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The Speaker of Parliament: a Rational Choice Account

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The Speaker of Parliament: a Rational Choice Account ■^Sreng. THE SPEAKER OF PARLIAMENT: A RATIONAL CHOICE ACCOUNT SHANE MARTIN BA, MBS Under the supervision of Professor Robert Elgie, Dublin City University August 2002 Declaration I hereby certify that this material, Which I now submit for assessment On the programme of study leading to The award of PhD is entirely my own Work and has not been taken from the work O f others save and to the extent that Such work has been cited and Acknowledged within the T ext o f m y work Registration number 9 79 712 3 5 Date 19 August 2002 Table o f Contents Abstract 1 Acknowledgements 11 List o f figures iv L ist o f tables v Abbreviations vi Chapter One Introduction 1 Chapter Two A Rational Choice Institutionalism Framework 33 Chapter Three The Conventional Wisdom 64 Chapter Four Empirical Expectations 133 Chapter Five Appointment and Selection 168 Chapter Six The Speaker in Office 207 Chapter Seven Conclusion 234 Postscript 266 Bibliography 268 Abstract The office of Speaker has generally been seen as having an almost accidental origin (in the British House of Commons) and non-deliberate design and development Save for the simple dichotomy made between the US-style Speaker and the British Speakership, little detailed analysis of this office has been undertaken This work looks at the office form the perspective of rational choice new institutionalism Our empirical focus is on the Irish Speaker (Ceann Comhairle) Having justified the new institutionalist approach, we develop a rational choice account of the office From this account we then postulate a series of empirically testable hypotheses Using data collected from parliamentary records and other sources, it is shown that, far from being a neutral arbiter, the presiding officer is an asset o f the governing parties The research explores many issues at the core of legislative politics including the motivation of political actors, the origin and development of institutional arrangements and the consequences of particular institutional types As such, the research provides novel and empirically tested arguments that challenge much of the conventional wisdom regarding both political actors in the legislative arena and the paradigms used to understand them Acknowledgements This work was undertaken with the support and assistance of a number of people and I am eager to acknowledge their contribution I am indebted deeply to my supervisor, Professor Robert Elgie, for his sage advice assistance and encouragement dunng the preparation of this thesis One could not ask for a better mentor I also wish to acknowledge Professor Eunan O'Halpin and Professor John Horgan for guiding me through earlier stages of the research A special word of thanks to Dr Gary Murphy and to my external examiners, Professor Rudy Andeweg (Leyden University) and Professor Edward Page (London School of Economics) I wish to record my appreciation to the Business School at Dublin City University for awarding me a doctoral scholarship for the past three years I am also very grateful to colleagues and fnends at Dublin City University for their amenity and assistance during the years I also want to thank John Walsh for commenting on the empirical material Much of the thinking on which this work is founded was done dunng my year as a Visiting Scholar at the Department of Political Science, University of California, San Diego I thank Kaare Str0m for the invitation and the faculty and graduate students with whom I interacted, an interaction that was very significant in shaping my ideas about doing research During this time, and ever since, I thank Stephanie for keeping me sane or at least as sane as I ever was I am also indebted to members of my family whom I think for their support over the years - both direct and indirect 111 List o f figures 3 1 The enactment of Standing Orders related to the appointment of Ceann Comhairle 119 5 1 Standing Orders relating to the election of Speaker 170 5 2 Rules relating to the removal of Speaker 201 6 1 Ceann Comhairle, 1922-2001 209 6 2 Example of Deputy-Chair Interaction 222 6 3 Letter to The Irish Times, re Criticism of Ceann Comhairle 225 7 1 The Empirical-Theoretical Fit 238 IV i " List o f tables 3 1 The evolution of the American Speakership 111 5 1 Levels of Partisan Voting in the election of Ceann Comhairle 174 5 2 Partisanship as Determinant of Selection (by Party size) 177 5 3 Partisanship as Determinant of Selection (by winning faction) 178 5 4 Incoming Government strength and party affiliation of Ceann Comhairle 180 5 5 The inter-coalition allocation of the Speaker 185 5 6 Prior Experience of Ceann Comhairle on Appointment 188 5 7 Number of times Ceann Comhairle was re-selected/rejected 198 6 1 How the Ceann Comhairle has Exercised their Casting Vote 214 6 2 Suspensions for disorderly behaviour, by Ceann Comhairle 1922-1997 219 6 3 Career Moves of the Ceann Comhairle 227 V Abbreviations CPP Committee on Procedures and Privileges (Dail Eireann) FF Fianna Fail FG Fine Gael KKV King, Keohane & Verba NDI National Democratic Institute For International Relations PD Progressive Democrats WP Workers Party Chapter I: Introduction i A tale of two Speakers On Wednesday, 12 July 2000 Betty Boothroyd, Speaker of the British House of Commons, gave notice to the chamber of her intention to retire 1 As the 151st Speaker she had been first elected eight years earlier in a manner not unlike how vacancies in the office had been filled for generations She emerged victorious against one other candidate, Peter Brooke Neither individual campaigned publicly for the support of colleagues, there were no electoral statements or manifestos, no promises of specific actions if elected Party leaders kept their usual distance, not expressing any preference as to how their own front or backbenchers should vote 3 Given the heavy hand of tradition which surrounds much of the practices and procedures at Westminster, and the office of Speaker m particular, one would be forgiven for thinking that the selection of Boothroyd's successor, set for September 2000, would be as uneventful as previous ones But the election of the 152nd Speaker turned into a race quite unlike anything seen before 1 Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol 353, Col 869 2 Within the House of Commons it is conventional not to use the term candidate when referring to those individuals who put their names forward for consideration as Speaker 1 To begin with there were twelve candidates - the largest recorded number in the history of the Speakership. The dramatic increase in the proportion of members putting their names forward for the position can be accounted for, partly at least, by the fact that some were running to promote specific grievances.4 Examples of such grievances included the calls for a more family-friendly Commons, with promises for better facilities for children and childcare and an end to the anti-social hours which members are expected to work at Westminster.5 Seven candidates broke new ground by issuing electoral statements. Previously the idea of there being an open contest was frowned upon; now some were issuing what were effectively manifestos.6 Some resorted to creating web sites to communicate their positions on various issues (invariably parliamentary reform) and to list what they saw as their qualifications for the position. Even the most silent proclaimed the need for the winds of change to sweep through the corridors and chamber of the Palace o f Westminster.7 3 Routledge (1995) provides a more detailed account in his biography of Boothroyd. 4 Except where otherwise mentioned this account is based on newspaper reports from The Guardian (especially 19 October 2000, 20 October 2000, 23 October 2000 and 24 October 2000). Further information was obtained from a special report in the Guardian Unlimited (available HTTP at www.guardian.co.uk/speakery 5 Three of the Labour candidates (David Clark, Gwyneth Dunwoody and John Mcwilliam) stressed childcare and reduced working hours as issues they would address directly if elected. 6 The six candidates running for the Speaker's job who issued statements explaining why they should be elected were: David Clark (Labour), Sir Patrick Cormack (Conservative), Gwyneth Dunwoody (Labour), Michael Lord (Conservative), John McWilliam (Labour) and Nicholas Winterton (Conservative). 7 One candidate, Sir Patrick Cormack (Conservative), was less supportive of what he termed 'modernisation' which he saw as the discarding of traditions only for the sake of change. But even he emphasised the need for improvements in how the House operates. 2 With all the talk of the need for reform that was being generated by the candidates, their supporters and members more generally, some of the media joined the debate on the role of the Speaker There were calls for a modernised Speakership that would pave the way for greater scrutiny of the government, make the House more efficient and effective in its operations and procedures and overall help rebalance the relationship between government and parliament It was argued that a modernising, reform-oriented Speaker could assist greatly in bringing the legislature back to prominence within the British political system, a prominence which seemed lost under the weight of cabinet government, party whips and antiquated parliamentary procedures 8 Then there was the alleged involvement of the Labour leadership and, in particular, Prime Minister Tony Blair Backbenchers have traditionally fought to ensure that the heavy hand of the party whip does not enter the selection of Speaker - that the
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