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Progress in Human Geography 2015, Vol. 39(6) 809–817 ª The Author(s) 2015 Geographies of race and ethnicity 1: Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav vs DOI: 10.1177/0309132514563008 in environmental research phg.sagepub.com

Laura Pulido University of Southern California, USA

Abstract In this report I compare two forms of racism: white privilege and white supremacy. I examine how they are distinct and can be seen in the arena. I argue that within US geographic scholarship white privilege has become so widespread that more aggressive forms of racism, such as white supremacy, are often overlooked. It is essential that we understand the precise dynamics that produce environmental injustice so that we can accurately target the responsible parties via strategic social movements and cam- paigns. Using the case of Exide Technologies in Vernon, California, I argue that the hazards generated by its longstanding regulatory noncompliance are a form of white supremacy.

Keywords environmental racism, white privilege, white supremacy

I Introduction , I suggested white privilege as an alternative understanding of how racism In 2000 I published an article in the Annals of functioned in producing urban geographies of the Association of American Geographers that environmental racism. sought to recast how we think about racism in In hindsight, I believe the article was useful the environmental arena (Pulido, 2000). In it, I to the environmental justice literature for sev- argued that white privilege accounted for at eral reasons. First, by acknowledging that least some of the racial disparities that research- racially unequal environments are not necessa- ers were finding. I was responding specifically rily produced by racial animus, but rather as the to debates within US scholarship over whether ‘naturalized’ decisions of millions of whites in a environmental inequities were due to racial , I provided a different way of dynamics or economic processes. Interrogating understanding racism. Second, by focusing on the underlying conceptions of racism informing the urban region, rather than the individual pol- these debates, I showed how most US research- luter, I illuminated how racism constituted ers conceptualized racism as a highly conscious and deliberate set of acts infused with racial ani- mus or intent. In short, they saw racism as a Corresponding author: form of personal rather than in struc- Laura Pulido, American Studies & Ethnicity, University of tural terms. In an effort to beyond such Southern California, Los Angeles, CA, USA. a narrow conceptualization and drawing on Email: [email protected] 810 Progress in Human Geography 39(6) urban space, including class formation. In turn, consider multiple axes of difference when ana- this challenged the notion of ‘nonracial’ eco- lyzing social phenomena (Crenshaw, 1989), is nomic processes, which reproduce impover- a useful tool in this regard. ished conceptions of both race and class. Over the years many people have told me that the article helped them better understand II White supremacy vs white racism. While I am gratified that my work has privilege been useful, I wish to revisit a key concept of In the US in the 1990s, the concept of white pri- that article: white privilege. Not only has my vilege emerged as a popular way to explain how thinking changed, but I worry that I have con- benefited simply from being white tributed to an over-reliance on the concept to the (McIntosh, 1988; Harris, 1993; Lipsitz, 1998). detriment of other forms of racism, including This was a major advancement in our under- white supremacy. Though I still believe that standing of how racial inequality was repro- white privilege is a powerful force in creating duced. White privilege revealed how, despite and explaining urban inequality, it is not suffi- softening racial attitudes and practices, the US cient to explain all forms of environmental was still characterized by massive racial racism. Since environmental racism is produced inequalities. White privilege highlighted how through various means, it should not be surpris- the individual decisions of whites were not ing that there are multiple forms of racism at necessarily driven by racial animus, but often work (Walker, 2009; Pulido et al., 1996). For were simply a desire to create the best opportu- example, settler may best capture nities for themselves and their families, which, native peoples’ relationships to environmental in a highly racialized society, reproduced racial problems (Preston, 2013), while white privilege inequality. may explain some communities’ proximity to Acompellingfeatureofwhiteprivilegeis industrial zones, but neither addresses uneven that it does not require racial animus – an accu- patterns of regulatory enforcement (Kohl, rate reflection, I believe,ofmanywhites’atti- 2014).1 In this essay I explore environmental tudes. Consequently, white privilege does not racism and white supremacy by focusing on reg- trigger high levels of discomfort among whites ulatory noncompliance. (Leonardo, 2004: 140), as they are not being The violation of environmental laws and reg- blamed individually, nor is racial hostility ulations merits our attention for several reasons. being inferred. It is precisely these elements, First, regulatory noncompliance is an important however, that have contributed to the contrac- cause of environmental racism and in many cases tion of what is publicly recognized as racism in (re)produces it (Gordon and Harley, 2005).2 Sec- the US. Producing a more restricted conception ond, while the polluter is the primary culprit, the of racism is not only in keeping with the US’s state is also intimately involved, and thus non- general history, but part of a much larger and compliance illuminates a larger regulatory cul- more recent racial project linked to neoliberal- ture that is mutually constituted by the racial ism. In the US today, both racial consciousness formation (Hagan et al., 2010; Kurtz, 2009; Fre- and animus are increasingly required for an act, drickson, 2013; Holifield and Heynen, 2007; speech, symbol, or person to be acknowledged Gerber, 2002; Strong and Hobbs, 2002). Third, as ‘racist’ by the dominant society (Jones, while one could argue that environmental non- 2014).3 Indeed, the words ‘racism’ or ‘racist’ compliance is simply a matter of maximizing are rarely heard in mainstream discourse any profits, many factors enter into such a decision. longer. Instead, far more antiseptic language Intersectional theory, which requires that we is used, including ‘racial slurs’ and ‘’ (see, Pulido 811 for example, Mendez and Grose, 2014). As neoliberal era: growing fragmentation within formal structures of white supremacy were dis- communities of color based on economic and mantled after the Second World War (Winant, social status, including citizenship. This is also 2001), US society developed other ways of why an intersectional analysis has become ensuring the privileged place of whites. Indeed, essential.4 While nonwhite elites enjoy unparal- as formal discriminatory structures and prac- leled opportunities, the vast majority of people tices were eroded, discourse and of color confront shrinking options. became even more important. It was through While some may argue that nonwhite mobi- the , for example, that lity is evidence of the declining significance of overt acts of racial hostility became unaccep- race (Wilson, 1978), I believe that is an over- table and equated with ‘racism’. By condemn- statement. Besides overlooking the fact that ing a small set of acts, attitudes, and speech, a there has always been variability within vast terrain was left unchecked that has been racially-subordinated populations, this position effectively claimed and harnessed by conserva- ignores the important ideological work that race tive forces. continues to perform. This can be seen in Consequently, while the bar for racist beha- numerous ways, two of which I will mention vior is continually being raised, racial inequal- briefly. First, racist ideology rationalizes the ity persists. This is partly due to neoliberalism, economic plight of the vast majority of people in which, as Melamed (2011) has argued, the of color. Among conservative activists in the free market is embraced as the best way to US, such as the Tea Party, for instance, scholars organize society. In order for neoliberalism to have documented ‘racial bias’ (Parker, 2010). be considered legitimate, the social formation While people may be drawn to the Tea Party for must not be seen as racist. Thus, there is a refu- many reasons, there is no denying that it is sal to grapple with structural racism and an funded by billionaires intent on eradicating insistence on reducing racism to personal obstacles to greater profit. Thus, while the Tea prejudice and racial hostility (Lipsitz, 1998: Party’s primary objective may not be racial sub- ch. 1). This dynamic corresponds with a popu- ordination, activists employ racism in their lar national narrative: the US has moved past quest to dismantle the remnant safety net and racism. Accordingly, there is a continual con- uphold the existing distribution of wealth and traction of the domain of ‘racist’ and a simulta- opportunities. Activists know the power of such neous proliferation of racial concepts that narratives because many whites already view support neoliberalism, including colorblind- people of color as undeserving and responsible ness, , and the post-racial for their own poverty. Here, racism is extremely (Bonilla-Silva, 2001). important to movements seemingly not about Melamed (2011) argues that we are in a neo- race. liberal multicultural era, in which white supre- The second example centers on whites’ anxi- macy is obscured by such events as the eties as the US transitions to a nonwhite nation election of President Obama. Obama’s presi- (Huntington, 2000). Whites have responded dency does indeed signal powerful changes in with visceral anger to a black president, grow- the racial formation. While his election does not ing numbers of Latinas/os and Asians, and a mean that the US is in a post-racial era, it does more general multicultural set of values indicate the degree to which racial barriers have (Jones, 2014). Their hostility is manifest in the declined for elites and how communities of phrase ‘taking back our country’, which conser- color are increasingly divided by class – similar vative activists are fond of. Speaking on south- to whites. This is one of the greatest shifts of the erners’ antipathy towards Obama, one radio 812 Progress in Human Geography 39(6) commentator confessed, ‘My left friends all like the supremacist content of such attitudes and to point to race as an issue, and I’m not going to beliefs, at their root they are predicated on the deny that. There is a percentage of it that is race’ belief that whites are entitled to more, which, (Mascaro, 2014). This fear and anxiety is an in turn, is predicated on the belief that they are important backdrop that not only helps explain more deserving, or ‘better’ than other groups. certain behaviors, such as hysterical reactions While white supremacy is a vast and complex to immigration, but also fuels larger right- concept, I will focus on three elements that are wing activism and politics. evident in one particular incident of environ- Thus, the US is characterized by a shrinking mental racism: awareness, taking, and a belief anti-racist discursive space and persistent levels in the inferiority of people of color. of racial inequality and palpable racial tension that are largely unspeakable in mainstream cir- cles. Bonilla-Silva (2006) has addressed these III White supremacy and contradictions by posing the question: if every- regulatory noncompliance body is supposedly colorblind, how do we Exide is a battery recycling facility located in account for continued racial inequality? One Vernon, a heavily industrial city adjacent to Los answer, according to Leonardo (2004), is that Angeles. Although it houses very few people, it dominant racial and concepts, is surrounded by large numbers of low-income including white privilege, have essentially elim- Latina/o immigrants in the neighboring cities inated all agents. White privilege highlights the of Bell, Maywood, and Huntington Park. Exide benefits that whites receive while overlooking uses 88 different regulated chemicals, with lead the process of taking or appropriation, including and arsenic posing the greatest hazards. Exide the taking of land, wages, life, liberty, health, has been out of compliance with state and local community, and social status. As Leonardo environmental regulations for decades. It has notes, somebody must be responsible for racial been operating with a temporary permit from domination, or ‘taking’ from people of color. the California Department of Toxic Substances This taking is not only necessary for white pri- and Control (DTSC) for 37 years (Garrison, vilege to exist in the first place, but it clarifies 2013a, 2013b).6 And since 2002, regulators how and why people of color are still subject have found serious violations almost every year to ‘group-differentiated vulnerability to prema- (Christensen and Garrison, 2013). The commu- ture death’ (Gilmore, 2007: 28). nity, working with churches and local politi- While there is a limited understanding of cians, has mobilized to pressure the facility to white supremacy – largely because it has been clean up or close down. caricatured – one of its defining features is the The depth of Exide’s pollution and contam- belief that white people are superior to people ination is extremely serious. According to a of color.5 While very few will actually own this, Health Risk Assessment (HRA) based on such a belief is widespread in the US and man- 2010 data, over 110,000 local residents face ifest in numerous ways. Indeed, it is precisely an elevated risk of cancer (Environ, 2013) – the caricaturing that masks how white supre- 44 times the legal limit. Over 80% of the macy circulates, which can be seen in fears of impacted residents are Latina/o (Pulido, a nonwhite nation, whites’ sense of ownership 2014). According to regulators, Exide ‘pose[s] and the right to exclude, and deeply racialized ahighercancerrisktomorepeoplethananyof thinking that systematically undermines the the more than 450 regulated facilities in South- well-being of people of color (Rattan and ern California in the last 25 years’ (Christensen Eberhardt, 2010). Though some may question and Garrison, 2013: A10). Pulido 813

Exide cannot claim ignorance of the law and to do so. While awareness is an important dis- regulations. The South Coast Air Quality Man- tinction between white privilege and superior- agement District (SCAQMD) has told Exide ity, it is not always cut and dry. Awareness is what is necessary for compliance, including actually a vast terrain. To help us navigate I infrastructure requirements (SCAQMD, 2013, distinguish between intentionality and animus. 2008; Nazemi, 2013). Altogether, the SCAQMD Iarguethatwhitesupremacyembodiessome has issued 44 citations and sought to close level of awareness – although not necessarily Exide. Rather than complying, Exide has sued true clarity. This lack of clarity is due to the the SCAQMD. While there may be many good general muddiness most people bring to ques- reasons to challenge regulatory agencies, given tions of race, as well as the fact that real hon- Exide’s history, one cannot help but see the esty might lead to social ostracism, and thus lawsuit as another path to avoiding compli- has a cost. Intentionality refers to the degree ance. The DTSC has also sought to close Exide of awareness and deliberateness that informs (Garrison and Christensen, 2013). On two sep- one’s actions. In contrast, racial animus is the arate occasions, however, judges have reversed hostility one may harbor towards a particular those decisions, compelling the regulatory group of people. It is entirely possible for a agencies to accept some kind of ‘settlement’ white person, group, or institution, such as (Garrison and Christensen, 2013). For exam- Exide, to act deliberately to enhance the well- ple, in October 2013 Exide remained open in being of whites at the expense of people of exchange for $7.7 million worth of improve- color without wishing them harm. It is also ments. It is not clear, however, whether the possible, however, for whites to enhance their required improvements would actually bring own position and consciously seek to harm the facility into compliance. In short, Exide people of color out of fear or malice. Examples knows it is polluting and poses a major risk to of the latter include ‘self-deportation’ – the local residents and the environment, yet it has policy of making the social reproduction of consistently and consciously chosen not to unauthorized immigrants so difficult that they comply with state and local regulations.7 Nor choose to leave. Self-deportation is meant to have the regulatory agencies been able to force cause harm while serving the interest of the Exide to comply.8 white nation. In contrast, Exide is fully aware This is not a case of white privilege: we are of what it is doing and does not wish to harm not talking about whites availing themselves its neighbors, but the financial well-being of of convenient opportunities. Rather, Exide has the institution, which overwhelmingly benefits systematically and consistently chosen to disre- whites, is prioritized. gard laws designed to protect human health and the environment. Indeed, filing a lawsuit is a significant inconvenience. I believe that Exide’s Taking actions can best be understood as white supre- The second way in which white supremacy is macy, three aspects of which I will highlight: operating is through taking. Exide has decided awareness, taking, and an attitude of racial to shift the cost of doing business onto its neigh- superiority. bors. Neighbors are losing the right to breathe clean air, which is essential to their health and well-being. As a result, local residents are experi- Awareness encing greater levels of respiratory problems, dis- As noted, Exide is not only aware that it is comfort, higher levels of cancer, and death. By breaking the law, but has consistently chosen employing a strategy of noncompliance, Exide 814 Progress in Human Geography 39(6) avoids the additional costs and effort of upgrad- Local residents have a low social status for ing its facility so that it is in compliance. This kind three reasons: 1) they are Latina/o, 2) they are of taking is different from a firm moving into an low-income, and 3) they are mostly immigrant. industrial zone, adhering to the law, and still con- Three axes of difference and hierarchy inter- taminating the local air. Both are takings, but one to create a population that is viewed as dis- is transgressingthe state’s boundary and therefore posable. Exide is fully aware of both the violates the minimum quality of air allocated to a surrounding demographics and the social value particular population. of the residents. Although I emphasize white supremacy, Latina/o immigrants are consti- tuted by multiple forms of difference and hier- Racial superiority archy, and thus, using an intersectional approach, one could argue that Exide’s actions The final manifestation of white supremacy is are also a form of class warfare. In this case, an attitude of racial superiority. While few will capital – Exide – is seeking to displace the concede that whites are superior, far more will costs of doing business onto the working class, agree that at least some nonwhites are inferior with the goal of accumulating greater profits. (Parker, 2010). But more telling than words are However, we cannot forget that the working actions, and Exide’s actions suggest that it class is also racialized.Latina/oimmigrants deems its neighbors racially expendable do not exist outside of a global system of labor, (Marquez, 2013). In some communities, firms or (trans)national racialized class structures must pay attention to the local community (Chomsky, 2014; Robinson, 2006; Ngai, because of the potential consequences. Not so 2004). The Latina/o working class, generally in Vernon. Assuming that Exide does not wish speaking, exists subordinate to the white work- to poison anyone, the question becomes: why ing class. does Exide treat its neighbors this way?9 One Finally, one could also argue that this is a possible reason is that Exide’s management case of anti-immigrant , as a large views them as inferior and not worthy of full percentage of local residents are immigrants. consideration. It could be that Exide believes Latina/o immigrant communities have less that locals lack the political clout to force com- political and social power than native-born pliance, and thus it does not matter how they are Latina/o communities (Ochoa, 2004), because treated. Alternatively, Exide may consider its a portion of the population is unauthorized, and neighbors to be expendable and does not care therefore highly vulnerable. Thus, multiple if they get sick or die. While this may sound forms of hierarchy and difference articulate in harsh, corporations consciously choose to jeo- southern California to create a community that pardize and kill thousands on a regular basis. is subject to deliberate and extreme forms of They do this both legally and illegally. While environmental racism. Exide’s failings are not as spectacular as, say, Bhopal, it is silently killing people every day. These are not high-value people and they are IV Conclusion largely distinct from Exide’s management in Ihavecontrastedwhiteprivilegeandwhite terms of class, nativity, race/ethnicity, and other supremacy as two distinct but related racist social axes.10 Research has shown that people dynamics that can produce environmental have a harder time empathizing with those injustice. Because environmental racism is perceived to be different from themselves (For- produced through diverse actions at multiple giarini et al., 2011; Nickols and Nielsen, 2011). scales, there are multiple forms of racism at Pulido 815 work. I have identified several key elements of 6. Clearly, it is not solely Exide’s fault that it has been white supremacy that can be seen in Exide’s operating with a temporary permit. California’s DTSC actions: awareness, taking, and an attitude of has been plagued with serious problems (Garrison racial superiority. et al., 2013). While not all places are shaped by such 7. Exide has polluted other communities as well (Chris- tensen and Garrison, 2013). intense racial dynamics as Latina/o immigrant 8. The state’s inability to compel compliance deserves its communities in Los Angeles, one of the merits own analysis, which is beyond the scope of this essay. of using white supremacy as an analytic is its 9. I have chosen to give Exide the benefit of the doubt ability to target the offending parties – some- and assume it does not have malicious intent. thing that is difficult to do with white privilege. 10. A perusal of Exide’s Board of Directors (http://ir. In this era of global environmental crises, we exide.com/directors.cfm), insider stock ownership, desperately need to be able to identify culprits and management shows an almost all-white and and name names, so that the global community male set of persons. There is one female in man- will understand who the guilty parties are and agement (http://ir.exide.com/management.cfm) and how we should respond to them. Such detailed one Spanish-surnamed person, Lou Martinez, who analyses can help us do that. is an insider stock owner (http://ir.exide.com/own- ership.cfm; accessed 21 July 2014). In terms of racial differences in wealth ownership see Oliver Notes and Shapiro (1995) and Keister (2004). 1. The specifics of each mode of environmental racism also vary by spatial and temporal scale. See, for exam- References ple, Boone et al. (2014). Baker S (2007) Sustainable development as symbolic com- 2. I do not wish to imply that regulatory compliance will mitment: Declaratory politics and the seductive appeal resolve environmental racism or environmental prob- of ecological modernisation in the European Union. lems more generally. 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