Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 22, No. 2, pp. 170-185 (2000).

The Influence of Sacred Rock Cairns and Prayer Seats on Modern Klamath and Modoc ReUgion and World View

PATRICK M. HAYNAL, Gordon Settles Consulting, 36334 Modoc Point Rd., Chiloquin, OR 97624.

The focus of this article is the spiritual and symbolic significance of two categories of Klamath and Modoc sacred sites: rock cairns and prayer seats. Both site types are generally associated with the traditional practice of the vision quest among the Klamath and Modoc peoples of southern Oregon and northern California. Both tribes, along with the Yahooskin Paiute—recognized federally as the Klamath tribes—are concerned with the protection and preservation of these important sacred sites. After a background discussion focusing on the cultural distribution of cairns and prayer seats, a discussion of the various functional precontact traditional types of rock cairns and prayer seats found in association with some cairns is reviewed. Next, discussions concerning the modem cultural significance of cairns and prayer seats and the continuing practice of erecting cairns are presented. Finally, the importance of rock cairns and prayer seats to the shaping of modem Klamath and Modoc world view is discussed.

1 RADITIONALLY, ethnographers have been (Stern 1966). Today, the tribal government pre­ brief in their discussions of the ritual importance fers the plural "Klamath tribes" be used to ac­ of rock cairns to the Klamath/Modoc (e.g., Gat- knowledge all three groups (Haynal 1994:42). schet 1890; Spier 1930; Ray 1963; Stern 1966), Several researchers (e.g., Gatschet 1890; Bar­ and prayer seats receive no direct mention at all. rett 1910; Spier 1930; Stern 1966) have noted the This article focuses on determining the impor­ strong cultural similarities between the Klamath/ tance of these two categories of sacred sites to Modoc tribes. Both tribes speak closely related the practice of modern Klamath and Modoc dialects of a divergent form of Sabaptin (Ray (hereafter Klamath/Modoc) religion and the 1963:xiv). Historically, the two peoples were shaping of their contemporary world view.' To geographically adjacent, with some overlap of accomplish this, interviews were conducted with territory (Fig. 1). The northernmost group, the several Klamath/Modoc individuals selected from Klamath, inhabited an area of south-central Ore­ a list approved by the Klamath tribes. Rock gon that centered on the drainage basin of Upper cairns and prayer seats and their relationship to Klamath Lake, with Klamath Marsh and the various rituals and practices, such as the power/ Sprague and Williamson rivers as other note­ vision quest and funerary rites, are integral fea­ worthy geographic features. The western bound­ tures of the Klamath/Modoc sacred cultural land­ ary of their core territory was formed by the scape. crest of the Cascade Range. To the east, their The modern-day Klamath tribes consist of territory extended to just beyond Sycan Marsh, three formerly independent cultural groups: the abutting territory belonging to Northern Paiute Klamath proper; the closely related Modoc; and groups. To the north, the Klamath presence ex­ the Yahooskin Paiute. These three groups were tended to the vicinity of Fort Rock (Spier 1930; united under the collective term the Klamath Stern 1966). Modoc territory began near the Tribe under the provisions of the Treaty of 1864 present-day California-Oregon state line, imme- SACRED ROCK CAIRNS AND PRAYER SEATS 171 BACKGROUND

For the purposes of this article, rock cairns are defined as any stacked rock feature. Cairns are evident throughout the higher elevations of Klamath/Modoc territory. Occasional cairns can be found at lower elevations. Cairns come in two general physical forms: the stacked rock column, constructed by placing one rock directly atop another in sequence to varying heights; and the conical cairn that has a variable number of rocks forming the base and is thereafter built up with additional rocks until a conical (or mound­ like) shape is achieved. Occasionally, linear "s" shaped or "wall-like" rock features were con­ structed as well. The appropriateness of con­ sidering these rock features in association with cairns is explored below. Prayer seats are defined as any semicircular, elliptical, or horseshoe-shaped area that was built with stone or timber and arranged to a sufficient height to provide a windbreak. As discussed be­ low, information obtained from Klamath/Modoc consultants suggests that prayer seats were often Fig. 1. Klamath and Modoc territories and subgroups natural features embellished with dry masonry or in the 19th century (Stem 1966:280; Ray timber. 1963) with modem town locations: 1, Kla­ It should be noted that the Klamath tribes math Marsh; 2, Agency Lake; 3, Lower Wil­ prohibit touching or photographing cairns, prayer liamson River; 4, Pelican Bay; 5, Klamath seats, or any other sacred cultural site. While the Falls, 6, Upland; 7, Lower Klamath Lake; 8, tribal government permits sketch illustrations, Lower Lost River; 9, Eastern (from Stern 1998a: 447, reprinted with permission from many Klamath/Modoc individuals are uncomfort­ the Smithsonian Institution, Washington). able with such illustrations. Therefore, no illus­ trations or photographs are presented here. Archaeological research in the latter part of diately east of the Cascade Range, and extended the twentieth century has revealed important in­ north to overlap the southernmost extension of formation on the spatial distribution of cairns in Klamath territory. The Klamath River cut Klamath/Modoc territory and beyond. In 1997, through the northwest corner of Modoc territory, dozens of rock cairns were recorded on Pelican with their boundary extending eastward to Goose Butte, a mountain overlooking the western shore Lake (Ray 1963:xi). Tule Lake and Lava Beds of Klamath Lake, by crews working for Archae­ National Monument also fall within Modoc land. ological Investigations Northwest, Inc. (Kritzer The southern extent of Modoc territory reached etal. 1997; Haynal 1998). Goodwin (1997:10) into the present-day Modoc and Klamath national described several rock cairn features on Mt. Bry­ forests. ant in south-central Oregon within the country of 172 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY the Modoc. Loubser and Whitley (1999:8, 13) The Yahooskin Paiute were close neighbors reported rock cairns within Lava Beds National with the Klamath/Modoc at the time of early Monument, also in Modoc territory. During my Euroamerican contact, and now constitute one of long association and years of fieldwork with the the three principal divisions of the modern Kla­ Klamath/Modoc, I have observed rock cairns on math tribes. William J. Caimon (personal com­ virtually every high peak or ridge I have visited munication 2000), Bureau of Land Management in die territory of the two tribes. archaeologist for the Lakeview District in south- Until now, prayer seats have not been record­ central and southeastern Oregon, told me that a ed or described among the Klamath or Modoc in Yahooskin Paiute elder explained to him some the published literature, with the exception of years ago that when he was a young man both he two nebulous references. Spier (1930:94) re­ and other family members erected cairns for pur­ ferred to a "saucer-shaped bed of rocks" on poses of prayer. Cannon further commented that Ghost's Nest mountain that overlooks the entire rock cairns are distributed throughout the Lake- countryside. Here, boys lay down in order to view District, which extends from the Fort Rock see a spirit. Ray (1963:80) noted that Modoc Basin to Warner Valley, near the Oregon-Nevada boys often sought shallow depressions in mead­ state line. Warner Valley was home to the ows or niches in rocks in which to sleep during Northern Paiute band known as the Kidutokados puberty power quests. During sleep, the boy (Ruby and Brown 1992:156). would hopefully receive a dream from a spirit. The practice of erecting cairns for ritual pur­ These shallow depressions and niches were used poses among the Yahooskin Paiute (and their by successive generations and were located in presence within Kidutokados territory) leads to areas believed to have strong power. Including the question of whether other Paiute groups did these unmodified natural features in the category the same. Mel Brewster (personal communica­ of prayer seats may be appropriate and is dis­ tion 2000), member of the Walker River Paiute cussed below. Reservation east of Carson City, Nevada, ex­ The Klamath/Modoc were located at the junc­ plained that the Northern Paiute did occasionally ture of four broadly defined culture areas; the erect cairns during their vision quests. This was Plateau, California, the Northwest Coast, and the particularly tme of Paiute shamans, who would Great Basin. Caldwell and Carlson (1954) re­ sometimes erect cairns in the vicinity of the rock ported the practice of piling stones during the art they created as another aspect of their vision Plateau vision quest. Others observed that it was quest experiences (see the discussion on the rela­ common practice throughout the Middle Colum­ tionship between rock art and power/vision bia area for youths to stack stone piles as part of questing below). In California, the Shasta (locat­ their efforts to obtain a vision (e.g., Ray 1942; ed west of the Modoc) were reported to have Stern 1998b; Walker and Schuster 1998). Cairns stacked rocks when seeking luck. This practice are also found in the Great Basin. Paul-Mann was reportedly restricted to boys and young men (1994:329-348) described 245 rock cairns on Far (Hoh 1946:335). View Butte, a high, weathered, volcanic feature Prayer seats, rock cairns, and rock stacks in the Silver Lake Valley within the Fort Rock have also been recorded in northwestern Califor­ Basin. While this region was occupied by North­ nia, including portions of Yurok, Tolowa, and ern Paiute groups at the time of contact, the terri­ Karok territories (Chartkoff 1983). These fea­ tory was probably held by the Klamath until tures constitute three elements of six physically about 1,000 years ago (see Pettigrew 1985; Oet- distinct types of rock configurations, together ting 1988, 1989). forming a "rock feature complex" located in the SACRED ROCK CAIRNS AND PRAYER SEATS 173 high country of northwestern California, the oth­ ual and/or "shamanic" significance to rock art er three being rock alignments, rock circles, and (Spier 1938; Ritter and Ritter 1977; Hedges rock hearth rings. Based on ethnographic infor­ 1992; Steinbring 1995). Hann (1998), Crotty mation obtained from native interviewees, Chart­ (1981), Loubser and Whitley (1999), and Ritter koff (1983:745-756) assigned religious functions (1999) suggested the same for Klamath-Modoc to each of these six types of features. rock art. Rock cairns constructed for ritual purposes In noting the sacred nature of the cultural have also been found in western regions of Ore­ landscape in the vicinity of Petroglyph Point and gon. West of the Williamette and Umpqua val­ Tule Lake in and near the Lava Beds National leys, Oregon is generally considered to be part of Monument in northern California, Crotty (1981: the Northwest Coast culture area (see Ross 163) concluded that the rock art there may have 1990). Coquille tribal member, George Wasson had ritual comiections with the Modoc power (personal communication 2000), informed me quest. She also suggested the possibility that the that there are several cairn sites in the Gold art was associated with food acquisition rituals, Beach and Pistol River regions of Curry County since Tule Lake was a vital resource area for the on the extreme southwest Oregon coast, the pre­ Modoc (Crotty 1981:163). contact territory of the Coquille and Tututni. In analyzing the petroglyph art at the "House There is also a number of cairn sites in the upper of the Rising Sun" site in and around a small drainage of the Rogue River, at the juncture of cave in northern California (fictional site name at the Northwest Coast, California, and Plateau cul­ the request of the Klamath tribes), Hann (1998) ture areas. This region was formerly occupied interpreted the art as having an association with by the Upland Takelma (see Forgeng et al. the power quest. Using published and unpub­ 1994). One of these sites, the Ridgeline Mead­ lished ethnographic material from Curtin (MS, ows Site (35JA301) in Jackson County, Oregon, 1912) and Gatschet (MS, 1890), Hann (1998:1- contained more than 50 cairns constmcted in the 8) argued convincingly that the location corre­ conical fashion (J. Fagan, personal communica­ sponds with the ethnographically described house tion 2000). It should be noted that the cairns in of the Klamath/Modoc culture hero, Gmok'am 'c. the upper drainage of the Rogue River are quite In interpreting the petroglyphs at the site, Hann close to the Takelma-Klamath boundary, and (1998) suggested that the sun disk symbol found might therefore be Klamadi in origin. Gray in the cave is a symbol of Gmok'am'c, who was (1987) did not report cairns among the Takelma. associated with the sun in myths recorded by The sacred cultural landscape context of rock Curtin (MS). Hann (1998:8-11) offered the com­ cairns and prayer seats cannot be fully under­ pelling conclusion that the site's strong connec­ stood without reference to another important as­ tions to Gmok'am'c made it a "portal" to the pect of that landscape; namely, rock art. Rock supernatural portion of the Modoc cosmos and, art is an important feature of the sacred cultural therefore, the site would have been a place of landscape to the Klamath/Modoc, as well as oth­ great supernatural power and an ideal location er indigenous culttires throughout the world (for for power quests. detailed discussions of Klamath/Modoc rock art, Ritter (1999) suggested that the rock art locat­ see Hann [1998]; Swartz [1963, 1978]; Heizer ed near Keno, Oregon—near the confluence of and Clewlow [1973]; Crotty [1981]; Loring and Klamath, Modoc, and Shasta territory—was also Loring [1983]; Ricks [1994]; Armitage et al. connected with the power quest. Using an inter­ [1997]; Loubser and Whitley [1999]; Ritter pretive model known as the neuropsychological [1999]). Several researchers have attributed rit­ model for shamanistic art, developed largely 174 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY from the work of Whitley (1994, 1998), Ritter and the activities of the shaman (Spencer 1952: (1999:92-93) reasoned that various recurring 218). The Klamath relied on the powers of their symbolic forms depicted in the Keno art are rep­ village shaman and their own individual powers resentative of images that occur to the mind dur­ gathered on power/vision quests in an effort to ing an altered state of consciousness (ASC). ally themselves with cosmological entities in or­ Since the ritual procedures of a power quest are der to satisfy the basic needs of life (Haynal designed to produce what westerners would 1994:47). consider an ASC, use of the neuropsychological The land that formed Klamath territory was model has promise. believed to have been brought forth solely for the Loubser and Whitley (1999) interpreted rock Klamath by the creator and culture hero, art from eight sites in the Lava Beds National Gmo 'kam 'c. Two Klamath tribal members (Pris- Monument as having several religious connec­ cilla Bettles and Karen Ray) explained that the tions, including vision questing (by both shamans land and the people are a part of each other and and nonshamans), mythic associations, hunting were created to care for and nurture one another magic and other ritual specializations, and mor­ (Haynal 1994:317). The Modoc had a similar tuary associations. They reached their conclu­ spiritual bond with the land. In fact, the two sions by careful application of the ethnographic tribes recognized the spiritual and sacred nature record and recently obtained data on the manner of each other's lands (Curtin 1912:vi). Obtain­ in which the brain processes and recalls visions ing power from the spirits located throughout the received during a hallucinatory state (Loubser landscape was a key aspect of Klamath/Modoc and Whitley 1999; also see Whitley 1998). traditional religion. Virtually every unique rock If rock art is associated with the power quest, feature, mountain, cave, body of water, meadow, what is the spatial association between rock art or any other distinct location within the land had and cairns? While Brewster (personal communi­ a spirit and everything with a spirit had power. cation 2000) reported a direct spatial association The animals of the land had power as well. From between rock art and cairns among the Northern the Klamath perspective, all the cosmos, both Paiute, very few of these direct associations have animate and inanimate, was alive and everything been recorded in Klamath/Modoc country. Loub­ alive had both spirit and power. Even a single ser and Whitley (1999:8, 13) observed a few rock had power. A rock from Mt. Shasta carried cairns in close spatial association with rock art in a portion of the great power of die mountain it­ the Lava Beds National Monument, but these ap­ self (Spier 1930; Ray 1963). pear to be exceptional. Currentiy, Whitley et al. Power from the spirits of the landscape and (MS) are exploring a line of investigation that the animals within it was sought by every person, suggests there were key "male" and "female" as­ of both sexes, commencing at puberty. Males pects of the Klamath/Modoc sacred cultural land­ went on solitary power quests that lasted from scape and that these sexual aspects explain why five to seven days and required the individual to rock art is usually found at lower elevations (fe­ fast. Young women did not normally go on pow­ male) and power quest cairns are usually found er quests per se because of the danger in being at higher elevations (male). alone, but they could still obtain power through dreams given to them by spirits. Interviewees 10 THE TRADITIONAL and 11 explained that when a young woman did CULTURAL CONTEXT go on a power quest, an older male relative kept Traditional Klamath/Modoc religious life fo­ a close eye on her from a discreet distance. cused on cosmology, quests for spiritual power. When young people went on power quests, they SACRED ROCK CAIRNS AND PRAYER SEATS 175 sought an isolated place known to be a concen­ such a "hallucinatory state" is more correctly un­ tration of spirit power, such as Crater Lake. derstood to be an altered state of consciousness. In order to receive a spirit dream, the power A second function of rock cairns was in a seeker would become exhausted by swimming, mortuary capacity. It was common to mark cre­ running, sweating (taking part in a sweat lodge mation grounds or a solitary cremation with a ceremony), piling up rocks (a form of the rock rock cairn or cairns overlooking the sacred loca­ cairn), and engaging in other energy-consuming tion.^ In the interviews for this article, one Kla­ tasks. Finally, the individual would fall uncon­ math consultant (Interviewee 1) stated that in the scious from the exertions and begin to dream. old days, as various groups of her people trav­ Power was transmitted from the spirit during the eled throughout their territory, sometimes a per­ dream in the form of a song (Stern 1966:15). son would pass away. When a death occurred Ray (1963:77-78) noted that a boy on a vision away from the village and its associated crema­ quest during his puberty rite might construct sev­ tion grounds, that person was often buried in a eral stone piles, one a day for the duration of the location close to their passing and a cairn would quest. Sometimes the individual would stack a be constructed to mark this location. pile of rocks to its maximum height and then un- A third fiinction of rock cairns is closely re­ stack it, only to restack it a few feet away. Each lated to the first, in that these cairns were also cairn would be constmcted as high as the boy erected during a quest for power. However, un­ could make it. The power obtained on a quest like the power quest cairns erected as part of the could give an individual some measure of control Klamath puberty rite, these cairns were constmc­ over success in procreation, battle, hunting, ac­ ted by mature individuals seeking additional pow­ cumulating wealth, the domestic arts, or gam­ ers as their lives progressed. Mature individuals bling. Therefore, individuals used this power to did not always stack rocks to tire themselves. In­ satisfy basic daily needs and to ensure long-term stead, they used rock cairns to focus their minds success in these various activities (Spier 1930; during their quests. This type of cairn began Stern 1966). Those with the most spirit power small, consisting of a stack of two rocks. Then, and the greatest success in a wide range of social on subsequent visits to the same location, the in­ activities became the most prominent individuals dividual would add a rock (or rocks) to the stack. in society (village leaders, leading warriors, or It was common for those embarking on this more shamans). relaxed and contemplative form of the power quest to remain at a sacred location for weeks at Rock Cairns a time. Many of the first Euroamericans to enter the Mature individuals did, however, erect cairns Klamath Basin made note of the vast numbers of in a fashion reminiscent of the exhaustive puberty rock piles erected by the native inhabitants (Ab­ power quest when the occasion required it. The bot 1855; Clarke 1885). Prior to contact with Klamath/Modoc also sought guidance and com­ Euroamericans, rock cairns had several religious fort from the supernatural world during a life cri­ functions, including the piling of rocks during sis. Specifically for the Modoc, Ray (1963) char­ power quests described above. Anthropologists acterized this practice as a crisis quest. The Mo­ have taken the view that stacking rocks during a doc embarked on crisis quests on the occasions power quest, in combination with fasting and of the birth or death of a child, chronic illness, sleep deprivation, contributed to a state of ex­ the death of a spouse, or serious gambling losses. haustion that placed the individual into a "hallu­ That the Klamath also embarked on crisis cinatory state" (Spier 1930; Stern 1966). Today, quests is evidenced by remarks from a Klamath 176 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY man, Tyee Blow, recorded by Samuel A. Clarke patterns. Just as often, cairns on Mt. Bryant are in the later nineteenth century (Swartz 1980). isolated with no discernible physical relationship Blow related that when a child died, a man might to other cairns. Together, the linear rock feature travel to the mountains to that points directly to Mt. Shasta at the Ridgeline fast and punish himself by piling rocks, climbing Meadow Site and the Mt. Bryant features provide steep mountains and descending at night from evidence for two locations with rock features mountain tops into cold lakes . . . and would per­ associated with cairns that were not built in the haps continue his labors at night on the mountain typical stacked or conical fashion. tops until he would bleed at the mouth and nostrils and fall into a deep sleep almost like death . . . The Klamath/Modoc religion allowed for a While thus sleeping they see visions of every kind wide expression of individual variation. This in­ and everything which seems so mysterious to us dividualism might account for the spatial and becomes perfectly clear to them [Swartz 1980:29]. physical variation between rock cairns and the Thus, it is suggested that the crisis quest was not associated atypical rock features of the power/ altogether different from the power quests under­ vision quest type. It is suggested here that the taken by mature Klamath/Modoc individuals physical variation found in power quest cairns throughout their adult lives, in that a crisis in might also be attributable, in part, to the particu­ one's life may have been seen as an indication lar vision or dream a power seeker received from that one's spiritual powers were weakening or in­ the spirit domain. sufficient and needed renewal and/or enhance­ The fourth type of cairn has been recorded ment. along trails. During the Williamson survey party Various rock formations have been observed of 1855, Abbot (1855:70) noted that that are more elaborate than simple stacks or [ajmong the whole chain of Klamath waters we no­ piles, but which may be related to the more typi­ ticed, in many places, large stones laid one upon cal cairns in origin and function. These features the other, forming piles from two to six feet in take the form of wall-like or linear stmctures. height. Some of the party thought that these were Some contemporary Klamath/Modoc have specu­ marks to show the trail when the ground was covered with snow; but the vast numbers of them, lated that they may have been built during power sometimes found within a few feet of each other, quests as individual embellishments of the more and their frequent proximity to trees which could typical stacked rock cairn. John Fagan (personal have been easily blazed, rendered this hypothesis communication 2000) described a linear rock for­ rather improbable. mation at the Ridgeline Meadow Site (35JA301) In providing an explanation for this type of cairn, that points directly to Mt. Shasta. Mt. Shasta is Ray (1963:23) related that it was common prac­ another prominent feature of the Klamath sacred tice for the Modoc to stop at certain places along cultural landscape. Many contemporary Klamath trails to offer prayers for safe passage and over­ have said that Mt. Shasta is the principal home of all good luck. their culture hero, Gmo'kam'c. Given the Klamatii/Modoc belief that places Goodwin (1997) reported the presence of sev­ such as springs, caves, and rock formations were eral vision quest cairns on Mt. Bryant in south- special places of power or the abodes of specific central Oregon. This mountain was within the spirits, it was likely at these places that prayers precontact territory of the Modoc, specifically were offered. Ideally, a food offering was left at the Kokiwas band (Goodwin 1997:10). Interest­ the prayer location, but a stone would be substi­ ingly, Goodwin (1997:10) observed numerous tuted if food was short or unavailable. Gradu­ cairns arranged in a serpentine-like pattern, as ally, over the centuries, these stone piles grew to well as cairns arranged in circular and triangular be two to six feet in height and are distinguished SACRED ROCK CAIRNS AND PRAYER SEATS 177 from power quest cairns by their location and the Some power quest cairns have been found on smaller size of the stones. Unfortunately, due to north, south, or west-facing slopes. According economic development of the floor of the Kla­ to three Klamath/Modoc interviewees, an indi­ math Basin, virtually all examples of this type of vidual would sometimes seek power on one cairn have been destroyed. mountaintop and be compelled to honor the spirit All four general types of cairns were built to of another mountain. For instance, said individ­ acknowledge and appeal to the spiritual powers ual would find a place on Pelican Butte with a of the Klamath/Modoc world. The rinials of fast­ view of Mt. Mazama and erect a cairn on that ing, mnning, and sweating (or, for more mature spot. In general, diough, the Klamath avoided individuals, simple meditation and prayer) culmi­ west-facing slopes as the land of the dead was nated with the constmction or enhancement of believed to lie in that direction (Spier 1930:102). cairns made for the purpose of receiving or en­ riching spiritual power. From the native practi­ Prayer Seats tioner's point of view, the rituals involving phys­ The second general category of sacred sites ical exertion demonstrated a willingness to sacri­ under discussion is the prayer seat. Some Kla­ fice and prepare for a desired visit from a spirit math label this type of sacred site as "prayer cir­ power. The erection of the cairns themselves was cles." Prayer seats are not directly described in an offering to the spirit powers and was quite an the ethnographic record as pertaining to the Kla­ exhaustive act for adolescents on their power math or Modoc peoples. Therefore, modern quests (or for mature men and women involved Klamath interviewees have been relied on for in a crisis). These demanding acts of physical physical descriptions and cultural significance. exertion or denial (fasting) are reminiscent of the One consultant (Interviewee 7), a Klamath el­ vision quest pattern found throughout the Plateau der, described prayer seats as sacred areas, cir­ and the Plains. Plateau and Plains Indians would cular in form, where certain Klamath would go also fast and participate in sweat lodge ceremo­ to pray from within the circular feature. Inter­ nies prior to seeking a vision (Lowie 1935; San- viewee 5, a consultant of middle age who prac­ doz 1942; Neihardt 1961; Stands In Timber and tices a form of the traditional religion, described Liberty 1967; Walker and Schuster 1998). The prayer seats as more "U" shaped. Yet another related Crow and Hidatsa commonly practiced traditionally oriented Klamath (Interviewee 5) ex­ self-mutilation and self-torture to demonstrate plained that prayer seats take different forms; their worthiness to receive a vision (Lowie 1935; they can be completely human-made by arrang­ Bowers 1992).^ No acts of self-mutilation or ing rocks or logs, or a naturally formed circular self-torture involving power quests have been re­ area suitable for seating, or a natural area modi­ ported for either the Klamath or the Modoc. fied by adding additional materials. All three in­ Cairns associated with power quests were terviewees said that the sacred function of the normally located with an eastern orientation, prayer seats/circles was to serve as a location for such as the east slopes of hills or mountains. The prayer. Klamath/Modoc always built their shelters with Reference was made above to unmodified nat­ the entrance facing east and began all prayers ural features reported in the literature that were facing the east, the direction where the sun first used by Klamath/Modoc boys during their puber­ appears. The cremation cairns and grounds at ty quests (Spier 1930:94; Ray 1963:80). Given higher elevations were also located facing the that Interviewee 5 stated that prayer seats can be east. Cremation grounds on the basin floor did a naturally formed circular area, the saucer- not always follow this mle. shaped bed of rocks described by Spier (1930:94) 178 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY and the shallow depressions in meadows or 1952; Zakoji 1953; Haynal 1994, 1996). niches in rocks described by Ray (1963: 80) can The modern Klamath/Modoc peoples, both be considered a variant of the prayer seat. traditional and Christian, hold a deep respect and According to interviewees, prayer seats were reverence for both ancient and more recently often found in association with rock cairns. Not constmcted rock cairns and prayer seats. A small enough attention has been paid by anthropologists but significant number of Klamath/Modoc prac­ to the existence of prayer seats, especially the tice a form of the traditional religion with pan- natural unmodified variety, in order to better Indian influences (Haynal 1994). It is difficult to document this reported correlation. Interviewees estimate the precise number of those practicing were in general agreement that prayer seats were traditional religion; many of those who do prefer used by powerful leaders or shamans on pro­ not to discuss the matter with outsiders. These longed power quests. These powerftil individuals individuals still follow the old practice of con- were able to enter the psychological state neces­ stmcting rock cairns while seeking power. Even sary to receive power through dreams without some Christian Klamath/Modoc follow the prac­ physical exertion. Instead, they entered a trance­ tice, but have adapted it as part of their prayer like state through what westerners would con­ offerings to God and Jesus Christ (Haynal 1994: sider a meditative process. Such power quests 319). might take several days or weeks, so the individ­ Rock cairns of modern constmction are of ual constmcted a prayer seat, or used a naturally three basic types: the power quest cairn con­ formed one, for comfort and shelter from the stmcted by traditional Klamath/Modoc; the me­ elements. Interviewee 2 noted that a brush roof morial cairn erected in memory of a deceased might be added over the seat to protect an indi­ friend or loved one; and the Christian cairn, built vidual from foul weather. An individual might by Christians seeking a closer communion with return to the same sacred area and settle into his God and Christ. Most Klamath/Modoc readily prayer seat year after year. With each visit, the discuss the spiritual significance that rock cairns associated cairn would have another rock added generally have for themselves as individuals. On to it. The cairn would act as a focus for medita­ the other hand, most of those who actually con- tion, as well as an offering to the spirit powers. stmct cairns are reluctant to discuss the details of When encountered, these individual sacred areas these personal spiritual matters. The best way to were avoided by other tribesmen. convey the significance of rock cairns to the modern tribal population is through the use of THE MODERN CULTURAL CONTEXT direct statements from modern Klamath/Modoc. As a result of nearly a century under the Interviewee 3, a young Klamath man in his forced assimilation policies of the United States twenties, explained that government, from 1864 to 1954, the vast major­ [a] rock cairn is basically the same thing as a ity of the Klamath/Modoc peoples became Chris­ church, people go there to pray, men go there for tian. Despite this, elements of the traditional re­ puberty to put on vision quests, it's just a very spir­ ligion continued to exist in a syncretic relation­ itual place. ship with Christian beliefs. Today, most of the Interviewee 4 made a similar conunent about tribes continue to be strong adherents of the rock cairns, stating: Christian faith. However, many Klamath/Modoc are eager to revive as many elements of the tradi­ To me those caims are no different than a church. We know how our people would go on a vision tional religion as possible, as long as those ele­ quest or power quest and be up all night long build­ ments do not conflict with Christianity (Spencer ing the caim as a method of prayer. SACRED ROCK CAIRNS AND PRAYER SEATS 179

Also in reference to vision quest cairns. Inter­ vary from cairn to cairn and from individual to viewee 5 stated that they "are prayer altars. The individual. Some may have been erected to ob­ people offered prayers to the creator for luck and tain personal desires, while others mark a place a number of reasons." Interviewee 6 also de­ of mourning or simple prayer. According to In­ scribed the cairns as sacred altars: terviewee 7, "It was an individual person's quest and most of the time it was never revealed to When our people went out to seek God . . . seeking the tmth, seeking power, seeking direc­ anyone what they wanted." tion, seeking guidance . . . whenever they went Interviewee 5 uses the mountains for prayer there and received an answer or confirmation or and explained that the sacred nature of the moun­ received a power . . . they built an altar saying "this is where the Creator spoke to me" and this is tains is made obvious by the presence of the nu­ now sacred. merous power quest cairns. This interviewee stated, "I myself, I built one for a friend who In noting the power of cairns. Interviewee 6 passed away three or four years ago," but de­ added that clined to provide any specific details of this spiri­ [t]he thing about caims is, if you knock them over tual and deeply personal activity. or if people destroy them with malicious intent Not every Klamath believes that the power . . . somehow the spirit of the place or of this per­ son who put it there could come back on you. represented by rock cairns is benign. Inter­ viewee 8, a respected tribal elder, was a Chris­ With that statement. Interviewee 6 voiced a com­ tian, born and raised during a time when Chris­ monly held cultural belief that disturbing a rock tian missionaries and other whites still denigrated cairn, either inadvertently or deliberately, can re­ traditional cultural practices and equated tradi­ sult in serious supernatural consequences. Inter­ tional religion with Satan. This had a profound viewee 3 told the following story about the power influence on the elder as a boy, an influence that of cairns: stayed with him throughout his life. He told the We were going up to locate a site, it was a vi­ following story about rock cairns and the people sion quest, and a tree had fallen down on top of who erected them: this rock. The rock was probably 10 inches tall and weighed about 7 or 8 pounds. A tree fell down My uncle said . . . that this is where a real on the rock and the rock didn't move. It was just mean Indian doctor (goes) you know . . . and the sitting on another rock, it didn't budge it. They're spirit tells him to pile it. The spirit speaks: "You definitely powerful, there's definitely some kind of fear. You can't eat, drink, you can't see anybody, spirit there, I believe. you stay by yourself and you talk to me. You can't eat nothing, can't drink nothing. And you'll be a The remarks of Interviewees 3 and 6 reflect very powerful person, now you put this other rock the modern perception that every cairn has its on top." own sacred spiritual power and is not simply a According to Interviewee 8, "That's why they do focal point or conduit of power. This modern this ... I want to be rich, I want to control the perception may have a connection to the precon­ reservation. Someone does something to me I'll tact traditional culture. Ray (1963:27) quoted a heap evil on that person." The ultimate goal of Modoc prayer recited to a cairn: these ill-intentioned people, explained Interview­ My good helper, stone pile, you give me good ee 8, was to become an "Indian doctor." luck, I am going out to hunt now, I give you this. Most Klamath/Modoc do not share this view Help me to have good luck hunting deer. That is of cairns and those who built them, but all inter­ what I want you to do. viewees agreed that one should not touch a cairn Interviewee 7 explained that rock cairns are built by another person's hands. The power of sacred but that the precise meanings cairns have these cairns is not yours and, as Interviewee 6 180 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

explained, that power—or the spirit of the de­ defined by the Native American Graves Protec­ ceased individual who built the cairn-might tion and Repatriation Act (United States Con­ harm or kill you. gress 1990), objects of cultural patrimony are Perhaps the most important aspect about the those that have "ongoing historical, traditional, beliefs of modern. Klamath/Modoc concerning or cultural importance central to the Native rock cairns and prayer seats is their nature as American group or culture itself and are the unifying cultural symbols. These ancient sacred property of a tribe, or a subgroup of a tribe such sites serve as cultural symbols linking ancestors as a band or clan, and could not have been given with the living people, and as such, the modern or sold by an individual member. Congress in­ people are strongly committed to protecting all tended this category to be restricted to objects of cairns and prayer seats from destmction resulting great importance, such as Pueblo kachina dolls from development, timber harvesting, or deliber­ and Iroquois wampum belts (United States De­ ate vandalism. The following quotes illustrate partment of the Interior 1991:12). It is apparent, this. Interviewee 9, a Klamath woman in her given the data collected for this research and the forties, is of the opinion that cairns personal communication with Bettles, that the Klamath/Modoc equate the importance of rock should be left alone in the most natural state that they can. That might be a place where someone caims and prayer seats in their cultures to ka­ might come back to someday. I was taught not to china dolls or wampum belts in the Pueblo and disturb anything. It is like their church. They Iroquois cultures. Since rock cairns and prayer have significance to individuals and their personal relationship with the Creator. seats are so vital to the Klamath/ Modoc, their presence in a specific area is critical in the evalu­ Tribal members feel that if development or ation of traditional cultural properties in order to other impacts are approved in an area with determine the location's eligibility for nomination cairns, then those sites should be avoided and to the National Register of Historic Places, per protected with buffer zones. Interviewee 5 ar­ the terms of the National Historic Preservation gued: Act (see Parker and King 1990). They need to be left alone from the start. Avoid­ ance. If there's going to be a problem ... at least CAIRNS, PRAYER SEATS, AND give them a buffer zone where if work goes into MODERN WORLD VIEW that area that they're not knocked over or damaged or people leaving garbage or things like that. You Elsewhere, I have discussed how Christiani- just need to stay away from them. zation has altered Klamath/Modoc traditional Interviewee 6 also believes that the best way ethos and world view (Haynal 1994). Traditional to protect cairns is by leaving a buffer zone of Klamath/Modoc cosmology and their belief in the trees around each one. She further believes that importance of acquiring spiritual power were key their exact locations should be recorded for pur­ components of their traditional ethos and world poses of protection but that these locations should view. Klamath/Modoc world view focused on a not be published or in any manner released to the reality full of powerful spirit beings, including general public. Interviewees 10 and 11 agreed the culture hero, Gmo 'kam 'c. They incorporated with this position. as a key aspect of their ethos the practice of Director Gordon Bettles (personal communi­ seeking power from these spirit beings by under­ cation 1997) of the Klamath Culture and Heritage taking quests to areas within their landscape Department explained to me that the Klamath known to be strong in power. Among these tribes take the position that rock cairns and places were high mountain peaks and ridges, prayer seats are objects of cultural patrimony. As springs and lakes, caves, and other geologic for- SACRED ROCK CAIRNS AND PRAYER SEATS 181 mations believed to be the homes of powerful symbols that reinforce—in both old and young, spirit beings, as well as various rock formations traditionalist and Christian, and educated and believed to represent spirit beings turned to stone noneducated—their common ethnic and cultural for various transgressions. With this power, a identities and long occupation of the Klamath man or woman could influence people, things, Basin and surrounding environs. This concept of and events for their own personal well being. stewardship is an integral and shared component While Christianity has reduced the numbers of modern Klamath/Modoc world view, a com­ of Klamath/Modoc who still seek spiritual power ponent that is reinforced by the continuing physi­ from sacred areas of their landscape, it has not cal and symbolic presence of ancient cairns and removed the spiritual connection of the people prayer seats and the ongoing practice of erecting with the land. Christian and non-Christian Kla­ new cairns. math/Modoc both look upon the rock cairns and prayer seats left behind by their ancestors as inte­ NOTES gral parts of the spiritual nature of their home 1. A draft of this article was submitted to the Cul­ land. Christian Klamath/Modoc journey into the ture and Heritage Committee of the Klamath tribes for review in April of 1999. In late August 1999, verbal high country not to seek personal power but to agreement to pursue publication was received from commune with their Christian God through Mr. Gordon BetUes, then Director of the Klamath Cul­ prayer. So, while they now rely on God to pro­ ture and Heritage Department. vide for them instead of seeking power to pro­ 2. I have personally assisted members of the Kla­ math tribes in the evaluation o.f one such caim direcUy vide for themselves, rock cairns and prayer seats associated with the cremated remains of an individual. have become powerful symbols of their spiritual This caim consisted of several five to 20-pound rocks and ancient bond with their land. stacked atop a natural rock outcrop. The caim was lo­ An important component of a people's shared cated on private property being developed for housing. The burial caim was identified prior to strengthening world view is their perceptions regarding their of the Oregon state laws protecting Native American relationship with nature (Geertz 1973). Contem­ graves, but the Klamath were able to negotiate a mutu­ porary Klamath/Modoc have lost legal possession ally satisfactory site mitigation plan with the property owner. of most of the land once inhabited by their ances­ 3. It was more common among Plains peoples to tors. However, both Christian and non-Christian limit self-mutilation and self-torture to the rites in­ tribal members believe they were created within volved in the performance of the Sun Dance. their traditional territory and that they have a re­ sponsibility to serve as the protective stewards of ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS not only the former reservation but of all their Many of the ethnographic data presented in this ar­ traditional territory. They feel that this steward­ ticle were obtained by the author during field research ship is an eternal responsibility divorced from funded by the Jeld-Wyn Corporation of Klamath Falls, Oregon, in 1997, for an environmental impact state­ legal ownership of the land (per tribal members ment on property belonging to the Winema National Dino Herrera and Don Gentry, as cited in Haynal Forest. The following acknowledgements occurred as 1994:226). This protective stewardship includes personal communications via telephone conversations, not only oversight of the natural resources locat­ with the dates in parentheses: John Fagan, Archae­ ological Investigations Northwest, Inc. (April 20, ed within their territory but all cultural sites as 2000); Gordon BetUes, former director of the Klamath well, both sacred and secular. Culhire and Heritage Department (September 1997); The modern Klamath/Modoc view protection George Wasson, Coquille tribal member and doctoral candidate. Department of Anthropology, University of of the land and the sacred cultural sites within it Oregon (April 18, 2000); William J. Cannon, archae­ as cmcial for their long-term cultural survival. ologist for the Bureau of Land Management, Lakeview Rock cairns and prayer seats are shared cultural District, Oregon (April 25, 2000); Mel Brewster, 182 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY member of the Walker River Paiute Reservation, Nev­ County Site. In: Messages From die Past, ada, and doctoral candidate, Department of Anthropol­ Clement W. Meighan, ed., pp. 141-168. ogy, University of Oregon (April 27, 2000). 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Zakoj i, Hiroto Department of Anthropology, University of 1953 Klamadi Culture Change. Master's thesis, Oregon.