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Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism. -
Trekking Outward
TREKKING OUTWARD A CHRONOLOGY OF MEETINGS BETWEEN SOUTH AFRICANS AND THE ANC IN EXILE 1983–2000 Michael Savage University of Cape Town May 2014 PREFACE In the decade preceding the dramatic February 1990 unbanning of South Africa’s black liberatory movements, many hundreds of concerned South Africans undertook to make contact with exile leaders of these organisations, travelling long distances to hold meetings in Europe or in independent African countries. Some of these “treks”, as they came to be called, were secret while others were highly publicised. The great majority of treks brought together South Africans from within South Africa and exile leaders of the African National Congress, and its close ally the South African Communist Party. Other treks involved meetings with the Pan Africanist Congress, the black consciousness movement, and the remnants of the Non-European Unity Movement in exile. This account focuses solely on the meetings involving the ANC alliance, which after February 1990 played a central role in negotiating with the white government of F.W. de Klerk and his National Party regime to bring about a new democratic order. Without the foundation of understanding established by the treks and thousands of hours of discussion and debate that they entailed, it seems unlikely that South Africa’s transition to democracy could have been as successfully negotiated as it was between 1990 and the first democratic election of April 1994. The following chronology focuses only on the meetings of internally based South Africans with the African National Congress (ANC) when in exile over the period 1983–1990. Well over 1 200 diverse South Africans drawn from a wide range of different groups in the non- governmental sector and cross-cutting political parties, language, educational, religious and community groups went on an outward mission to enter dialogue with the ANC in exile in a search to overcome the escalating conflict inside South Africa. -
Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa's Dominant
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 © Copyright by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System by Safia Abukar Farole Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2019 Professor Kathleen Bawn, Chair In countries ruled by a single party for a long period of time, how does political opposition to the ruling party grow? In this dissertation, I study the growth in support for the Democratic Alliance (DA) party, which is the largest opposition party in South Africa. South Africa is a case of democratic dominant party rule, a party system in which fair but uncompetitive elections are held. I argue that opposition party growth in dominant party systems is explained by the strategies that opposition parties adopt in local government and the factors that shape political competition in local politics. I argue that opposition parties can use time spent in local government to expand beyond their base by delivering services effectively and outperforming the ruling party. I also argue that performance in subnational political office helps opposition parties build a reputation for good governance, which is appealing to ruling party ii. supporters who are looking for an alternative. Finally, I argue that opposition parties use candidate nominations for local elections as a means to appeal to constituents that are vital to the ruling party’s coalition. -
Human Rights Dialogue Series
HUMAN RIGHTS DIALOGUE SERIES All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Everyone has the right to recognition everywhere as a person before the law. All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination. Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or by law. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile. Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him. -
South Africa – Today and Long Ago Notes and Publications - a Tour Over Centuries
South Africa – Today and Long Ago Notes and Publications - A Tour over Centuries >> KwaMachanca Library – Ben and Ubbo Khumalo-Seegelken 01. Neville Alexander: An Ordinary Country: Issues in the Transition from Apartheid to Democracy in South Africa. New York: Berghahn Books 2003. 02. ALL FOR ONE – ONE FOR ALL? South African Historical Journal. Special Issue: The 24th Biennial Conference of the Southern African Historical Society. Volume 66 Number 2 June 2014. Oxon | Pretoria: Routledge [Taylor & Francis] 2014. ISSN 0258-2473. (415 pages) 03. THE OXFORD HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA. Edited by Monica Wilson and Leonard Thompson. II. South Africa 1870-1966. Not for circulation in the Republic of South Africa. [Contributors: Leonard Thompson, Monica Wilson, T.R.H. Davenport, R.R. Inskeep and M.F. Katzen] London: Oxford University Press 1971. ISBN 0-19-821641-6. (502 pages). (*under the apartheid-regime 1948-1994) 04. Mary Benson (1966): South Africa. The Struggle for a Birthright. Victoria: Penguin Books Ltd. 05. Horrell, Muriel (1968): Introduction to South Africa. Basic Facts and Figures. Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR). (74 pages). 06. Hendrik W. van der Merwe & David Welsh (Eds.) student perspectives on South Africa. Cape Town: David Philip / Abe Bailey Institute of Interracial Studies. 1972. ISBN 0-949968-01-3. (229 pages) 07. Allister Sparks: Tomorrow is another country. The Inside Story of South Africa’s Negotiated Revolution. Johannesburg: Sparhams Ltd. 1994. ISBN 1-875015-11-6. (254 pages) 08. John Higginson: Collective Violence and the Agrarian Origins of South African Apartheid, 1900-1948. Cambridge University Press 2015. ISBN 978-1-107-04648- 1. -
The Referendum in FW De Klerk's War of Manoeuvre
The referendum in F.W. de Klerk’s war of manoeuvre: An historical institutionalist account of the 1992 referendum. Gary Sussman. London School of Economics and Political Science. Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government and International History, 2003 UMI Number: U615725 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615725 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h e s e s . F 35 SS . Library British Library of Political and Economic Science Abstract: This study presents an original effort to explain referendum use through political science institutionalism and contributes to both the comparative referendum and institutionalist literatures, and to the political history of South Africa. Its source materials are numerous archival collections, newspapers and over 40 personal interviews. This study addresses two questions relating to F.W. de Klerk's use of the referendum mechanism in 1992. The first is why he used the mechanism, highlighting its role in the context of the early stages of his quest for a managed transition. -
The Dominant Party System: Challenges for South Africa's
VOLUME 3 NO 2 121 THE DOMINANT-PARTY SYSTEM Challenges for South Africa’s Second Decade of Democracy By Heidi Brooks Heidi Brooks wrote this paper as a research assistant in the Research, Publications and Information Department at EISA. She is now currently undertaking an MA in Political Studies at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg. Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT The existence of a dominant-party system in South Africa has raised growing concerns over its implications for the consolidation of democracy. This paper argues that while there appears to be no real threat to democracy in South Africa it does face several challenges, and successful democratic consolidation will depend upon alertness to signs of undemocratic practices associated with dominant-party systems. It is crucial to ensure that government remains accountable to its citizens. The ANC has demonstrated commitment to democratic principles and there remains sufficient debate and activism within society to keep a check on authoritarian tendencies. However, South African politics is characterised by weak opposition parties that continue to be associated with racial identity and hold little credibility amongst the electorate. South Africans also continue to vote in racial blocs, and the existence of a dominant party and a weak opposition has resulted in emerging voter apathy and withdrawal amongst some sections of the electorate. If the opposition is to fulfil its role in safeguarding accountability and democratic practice it must regain credibility and break away from racial politics to appeal to the African community. Civil society’s role in ensuring government accountability is also pivotal, particularly in the absence of a strong political opposition. -
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project STEVE McDONALD Interviewed by: Dan Whitman Initial Interview Date: August 17, 2011 Copyright 2018 ADST TABLE OF CONTENTS Education MA, South African Policy Studies, University of London 1975 Joined Foreign Service 1975 Washington, DC 1975 Desk Officer for Portuguese African Colonies Pretoria, South Africa 1976-1979 Political Officer -- Black Affairs Retired from the Foreign Service 1980 Professor at Drury College in Missouri 1980-1982 Consultant, Ford Foundation’s Study 1980-1982 “South Africa: Time Running Out” Head of U.S. South Africa Leadership Exchange Program 1982-1987 Managed South Africa Policy Forum at the Aspen Institute 1987-1992 Worked for African American Institute 1992-2002 Consultant for the Wilson Center 2002-2008 Consulting Director at Wilson Center 2009-2013 INTERVIEW Q: Here we go. This is Dan Whitman interviewing Steve McDonald at the Wilson Center in downtown Washington. It is August 17. Steve McDonald, you are about to correct me the head of the Africa section… McDONALD: Well the head of the Africa program and the project on leadership and building state capacity at the Woodrow Wilson international center for scholars. 1 Q: That is easy for you to say. Thank you for getting that on the record, and it will be in the transcript. In the Wilson Center many would say the prime research center on the East Coast. McDONALD: I think it is true. It is a think tank a research and academic body that has approximately 150 fellows annually from all over the world looking at policy issues. -
A History of the Progressive Federal Party, 1981 - 1989
STRUCTURAL CRISIS AND LIBERALISM: A HISTORY OF THE PROGRESSIVE FEDERAL PARTY, 1981 - 1989 DAVID SHANDLER Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Economic History, Faculty of Arts, University of Cape Town, January 1991 The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. .ABSTRACT Whereas an extensive literature has developed on the broad conditions of crisis in South Africa in the seventies and eighties, and on the dynamic of state and popular responses to it, little focus has fallen .on the reactions . of the other key elements among the dominating classes. It is the aim of this dissertation to attempt to address an aspect of this lacuna by focussing on the Progressive Federal Party's responses from 1981 until 1989. The thesis develops an understanding of the period as one entailing conditions of organ.le crisis. It attempts to show the PFP' s behaviour in the context of structural and conjunctural crises. The thesis periodises the Party's policy and strategic responses and makes an effort to show its contradictory nature. An effort is made to understand this contradictory character in terms of the party's class location with respect to the white dominating classes and leading elements within it; in relation to the black dominated classes; as well as in terms of the liberal tradition within which the Party operated. -
Ditikeni 2007.Pdf
Douglas Cwaba makes walking sticks in Maclear at a woodworking centre supported by SCAT. Ditikeni means “Something to lean on” in Tshivenda. Ditikeni is a broad-based investment holding company. This is our annual report for 2007. Chairperson’s review 04 Directory of shareholders 16 Grassroots empowerment at work 06 Directors 20 Directors’ report 08 Highlights from the field 22 Financial highlights 10 Our investment partners 26 Ditikeni structure 12 Financial statements 28 “Ditikeni offers a track record 14 Acknowledgments 32 of competence and quality.” CHAIRPERSON’S REVIEW The financial year ending February 2007 The board functioned efficiently as ever was a ground-breaking year. Ditikeni in the past year. We welcomed Greg reached two important mile-stones in Erasmus, Nomabelu Mvambo-Dandala that we realised a major investment for and Allan Wentzel to the board and the first time, and we raised external thank them for committing to Ditikeni. capital for the first time. With deal activity rising, the board has been kept very busy. We also welcome These two firsts place Ditikeni in Mamonaheng Grace Matlhape and Dr a strong position to compete for Sybil Seoka to the Ditikeni Panel. empowerment transactions in the coming years. We were deeply saddened at the passing of one of Ditikeni’s pioneers The sale of our stake in Stanlib Asset and founding director, Barry Streek, Management was concluded in early during the year under review. 2007, although the funds were not received until after year end. We The new Codes of Good Practice on have resolved that these funds will be Black Economic Empowerment were conservatively applied. -
The Preview Edition [PDF] Here
Humanistic Judaism Magazine Helen Suzman 2021–2022 Humanistic Jewish Role Model Diagnosis: Casteism by Rabbi Jeffrey Falick Challenging the Phrase "Judeo-Christian Values" by Lincoln Dow A Woman of Valor for the Ages by Marilyn Boxer Community News and much more Spring 2021 Table of Contents From the Editor Tributes, Board of Directors, p. 3 Communities p. 21–22 Humanism Can Lead to the Future Acceptance of Tolerance and Human Unity p. 4, 20 Contributors I Marilyn J. Boxer is secretary and program co-chair at by Professor Mike Whitty Kol Hadash in Berkeley, California. She is also professor emerita of history and former vice-president/provost at San Helen Suzman Francisco State University. p. 5–6 I Lincoln Dow is the Community Organizer of Jews for a Secular Democracy, a pluralistic initiative of the Society for A Woman of Valor for the Ages Humanistic Judaism. He studies politics and public policy by Marilyn Boxer at New York University. I Rachel Dreyfus is the Partnership & Events Coordinator “I Was Just Doing My Job” for the Connecticut CHJ. I Jeffrey Falick is the Rabbi of The Birmingham Temple, p. 7–8 Congregation for Humanistic Judaism. Interviews with Paul Suzman and Frances Suzman Jowell I K. Healan Gaston is Lecturer on American Religious by Dan Pine History and Ethics at Harvard Divinity School and the author of Imagining Judeo-Christian America: Religion, Imagining Judeo-Christian America Secularism, and the Redefinition of Democracy (University of Chicago Press, 2019). She is currently completing p. 9, 18 Beyond Prophetic Pluralism: Reinhold and H. Richard Book Excerpt by K. -
Colin Eglin, the Progressive Federal Party and the Leadership of the Official Parliamentary Opposition, 1977‑1979 and 1986‑1987
Journal for Contemporary History 40(1) / Joernaal vir Eietydse Geskiedenis 40(1): 1‑22 © UV/UFS • ISSN 0285‑2422 “ONE OF THE ARCHITECTS OF OUR DEMOCRACY”: COLIN EGLIN, THE PROGRESSIVE FEDERAL PARTY AND THE LEADERSHIP OF THE OFFICIAL PARLIAMENTARY OPPOSITION, 1977‑1979 AND 1986‑1987 FA Mouton1 Abstract The political career of Colin Eglin, leader of the Progressive Federal Party (PFP) and the official parliamentary opposition between 1977‑1979 and 1986‑1987, is proof that personality matters in politics and can make a difference. Without his driving will and dogged commitment to the principles of liberalism, especially his willingness to fight on when all seemed lost for liberalism in the apartheid state, the Progressive Party would have floundered. He led the Progressives out of the political wilderness in 1974, turned the PFP into the official opposition in 1977, and picked up the pieces after Frederik van Zyl Slabbert’s dramatic resignation as party leader in February 1986. As leader of the parliamentary opposition, despite the hounding of the National Party, he kept liberal democratic values alive, especially the ideal of incremental political change. Nelson Mandela described him as, “one of the architects of our democracy”. Keywords: Colin Eglin; Progressive Party; Progressive Federal Party; liberalism; apartheid; National Party; Frederik van Zyl Slabbert; leader of the official parliamentary opposition. Sleutelwoorde: Colin Eglin; Progressiewe Party; Progressiewe Federale Party; liberalisme; apartheid; Nasionale Party; Frederik van Zyl Slabbert; leier van die amptelike parlementêre opposisie. 1. INTRODUCTION The National Party (NP) dominated parliamentary politics in the apartheid state as it convinced the majority of the white electorate that apartheid, despite the destruction of the rule of law, was a just and moral policy – a final solution for the racial situation in the country.