in supporting their child and are, therefore, away from their home and parents to a greater extent than prior to their motherhood. 123
None of these parents, however, suggested that their daughters would never graduate. Nearly all of the 12 PSAMS in these categories indicated that their daughters would resume school at a later time but that motherhood obligations had interfered by delaying the graduation time.
Statements from PSAMS regarding altered educational careers were based on the motherhood phase: PSAMS, as well as SAMS, apparently did not consider altered educational careers as a con sequence of pregnancy per se.
Extensive Burdens and Responsibilities. While three of the
30 SAMS indicated that school-age pregnancy and motherhood brought about extensive burdens and responsibilities, none of the PSAMS indicated this as a consequence.
Absence of Consequences. Eighteen of the PSAMS indicated that, aside from constriction of their daughter's social activities, there were only negligible consequences of their daughter's pregnancy and motherhood. Like their daughters, the PSAMS did not indicate commonly stated consequences such as greater difficulties gaining employment, limited post high school educational opportunities, and limited possibilities of finding and maintaining a boyfriend or husband. 124
School Representatives
The REPS did not appear to know the individual SAMS well enough to comment on specific consequences of their pregnancy and motherhood. The only consequence specific to individual SAMS that the REPS could state was that of individual SAMS' school career.
General responses to the questions about consequences were fruitful in regard to perceptions held by school representatives. Therefore, general responses were recorded. Though interesting comparisons can be drawn between responses of SAMS and REPS in regard to this inquiry, the reader needs to be aware that representatives' responses were not in regard to a specific SAM as were the responses of the school- age parent and her parents. The REPS' responses pertained to the total population of SAMS and therefore reflect a combination of experiences with SAMS and current knowledge.5
5 It is interesting that REPScould not respond regarding con sequences of specific SAMS because they seemingly did not know enough about their lives. Yet, the REPS made definite statements about long term consequences of SAMS in general. When asked how they knew about these general consequences, the REPS answered with statements such as:
"It's just known; that's the way their lives are."
"I've done a lot of reading in this area," and
"We see i t everyday. There are a lot of them (SAMS) in this school. We see what happens." 125
Constricted Social Activities. All 14 of the REPS indicated that constricted social activity was a consequence of school-age pregnancy and motherhood.
Increased Parent-Daughter Friction. Nine of the 14 REPS stated that increased parent-daughter friction was a consequence of school- age pregnancy and motherhood. When asked if they knew of instances of such friction, only two REPS could site instances of SAMS who had experienced such increased friction.
Improved Life Styles. None of the REPS mentioned improved life style as a consequence of school-age pregnancy and motherhood. When asked by the researcher if this might be a consequence, all 14 REPS stated that they did not think an improved life style would be a consequence of school-age pregnancy and motherhood.
Extensive Burdens and Responsibilities. Seven of the 14 REPS stated that SAMS faced extensive burdens as a consequence of school-age pregnancy and motherhood. Extensive burdens and respon sibilities sited were child care responsibilities, after school employment, and extensive household care.
Absence of Consequences. None of the REPS indicated an absence of consequences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood. Several school representatives emphasized that consequences were in large part dependent upon family background of the SAM and the role played by her family in assisting her. However, these REPS still indicated that negative consequences were likely. 126
Ms. W., School Counselor:
It depends totally on the background of the girl. If she's from a home where early pregnancies are coiranon and where the extended family takes on many of the tasks necessary for raising a child, her life hasn't changed much. Yet, even here she faces some traumatic situations—she faces a lot of grief from her parents. She's saying to the parents "Yes, I was promiscuous" and though her parents may have known all along, it (the pregnancy) serves to bring the situation in the open.
Mrs. P., School Counselor:
If her family has never faced a young pregnancy and if social custom in her area looks down on babies out of wedlock she will have big changes in her life. She may be forced to drop out, she may have to move out of her home to an apartment or with a relative—a lot of them move in with their grandparents or aunts. It's hard for her to get a job especially if she's not finished with school. If she doesn't have family to help her she has big problems with sitters for school or work or just to get out once in a while. From this kind of background a young mother has real changes in her life.
Longterm and Cumulative Consequences. The most striking aspect of the REPS' responses in comparison to those of SAMS and PSAMS was that of their long term or future orientation. While the SAMS and PSAMS gave responses pertaining to consequences the SAMS had already or were currently experiencing, the REPS went beyond these present circumstances and stated consequences that would likely occur in the lives of the SAMS. A second major difference is that of the cumulative nature of the consequences: the REPS perceive the 127 totality of the SAMS' lives to be altered while the SAM and her parents consider only certain aspects of a young mother's life to be affected. The following statements serve as examples of both the long term and cumulative nature of REPS' responses:
Mrs. F., School Counselor:
Yes, i t (the life of a SAM) changes a lot for most girls. You see a happy, active young girl and a year later you see a very serious some times sad person with too manv responsibilities. They're just not ready for such responsibilities. Some can't even care for themselves. They have to grow up very fast and because of that some just never grow up. Ten years later they still behave like adolescents.
Mrs. T., School Nurse:
Their future is altered as soon as they become pregnant, assuming they don't get an abortion. They are more likely to not finish school, they will have a harder time getting jobs, they are tied down with their baby, and even later if they get married there's a greater chance they'll divorce. It seems sometimes they just head for the welfare line and stay there. Their lives are much different after they become pregnant.
Mrs. J., Teacher at Special School:
Those that stay in school may not be greatly behind academically, but it's one more problem to cope with in life styles that are burdened with coping problems. They have so many problems and this just adds many, many more. We can do a lot to overcome some of the problems with special programs, but i t 's only a drop in the bucket as far as really helping. 128
Findings
Findings pertaining to consequences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood as perceived by school-age parents, their parents, and school representatives are as follows:
1. Different sets of perceptions are held by school-
age mothers, their parents, and school represen
tatives. School representatives perceive school-age
motherhood to have numerous and encompassing conse
quences: school-age mothers and their parents per
ceive consequences to be limited.
2. Consequences indicated by interviewees were based
upon the presence of motherhood rather than preg
nancy. Pregnancy per se was not perceived as
having major consequences.
3. The consequence of school-age motherhood perceived by
the greatest number of SAMS and their parents and men
tioned often by school representatives was that of
constriction of social activities because of child care.
4. Other than constriction of social activities because
of child care the school-age mothers and their parents
relayed to the researcher virtually no alterations in
the SAMS life style due to school-age motherhood. They
gave no indication of consequences yet to occur. 129
5. Both parents of school-age mothers and school repre
sentatives perceived delay and prevention of gradua
tion as consequences of school-age motherhood: only
three of the 30 school-age mothers perceived their
motherhood as altering their school career.
6. Consequences often noted in the literature such as
"greater difficulty in gaining employment", "limited
future educational activities" and "limited possi
bilities of finding and maintaining a boyfriend
and/or husband" were not perceived by school-age
mothers as consequences. CHAPTER V
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The central intent of this study was to investigate the percep tions held by selected school-age mothers, their parents, and school personnel regarding the school's activities and practices related to school-age mothers and to draw implications of these perceptions for the understanding of school activities and practices related to
SAMS. The purpose was to aid in future attempts to clarify the nature of the relationship of school-age pregnancy and motherhood and school activities and practices.
The sample consisted of 30 school-age mothers (SAMS), the parents of these school-age mothers (PSAMS), and 14 school repre sentatives (REPS) indicated by the school-age mothers to be significant in their relationship with the school. The 30 SAMS included in this study were mothers 18 and under whose pregnancies had occurred while they were enrolled in public school and whose children were 24 months or younger and who were identifiable by some type of situation relating to their pregnancy and motherhood (Appendix
E). School-age mothers were from one of three public school systems
130 131 in the District of Columbia, Northern Virginia and Southern Maryland
Metropolitan area. The 72 interviews (with 30 SAMS, 28 PSAMS and 14
REPS) took place from September 26, 1977 to March 30, 1978.
Analysis of the interview data consisted of catagorizing, comparing, and contrasting responses of the interviewees with respect to types of programs, procedures, and policies within the school systems. Findings are organized into four major cateogries:
Predelivery Interaction with the Schools, Educational Decision Making by School-Age Mothers, Postdelivery Interaction with the School, and
Consequences of School-Age Pregnancy and Motherhood.
Findings: Predelivery Interaction With The School
With respect to the population studied, the following are findings related to predelivery interaction with the school.
1. School personnel in all school systems interacted with
SAMS when the pregnancy became known for the purpose
of explaining educational options and encouraging SAMS
to seek medical counsel and assistance.
2. Interactions beyond this initial contact were related
to the provision of special programs for SAMS. If
special programs were provided, multiple interactions
took place. If no special programs were provided,
interaction was limited to the initial interaction. 132
3. SAM-school interaction was not perceived by SAMS
as a problem. Existence of multiple interactions
was perceived by SAMS to be beneficial.
4. Virtually all parent-school interaction was
initiated by the school.
5. While absence of parent-school contact is not per
ceived by young mothers and their parents to be a
problem, existence of such contact is perceived by
these persons to be beneficial.
6. SAMS whose parents experienced parent-school
interaction gave positive responses regarding
this parent-school interaction. SAMS whose
parents had experienced no interaction with the
school gave antagonistic and negative responses
regarding parent-school interaction.
7. Parents of SAMS who had experienced at least mod
erate parent-school interaction displayed greater
knowledge of educational alternatives for young
mothers and greater awareness of the curriculum
for SAMS than did parents of SAMS who experienced
little or no interaction with the school. 133
8. School personnel in systems which had no parent-
school interaction indicated that such interaction
was unnecessary and not within the role of the
school. School personnel in systems which had at
least moderate parent-school interaction indicated
that they saw such interaction as highly necessary
and an integral part of the role of the school.
Findings: Educational Decision Making by SAMS
With respect to the population studied, the following findings are related to educational decisions made by school-age mothers:
1. School-age mothers, parents of school-age mothers,
and school representatives, in general, indicated
that all educational options both during pregnancy
and after the delivery were known to all SAMS.
2. Though SAMS were aware that they could drop out of
school while pregnant, they did not seem to con
sider dropping out as a viable alternative for
themselves.
3. Though all school representatives were fully aware
of educational options, some representatives dis
played a lack of knowledge about special programs 134
for pregnant girls and adult schools within their
own school system.
4. Each of the 3 groups of significant persons con
sidered themselves to be a major source of the SAM'S
decision to remain in school during pregnancy and to
return to school after delivery.
5. School-age mothers, though stating that they alone
were the decision makers, appeared to rely on SAM
peers to gain information to assist in their
decision making.
6. Three major factors considered by SAMS when deciding
to return or not return to school after delivery
were (1) the perceived need to complete their educa
tion, (2) the adequacy of child care and (3) the
desire to remain with their child during the in
fancy period.
7. SAMS and PSAMS indicated that embarrassment was not
a factor in SAMS' decision making related to remain
ing in school and returning to school. School
representatives indicated that such embarrassment
was a factor in SAMS' decision making. 135
8. The major factor involved in the choice of returning
to an adult school rather than a regular school was
the more flexible class schedule at the adult school.
Factors involved in the choice of attending a special
school rather than remaining in the regular school
during pregnancy were: (1) curriculum offered at the
special school, (2) situations favoring perceived
limitations of pregnancy, and (3) the SAMS' feelings
about the.regular school.
9. There was no apparent falsification or fabrication
of school policies and practices regarding the con
tinuation, discontinuation, or re-enrollment of
school-age mothers in order to discourage school
continuation by pregnant girls and young mothers.
10. The continuation of school during pregnancy was not
perceived as a conscious decision but rather a con
tinuation of the status quo. The return to school
after delivery was perceived as a more conscious
decision since it involved a change in status quo.
Findings: Postdelivery Interaction With the School
With respect to the population studied, the following findings are related to postdelivery interaction with the school. 136
1. SAMS and their parents appear to have low levels
of expectation regarding postdelivery interaction
of school personnel and school-age mothers. SAMS
and their parents react positively and are sup
portive when such interaction is initiated by
school personnel.
2. School personnel who feel that postdelivery inter
action with the schools is important will carry out
such interaction even though it is not a formal
part of the school system's program for SAMS.
3. School personnel in school systems which have
special pre-delivery programs for SAMS carry out
a high level of postdelivery interaction with SAMS;
school personnel in school systems which have no
special pre-delivery programs for SAMS carry out
little or no postdelivery interaction with SAMS.
4. Reasons given by SAMS for their return to school
were the same for those who had been contacted by
the school as for those who had received no post
delivery contact.
5. Programs to assist or counsel SAMS after their
resumption of school existed in none of the 137
schools, and school interaction with SAMS regard
ing their motherhood was limited in all the
schools regardless of the type of program avail
able during the SAM'S pregnancy.
6. SAMS who had experienced special school programs
during their pregnancy expected some type of
school program at the postdelivery stage. SAMS
who had not experienced any special school program
during their pregnancy had no expectation of any
postdelivery program.
7. School personnel in school systems with no special
program for SAMS indicated less need for post
delivery interaction with SAMS than did school
personnel in school systems with special programs
for SAMS.
8. Parents of SAMS indicated low levels of expecta
tion for postdelivery interaction between their
daughter and school personnel but expressed
support for such interaction when such programs
were suggested. 138
Findings: Consequences of School-Age Pregnancy and Motherhood
With respect to the population studied, the following findings are related to consequences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood:
1. Different sets of perceptions are held by school-age
mothers, their parents, and school representatives.
School representatives perceive school-age motherhood
to have numerous and long term consequences: school-
age mothers and their parents perceive consequences
to be limited.
2. Consequences indicated by interviewees were based
upon the presence of motherhood rather than
pregnancy. Pregnancy per se was not perceived as
having major consequences.
3. The consequence of school-age motherhood perceived
by the greatest number of SAMS and their parents
and mentioned often by school representatives was
that of constriction of social activities because
of child care.
4. School-age mothers and their parents cited virtually
no alterations in the SAM'S lifestyle due to school-
age motherhood. Other than the constriction of
social activities because of child care, they gave
no indication of consequences yet to occur. 139
5. Both parents of school-age mothers and school repre
sentatives perceived delay and prevention of gradua
tion as consequences of school-age motherhood: in
general, school-age mothers did not perceive their
motherhood as altering their school career.
6. Consequences often noted in the literature such as
"greater difficulty in gaining employment", "limited
future educational activities" and "limited possibil
ities of finding and maintaining a boyfriend and/or
husband" were not perceived by school-age mothers
as consequences.
Discussion of Results
The following is a discussion of results and their implications for school activities and practices related to school-age mothers.
Findings in this research were contrary to current literature which indicates that school personnel may not express to SAMS all educational options available (McMurray, 1975; Hoeft, 1967) and, indeed, may counsel SAMS to drop out of school during pregnancy
(Howard, 1978). This study brought forth no indication of such procedures. All SAMS were aware of educational options, and school personnel encouraged students to remain (some to the point of not indicating dropping out as an option to SAMS). Further, total 140 agreement was found among SAMS, PSAMS, and REPS that SAMS were given ample opportunity to make their decisions about school and to re verse these decisions if they saw fit. There was no instance of fabricated rules or deadlines to prevent students from remaining in or returning to school. These findings indicate the need for further research related to school procedures and practices with respect to school-age mothers in other than this major metropolitan area.
Further, it can be inferred that the literature regarding the treat ment of school-age mothers and pregnant girls by school personnel requires closer scrutiny.
The pregnancy period was not perceived by the SAMS or their parents as being problematic in regard to educational decision making. The continuation of school during pregnancy did not seem to be perceived as a conscious decision by SAMS or their parents but rather as a continuation of the status quo. Corresponding to this finding is the fact that when questioned about consequences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood, SAMS responses reflected concern about consequences in the postdelivery period with no predelivery consequences mentioned.
These findings suggest that SAM concerns and needs are focused upon the postdelivery period rather than the pregnancy period. Such findings are contrary to findings regarding actual assistance pro vided by school systems in this study. Special programs reported in this research concentrated on the pregnancy period but were 141 absent in the postdelivery stage. If school systems want to meet the needs of current SAMS, more effort needs to be placed upon the postdelivery stage.
SAMS indicated that they did not perceive embarrassment to be a factor in deciding to continue with or curtail their education.
This finding of perceived absence of embarrassment has several plausible explanations. The finding may be attributable to the metropolitan area in which this study was conducted, and further studies in other localities might yield different results. SAMS may have been unable or hesitant to admit such embarrassment. Re gardless of these possibilities, the perceptions of SAMS' embarrass ment revealed in this study have some implications for SAM programs and procedures within schools. If special programs are designed in order to meet SAMS' needs for seclusion because of embarrassment and discomfort while SAMS do not feel this embarrassment and discomfort, such programs are ill conceived and ill spent. If school systems desire to implement programs to best meet the needs of SAMS in their community, assessment of SAMS' perceptions of embarrassment in that community may be necessary.
SAMS held low expectations regarding interaction with the school both at predelivery and postdelivery stages. All such inter action that took place was initiated by the school. Even those SAMS who had experienced and felt positive about predelivery interaction did not initiate postdelivery interaction. These findings imply 142
that if interaction between SAMS and the school is to take place,
the school must initiate such interaction and/or encourage students and parents to initiate such interaction.
Similarly, interaction between parents of school-age mothers and the school was not expected by SAMS or PSAMS nor was it
initiated by the PSAMS. PSAM-school interaction that did take place received positive responses from both SAMS and PSAMS. These findings related to parent-school interaction have at least two
implications for school policy and practice. If the school desires
interaction with parents of school-age mothers, they will have to
initiate such interaction. If interaction is initiated by the school in order to inform parents of their daughters' educational options, there is a real possibility that PSAMS will respond positively.
School-age mothers remain in school and return to school primarily in order to complete their education and get a job. This finding suggests that the school may possess the strongest encourage ment for SAMS to continue their education. Students who see benefit
in school attendance and school graduation appear to be less likely to drop out despite the difficulties of the combined roles of student and mother.
Corresponding with the finding that SAMS returned to school in order to complete their education is the finding that SAMS in this study did not indicate that they perceived educational curtailment 143 as a consequence of school-age motherhood (despite the fact that twelve SAMS had dropped out of school for periods of more than six weeks). These findings coupled with encouragement by school per sonnel for SAMS to remain in school, suggest a positive outlook for school continuation by SAMS.
Though most school personnel were well informed about special programs, procedures, and other educational alternatives available to school-age mothers, several school counselors were unable to give information about such alternatives within their own school programs and procedures. Since the information these counselors lacked was pertinent to educational decision making (such as loca tions of special predelivery schools and adult schools, personnel at special schools, and procedures for transporting SAMS from regular school to special school), such counselors must have difficulty advising SAMS regarding educational options. If schools desire to have full utilization of their SAM programs and practices, counselors as well as other personnel need to be aware of all aspects of the school's SAM program.
Results indicated that SAMS did not perceive REPS as a source of assistance in decision making. This finding mav not be as strong an indictment of REPS as it first appears. Some REPS appeared to be aware of adolescent strivings for a stable self-image and the accompanying seeking of independence. These REPS may have exerted their assistance in a manner that emphasized the SAM'S role in this decision making. Thus, these REPS may have assisted the young 144 mothers with this decision but in doing so skillfully permitted the
SAM the satisfaction of the decision making.
Human resources used by the SAM in her educational decision making were not identifiable from the study. However, a strong indication did exist that SAM peers provided encouragement and in formation for the young mothers to return to school. This finding implies that peer pressure and support may be operating within the school but perhaps in a different manner than in the past. Whereas at one time peer pressure may have been an element that worked to encourage SAMS to drop out, the evidence here suggests that peer pressure from other young mothers may work to encourage continued enrollment during pregnancy and re-enrollment after delivery.
A major set of findings noted in this study was the differences in perceptions of the consequences of school-age motherhood held by
SAMS, PSAMS, and school personnel. The data from school-age mothers and their parents reflected only the minor, short term consequences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood. The data from school per sonnel working with school-age mothers reflected the more severe and long term consequences.
Reasons for these striking differences in responses of these significant persons remain unclear, though several plausible explana tions can be projected. School REPS might have been reflecting their middle class value bias toward people of a lower class. The REPS may have assumed consequences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood 145
based upon consequences that would be fe lt by their own middle class
population. In addition, the REPS may have viewed the SAM'S en vironment and consequences thereof (poverty, family background, and a host of possible causative factors) as consequences of her mother
hood rather than the motherhood itself.
One might also consider that the desire of REPS working with voung mothers was based on a need to justify their services. If there are few consequences of school-age parenthood, there may be little need for special programs geared for these young parents.
Another possible explanation of the differences between responses of SAMS and their parents and the responses of school representatives might be the inability of SAMS and their parents to transcend the present and consider future consequences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood. Such inability to look beyond the present is typical of lower socio-economic levels from which the majority of the subjects were drawn. Further, the inability to admit hardships perceived to have been brought upon themselves, and the accompanying desire to appear stoic and capable in the face of difficulties might also explain the reticence of some SAMS and their parents to state consequences.
It also may be that SAMS and their parents in this study represent a population so burdened with frustrations that conse quences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood are not viewed as unusual difficulties by the young mothers. 146
Regardless of these and other possible explanations of the incongruity of responses, differing perceptions would appear to be highly important considerations in program planning and implementa tion. School and community programs aimed at avoiding or assisting with the negative consequences of school-age pregnancy and mother hood would seem to have little hope for success if the recipients of the programs do not perceive particular situations as negative consequences. If REPS are correct in terms of consequences of school-age motherhood and are determined to assist young mothers, programs must be designed to gain and maintain SAMS' interest by responding to those immediate consequences recognized by the SAMS as currently existing in the lives of SAMS.
If long range life patterns are altered by school-age pregnancy and motherhood, if chances of a SAM'S marital success are limited, and if her economic and educational careers are blighted as a direct consequence of school-age pregnancy and motherhood, then schools must work to mediate these consequences in order to assist the SAM. If, on the other hand, particular difficulties considered by REPS to be consequences of school-age motherhood are not real consequences, but rather life situations for a given subgroup, programs might better be aimed at the given subgroup than limited to the school-age mother.
This study included school systems that offered special programs for school-age mothers as well as school systems that provided no 147 special program. The study was not designed to determine qualitative differences between normalization of education for SAMS (no special
SAM program) and specialization of education for SAMS (special SAM classes or schools). However, it appeared that schools providing special programs carried out more interaction with parents of school- age mothers and more postdelivery interaction with SAMS than did schools without special programs. Further consideration needs to be given to the merits and limitations of normalization of education, specialization of education, and enriched normalization of education for school-age mothers.
With the 1976 enactment of Section 86.40 of Title IX of the
Educational Amendments of 1972 forbidding the expulsion of pregnant girls and young parents, a major step was taken to provide for the continuation of adequate educational resources for all pupils. How ever, this mandate and the resultant changes in school procedures have not eliminated social and pedagogical problems related to pregnant girls and young mothers within the school. This study was designed to clarify the nature of the relationship of school-age pregnancy and motherhood and some of these social and pedagogical problems related to young mothers within the school. This task was attempted by seeking (1) the perceptions held by a selected group of persons regarding school activities and practices related to SAMS and,
(2) the implications these perceptions have for understanding school activities and practices related to SAMS. The findings in this study do not disclose a single set of perceptions nor do the implications to be drawn from these per ceptions give a clear understanding of school activities and practices related to SAMS. However, the findings and implications drawn from the findings provide some ground work for the basic intent of the research. The strength of this study lies not in its specific findings but rather in the stage it sets for obtaining accurate data pertaining to school-age mothers within the scope of public schools. The study provides a baseline for fruitful inquiry.
The literature related to SAMS within public schools abounds with projections based upon "folklore" and wisdom of the field but contains little valid research. This study supplies a first step in progressing toward accurate and valid research with respect to pregnant girls and young mothers within public schools.
Recommendations for Further Research
The success of this exploratory research endeavor is dependent upon further research in the area of school-age pregnancy and motherhood with respect to continuation/discontinuation of school.
Results of this study indicate the need for several research ven tures aimed at gaining a clearer picture of school-age parents within school systems. 149
1. This study was carried out in and around a major
metropolitan area where cognizance of and adher
ence to Federal laws and regulations may be more
pronounced than in other sections of the country.
Since school personnel in other areas may be less
aware of and/or less mindful of adhering to
Federal laws and regulations, similar studies
should be carried out in small, rural areas as
well as suburban locations in order to determine
if data are consistent across populations.
2. School-age mothers were more involved with con
scious educational decision making and more
strongly felt the consequences of early parent
hood during the postdelivery stage than during
pregnancy. It is recommended that future research
studies be focused upon schools' activities and
educational practices desired and needed by
school-age mothers at the postdelivery stage.
3. This study concluded that the role of SAM peers
in assisting young mothers with educational
decisions was unclear. A significant number of
SAMS, however, indicated that SAM peers provided
some influence in their decision to return to 150
school. It is recommended that a study be
carried out to investigate the degree to which
SAM peers influence SAMS with respect to school
continuation or discontinuation.
4. The SAMS in this study were limited to mothers
whose children were 24 months or younger.
Since mothers may have returned to school after
their children were beyond the 24 month period,
the consequences of school-age motherhood on
school continuation/discontinuation can only be
assessed in part. It is recommended that
longitudinal studies be carried out to better
assess long term consequences of school-age
motherhood.
5. Availability of adequate child care was a major
factor considered by young mothers in this study
when deciding to return or not return to school
after delivery. It is suggested that a study be
conducted to assess the results of child care
assistance (currently being provided by some
schools and social service agencies) upon school-
age mothers' school attendance. 151
6. This study did not directly consider the influence
of the young father upon school continuation/dis
continuation of the school-age mother nor did it
consider his continuation/discontinuation of educa
tion related to early parenthood. Studies are
needed to gain better insight into the school-age
father's influence upon the SAM as well as studies
to shed light on his perceptions with respect to
school policies and educational practices.
7. Consequences of school-age pregnancy and motherhood
for the young child were not considered in this
study. Research on the effects of early parenthood
upon children needs to be conducted both at the
infant stage and throughout later childhood.
8. This study was limited to school-age pregnancy and
motherhood and the related school policies and educa
tional practices with respect to the continuation/dis
continuation of school. It is recommended that a
study be carried out to assess special curriculum
needs of those young parents who choose to return
to school. APPENDICES
152 APPENDIX A
Part B of Section 86.40 of Title IV of the Education Amendments of 1972
153 PLEASE NOTE: D issertation contains pages with small and indistin ct p rin t. Filmed as received.
UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS 154
PART B OF SECTION 86.40
OF TITLE IX OF THE
EDUCATION AMENDMENTS OF 1972
s i'.U. t() .'il.iriiul or piirriil.ll -mtus. PS) A recipient, which operates a por in Status grncratl:/. A recipient II tion of its education program or activity nut apply any rule concerning a .s 1.1ulo::L'.-. separately for prre.nant students, adnut- tvcfual or potential parental. family, nr taincc to which is completely voluntary marital status which treats students ilil- on the part of the student as provided ferrntiy on the basis of sex. in parii'iraph 'Iji U) of this section shall iYcyricricy and rc/ri/cd cov.ddions. ensure that the instructional program In 'I' A reclpcnt shall not discriminate Hie separate program is comparable to against any student, or exclude any stu that oireri’d U. n.in-pivgnul'.t studenLs. dent from its education program or i 1) A recipient, shall treat pregnancy, activity, including any class or extra ehildblrUi, false pregnancy, termination curricular activity, 011 the basis of sur.li of pregnancy and recovery therefrom In stusLut's pregnancy, childbirth, false the same manner and under the same pregnancy, termination of pregnancy or policies as any oilier temporary disabdily ivll.h respect to any medical or hospital recovery therefrom, unless the student benefit, service, [dan or policy which requests voluntarily to participate In a such recipient administers, operates, separate portion, of the program or offers, or particiiiid.es in with respect h> activity of Uio recipient. students admitted to the recipient's i'J) A recipient may require such a cducattonal program or activity. student to obiuiu the ccrlillcatlon of a (5i In the r;e>,c of a recipient which Physician that tlic student is physically doer, not maintain a leave policy for its and emciUouully able tu continue partici students or in '.lie ease of a student who pation in the normal education program does not eiClicrwliie qualify fur leave or activilv ;o long as such a ccrtillcatlon under ,uch a policy, a recipient shall is [•••qinit'd of all :,Indian i for other phy- treat pregnancy, childbirth, false preg ; ii■:11 or • mutional condition.; irquhmg nancy, termination of pregnancy and re the attention of a physician. covery therefrom as a justification for a leave of absence for so long a period of time as is deemed medically necessary by the student's physician, at the con clusion of which the student siinll be reinstated to Uie status which she held when the leave Began. » (Mtvs. 1*01. UoJ. ]Miii'itilti;t Aii'.criclinriU* of 1 U72, mi Slut. 371.1 371; JO U .*> C. lfJUl, ll»bJ>
From the Federal Register, Vol. 40, No. 108, June 4, 1975. APPENDIX B
School-Age Parent Education Process
155 B
Remain in Regular School
REGULAR SCHOOL Home-Tutor Program Curtailment of Education
Discovery of Alternative/Special School Pregnancy Entire Pregnancy or Minimum Time for Alternative Program Within Delivery Return to School School
Adult School
Other
Contact With School Regarding Re-entry
D
FIGURE 1. SCHOOL-AGE PARENT EDUCATIONAL PROCESS. APPENDIX C
Explanation of Study to Subjects
157 158
EXPLANATION OF STUDY TO SUBJECTS
The researcher gave the following verbal explanation of the interview to the SAMS:
I am interested in helping school-age
mothers in my home state of Ohio. I am doing
a study to find out how schools work with
pregnant girls and young mothers. Since you
are a school-age mother you know a lot about
this topic and could give me a lot of help.
I'd like to meet with you and talk about the
ways your school helped you or didn't help
you during your pregnancy and now that you
are a mother.
Verbal explanations to parents of school-age mothers and to school representatives provided the same information though vocabulary may have varied. APPENDIX D
Consent Form
159 160
CONSENT FORM
I consent to serve as a subject in the research investigation entitled: "Perceptions Held by School-Age Parents, their Parents,
and School Personnel Regarding the School's Activities and Practices
Related to School-Age Parents."
The nature and general purpose of the interview have been
explained to me. The interview is to be performed by Gail
Henderson, graduate student at The Ohio State University.
I understand that any further questions I have concerning
this procedure will be answered. I understand my identity will
not be revealed in any publication, document, recording, or in
any other way which relates to this research. Finally, I under
stand that I am free to withdraw my consent and discontinue
participation at any time following the notification of the inter
viewer.
S i gned ______(Subject) Date or Time______P.M.
Witness - (Auditor)
Investigator APPENDIX E
Proposed Use of Human Subjects
161 162
Protocol No. 775 “5U
Original Review 0 Continuing Review □
THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY
RESEARCH INVOLVING HUMAN SUBJECTS
PROPOSED USE OF HUMAN SUBJECTS: ACTION OF THE REVIEW COMMITTEE