EIS 1090 Supp Doc No 6 (European disturbance)
ABO1 9701
Archaeological Survey of Historical Sites: Grafton Management
Area WSW DEPT PRIMARI INAUSTRIES
ABO1 9701
GRAFTON MANAGEMENT AREA EIS
SUPPORTING DOCUMENT No. 6
EUROPEAN DISTURBANCE HISTORY
OF
DALMORTON STATE FOREST
by
Pauhne Curby
1993 4
jj FORESTS
Q1HRN RGON 0 State Forests of NSW
Ui DiSCLAIM ER
The findings of this report are based on the author's analysis and interpretation of the survey results. Views and interpretations presented in the report are those of the author and not necessarily those of the State Forests of New South Wales. STATE FORESTS OF NSW EUROPEAN DISTURBANCE HISTORY OF DALMORTON STATE FOREST
Site Specific Study Moratorium area Dalmorton State Forest
Prepared by: Pauline Curby 31 Trickett Road CRONULLA NSW 2230 (i)
. ••- -•t•.r •.•''i-
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/11010: R J Ui//jams Undated building once part of Cunglebung homestead complex. This house is constructed of milled cedar weatherboards at the front and ironbark slabs on the back and side walls. The original shingles on the roof are now covered by corrugated iron. The building is said to have been the sleeping quarters for the homestead.
1 Table of Contents
INTRODUCTION . DALMORTON STATE FOREST .2 COMMUNICATION ROUTES...... 3 GRAZiNG...... 6 Cunglebung - the Big Valley...... 6 Closer Settlement - late 19th Century...... 8 Closer Settlement - 20th Century...... 10 JackMarsh ...... 12 Changes to the Environment...... 12 M11 NG...... 16 Rushto the Little River ...... 16 SmallTime Mining...... 18 SlyGrog and Local Legends ...... 19 GoldRush Towns...... 20 TIMBER...... 25 Cedar...... 25 HoopPine...... 27 Hardwoods...... 27 Royal Commission into the Timber Industry...... 27 FirstForestry Reserves...... 27 Deverell's Reports ...... 29 Beginning of Dalmorton State Forest...... 30 Bullockies...... 31 The Closer Settlement Issue...... 33 Hoop Pine Logging in the Moratorium Area...... 33 Hardwood Logging in the Post War Period...... 34 Dalmorton State Forest Grows...... 36 conclusion...... 38 BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 39 Appendix1 ...... 41 Appendix2...... 42
List of Illustrations
Sleeping quarters Cunglebung homestead...... (i) Map Dalmorton State forest - Access Roads 1845-1880...... 4 Sketch Map 1884 - Cunglebung Run...... 9 Section of County Gresham map, 1986 ...... 11 Photos showing European disturbance in the MA...... 14 Photo Taylors' gold mine...... 20 Photos showing low-level effects of mining in the MA ...... 2 1-23 Sketch of area covered by F D Deverell's reports...... 26 County of Gresham Map, 1873 - Clarence Forest Reserve...... 28 Section of Coffs Harbour District Map 1965 - Dalmorton State Forest and Forest Reserves...... 32 Sid Adams with bullock team...... 34 Dalmorton State Forest Map showing extensions from 1962-1980...... 35 Acknowledgements
The following people contributed to the preparation of this report and are gratefully acknowledged:
Barry Adams Roger Hall (State Forests of NSW Coffs Harbour) Michelle Hurcum (Department ofLands Office Grafton) Doug Scott Arthur Wakeman (NSW Department ofLands) Keith Watters Bob Williams (State Forests of NSW Grafton)
Abbreviations
AONSW Archive Office of New South Wales C&RE Clarence and Richmond Examiner CRHS Clarence River Historical Society DF District Forester DSF Dalmorton State Forest EIS Environmental Impact Study FC Forestry Commission FCF Forestry Commission file FR Forest reserve MA Moratorium area NPWS National Parks & Wildlife Service RC Royal Commission into the Timber Industry, 1907-8 SF State Forest SHIP State Heritage Inventory Program SpIL Special lease T&CJ Town and Country Journal TR Tree reserve TSR Travelling Stock Reserve introduction
INTRODUCTION
This report on the European disturbance history of Dalmorton State Forest (DSF), with particular emphasis on the northern part of DSF, the moratorium area (MA), was commissioned by State Forests of NSW (SFNSW) on 26 March, 1993.
Consultant historian, Pauline Curby, used the following methodology:
A review of secondaiy sources including published work relevant to the study and the historical and archaeological reports already completed for the EIS.
Exhaustive library and archival research in Grafton and Sydney.
Fieldwork - including inspection of key sites in targeted areas.
Written report using a chronologicallthematic approach. The consultant has made use of themes identified in a report by 'Blackmore and Associates' and to the 'SHIP' guidelines.
The title and ownership of all intellectual property in the manuscript to be jointly owned by the author and SFNSW.
In this report the area that is now covered by DSF and the MA are, where convenient, referred to as such, even when these were not historical entities at the time. This is preferable in this case to a term such as the 'study area' in order to avoid confusion and ambiguity. It is made clear in the report when DSF came into existence.
The terms 'tree reserve' (TR) and 'forest reserve' (FR) are used in FC files. It is not clear, especially in the 1920s and 1930s, if these terms are synonymous.
Page 1 Da/morton State Forest
DALMORTON STATE FOREST
The rugged country of thy hardwood timber bounded by the Mann, Boyd and Nymboida Rivers is an area of steep terrain, intersected by countless creeks. This locality has been occupied by white people continuously since the 1 860s and possibly since the I 840s. Its long Aboriginal history, not yet dated, is evidenced by the many artefacts found on ridge lines and at camp sites such as Cunglebung Creek.
The position of this area, between the Tablelands and the coast, has been an important element in its history. Two of the main routes from Grafton to Glen Innes are located here. The importance of these communication routes has not been assessed in this report. This is an aspect of the district's history which needs further research. An analysis, for example, of the volume of the wool trade from Glen limes to Grafton or the impact of the various campaigns to establish a rail link between the Tablelands and Grafton would add valuable insights into the role of the district as a link between the two areas.
The three main aspects of European disturbance history which are dealt with in this report are:
Pastoral grazing Mining Timber industry
In examining the latter the history of area's gradual acquisition by SFNSW is examined. The first part of DSF was gazetted in 1926. It was gradually added to in the 1960s and 1970s until it reached its present size in 1980. The MA was added to DSF in 1977. A tentative attempt is made, using the scant material readily available, to make some general comments on the impact of European disturbance on the environment.
PaRe 2 Communication Routes
COMMUNICATION ROUTES
The area that is now DSF first came to the attention of white people not because of its scenic beauty, valuable timber, grazing potential or mineral wealth, but because of its position. Located on one of the earliest routes between the Tablelands and the coast the area was for many people not a destination but a route through which one passed travelling between Glen Innes and Grafton.
Boyd and Mann, on their exploratoiy journey from the Tablelands in the late 1 830s, are said to have come as far as Cunglebung.' R.C.Law, writing in the 1930s, explains his attempt to ascertain the route they took:
I asked.. whether there was any particular route in continuation of the old track by Doboy, Dinner Creek and Cunglebung leading across the Mann River and up into the Table/and IvIy object was to make a guess at the route by which Mann and Boyd came down from the table/and... There is such a track leading up from the homestead of the station of Cooraldooral.2
In the 1 840s the New England squatters searched with determination for a route to the coast by which their wool could be sent to market. Two of the routes that were eventually found and regularly used, run through DSF. The older of the two routes crosses the Nymboida River at Doboy Crossing. This was gazetted a travelling stock reserve (TSR) in 1871 and is clearly marked on an 1884 sketch map of Cunglebung Station. As it followed Cunglebung Creek it was a good route for stock (and bullock teams) with plenty of feed and water.
The other route was further south and Law describes it thus:
Before the cutting was made on the Glen Innes Road up the Little River, the road went from Buccarumbi by way of the Blacksmith's Shop along the top of the range.3
This route was more fully described by Law in his commentary on the Bawden Lectures:
(after crossing the Nymboida) the track went straight up to the top of the mountain and headed both Gulf and Black Hole Creek and thence by the Blacksmith's Shop keeping to the watershed al/the way to Barney's Hill where it went down a very steep pinch of about a tho usandfeet onto Newton Boyd 4
Another route which used Doboy Crossing is described as 'via Doughboy (sic), Sweeney's track to the Blacksmith's Shop, Barney's Hill, Newton Boyd, Big Hill.' The drays, it was reported, 'come across it in all weathers'. This was the route favoured in the 1 860s by the superintendent of roads to become the main road.5
The road which eventually became the main route followed the Boyd (Little) River and is now known as the Old Glen Innes Road. It was upgraded to the status of a government road in 1865.6 The Clarence and Richmond Examiner (C&RE) reported in 1870 that this road 'is now open and is used by a large proportion of the traffic'.7 When the Bawden bridge (over the Orara River) and Buccarumbi bridge (over the Nymboida) were opened in 1875 the
Page 3 Commwizcaiion Routes
4t. DALMORTON AREA (Period 1845 - 1880)
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VM} Map of Dalmorton State Forest showing location of Access Roads used during the period 1845-1880.
journey to the tablelands was facilitated and the crowds rushing to the Little River Gold Fields could travel more easily.
In his biography of Edward Ogilvie, George Farwell suggests that Craig's Line from the Tablelands to the coast may have been a well-worn Aboriginal track which Craig had learnt of during his time living with the Aborigines.8 It would seem, from archaeologist Roger Hall's review of the available literature, that this is also a possibility with regard to the Cunglebung track. Hall sums up his findings by concluding that the occupation of what are now state forests was 'transitory and occurring on a seasonal basis by small mobile groups' and that 'small camp sites would be located along these lines of movement'.9 The site which he discovered at Cunglebung could be one of these. Certainly it seems from anecdotal evidence that the name Cunglebung is derived from the aboriginal Gunglebung, meaning Big Valley'.'0
E ndnotes
Communication Routes 1 The First Fifty Years of Settlement on the Clarence, The Bawden Lectures, CRHS, 1987, p6
Page 4 Communication Routes
2Law, R C Historical Notebooks, CRHS, 21:105 3ibid, 20:47 4Bawden, op.cit., p116 5Law, op.cit., 37:93 R B, Old New England, Sydney Urn Press, 1966, p17 7C&RE, 8 Feb, 1870 8Farwell, G, Squatters' Castle, Lansdowne, 1973, Melbourne 9Hal1, R & Lomax, K, An Archaeological Assessment of the Grafton Management Area, FC of NSW, April 1993 10Nran Daley, an Aborigine from Baryugil, told Keith Watters this some years ago.
Page 5 Graing
GRAZING
Cunglebung - the Big Valley
It is not known whether the white invaders arriving in ever-increasing numbers from the early I 840s onwards saw open forest, the product of careful management by burning, or dense vegetation pierced by well-worn tracks and semi-cleared areas. Whatever they saw, they believed it was theirs to take from people who had, to their mind, not made productive use of the land. To the nineteenth century British way of thinking this was all the justification needed for acquisition.
Initially it was not the push-over they expected. The Aborigines fought back with determination, guile and sometimes cruelty. The invasion of the Clarence by the squatters and the subsequent warfare with the local Aboriginal people is beyond the scope of this present work. It is a story of theft; murder; massacre and destruction of a way of life. The names of the squatters and their runs have been inscribed with great frequency in the place names of the Richmond and Clarence districts. Occasionally a memory of the frightful events which were part of the squatters' legacy is also recorded in a place name such as Slaughtering Creek, just outside DSF. Local legend attributes this name to the killing of stolen sheep there by the Aborigines. Others think it refers to the slaughter of the Aboriginal people in retaliation for their theft. It is said that the bones of the massacred blacks could still be seen until the 1915 bushfires erased any trace of the killing.
When the squatters invaded the Clarence, as a result of the first economic boom in NSW colonial history,' their class was in the midst of a bitter confrontation with Governor Gipps. This representative of British imperialism was, at the time, attempting to extract a little payment from the squatters for their use of the vast tracts of land which they had so bloodily appropriated. The Orders-in-Council of 1847, designed to give the squatters the security of (in the Clarence district) fourteen year leases, were never fully implemented because surveys of the runs had not been completed. Most squatters took out annual licences which they perceived as 'a full title to the land'.2 They did not buy the land which they exploited and paid as little as possible for its use. A few of these pastoral families put down roots in the district but these were the exception. Many were wealthy absentee landlords who claimed possession of several stations which changed hands with remarkable frequency. The handsome profits from their pastoral holdings enabled them to maintain mansions in Sydney and enjoy overseas trips for extended periods.
The fact that most stations had not been surveyed is important when locating run boundaries in this early period. This meant that:
the rent paid was on the area as estimated by the squatter himself This made it possible for squatters with elastic consciences to send in estimates smaller than the real size of their runs and so pay less rent.3
Sometimes the area was two or three times larger than that estimated.
Page 6
Gra_ing
This delightfully vague description of the boundaries of Curidural (sic) Run in 1850 was all - that was required to secure the squatter, William Rhodes, unfettered control of vast tracts of land:
Bounded on the East by the Cangi Run, on the North by a high range, on the West by
the Newton Boyd Run and on the South by the Boundaiy of Ermington Run.4
Squatters on the Clarence had the additional advantage that the Land Commissioner, Henry Oakes, whose job it was to check licences and boundaries
was a person considerably advanced in life, encumbered with a large family and of late quite unequal to the duties which he had to pe,form.5
The area between the Boyd and Mann Rivers, where Cunglebung Run was located was, Bawden claimed, originally part of Buccarumbi Station (this covered the part of DSF south of the Boyd River). As neither station is listed in the 1847 Government Gazette this is hard to verify. A name such as Sheep Station Creek indicates that there was some European presence in that area in the 1 840s when sheep stocked the pastoral properties.
The first official reference to Cunglebung Station was in the Return of Crown Lands held under Pastoral Occupation of 1865 to the Legislative Assembly of NSW.6 In this return Cunglebung Run was listed as consisting of 40,000 acres held, since 1 January 1863, by N. Cowan and N. McLean. For this they paid an annual rent of £45 a year. By contrast C.G.Tindal at Ermington Run paid £60 a year for a smaller run of 38,400 acres. Obviously Cunglebung, with its steep terrain and difficult access, was not considered prime land.
The 1 860s was the era of the Free Selection Acts, designed to put working people on the land. All over the Clarence and the Richmond many of the big stations were broken up as people who had managed to save up some money, took advantage of the legislation which would eventually give them title to their land. Unlike many of the pastoralists these people would settle with their families, live on the land, effect 'improvements' and eventually pay off what amounted to a low interest loan and obtain the free hold of their small acreage.7 Up in the rough Cunglebung country the pastoralists were unaffected by this dramatic change in white management of the land. The selectors initially settled on the fertile and accessible riverfront land. Country such as DSF was left to the squatters and the grazing of cattle. The Free Selection Acts were the first of a series of attempts by successive governments to put people on small holdings. It was not until 1938, however, that Cunglebung was finally judged suitable for closer settlement.
Anecdotal accounts indicate that in the I 860s Cunglebung was probably more than an outstation for a larger holding. Harvey Maxted told R.C.Law, in the 1930s, that his mother took the job of housekeeper at Cunglebung in 1863.8 The presence of at least one (possibly more) domestic servant implies that this was not just a bush shack for the pastoral workers. Possibly one of the bosses lived there at the time. Perhaps fear of the impact of the Free Selection Acts had encouraged such a move.
Nevertheless, an indication of the remoteness of the place is the story about Harriet Seller who, in 1866, was going to live at Newton Boyd. She is said to have travelled through Cunglebung, making the seventy mile trip with a six week old baby in her arms. Harvey Maxted, a boy at the time, later recalled that this was the first white child he had seen.9 The
Page 7 Grcthng
word 'white', implies that there were still Aborigines living around Cunglebung, some perhaps employed on the station.
In 1861 Doboy Crossing was gazetted a village reserve suggesting that the crossing, and hence the road through Cunglebung, must have been a very busy one. The fact that Maxted had not seen a white child before Mrs.Seller's baby suggests that the route was not a highway for travellers such as family groups, but was probably resthcted to bullockies with their loads of wool. In 1875 a travelling stock route through the property was gazetted reinforcing the importance of this as a thoroughfare.'°
Closer Settlement - late 19th Century
One result of the move towards closer settlement was the presence of more surveyors and hence a greater precision in the descriptions of the remaining pastoral holdings. The description of Curidural, previously referred to, for example, has been neatly crossed out in the records of run boundaries and replaced by a more exact description."
Cunglebung, described as consisting of 40000 acres in 1865, was, according to the First Annual Report upon the Occupation of Crown Lands of 1879, now 64,000 acres.'2 It was leased by N.McLean and J.Cowan, (Norman Cowan had died in 187213) and for this they paid £30 a year rent. The rate per square mile was six shillings which was, in comparison to other holdings on the Clarence, a very low rate. This is the third lowest rate per square mile in the whole Clarence Pastoral District which extended up to the Queensland border. Neighbouring Curidural, for example, was assessed at a rate per acre five times greater than Cunglebung. No wonder Cowan and McLean were never troubled by free selectors. Obviously the land was not seen as valuable.
By the 1 880s further land legislation was in train to tighten up the provisions of the Free Selection Acts. The Crown Lands Act of 1884 was a comprehensive piece of legislation. The section which is pertinent for the purposes of this report is the provision which allowed the squatters to divide their leaseholds into Leasehold Area and Resumed Area. In the Eastern Division the squatter could then re-lease his leasehold area for a fixed term of five years. The Resumed Areas could be occupied under annual licences. These latter areas would be subject to free selection at any time if the run holder did not exercise his right to secure a licence. King notes that 'for the purposes of a licence, the land and boundaries need to be determined only with reasonable accuracy by a general description'.'4
In the same year that this crucial legislation was passed Cowan and McLean were involved in a dispute concerning the boundaries of their run. An area of 13000 acres in the south western section of the run was, they declared 'generally worthless'. This area, it was claimed, was really part of Wintervale Run and the lessees wanted a refund for part of the rent that had been paid on their leasehold.'5 The old imprecise boundaries were no longer workable as the government attempted to extract a more equitable charge from the squatters. Gone were the days when the squatter could assess, very loosely, the acreage of his holding and pay a small sum but in reality make use of a much greater area.
Page 8 Graing
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Sketch map 1884, showing proposed division of Cunglebung Station into Cunglebung and Cunglebung West. This also shows the 13,000 acres which Cowan and McLean claimed was not part of their holding.
They also claimed that the western area of their run was 'barren ranges not used by them and practically unavailable country'.'6 They sought to have the run subdivided into Cunglebung and Cunglebung West. This was to take advantage of the new legislation allowing for leaseholds and resumed areas. They were successful in their endeavour because Cunglebung Run is listed in Hanson's The Pastoral Possessions of NSW as a leasehold area of 48,900 acres on which an annual rent of £89 2s. lOd. was paid.'7 The run also included a resumed area of 66,800 acres (the western part of the holding). It is not clear what rent was paid on this. By describing the area as 'barren ranges' and having it classified as a resumed area they were probably only paying rent on less than half their property. King indicates that
Page 9 Gra_-ing
pastoralists were permitted to hold resumed areas under annual licence but he does not say what payment was required for this.18 The danger was of course that the area could be selected at any time, but obviously Cowan and McLean did not think that there was any possibility of their barren ranges' being grabbed by an aspiring farmer. The 1906 County of Gresham map shows the whole of the old Cunglebung Run area, except for the south eastern part, as Resumed Area. Later parish maps, for example, the 1916 Parish of Wellington map, show the area under occupation lease.
The AONSW documents of 1884 contain the last official reference to Cunglebung as a separate pastoral holding. It is not listed in the index attached to the 1903 HEC Robinson map of NSW showing Pastoral Stations or the 1910 or 1921 maps in the same series. Anecdotal accounts indicate that:
John Cowan carried on Cunglebung in partnership with Norman McLean for about 35 years... Cunglebung was sold to Charles H.Dight, a brother of Mrs. T.B.McDougal of Buccarumbi.'9
Local sources indicate that the McDougall family leased the property, as well as Buccarumbi, until 'they were finished by the 19 15-16 drought'.20 It was then taken over by the Turnbull family.
Closer Settlement - 20th Century.
The early twentieth centuly legislation encouraging closer settlement left Cunglebung unscathed, until the Closer Settlement Bill of 1937. In the parliamentary debate on the bill, it was claimed that this was a measure aimed at helping share farmers and the sons of share farmers 'who have experience but who possess only limited capital'.2' Provision was made for appeal to the Land and Valuation Court for anyone who was unsatisfied with the process by which their leaseholds were resumed. Keith Watters recalls the implementation of the legislation when Cunglebung and the crown leases in the surrounding district were 'thrown open'. Watters remembers every case being tested in court and the fact that 'you had to have a rural background to qualify'. He also mentioned that an application had to be backed by proof of assets. 'If you didn't have sufficient assets you didn't qualify for a block'.22 One wonders how many share farmers and their sons had the assets to qualify. Cunglebung Run was broken up into blocks for grazing which successful applicants drew by lot.
Jack Watters the owner of a 'second or third rate dairy farm' near South Grafton was one of the successful ones. One of his sons, Keith, recalls how:
You were given five years to fence it and do some timber treatment (ring-barking). Turnbulls ended up with about one fifth of the land that they had, after it was thrown open.23
Jack Watters drew Crown Leases 1938/17 and 1939/1 and Errol Turnbull drew the block where the old Cunglebung homestead is located. This Keith Watters acquired in 1956
And so after 75 years Cunglebung Run was broken up into smaller holdings. Its grazing history has, however, continued until the present, with leases still held over much of the area that comprised the old station.
Page 10
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lvi IICJICII L.IUFU1V Section of County of Gresham map, 1906, showing the 'Resumed Areas' covering most of what had been Cunglebung Run.
Page 11 Gra_-ing
Jack Marsh
What local people remember about a place - the names and stories that are associated with it - become part of the persona of a locality. In local legend it is not the pastoralists or their families that are associated with Cunglebung. It is, on the contrary, the name of a humble working man who spent about seventy years of his life in and around Cunglebung. This man was Jack Marsh, still remembered as a yard and fence builder without equal. Keith Watters describes him as someone for whom 'near enough was not good enough; just right would hardly do'.24 He did the fencing right through from Cunglebung to Marengo Station and in 1936 built the stockyards, part of which are still at Cunglebung. He 'had to have a certain quality of timber or he wouldn't put it up ... He worked by himself with a pair of drought horses to pull the timber'.25
Jack Marsh worked for Turnbulls when they had the Cunglebung leasehold, 'for £52 a year'. Later, as an old man, rather than retire he worked three days a week for the Watters. Jack is remembered as a semi-reclusive man who 'never went to town much' but who loved and understood the bush. He is said to have partly lived off the land but never exploited it. When he needed to be he was, according to Doug Scott, 'a damn good shot with a gun'.26 If fish weren't plentiful he fed them with 'a bit of roo meat hung over the water'. Doug Scott remembers how, towards the end, he and Jack Watters had to coax Marsh into Doug's 'old bus' to get him to town for medical attention. He spent the remainder of his days with his sister in Grafton. Her grandchildren managed to teach the illiterate old bushman to read a few words and sign his own name before he died.27
Changes to the Environment
In order to access the impact of European disturbance, one needs to know what the area was like before the coming of white people. There is no record, so far uncovered, of the type of vegetation which Europeans found when they first arrived in DSF. Bawden recalls that, in 1840 travelling down from the tablelands as a boy, along Craig's line, the grass had to be burnt to allow the drays to get through.28 This sort of growth would be consistent with regularly fired grass, perhaps just before its periodic burning. When the squatters arrived they probably found open forest, the result of regular light burning. This landscape was suitable for their grazing flocks, and later herds.
Deverell's 1922-1923 reports are the first detailed descriptions of the area that are available. These reports, undertaken for the FC, understandably concentrate on the nature of the timber in the area. Nevertheless, it is possible to gain a general picture of DSF from Deverell's comments. He described an area that showed the unmistakable marks of decades of grazing.
His first report, notes that Section 1 (see sketch p26) was open, had good grass, an inadequate water supply but 'splendid timber'. Section 2 he described as 'first class grazing land'. In Section 8 he commented on the fact that 'the country has been rung for three chains on each side of the creek'. His second report noted that in the vicinity of Stockyard Creek the country was open with good grass. Section J was also good grazing land that had been 'rung' years before. In Section K there were thick growths of lantana.29
Page 12 (;iaziiig
The area dealt with in Report 3, the MA, he described as steep, inaccessible country with patchy' timber. He noted open grazing country in the vicinity of Cowan Creek and extensive ring-barking around Wellington Creek. Young trees (regrowth?) are noted in several of the sections. This observation is phrased in FC jargon and described as trees in the 'pole and the undergirth stages. Old trees, perhaps beginning to show defects, (referred to as 'overmatured trees') were found in the Reids Creek area. He wrote, 'in view of the position of this stand I think most of it will go up in smoke'.3° He does not explain whether this would occur if the area came under FC control or if the lessee would do the burning.
In his last report in 1923 he again comments on ring-barking and extensive areas of open country. At Harry's Flat Creek he notes that the country has 'had a fire over it and most of the timber had been burnt'.3' As the report was done in April this sounds like a bushfire rather than the usual burn-off done in late winter and early spring.
The evidence of burning-off by the lessees is indirect but is indicated by the constant references to open country. This activity may have been apart of a continuum learnt from the Aborigines in the earliest days of white occupation and continued to the present.
The extent of ring-barking was minimal compared to that in an area deemed suitable for agriculture where, after a few years, there would hardly be a tree left standing. Nevertheless, Deverell noted evidence of the practice in all of his reports. Ring-barking was not just undertaken at the whim of the pastoralists. It had official sanction after 1881 as an improvement 'for the purposes of valuing an occupier's equity in his land'.32 This was laid down in a Supreme Court judgement of 1881. Until the 1960s this remained government policy. Barry Adams, the lessee of Portion 5, Parish of Cowan, risked losing his leasehold when, in the early 1960s, he declined to do the required amount of ring-barking. Barry tells how
for this first five years I had to do SO much improvements to sat/sfj' the Lands I)epartmeni... when the Lands i)eparlinent came and inspected they said, 'You haven't ring-harked enough timber'. Well, I said, 'I don't feel like ring barking logs that I can make a living out of. So it got down to the point 1 had to go to court to have a discussion. I had two days in court and I won the argument. Next couple of years they altered the legislation to say you didn't have to carry out this idea of mutilating timber that s some value in fitly years. Here I am today with timber that should have been dead and! still have it alive.33
Page 13 Grazing
Photos showing European Disturbance in the MA
Photo; RI II Cleared area looking north up Wellington Creek Valley from Cunglebung Road
Photo. R.T Williams Near dam at "Mangeys Flat" western side of Wellington Creek, approximately 500 metres south of Pine Creek Junction.
Page 14 (;ri?zg
Endnotes
Grazing 1Blackmore, K & Associates, Grafion, Casino & Murwillumbah EIS European Heritage Historical Report, Sept 1992, p11 2Baker, DWA, 'The Origins of the Robertson's Land Acts', in Historical Studies, Australia & New Zealand, Melbourne Urn Press, p107 3ibid, p109 4Registers of run boundary files - Clarence district, AONSW, 8/2204 5Law in Bawden, quoting Gipps, p60 67he Return of Crown Lands held under pastoral occupation, of 1865 to the Legislative Assembly of NSW 7Blackmore, op.cit., pp 15-17 8Law, 8:46 9Daily Examiner, 24 Nov, 1932 '°County of Gresham map, 1873, Mitchell Library 11AONSW, op., cit. 127he First Annual Report upon the Occupation of Crown Lands of 1879 13C&RE, 20 Aug 1872, p2 14King, C J, An Outline of Closer Settlement in NSW, Govt Printer, Sydney 1957, p99 15AONSW, op.cit. 16ibid 17Hanson, W, The Pastoral Possessions of NSW, Gibbs, Shallard & Co, Sydney 1889, p51 18Yjg, op.cit., p99 19Law, 43:49 201nterview with Keith Watters, 12 April 1993 21Parliamentary Debates, NSW Legislative Assembly, 4 Nov 1937, 2036 22Watters, op.cit.
2515id 261nterview with Doug Scott, 13 April 1993 27Watters, op.cit. 28Bawden, op.cit., p41 29Deverell, op.cit. 30ibid, p2 31ibid, p6 32Bolton, op.cit., p44 33B Adams, op.cit.
Page 15 Mining
MINING
Rush to the Little River
Norman McLean, one of the lessees of Cunglebung, was reputed to have first found gold there in 1864. It wasn't long before fourteen men were said to be working this newest goldfield.' This was the beginning of the gold fever which was to take hold of the district for a few short years. The big rush did not take place there, however, but further south on the Boyd River. It was eight years after the Cunglebung discovery that the Boyd or Little River Goldfield was proclaimed on 8 May, 1872. The gold rush that began the following month was reported by the Town and Country Journal (T&CJ):
The rapid influx of gold seekers to this part of the country is rather astonishing to the quiet folks of the Clarence River and district.2
Although this report concentrated mainly on the riches of the Solferino reefs, those on the 'Little River' were also mentioned:
The Little River reefs are absorbing a great number, and are likely to become very valuable diggings, but there is not enough known of them to give anything very reliable.3
The following week it was reported that 'splendid stone' was being extracted from the 'limited number of claims at work' 4 Later it was reported that there are 'very few men here yet... and a rush is daily expected'.5 However, activity had increased, a crusher was being erected at an undisclosed location and the results of the first crushing were being eagerly awaited.
In this report mention is made of the Homeward Bound mine 'producing really fine stone' and the Perseverance mine, where five or six claims were also getting 'really fine stone'. Inevitably there were disputes over claims and the arrival of the Commissioner 'was anxiously awaited'.6 Crooks and speculators were already taking advantage of gullible investors in Sydney and there were rumours that at No.5 North Perseverance the true value of the claim was being suppressed.7 As was usual on a goldfield the grog sellers arrived promptly on the scene to separate the miner from his money. By June 1872 the T&CJ reported that:
several Sydney hotel keepers... were engaged in pegging out sites on which they intend erecting public houses.8
By September 1872 the Little River was a rollicking goldfield of'500 souls':
Three public houses in addition to the present one will be ready for their share of the plunder, as soon as the miners pocket their proceeds of the first crushing.9
This was to be done with a crushing machine 'of very small dimensions (but which) contains the latest improvements'.'0
Page 16 Mining
The local presence of a gold commissioner was felt to be urgent and T&CJ declared that Captain Sinclair of Grafton, who held this office, 'might as well reside in London as fifty miles from the field'.'1 The goldfield was becoming so busy that it was no longer felt that a mail deliveiy once a week was enough and a biweekly service was demanded.
The opening of the crushing machine, by Miss Brown of Broadmeadows', was celebrated vociferously with champagne and a lunch and then a booze up at 'Mr.Brown's Little River Hotel'. The returns from the first crushing at the Perseverance were reported as good. People were said to 'arrive here daily and fresh rushes are heard of in all directions'.'2
But all was not well on the goldfields. Two hundred signatures were collected for a petition asking Premier Parkes to ensure that a gold commissioner visited the place once a fortnight and that a resident justice of the peace, mining surveyor and policeman be appointed.'3 The surveyor in particular was needed as many claims were laying idle, unable to be worked until they had been surveyed.
The following Januaiy it was reported that the
Little River is becoming quite a lively place and gives every hope of becoming a rich and permanent goldfield. 14
Mr Mills' crushing machine was now 'quite inadequate'.'5 Despite this optimism there were already unmistakable signs that this goldfield would not bring a bonanza to the battler. The need to go deep to obtain quartz veins had been noted amidst the euphoria of the early djscoverj•6 This was expensive and necessitated the investment of considerable capital. In January 1873 No.1 Prospecting Area adjoining Tower Hill mine was reported to be idle because of the 'expense of carting quartz to the mill prevents many from crushing their stone'.'7 So not only did the miners have to dig deep for their gold, they had the difficulties of transporting heavy rock over difficult, unroaded terrain and then had to pay the owner for the use of his crushing machine - an unobtainable item for the average miner.
The early promise of the area for mining was not fulfilled. By 1880 W.F.Poole, mining registrar, reported that during the previous year 'mining generally has been very dull'.'8 In that year also E.F.Pittman, geological surveyor, inspected the reefs in the Dalmorton and Cunglebung districts. The report was very favourable and Pittman assured the public that the reefs could be worked profitably and 'only require working to prove payable investments'. He makes a telling comment when he remarked that in visiting 38 reefs in the district he noticed 'the quantity of unprofessional work which has been done'. He was told that:
the majority of the miners who opened the gold-field were inexperienced in such work, and were chiefly navvies and bushmen. The employment of such unskilled labour has resulted in the expenditure of a considerable amount of capital, with very little to show for it.19
He bemoaned the fact that no miners were in Dalmorton and that 'a fine crushing plant of 10 stamp-heads (is) lying idle' and that another on Dinner Creek near Cunglebung had been removed several years before. This meant that the reefs, some of which appeared to be 'well worth working, could not be tested.20
Page 17 Mining
Small Time Mining
On Cunglebung Station gold-seeking continued - not by the capitalists or the big investors - but by the battlers. Alluvial diggings, Pittman reported, had been worked since 1866, 'giving fair wages to a few men'. He located these diggings as beginning about 4 miles up Wellington Creek from its junction with Cunglebung Creek. The diggings extended for about two more miles up the creek and at the time were being worked by about fourteen men. His assessment continued:
At the head of this patch of alluvial ground is the Switzerland Reef, a narrow vein from 4 to 6 inches wide, bearing 5 degrees east of north, and dipping east. A tunnel was driven 40 feet on the reef some years ago. Some of the stone is said to have been rich, but no quantity of it was crushed In conclusion, I have the honour to state that among the numerous reefs in the Cunglebung and Dalmorton district, there are not a few which, I am of the opinion, only require working to prove payable investments, and while Mr. Frazer's fine crushing plant remains at the latter place there are special facilities for a thorough prospecting of the district.2'
This pattern of battlers scratching a living continued for at least another fifty years. Writing in 1933, in the depths of the depression, Arthur Cousins noted in his book on the northern rivers that:
Even today, on the Mann River, some folk are winning gold by dredging and washing.22
Bariy Adams' father, Sid, told him that at this time the unemployed would often collect their rations at Dalmorton police station and then go fossicking in the area. 23
In 1980-8 1 Little River Goldfields N.L. took an interest in these old goldfields. The company commissioned a study into the viability of restarting production in the area. As part of their investigation a historical report was completed by G.N.Kater & Associates (see Appendix 1). This report gives an overview of the history of mining in the area and a summary of the activities of each mine. It indicates that most mining activity in the area took place between the I 870s and the first decade of this century. The two biggest ventures seem to have been the Little Dora Mine on Cherry Tree Creek and Tower Hill (Perseverance Reef). From a brief investigation of primary reports this summary seems to be accurate. Further research is needed to ascertain whether or not the consultant's conclusions concerning the cessation of mining in the area are correct.
Mining in the area was probably more lucrative than official reports indicate. The miners were efficient tax-evaders. Taylor's mine, for example, reported no production.24 This may have been correct, but the family stayed in the locality for many years and made a living from various ventures. They owned the only, albeit small, piece of freehold land in the vicinity of Cunglebung. Kater comments on this non-reporting of finds in his report.25 The Surprise mine, which did report production in 1898, was also identified as Taylor's. Taylor seems to have been one of the small operators who was bought out by capitalists. Kater's report indicates that Taylor's claim on Cherry Tree Creek had the deepest workings (18 metres) but
Page 18 Mining
then as the operation became more expensive it was taken over in 1887 by the Little Dora Company. In the next couple of years they undertook expensive capital works.26
Taylor never escaped the lure of gold. He was according to Barry Adams,
getting enough colours down Cunglebung Creek to get him through the depression. I can show you where he used to camp instead 0/walking home ajier he did his days work. There was about three miles difference from where his family lived and where he worked.27
Taylors are still remembered in the district. Mrs. Emily Taylor's lonely grave site can be seen under an apple tree on their old freehold land. Her son Horace had a mail run from Dalmorton to the Mann River. He did the trip once a week, past the Blacksmith's Shop, following the Dinner Creek track, and stayed overnight at the old Cunglebung pub.28
Sly Grog and Local Legends
This was probably a sly grog shop catering for the needs of the miners. Although there are records of numerous licensed hotels in Dalmorton and Buccarumbi in the I 870s when the gold fever was at its height, there is no record of one at Cunglebung. Keith Watters remembers a building adjoining the present Cunglebung hut when he first came to the area in the early 1940s. He believes that this served as a hotel and recalls the 'pine board used for the bar and the gold counter were still there at that time'.29 The existing building was the sleeping quarters.
The legend of one unlucky miner, known as Mangey, is still told at Cunglebung. Mangey had been down at the pub and was riding home to his hut up Wellington Creek. He was impaled on a low hanging branch of a tree and was found lifeless the next day by a passerby. He was buried by his mates on the point of the spur that comes onto Quarantine Point.30 The flat where he was killed has been known ever since as 'Mangey's Flat'. His grave was marked by a round post at each corner when Jack Marsh showed Keith Watters the site in 1938. All trace of the unfortunate man's resting place has since disappeared.
Jack Marsh told Barry Adams stories of 1000 miners working around Wellington Creek. Quarantine Point, it is said, takes its name from the necessity to isolate the Chinese miners who had contracted an infectious disease. The presence of the Chinese on this goldfield is also indicated by stories of a wheelbarrow track, cut out of the side of the hill beside the river, by which they took supplies up the rough terrain where no other vehicle could go, from Little Dora Mine to Jackadgery.31
In the MA there is still extensive, although unobtrusive, evidence of mining. It is said to be dangerous to ride along both sides of New Scrubby and Old Scrubby Creeks because of the extent of old mine workings.32 Mine races, shallow diggings, the occasional galvanised iron structure and exotic fruit trees can still be seen (see photos pp20-23). Jack Marsh told Keith Watters about his first tantalising encounter with some of these.
When Jack was eight or nine (in about 1876) he and his family walkedfrom Cooraldooral over the main range and down into Cunglebung. Vhen they came
Page 19 Mining
Down Wellington Creek there were orange trees there and the children were very thirsty. They wanted to have an orange and their fat her said they wouldn't. They must belong to someone.33
This not only indicates that Jack's father had unbending scruples, probably to the detri- ment of his children's well-being, but that there were exotic fruit trees around Wellington Creek as early as the 1870s. These were probably planted by the miners.
Gold Rush Towns
The goldrushs had a big albeit temporary, impact on what is now DSF. The district surrounding this forested country where cattle roamed and men dug for gold saw the development of a number of villages which are now little more than names on a map. On the 'Little River', close by the richest mines, Dalmorton was surveyed and an impressive plan completed in 1873. Buccarumbi, on the 'Nymboida River' was surveyed in 1871 and Newton Boyd on the other side of the mountain pass the same year. These towns were raw, roistering gold towns. They were also strategically positioned on the Old Glen Innes Road so they were located on a busy thoroughfare until the Gwydir Highway was opened in 1961. The construction of the Bawden and Buccarumbi Bridges in 1875 not only facilitated the passage of travellers but was also a public acknowledgement from a distant government that this road was of vital importance.
Photo: RJ Williams Taylor's Gold Mine northern side of Cunglebung Road.
Page 20 Mining
Phjtos showing lie low-level effects of mining in the MA
Photo. FJ Wilt anis Lenin ani Green Pea:F trees iii clearing on Wellington Creek opposite junction with Old Scrubby Creek.
Photo: Id WI! i'nns Reiains o• old iiiiers' hct on Wellington Creek opposite junction with Old Scrubby Creek.
Page 21 A'Iin ng
Photos showing the low-level effects of mining in the MA
Photo: RI Williams A clearing, showing some of the lemon trees on Wellington Creek Opposite junction with Old Scrubby Creek.
Part of a water diversion chan- nel constructed along south side of Wellington Creek
a
Photo: R.1 Williams
Page 22 Mining
Photos showing the low-level effect of mining in the MA
mv
fll
:1 Zr pqa
4:
I MrV
.-- PIotu RI Williams Remains of old miners' hut in Wellington Creek opposite junction with Old Scrubby Creek.
TF , I i -", I;
Photo: RJ Williams Part of water diversion channel constructed by gold miners along south side Wellington Creek
Page 23 Mining
Endnotes
Mining 1Law, 4037 2T&CJ 1 June 1872, p688 3ibid 4T&CJ, 8 June, 1872 5ibid, 22 June 1872 6ibjd 7ibid, 21 Sept 1872, p367 8ibid 22 June 1872, p783 91bid, 1 Sept 1872, p367 10ibid 11ibid, 21 Sept 1872, p367 121bid 19 Oct 1872, p494 13ibid 14ibid 21 Jan 1873, p119 13ibid 16ibid 30 Nov 1872, p687 17ibid, Ja, 1873, p174 18M 22, Dept of Mineral Resources Annual Report compilation, 1875-1950 19ibid 20jbid 21 ibid 22Cousins, A, The Northern Rivers of NSW Shakespeare Head Press Ltd, 1933, p59 231nterview with Barry Adams, 13 April 1993 241(ater, G N, Historical Data on Early Mining Operations in the Dalmorton District, NSW, between 1860 and 1942, Nov 1981, Greg Kater & Associates Pty Ltd, p24 25ibid, p1 26jbjd p13 27B Adams, op.cit. 28J Marsh to K Watters 29K Watters, op.cit. 30J Marsh to K Watters 3 1 K Watters to R Williams 32K Watters to R Williams 33K Watters, interview
Page 24 Timber
TIMBER
In the I 830s, when the presence of cedar getters was first recorded on the Clarence, this product was an important export for the colony of NSW. It was at this time, according to Bolton, that the 'idea of Australian timber as a commercial asset became strongly entrenched in men's minds'.' Naturally this idea was the motivation behind the exploitation of the district's timbers by timber-getters. It was also to be the driving force behind most of the decisions made by the FC. From the 1930s onwards the occasional lone voice was heard expressing a concern for the environment, but this issue was seldom given priority.
Cedar
The move of the cedar cutters into the more mountainous country away from the coast has not been as well documented as their depredations on the coastal rivers. Kass indicates that anecdotal accounts support the view that some cedar getters moved higher into the hills to obtain the less accessible cedar. Others began cutting hoop pine along the rivers and others settled down and began farming in the area that they had rid of the inconvenient trees.2 It is certain that cedar was cut in DSF but exactly when is not known.
It would be fair to assume that exploitation of this resource reached a crescendo at the time of the goidrushes, that is the 1 870s. As miners used the plentiflul wood supplies for mining, canny operators moved in to cut out the red gold while others grubbed for yellow gold. Perhaps the same people tried their hand at both occupations. The 1907 Royal Commission into the timber industry reveals something of the activities of this industry in the previous thirty years. Although DSF is not referred to directly, surrounding areas are mentioned and, it could be assumed, that this was the pattern of activity in DSF as well.
The forest guard from Glen Innes, for example, stated that since the turn of the century 20000 s.ft. had been cut out of a brush on the 37 Mile Creek and that a 'considerable quantity' had been taken out before that.3 John Cartmill, a farmer and timber-getter of Nymboida indicated that when he first began in the industry in about 1880 he was 'drawing cedar' but since about 1890 the cedar had been 'exhausted'. He claimed that since then only the odd tree had been drawn but 'there might be a few trees in inaccessible places, but it will not pay them to bring them out'.4 When Love, the assistant forester at Urunga, reported on DSF in 1921 he wrote that 'I saw stumps in many of the pine gullies of cedar trees that had been marketed in years gone by'.5
Deverell's reports of 1922 and 1923 for the FC makes several references to evidence of cedar getting in previous years.
There is an indication of the difficulties of working this terrain and the routes that were used. In his first report, for example, he noted that:
The spur running through portions 2 and 3 in Parish of Springbrook is an old cedar track used by cutters hauling cedar out of Downfall and Cedar Creek6
Page 25 Timber
P.6 / SKETCH OF CREEKS .o AREAS SHOWN fL' IN FOREST ASSESSOR F. 0. DEVERELL'S REPORTS N. N. 1,2,3. 4-922/23. COUNTY o GRESHAM $:Mj60
PQE. OntoCy (STEa AaOOSfl iT
A
Sketch of creeks and areas shown in Forest Assessor F D Deverell's reports No. 1,2,3 & 4- 1922/23. County of Gresham. Prepared by E. D. G. Vester, August 1963.
In his fourth report he noted that:
operations in the cedar have been carried out in (Star Light Gully) and I understand that the outlet for this was by the spur... thence along the main range to Wintervale.7
Finally, in his third report which deals with the MA he reported that cedar was taken out of the area by going up the spur in Reedy Creek taking 'teams two days (with 32 bullocks) to get over the hill which is only a distance of four miles'.8
Although the cedar was soon exhausted there were (and are) tiny pockets of it remaining. As recently as 1956 Bany Adams and Ted Smith brought out a load of cedar from Dinner Creek to Buccarumbi for the Turnbull family.9
Pa€e 26 Timber
Hoop Pine
After the cedar supplies had been exhausted the timber cutters began exploiting the massive reserves of hoop pine found in DSF and on the Clarence and Richmond Rivers generally. This valuable timber came from the same areas as cedar and was used for house building, plywood and butter boxes.'° There were thirty bullock teams working on the Nymboida- South Grafton Road in 1908, presumably carrying hoop pine." John Cartmill told the RC, probably with reference to the area covered by Boundary Creek SF, that he began drawing pine in 1884
getting eight shillings per lOOft for it, and we were getting it at the side of the road, then we reckoned it did not pay us and we knocked off drawing pine.' 2
His final comments may reflect some of the price fluctuations which occurred in the I 890s depression.
Hardwoods
From the 1 880s There was increasing recognition of the value of North Coast hardwoods' for various types of construction work.'3 Blackmore & Associates' report indicates some of the expenses and difficulties of logging areas not close to cheap and reliable transport.'4
Small bush sawmills were common. By the time of the RC hardwood timbers were being extensively exploited but not at this stage in DSF.
Royal Commission into the Timber Industry
The Royal Commission was initiated because of concerns for the future timber reserves of the state. The views expressed have little in common with the environmental awareness of the 1990s. It was the concern for the future of a resource that had initially been considered inexhaustible but whose finite nature was now obvious to most thinking people. Throughout the RC hearings the tension is ever present between the needs of Closer Settlement and the needs of the timber industry. The FC was not yet in existence and responsibility for the portfolio had been shunted around since the 1 870s when the first moves to conserve forests were made.'5
First Forestry Reserves
The year 1871 has been described as the one in which the first step for forestry was taken in Australia.16 This year saw the creation of the first timber reserves on the Murray and the Clarence. The latter is shown on the 1873 County of Gresham map. It was located east of Newton Boyd on what is now mainly freehold land, but takes in a corner of DSF. This is roughly the area that the lessees of Cunglebung Run tried to have removed from their holding in 1884. On the 1906 County of Gresham map this, one of the first of Australia's timber reserves, is not marked. The RC proceedings make it clear that the revocation of timber reserves was not unusual. If land was considered suitable for agriculture than it was made available for closer settlement. This procedure reflected the lowly status of forestry as, until
Page 27 Timber
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t&ItO.tDME.tDOWS t7 WLWGTON
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- ©l: IT - V L)-. PROCLJME same M.LMQ - •-. 6 - C1MEPl6sEp73- -. CPdtr scui ' - "5.- - • I4C.1AL'ACtj Ross UMB •l_ ) o -ti -
------• \
hell Library County of Gresham map, 1873, showing Clarence Forest Reserve, Little River Goldfield and TSR 263.
1916, a branch of the Department of Lands. The land in the Clarence Forest Reserve was not taken up for agriculture but it is possible that once all the timber was cut out the reserve was revoked. This procedure was done with ease, whereas the revocation of a state forest was more cumbersome. -
Page 28 Timber
Deverell's Reports
The first detailed material which indicates something of the histoiy of logging in DSF was a series of reports completed in 1922 and 1923 by an 'assessor', F.D.Deverell. These reports and other related files have been very useful in writing this report. Some of the files leading up to the assessment have not been available. Luckily, however, a summary was made of some of these in 1963 which gives some indication of the background to the assessment.
Clearly, as indicated with the RC in 1907, it was the tension between the need to conserve timber and the demands of Closer Settlement which forms the background to Deverell's assessment. This was a particularly emotive time, in the wake of World War 1, when soldier settlement schemes were being devised with good intentions but not a lot of logic. There is no evidence that DSF was being considered for soldier settlement. It was, however, certainly being considered for Closer Settlement, although under which legislation is not clear. Perhaps the Crown Lands Consolidation Act of 1913 (under which the old Cunglebung Run was eventually broken up in 1938) was the relevant legislation. All the FC summary of the files indicates is that Commissioner Jolly 'minuted that he had discussed the matter with the DF; that he did not wish to block genuine settlement but that the timber values on the area were considerable'.17
In 1921 the Department of Lands asked the FC to identify the areas which they wished to retain to be marked on a diagram (this has not survived). A surveyor from the Department of Lands had inspected the area and reported that the timber was mostly only suitable for fences and outbuildings and had no other commercial value.'8 Assistant Disthct Forester C.O. Love did his own inspection and concluded:
I am of the opinion that the disposal of the designed blocks is objectionable in (sic) Forestry interests.19
He continued that he 'absolutely disagreed' with the surveyo?s assessment of the value of the timber.
The ironbark alone on this country is suitable for any purpose to which this fine timber is put.2°
He also stressed that the potential value of the pine was immense once the problem of distance to markets was solved. Love's report did not simply consider the current situation but also attempted to project the future needs of the industiy. If, he argued, crown leases (with the right to convert to freehold) were allowed
it would probably mean handing over to afew the right of disposal or destruction of the fine timber on this country, the revenue from which should rightfully go to the Crown.2'
The importance of hoop pine in his assessment is obvious:
its wealth of pine should not be lost to the Crown as this district derives a large proportion of its revenue from hoop pine.22
Page 29 Timber
The District Forester concurred with this assessment especially in view of the shortage of hoop pine in other areas.23
In July 1922 the FC asked the Department of Lands to agree to the dedication of Portion 8, Parish of Springbrook to protect it from conversion (to freehold). The Lands Department replied that an inspection should be carried out.24 This was the background to Deverell's reports on DSF. It was a detailed survey in rough countly and the mode of operation was described as 'all pack camps with hard living'. The District Forester predicted that the 'work will be tedious and long and I anticipate difficulty will be experienced in getting the men to stay.125 The preparations for the job reveal the steepness of the terrain and the lack of communication. The amount of time devoted to the assessment (over a year) also indicates how important the area was considered, that a study of this depth should be attempted.
The reports reveal that the area had been logged for cedar and pine. In some areas pine logging was in progress or just about to begin. In the area dealt with in the first report (see map) sections 6,7,8 had either been logged for pine or were currently being logged. Report 2 noted pine operations 'some years ago in the creek at Devil's Elbow' and previously in Section F with operations about to start in section E. His fourth report noted no logging other than cedar getting; very little of the much sought after pine, but there was a variety of hardwood.26
Report 3, dealing with the MA, concluded that No operations have been carried out on the area except for cedar cutters years ago'. At Pine Creek good pine was noted but 'it will be years before any operations take place in this locality'. (The pine was in fact cut out 20 years later.) This area was summed up thus as:
countiy being useless except for gra:ing in good times I think it would be just as well to hold it for the timber.27
Despite this assessment, the acting District Forester in Urunga, taking a minimalist approach with regard to the MA, wrote that there is 'no area of good timber sufficiently consolidated to warrant reservation for SF purposes.'28 He noted the inaccessibility of the area but suggested that the pine area in Pine and Reid Creeks should be covered with timber reservations pending its removal. Therefore, rather than taking a long term view, as did Love, he supported the short term expedient of exploiting the area for its timber and then dispensing with it.
Because Deverell's report was not as enthusiastic as Love's the latter was asked to explain the discrepancy. He made it quite clear what his philosophy was:
My idea in representing this area so enthusiastically was to prevent such large areas being disposed offor settlement without a knowledge of their timber value.29
Beginning of Dalmorton State Forest
He had achieved his aim. A detailed assessment of the area had been made and as a result of this the nucleus of DSF was eventually created in 1927 and four forest reserves in 1926. (Two of these reserves are in the MA) Before these dedications, TR 55353 was proclaimed on 9 Nov. 1923 in the Slaughtering Creek area.30 Although the documentation surrounding
Page 30 Timber this dedication has not survived it seems clear that it was designed as a temporary measure. Once it was cut out the reserve was revoked in 1929. The report into this revocation indicates that the pine had been logged in about 1925 and all that remained was 'some good cedar' that was too difficult to get at. At the same time the western part of TR 57253 was revoked as well. There was another revocation in 1929 of an area north of Dalmorton. This, it was claimed, had been dedicated by mistake and was now needed for 'future settlement requirements.'3'
Bullockies
The 1920s and 1930s were hectic ones for the timber industiy. Assessments were done of the area by the Department of Lands before the gazettal of the DSF and the forest reserves. These reports are not available but the 1963 summary of them gives some insight into logging operations at the time. The operations referred to, supervised by the forest guard at Grafton, presumably were in the areas which were dedicated in 1926 and 1927. The problems of access to the timber, often found in steep terrain, was a constant problem. The bullock teams lumbered along the Old Glen Innes Road through Dalmorton, taking a month to do the round trip. This was the main access but sometimes timber was taken, by the same road, to the mill at Newton Boyd. The old road through Cunglebung Run was also used to take out hoop pine from Baffle Creek, between Dinner Creek and Reedy Creeks, across the Nymboida River at Doboy Crossing.32
Helen Hannah gives a comprehensive picture of the work and conditions of timber workers and bullockies in Forest Giants.33 Of particular interest in this case is her interview with Sid Adams who was at one time a stockman on Buccarumbi Station and then a bullocky with his own team. His was one of the teams reported as operating in the vicinity of Buccarumbi in 1922.34 Sid told his son Barry about the families living on 40 acre blocks, which they could convert to freehold, all along the Old Glen Innes Road. As Barry said:
It gave them the right to have a home, afew head of cattle and say 'Well, we're home for Christmas and we've got a bit ofgrassfor our bullocIcs 35
Obviously this was where many of the local bullockies settled. Their acquisition of land was the result of one of the closer settlement acts, but which one is unclear.
There was a constant need for grass and water for the working bullocks. This was one of the reasons that the Cunglebung route, with plenty of both, was popular. In 1934 the lack of timber operations was blamed on the 'shortage of feed for working stock' in the vicinity of FR 57254. In 1922 Deverell had advised the FC not to allow the Department of Lands to dispose of 22 acres that had been applied for near Buccarumbi. This was land used for grazing for the bullocks and if it were alienated it would mean 'anything from 16 to 20 teams going out of the trade in this locality'.36
Barry Adams was working with bullocks until 1957 ('All Adams were bullockies, says Barry. It was in the blood') but it was unusual at this time. Changes in technology were already apparent in the 1930s. In 1934, for example, FR 27254 & 27255 were considered to be beyond the limit of profitable haulage'. At the same time in other places, once also considered inaccessible, logging was becoming a viable option. That same year R.Williams
Page 31 Timber
Section of Coffs Harbour District Map - first edition 1965 showing section of Dalmorton State Forest Dedicated 1927 and Forest Reserves 57253-56.
was planning to 'get out 80000 ft of pine in a difficult place, which will be obtained by mechanical means ... (he) has the machinery on hand for the purpose'.37
Page 32 Timber
The Closer Settlement Issue
In 1935 the issue of Closer Settlement was again threatening FC interests. In that year the Department of Lands told the FC that all 'unsecured lands' in the area were under consideration. This also threatened the interests of pastoralists. Turnbull Brothers expressed their fear that they might lose their lease 'if it were thrown open for selection'. Love again showed his concern for the future by commenting that except for DSF and the tree reserves that:
the balance of the area did not warrant retention in Forestry interests but that, in the aggregate it carried a considerable volume of timber.38
He also drew attention to the need to retain timber cover in the interests of protection (from erosion). The beginning of an awareness of the serious environmental problems that Australia was facing now surfaced in the controversy between the two government departments over the question of land use. The land in the tree reserves that was under consideration was described by the FC as 'rough and mountainous and that alienation would pave the way for ringbarking, firing and consequent erosion and flooding.139 It was felt that a combination of cattle grazing and protection forest was the best land use for the area.
The FC demanded that the area in question should be assessed professionally. Such an assessment was set in train but while it was being undertaken the Department of Lands began disposing of land except for that under direct FC control.40 This was the tthrowing open' of the area that is still talked about and which broke up Cunglebung Station.
Nevertheless, in 1938 the assessment by forester W.Poole proceeded. It broke new ground by using aerial photography for the surveys. The map accompanying the report also shows the limits of contemporary technology.4' The forests in the MA were beyond their ability to successfully log at this stage. Poole's final recommendation in 1939 was that:
it is essential that the mountain forests in this locality be preserved owing to the steep, rugged nature of the country where the denudation of the forest would possibly have serious consequences.42
Hoop Pine Logging in the Moratorium Area
The first logging of the MA, other than the early cedar getting, occurred during World War 2. Doug Scott, at the age of fifteen, got his first job logging hoop pine there. VB Trapp & Co. of Coffs Harbour had, according to Doug, the job 'of supplying hoop pine under the Essential Services Act to the Armed Services'. Doug was 'off-siding on a tractor'. The log hauling was done with winches; then a tractor took the log to where a truck could load it.
It was virgin scrub. You couldn't cut a tree down unless it went six feet girth, chest high, and zfyou did you were in terrible trouble.43
The workers camped out in the forest for six week stretches. Doug recalls how he came to town four times the first year.
Page 33 Timber
J'noio: V ..aaa,ns Sid Adams with bullock team on Old Glen Innes Road at foot of Bucarrumbi Range. These four Hoop Pine logs come from the one tree in Gulf Creek, Dalmorton State Forest, 1923.
You didn't get bored We did a bit offossicking. Jack Marsh told us where to look, fossick, how to pan.44
Hardwood Logging in the Post War Period
The first application to log hardwood in DSF was made in 1931 by R.G.Williams of Newton Boyd. He wanted to build a house for himself and cattleyards and intended to have the timber drawn to Sheep Station Creek mill and then have it cut up and returned to Wintervale.45 This successful application was obviously for a specific purpose. After World War 2, however, hardwood logging began in earnest in the parishes of Urania and Spnngbrook. The Riverview Timber Co.Pty.Ltd. started operations in 1954 and did road construction in conjunction with this from 1956 to 1961. Barry Adams cut timber for this company for a few years:
up till the depression of 1961... Then they said, 'Barry, you'll have to stand off. Things is got pretty hard' which it was. 46
Page 34 Timber
FORESTRY COMMISSION Popers H.O. 1.228 DIAGRAM OF N0 1. EXTENSION TO DALMORTON STATE FOREST N9811.
PARISHES OF BAROOL, BOYD, COWAN, CUNGLEBUNG, QALMORTON, SPRINGBROOK, URANIA & WELLINGTON JJ - COUNTY OF GRESHAM SCALE 1:126720 SUBJECT AREJ SHO; THiJ; sr s'oa .i}cwN :ii.s .. '---- JIVEJ? iinaoi
/ I coo t1 - ProeJ&nec ) 7 - 4 6
- I — Ce
73
K1DAL.ORTôñ \ 4 )6I5 'Und Sal BOYD '•' U ILL J -t T•- ' W RES ç
•.- . - '
Ir
:V)fl' Map of Dalmorton State Forest showing extensions from 1962-1980.
It is a good indication of how hard the 1961 credit squeeze effected the timber industry for one of the workers to refer to it as a 'depressions. The economic problems of the local industry at this time have not been investigated in this report.
Page 35 Timber
The following year No.1 Extension DSF was dedicated. This was the Poole's Creek area just north of the 'village' of Dalmorton. This first extension to DSF was made for 'watershed protection and boundary consolidation purposes', according to a 1958 FC report on the area.47 The need to protect the forests from erosion was becoming increasingly obvious.
Dalmorton State Forest Grows
In the early 1970s, as other forests were cut out, the FC began investigating the timber potential of the crown leases and the area surrounding the MA. At the same time the Co- ordinated Meat Company, of Grafton expressed an interest in acquiring a number of leases from Turnbulls and converting them to freehold. With the exception of some land near the town of Buccarumbi the FC refused this request because of the marketable timber on the land. Forester Lunda's detailed assessment of each of the leases is an interesting comment on the economic considerations of the 1970s. He wrote, in relation to Sp/L 39/42,
When attempting to determine the best land use for land such as this the fact that our annual import bill for timber products being in excess of $200 million (and increasing) must be weighed against the gloomy future of agricultural pursuits and their value to the national economy.48
Other FC staff agreed that the area in question should be dedicated as SF. District forester H.J.Hanson wrote in 1973
I cannot emphasise too strongly the need to have the area covered by this report dedicated a state forest. It comprises a large volume of prime hardwoods needed to maintain timber supplies, to a sawmill and pole treatment industry at Grafton, requiring some 30 million s.ft. p.a. to remain viable. The NPWS have acquired adjoining areas, and no doubt before long will turn their attention to this area.49
In July 1974 Extension No.2 DSF was dedicated. This was an area in the Parish of Cowan just north of Cunglebung Creek.
Secretary A.Cocks argued that more extensive areas should be dedicated so that emphasis would be placed on forestiy and less on grazing rather than the reverse, as it was while leases were held under the Department of Lands.50 In the next few years another 35297 hectares were added to DSF. In 1975 DSF Extension No.3 and in 1977 Extension No.4 (the MA) were gazetted and the final part of DSF (Extension No.5) was included in 1980. Files relating to these dedications have not been made available. There seems, however, to have been a consistent policy since the early 1970s. Firstly, the need to service the local and export timber industry was paramount and secondly, a wariness of the NPWS was often in the background. This last consideration became more marked after the election of the Wran Labor government in NSW in May 1976. This government set about a program of extensions of national parks which the FC saw as hostile to their perceived interests.
Selective hardwood logging began in the MA in 1978 and in association with this the construction of a road network was undertaken. ¶Roading and logging is complete on the eastern, southern and south western sections', according to FC sources.5'
page 36 Timber
Endnotes
Timber 1Bolton G, Spoils and Spoilers, George Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1981 2Kass T, Regional History of the North Coast, Dept of Planning, Grafton, 1989 3Royal Commission on Forestry in NSW (1908), Final Report, Sydney, Govt Printer, evidence given by N Stewart, Forest Guard, Glen Innes, p599 4ibid, evidence given by J Cartmill, Nymboida 5FCF, 2347/1, Love, C 0, 14 Nov 1921 6FCF R67, Deverell, F D, 3 May 1922, p4 7ibid, 7 May 1923, p4 8ibid, 23 Dec 1922, p1 9B Adams, op.cit. mBlackmore, op.cit., p20 t 1ibid op.cit. 13Blackinore, op.cit., p20 14ibid, p21 15ibid, p19 16Carron L T, A History of Forestry in Australia, ANU Press, Canberra, 1985, p5 17FCF R483 18ibid 19FCF 2347/1 20ibid, p2 21ibid, p2 22ibjd 23FCF R483 24ibjd 25FCF Enclosure 22/80 26FCF R67 27ibid p6 28FCF R483 29FCF Enclosure 23/217 30FCF R483, p3 31FCF 27/1065 32FCF R483, p3 33Hannah H, Forest Giants, FC of NSW, Sydney, 1986 34FCF Enclosure 22/80 35B Adams, op.cit. 36FCF Enclosure 22/80 37FCF Enclosure 31/527 DO 38FCF R483, p4 39ibid,pp4&5 40ibid, p5 41FCF R482 42FCF R66, p7 43D Scott, op.cit. 44ibid 45FCF 31/1168 46B Adams, op.cit. 47FCF A89, I C Dawson, 29 Jan 1958, p3 48FCF Report by J Lunda, 30 Dec 1971 49FCF Report by H J Hanson, 6 April 1973 50FCF 4228 (LAD) Report by A R Cocks, 29 Aug 1974 5 1 R Williams, DSF, Notes for Grafton Forests EIS, p7
Page 37 Conclusion
CONCLUSION
The rugged, forested landscape of DSF has been the scene of human activity long before white people cam to the area. The roads and tracks through this area have been used since the first days of European settlement on the Clarence and perhaps for years before. The main economic activities in DSF - grazing, mining and timber getting - used these arteries to facilitate their enterprises.
The part of DSF north of Cunglebung Creek, the MA, was only acquired by the FC in 1977. Here grazing has continued almost uninterrupted since the 1 860s (possibly the 1 840s), while mining and timber getting have been more sporadic activities. The physical evidence of these industries is widespread but often unobtrusive, it has been the aim of this report to outline the European disturbance history of the area and to demonstrate that human activity in the MA has resulted in changes to the vegetation and other low level modifications to the environment. A quantitive and qualitative assessment of the nature of these changes is beyond the scope of this report and would necessitate the use of different research tools.
Page 38 Bibliography
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Baker D W A, 'The Origins of the Robertson's Land Acts', in Historical Studies, Australia & New Zealand, Melbourne Urn Press, 1967
Bawden lectures, The First Fifty Years of Settlement on the Clarence, CRHS, 1987
Blackmore K & Associates, Grafton, Casino & Murwillumbah EIS European Heritage Historical Report, Sept 1992
Bolton G, Spoils and Spoilers, George Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1981
Canon L T, A History of Forestry in Australia, ANU Press, Canberra, 1985
Cousins A, The Northern Rivers of NSW, Shakespeare Head Press Ltd, 1933
Farewell G, Squatter's Castle, Lansdown, 1973, Melbourne
Hall R & Lomax K, An Archaeological Assessment of the Grafton Management Area, FC of NSW, April 1993
Hannah H, Forest Giants, FC of NSW, Sydney 1986
Hanson W, The Pastoral Possessions of NSW, Gibbs, Shallard & Co, Sydney, 1889
Kass T, Regional History of the North Coast, Dept of Planning, Grafton, 1989
Kater G N, Historical Data on Early Mining Operations in the Dalmorton District, NSW between 1860 and 1942, Nov 1981, Greg Kater & Associates Pty Ltd
King C J, An Outline of Closer Settlement in NSW, Govt Printer, Sydney 1957
Law R C, Historical Notebooks, CRHS
Walker R B, Old New England, Sydney Uni Press, 1966
Newspapers
Clarence and Richmond Examiner
Daily Examiner
Town and Country Journal
Page 39 Bthliographv
Miscellaneous
Registers of nm boundary files - Clarence district, AONSW 8/2204
The Return of Crown Lands held under Pastoral Occupation of 1865 to the Legislative Assembly of NSW
The Tirst Annual Report' upon the Occupation of Crown Lands of 1879
Parliamentary Debates, NSW Legislative Assembly, Debate on Closer Settlement Bill, 1937
Royal Commission on Forestry in NSW (1908), Final Report, Sydney, Govt Printer
Page 40 Appendix I
Appendix 1
Historical Data on Early Mining Operations in the Dalmorton District, NSW, between 1860 and 1942
Greg Kater & Associates Pty Ltd, November 1981
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