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Correspondence, Hitherto Unpublished, of the Earl of Hardwicke, First

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Correspondence, Hitherto Unpublished, of the Earl of Hardwicke, First THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY From the collection of James Collins, Drumcondra, Ireland. Purchased, 1918. 94-1.55 Ml4\/ •» * THE VICEROY'S POST-BAG Works by the Same Author. BISHOP DOYLE : A Biographical AND Historical Study (The New Irish Library). THE BOOK OF PARLIAMENT. IRISH LIFE AND CHARACTER. PARLIAMENT : Its Romance, Its Comedy, Its Pathos. THE LIFE OF DANIEL O'CONNELL. THE VICEROY'S POST-BAG CORRESPONDENCE HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED OF THE EARL OF HARDWICKE FIRST LORD LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND AFTER THE UNION BY MICHAEL MacDONAGH LONDON JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET 1904 INTRODUCTION 'A : Letters a century old, and thousands of them ! They deal with Ireland, political and social, in that dark and dismal period when she lay physically prostrate, bruised and broken, after the Rebellion of 1798, and had just been discrowned of her legislative independence by the Union. rt: ^ * How singularly interesting it is to go through old letters, even if they but treat of the trivial details of the daily round of life —the exchange of thoughts and ex- periences between friend and friend in unromantic and commonplace circumstances ! But here are communica- tions from the most exalted political personages of the opening years of the nineteenth century—Viceroys of Ireland, Prime Ministers, Secretaries of State—and not dry, formal official documents, but letters of the closest intimacy, dealing with matters of high State policy, revealing important secrets of Government, closely guarded hitherto by the imperative injunctions, " Most Private," "Strictly Private and Confidential"; letters of men well known in Irish history, engaged in the hazardous game of revolution ; letters of political prisoners written in Dublin dungeons ; letters of shameless place-hunters ; letters of knaves and hypo- crites, in high places and lowly ; letters of pimps and 4CJ7 i;i9 vi INTRODUCTION informers. Here, surely, is romance and drama and farce in abundance ! * * * It is a thrilling experience to peruse these papers of a hundred years ago—many of them with ink as fresh as if they were written but yesterday ; others faded and yellow, and difficult to decipher—and to learn from all the prominent actors in the transaction the hitherto unknown tale of the liquidation of the bill in honours, places, and pensions incurred by the Government of the day in the barter of the Irish Parliament ; to read the amazing story of the Emmet Insurrection of 1803 as it is told by Viceroy, Chief Secretary, Under Secretary, spies and informers ; to follow the development of the treasonable plot, and the Executive counterplot ; to see the revolutionary working in the dark, in fancied security, and the secret agents of the Executive reporting his every movement to Dublin Castle. * * * For the student of constitutional practice and political history these letters are also most valuable. They illustrate the official relations between the heads of the various departments of the State, and the etiquette which regulates correspondence between them on questions of policy. They also lay bare the jealousies and quarrels of Ministers. It is as if the walls of the departments in Whitehall were removed, and the huge machinery of Government disclosed at work to public view. * * * These most interesting and valuable documents are from the post-bag of the Earl of Hardwicke, the first Lord Lieutenant of Ireland after the Union of 1800. They INTRODUCTION vU baffled the keen search of the late Mr. Lecky in the secret archives of Dubhn Castle, and were therefore supposed by him to have been destroyed, as he states in his " History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century," For five years Hardwicke held the exalted office of Viceroy of Ireland during the Addington Administration, and the second Administration of Pitt, which followed. He was most methodical and business-like in his habits. He not only kept a copy of every letter, official and private, which he wrote during his term of office to Ministers in London, but retained the replies in his personal possession, and carried them all off on his leaving Ireland in 1806. The papers lay in the deed-room of Wimpole Hall—the seat of the Hardwickes—until three years ago, when they were sold to the trustees of the British Museum, and, having been arranged and classified, were made accessible last year in the Manuscript Department at Bloomsbury. * * * I have -been permitted by the Home Secretary, the Right Hon. A. Akers-Douglas, to supplement the cor- respondence dealing with the Emmet Insurrection of 1803 by extracts from the secret papers in the Home Office—in three volumes, and marked " Ireland, 1803. " Most Secret and Confidential —which are now also made public for the first time. They tell a thrilling and true story of Ireland when she began a new epoch iti her strangely chequered career. MICHAEL MacDONAGH. London, October^ 1904. CONTENTS BOOK I THE UNION CHAPTER PAGE I. THOSE EMBARRASSING UNION ENGAGEMENTS - - I II. THE LIST OF UNION ENGAGEMENTS - - - 40 III. CONTEST FOR AN IRISH REPRESENTATIVE PEERAGE - 54 IV. THE SCRAMBLE FOR PLACE - - - - 66 V. THE PRIMATE OBJECTS TO PROFLIGATE BISHOPS - 94 VI. THE HUNT FOR BISHOPRICS - - - - I20 VII. THE LAWYERS AND THE UNION - - " ^51 - VIII. THE CATHOLICS AND THE UNION - - 1 76 IX. THE DISTRIBUTION OF TITLES AND DIGNITIES - 193 X. A CHAPTER OF UNION DISAPPOINTMENTS - 2l8 BOOK II THE EMMET INSURRECTION I. ON THE EVE OF THE INSURRECTION- - -252 II. THE INSURRECTION ----- 269 III. WAS THE EMMET INSURRECTION A POPISH PLOT ? - 298 IV. ROBERT EMMET AND SARAH CURRAN - "331 V. CONFESSION AND ABSOLUTION OF CONDEMNED CRIMINALS ------ 363 VI. TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF EMMET - - - 388 VII. THE FATE OF THOMAS RUSSELL - - "413 VIII. THE LORD LIEUTENANT GETS THE GARTER - - 432 - INDEX - - - - - 455 ix THE VICEROY'S POST-BAG BOOK I THE UNION CHAPTER I THOSE EMBARRASSING UNION ENGAGEMENTS In February, 1801, Henry Addington, Prime Minister, was engaged in the task of forming a new Administration. Through the influence of his political chief and intimate friend, Wilham Pitt, Addington had been elected Speaker of the House of Commons in 1789 ; and he was again unanimously called to the Chair on January 22, 1801, the opening day of the first session of the United Parliament of Great Britain and Ireland at Westminster. At that time Pitt's position as Prime Minister seemed to be supreme. For the long period of seventeen years he had been at the head of the Government, and there was every prospect at the opening of the year 1801 that his career in office would extend, unchallenged and secure, far into the nineteenth century. He had accomplished the legislative Union of Ireland and Great Britain. One of the first measures of the United Parliament was to be an Act to throw open its doors to the Catholics, to pay stipends to the bishops and priests of the Catholic Church in Ireland, and to relieve, to some extent, at least, the peasantry of the hateful impost of tithes for the main- I 2 THOSE EMBARRASSING UNION ENGAGEMENTS tenance of the Protestant Establishment. The state- ment that such was to be the consummation of Pitt's Irish poUcy hail disarmed the hostiUty of the influential Irish Catholics—prelates and gentry—to the Union. But Pitt had reckoned without the stubborn conscientious objection to Catholic emancipation of that honest Pro- testant bigot, George III. On January 31, 1801, the King held a levee to celebrate the Union of the Parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland. The intentions of Pitt with regard to the Catholics had just reached the ears of the monarch. The news drove him almost to distraction. Emancipate the Catholics ! Was there ever heard such inconceivable folly and mad- ness ? "I would rather give up my Throne," he pas- sionately exclaimed, " and beg my bread from door to !" door throughout Europe, than consent to such a measure The enraged King encountered Henry Dundas, a Scottish member of the Administration, at the levee, and stormed " at him : What is this that this young lord has brought over from Ireland, and is going to throw at my head ?" He referred to Viscount Castlereagh, Chief Secretary for Ireland, and the Bill to give civil rights to the Catholics. " !" " Listen he cried ; I shall reckon any man my personal enemy who proposes any such measure." Had he not taken an oath at his coronation to maintain the Pro- testant reformed religion ? Would he not perjure himself by consenting to Catholics being admitted to Parliament and to offices under the Crown ? Dundas endeavoured to explain the subtle constitutional point that the coronation oath bound the sovereign only in his executive capacity, and that as an Estate of the Realm he acted upon the advice of his Ministers, who alone were responsible for legislation. " None of your Scottish metaphysics, Mr. Dundas !" cried the blunt, simple- minded, and unimaginative old monarch. " None of your damned Scottish metaphysics !" Pitt resigned. The King sent for the Speaker of the House of Commons, a man of strong anti-Papist opinions, nad appealed to him to form a Government to resist the 2 GEORGE III. ON THE REIGN OF IRISH JOBS 3 claims of Catholic Ireland. Addington, doubtful as to the result, was unwilling to attempt the task. " Lay your hand upon your heart," said the distracted King, " and ask yourself where I am to turn for support if you do not stand by me." The Speaker then went to Pitt to ascer- tain whether, if he were to form a Government, it would have Pitt's support in the House of Commons. Pitt was most friendly. Indeed, it is probable he was glad to escape the tremendous project of endeavouring to carry Catholic emancipation. " I see nothing but ruin to the country, Addington, if you hesitate to take office," said he.
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