Document généré le 3 oct. 2021 03:35

Labour/Le Travailleur

Karl Korsch: A Review Essay Cyril Levitt

Volume 10, 1982

URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/llt10re04

Aller au sommaire du numéro

Éditeur(s) Canadian Committee on Labour History

ISSN 0700-3862 (imprimé) 1911-4842 (numérique)

Découvrir la revue

Citer ce compte rendu Levitt, C. (1982). Compte rendu de [Karl Korsch: A Review Essay]. Labour/Le Travailleur, 10, 175–182.

All rights reserved © Canadian Committee on Labour History, 1982 Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d’auteur. L’utilisation des services d’Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d’utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/

Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l’Université de Montréal, l’Université Laval et l’Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la de la recherche. https://www.erudit.org/fr/ Karl Korsch: A Review Essay

Cyril Levitt

Michael Buckmiller, ed., Karl Korsch Recht, Geist una* Kultur. Schriften 1908-1918 Gesamtausgabe Band I. (Frankfurt-am-Main: Europaische Verlag- san stall 1980). Michael Buckmiller, ed., Karl Korsch: Rdtebewegung und Klassenkampf. Schriften zur der Arbeiterbewegung 1919-1923. Gesamtausgabe Band 2. (Frankfurt-am-Main: Europaische Verlagsanstalt 1980). Douglas Keller, ed., Karl Korsch: Revolutionary Theory (Austin: University of Texas Press 1977). "All attempts to restore the Marxist doctrine as a whole and in its original function as theory of the social revolution of the are today reactionary Utopias." — Karl Korsch, 1950

FEW NORTH AMERICAN STUDENTS of the history of the labour movement and know very much about the life and work of Karl Korsch. Of course, many know of him — as the 'poor cousin' of George Lukacs in the school of 'Western ' popularized by Maurice Merleau-Ponty, as a tag-a-long, or as Bert Brecht's close friend and teacher. For historical and linguis­ tic reasons Korsch's work is better known in Germany (more accurately in the Federal Republic of Germany, for Korsch is reviled in the German Democratic Republic), yet even in his native land the general unavailability of many of his writings has prevented even his most enthusiastic readers from grasping the totality of his practical and theoretical contribution to the working-class movement. This is lamentable for Korsch was perhaps the most sensitive student of Marx in the twentieth century. (Franz Borkenau, in a review of Korsch's intellectual biography , wrote: "Korsch possesses a model knowledge of every imaginable literature connected with Marxism I have little doubt that his is the Marx-study most solidly close to the actual teaching of Marx. Where every other author instinctively attempts to reinterpret Marx on his own lines of thought, Korsch, I believe, successfully tries to interpret Marx's own line of thought-") Fortunately this sorry state of affairs is changing for the better due largely to the efforts of Michael Buckmiller and his colleagues Gotz Langkau and Jurgen Seifert, who are bringing out Korsch's collected works (in 12 volumes) over the course of this decade. The recent appearance of the first two volumes in the planned series gives us cause to rejoice.

Cyril Levitt, "Karl Korsch: A Review Essay," LabourILeTravailleur, 10(Autumn 1982), 175-182. 175 176 LABOUR/LE TRAVAILLEUR

Karl Korsch was bom on 15 August War I. He married Hedda Gagliardi in 1886 in Tostedt, a small town in the 1913 and both of them became active Liineburger Heide, not far from the city of members of the . Now . Shortly thereafter the family nothing would appear more natural than moved to Meiningen in where for a German revisionist Social Democrat Karl's father, a strict disciplinarian, even­ living in at the time to join the tually achieved social standing by becom­ Fabians. After all, was not Bernstein him­ ing the assistant manager of a bank. Karl self considered to have been a Fabian on attended the local Gymnasium where he German soil? And was not his proved himself an extremely capable stu­ considered to have been a reformulation dent. Introverted and lonely, young of Fabian principles in the German con­ Korsch withdrew from his family and text? classmates, moving to the garden house But there were several important dif­ surrounded by his volumes of Goethe and ferences detween the German revisionists Schiller. and the British Fabians. As Buckmiller From 1906 to 1908 he studied , points out (1,51) the reformism in the SPD national economy, and philosophy at the was founded upon a weak German liberal universities in Munich, Geneva, and Ber­ tradition, whereas Fabianism in England lin. In the summer of the latter year he was based upon a strong liberalism facing moved to Jena in Saxony where he settled a crisis. Furthermore, Bernstein (as well in to complete his legal training. In Jena as his theoretical opponent Kautsky) was he became actively involved in the freie opposed to constructing a finished plan Studentenscha.fi (free student body) — a for the socialization of the economy; the Webbs and their followers, however, grouping of students who opposed the were attempting to develop precisely such elitist and anti-semitic traditions and pre­ a plan. It was just this concrete, practical judices of the organized student corpora­ engagement of the Fabians which at­ tions. As editor of the Jenaer Hochschul- tracted Korsch to them. zeitung, organ of the freie Siuden- tenschaft, Korsch summarized and critic­ In his legal studies, Korsch had come ized various guest lectures given by distin­ under the influence of the neo-Kantian guished and/or controversial speakers jurist Rudolph Stammler. Stammler had invited to Jena. In presenting his analysis argued that the proponents of the material­ on topics as diverse from one another as ist view of history had confused causality Japanese labour relations, the women's and teleology in advancing the thesis of movement, and land reform, Korsch took the historical inevitability of socialism. stands which were liberal and tolerant in (Both the German Marxists and the Fabi­ character. (He showed himself to be sym­ ans believed in the historical inevitability pathetic to the ideals of the SPD, of socialism; in practice, however, only the although he did not join the Fabians engaged in wilful, conscious party until 1912 when he lined up with the attempts to hasten its advent.) According revisionists led by ). to Stammler, if socialism were inevitable, Having completed his Ph.D. (summa decreed by a law of nature, then nothing cum laude superato) on "Die Anwendung could be done to hasten or retard its prog­ der Beweislaslregeln im Zivilprozess and ress. However, if the actualization of das aualifizierte Gestdndnis" (The Appli­ socialism were the result of a teleological, cation of the Rules of the Burden of Proof human process, then the collectivization in the Civil Process and the Qualified of the would be sci­ Confession) in 1911, he left the following entifically grounded only if it could be year for England where he worked under clearly shown to be the right means of the distinguished jurist Sir Ernest Schus­ achieving a community of freely associ­ ter in London. Korsch remained there ated individuals. For Korsch, as Buck- until shortly before the outbreak of World miller argues (I, 57), the Fabians were KARLKORSCH 177 attempting to adduce the proof which many, serving a sectional interest and not Stammler demanded. the interest of the student body as a Korsch was to remain cool toward whole. Marxism until the end of World War I not Much of the first volume of Korsch's primarily because it was revolutionary in collected works is taken up with the arti­ its aims (even though Korsch opposed cles he wrote for the journal Die Tat (The at that time), but for the Deed) between the years 1912-19. (The opposite reason. Marxist practice in Ger­ journal itself was non-partisan and served many, both in the orthodox and revisionist as a forum for the expression of conflict­ camps, was reformist and did not pose in ing and controversial viewpoints, any concrete way the question concerning although socialist thought was not well the actual, here and now transition to represented.) Many of Korsch's articles socialism. (Bernstein who was honest were written during his stay in England enough to want to bring the theory into (1912-14) and they concerned various line with the practice, was later called by aspects of social and political life in that the Marxist Korsch: "the most honoura­ country. As Buckmiller suggests, during ble and consistent of all the unsocialist this period of his life Korsch was taken socialists.") Korsch wrote of the Fabians: with the English way and his articles "The Fabian Society shares with German reflect this enthusiasm. Titles such as Marxism the convictions that economic- "The Fabian Society" (1912), "The political socialism (the socialization of the Technique of Public Debate in England" means of production) will come on its (1913), "On the Organization of English own.... However, it adds to this theoreti­ Newspapers" (1913) and "Freedom in cal insight a very important orientation of England" (1913) convey the general will. The practical will: to see to it that in sense of Korsch's concerns at that time. the process of this inevitable transforma­ Korsch's idealism and ethical commit­ tion of human economy that human cul­ ment were subdued by his experiences at ture as well, the ideal of humanity will be the front during World War I, but they advanced." (I, 311). were not destroyed. (Although the Korsch This emphasis upon the practical side legend has it that Korsch refused to carry has its origins in Korsch's involvement a weapon into battle, Buckmiller ques­ with the freie Studentenschaft in Jena. tions whether any German soldier could (During the first decades of this century, have won the Iron Cross — first and sec­ German youth, especially of the middle ond class — as Korsch had done, without class, evinced a populist, romantic spirit a weapon in his hand!) Nonetheless, committed to the nation, to the people. Korsch helped organize the workers' and The cause of serving the nation was ac- soldiers' councils after the war. This prac­ tionistic in its thrust and it was directed in tical experiment in socialization satisfied support of the interest of the whole above his want of engagement and provided him that of any particular group). The Freie with material for further reflection on the Studentenschaft shared in the spirit of possibility of the transition to socialism. the time's and placed itself in the service of Shortly thereafter, he became an assistant the community by organizing, for exam­ to the Kathedersozialist Robert Wilbrandt ple, educational and cultural events for on the Socialization Commission for Coal workers. (For the same reason, it opposed Mining which was to make recommenda­ the class struggle; the interest of the whole tions on the restructuring of authority in was not served by it.) Korsch's hesitation the coal industry along democratic council in joining the SPD is evidence of this (Rate) lines. Although Korsche contrib­ unwillingness to make a commitment to uted nothing to the four meetings of the only one part of the community. On these Commission which he attended, he did grounds, he went so far as to oppose the produce a pamphlet entitled: "What is establishment of the freie Studentenschaft Socialization?" in which he sought to as a formal, legal body since it would then develop a concept of "industrial auton­ become one student organization among omy" which would avoid the extremes of 178 LABOUR/LE TRAVAILLEUR

centralized, state control of the economy SPD, foregoing thereby an opportunity of (advocated by the Marxists) and the com­ forming a "workers' government." But plete decentralization of the economy the USPD was caught in a dilemma, as (advocated by the anarcho-syndicalists). Buckmiller tellingly relates: "... the With the actualization of industrial clearly socialistically oriented USPD was democracy the opposition of and still a minority in relation to the organized labour would be abolished, according to , in spite of its mass following Korsch, and in its stead a less malignant which it had won in the meanwhile. On clash of interests between producers and the basis of its whole structure and politi­ consumers would appear. cal experience it could not yet lead an Yet by positing this new 'contradic­ independent revolutionary struggle; how­ tion ,' Korsch, as Buckmiller astutely ever, on the basis of its substance could no points out, had tacitly smuggled in a mar­ longer co-operate with the SPD." (II, 44) ket relation through the back door. (II, 21) It was precisely at this political But this is entirely in line with the juncture that Korsch began his first sys­ Fabianism which Korsch represented at tematic study of the texts of Marx. It is the time. (In March 1919 he published a only at this point that Korsch sheds his journal called Praktischer Sozialismus — Fabian cocoon and emerges as the Marxist Practical Socialism — and in April of that butterfly. As the Korsch legend would same year he called for the establishment have it, from the beginning of his Marxist of a Fabian Society in Germany.) period Korsch was an unswerving fighter It was sometime in summer or early for a non-dogmatic, , fall 1919 that Korsch broke with the SPD accepting only briefly, and for tactical and joined the growing USPD (Indepen­ reasons, the Leninist fetters upon the left. dent Social Democratic Party of Germany Buckmiller has decisively demonstrated in — originally a pacifist splinter of the SPD his anthology that this view is entirely which became, after the war. a rallying without substance. Korsch not only led point for radicals and revolutionaries who the fight within the USPD to accept were put off by the "putschist" tendencies Lenin's 21 points for admission to the of the Spartacists) in which he became an Third International unconditionally (a important figure after he returned from move which led to the formation of the Berlin to Jena. (In Jena, during the fall of VKPD — the United Communist Party of 1919, he successfully defended his habili- Germany — the result of the union of the tation work: "Law and the Protection of left-wing of the USPD and the KPD); he Law in the English Civil Process;" he remained positively oriented to passed summa cum laude). until after his expulsion from the Party in As it became clear to Korsch that the 1926! SPD would take no steps to implement socialism in a practical way, (in fact, in Yet Korsch's early adherence to his view, it took steps to hinder its devel­ Leninism was a result of his consistent opment) he was increasingly drawn belief in the practical side of socialism toward the Russian experience where the which Leninism alone at the time seemed Bolsheviks had proved themselves in fact, to represent. In fact, it was the realization to be practical socialists. Korsch, along that the Bolshevik leadership (especially with most of the USPD, was moving stead­ Stalin) was putting the national interest of ily to the left. After the successful general the Russian state ahead of the in Berlin during March 1920 which interest of the workers' International broke the back of the Kapp Putsch (the which ultimately led Korsch to turn strike was conducted by a co-operative against Leninism (by this time the statist effort of the SPD and USPD), the USPD 'Marxism-Leninism') and to refused to enter into a coalition with the move decisively into the Left-Opposition. KARL KORSCH 179

During his first years in the KPD, how­ authority within the factory and across ever, Korsch was an important figure in entire industries. One of his major con­ the Party, and, until the fall of 1923 he cerns is the delineation of those faithfully defended the Party line in pub­ which further the interests of the pro­ lic. In fact, he stood solidly behind letariat in the class struggle and to con­ Brandler's right-wing of the Party in its trast them with other laws which are reac­ attack upon the left-wing at the 8th Party tionary in character. The law is not sub­ Congress in Leipzig (January 1923) on the stantially at issue; it is for Korsch another tactic of forming a united front with the weapon in the class struggle: "From the SPD. Korsch argued then that the left standpoint of the class struggle, all the should forget its "chemically pure for­ so-called rights of control and co- mula" of the dictatorship of the pro­ determination which capitalism has letariat. The KPD is only one proletarian already granted or will grant to its wage party among many (and so is the SPD). slaves, signify for these wage slaves only What is needed is a united front to begin a further means with which the class to bring about real unified proletarian struggle is to be conducted against the action. possessing capitalist class in a new and However, Korsch moved further to the more effective form. Actual 'rights of co- left after his experiences as Minister of determination' of the worker, those which Justice in the coalition SPD-KPD govern­ deserve this name, will only exist when ment in Thuringia, during fall 1923. The the worker is no longer the bought labour SPD had refused to participate with the power of a capitalist factory owner, but KPD in calling the workers to arms to pro­ rather is self activated as a full-fledged tect the coalition against the Reich's army member in the community of labour which had descended upon Thuringia (as which is based upon co-operation and the it had done upon Saxony) to dissolve it. ." (II, 456) The working {The Brandler faction, one should note, class must also conduct the class struggle was also reluctant to recommend direct on the legal battlefield as well, during the action.) This experience forced Korsch period of the transition to socialism. (who went underground for a time) to re­ According to Korsch: "The general char­ evaluate his position on the united front. acter of the transition which characterizes He now became convinced that a coalition the present epoch, must of course be with the SPD was useless and that the expressed in the legal consciousness of KPD had to lead the proletariat against the this epoch as well." (II, 391) fascist (and social fascist) threat. Korsch was now solidly in the leftist camp which Volume 2 of Buckmiller's edition had taken control of the Party by mid- takes us up to March 1923. the middle of 1924. He was appointed editor of Die Korsch's right-wing period in the KPD. Internationale, the prestigious theoretical The editor has carefully followed the trans­ organ of the KPD in May 1924. ition which Korsch made from Fabianism and Revisionism to Marxian socialism. Korsch's most important theoretical He summarizes the main points of change work during this period was his in Korsch's views during this transforma­ "Arbeitsrecht fur Betriebsrate" (Labour tion period as follows: first, Korsch gave Law for Factory Councils) in which he up his elitist, technocratic prejudice that attempted "... to present for the first socialism will be established by a self- time an entire area of law down to the selected group of bourgeois intellectuals; most concrete details from the point of he now embraced and preached the class view of the class struggle, carried out struggle. (Later he was to accuse methodically and strictly." (II, 281) He Leninism, and still later Marxism of this proceeds to a detailed analysis of the same elitism). Second, he discovered the labour law concerned with all facets of fetishistic character of the categories of 180 LABOUR/LE TRAVAILLEUR political economy. Third, he developed an ten to accomplish several tasks: it was to identity theory of knowledge and action investigate the relationship between Marx­ (theory/practice), moving from his early ism and ideology in general, philosophy neo-Kantian separation of the two toward in particular; to enhance the role of a Hegelian appreciation of their identity. ideological struggle within the Marxist We owe Buckmiller and his col­ critique (practical as well as theoretical) leagues a great debt for the scholarly pre­ of the bourgeois order; and to apply the sentation of so much missing Korsch principles of Marxism (namely historical material and we await their future efforts specificity and the unity of theory and prac­ with eager anticipation. However, since tice) to the history of Marxism itself. As the majority of potential Korsch readers in Kellner points out, there is no inconsis­ North America do not have the requisite tency between the substance of Marxism facility in German to make serious use of and Philosophy and the theory and prac­ the texts, we must be grateful to Douglas tice of V.I. Lenin, at least not as they Kellner for providing a volume which con­ were understood by Korsch at that time. tains an excellent sample of Korsch's writ­ Kellner is also right in suggesting that ings in translation along with copious Korsch's appreciation of Leninism then notes on Korsch's life and work. Because was highly selective, bearing only a dis­ it spans the entire range of Korsch's tant resemblance to the actual theory and labours it is broader in scope than the two practice of Leninism in the Soviet Union. volumes edited by Buckmiller, even (Lenin's great epistemological critique though it does not approach their thor­ and Empirio-criticism did oughness and originality. Indeed, much of not make an appearance in German until what Kellner has to say about Korsch by 1927.) way of praise and criticism retraces in Korsch's troubles with the Comintern English the lines laid down by Buckmiller (and thus with the Executive Committee and his colleagues in German. of the KPD) began long before his break Revolutionary Theory is divided into with Leninism. Zinoviev's attack upon the two parts. The first consists of an intro­ author of Marxism and Philosophy at the duction to Korsch's intellectual and politi­ Fifth World Congress of the Comintern in cal odyssey, written by Kellner, which is early summer 1924 was just the opening in tum divided into three further sub­ shot in what was to become an all-out sections: "Korsch's Road to Marxian assault upon Korsch (and the leftists in the Socialism," "Korsch and ," KPD). Yet Korsch himself consistently and 'The ." The second defended what he considered to be and somewhat longer part of the book con­ orthodox Leninism against both the left tains in 6 sub-sections various writings of and right all through 1924. Kellner suc­ Korsch in English translation (many in cessfully questions the myth cultivated by print for the first time) in chronological so many authors (for example, E.H. Carr, order. Since Kellner's treatment of Paul Breines, Fred Halliday) about Korsch's intellectual and political biog­ Korsch's so-called left-oppositionism at raphy to March 1923 adds little to Buck- that time. It was only after the publication miller's exhaustive presentation, we pick of a letter from the Soviet leaders of the up the former's exposition at the point Comintern to the German Party late in where the latter's ends. August 1925 demanding that the German In the late summer of 1923, Korsch's comrades adhere more closely to the Rus­ famous work Marxism and Philosophy sian line that Korsch ("aggressively," as appeared in Griinberg's Archiv. Kellner is Kellner puts it) came out fighting as a right in hi;* general assessment of this left-oppositionist. (He had already been work and his brief portrayal will serve to forced out of the editorship of Die Inter­ put it in its historical context. It was writ­ nationale in March of that same year.) KARLKORSCH 181

After fighting a losing battle against the surface, there is no dangerous crisis-like policies of the Comintern and against the state, no conflict that isn't neutralized, no Russian domination of the German Party, idea that is not at once ideologized and Korsch was finally expelled from the KPD welcomed as a novelty by the dominant in 1926. (He refused to resign his seat as a ideology ."(92) member of Reichstag, however, and he Theoretically, Korsch broadened his vigorously opposed the new treaty attack upon Leninism to include orthodox between Germany and the Soviet Union.) Marxism. In a 1929 critique of Kautsky's It was only after this turn of events that recent work Die materialistische Ges- Korsch began to attack not so much the chichtsauffassung, Korsch demonstrates historical Lenin, but the ideology of how the chief theorist of orthodoxy emas­ Leninism which had been pushed into the culates Marxism by transforming it into service of the counter-revolution and red an objectivistic, positivistic science of terror in the Soviet Union. Unlike society. But even the revolutionary thrust Trotsky, who considered the Soviet Union of Marx's own writings, according to to be a (deformed) worker's state, Korsch, is coloured and limited by its Korsch's critique of Stalinism was much reliance upon the bourgeois revolutionary more sweeping and fundamental; in Rus­ practice of the past (especially of the sia (as elsewhere) the working class was French revolution; later Korsch was to enslaved. For this reason Korsch called criticize even the Paris Commune for fol­ for "an immediate and total break with lowing a bourgeois model of revolutionary Leninism which — whatever its character organization). Marxism, as an expression in the past — has today in its content and of its own time, must itself be overthrown function become a seemingly classless but and replaced by a theory and practice in reality bourgeois and anti-proletarian which are not fetters upon the working- state ideology." class movement but are clearly living expressions of its present condition. Politically Korsch attempted but failed to pull together the forces of the Left- There are a number of problems with Opposition in the late 1920s. After the Kellner's book. Korsch was born in Tos- Nazi accession to power, Korsch emi­ tedt not Todstedt, as Kellner suggests. grated to England and then (1936) to the Marx's dictum that "Communism, for us, United States where he found only tempo­ is not a state of things to be established rary and sporadic work at different Ameri­ nor an ideal to which reality must adapt can universities. (A friend of Korsch has itself - •. etc." is not found in the Commu­ confided in me that leading members of nist Manifesto as Kellner indicates, but in the Frankfurt school actively interceded the first chapter of . with the administration of one university Korsch's articles on Hugo Stinnes were to block Korsch's appointment there.) He written in 1922, not in 1923-24. Accord­ wrote many articles for small, revolution­ ing to Bukharin, Korsch was ary journals such as 's Living 'spiessburgerlich' not •speissburgerlich', Marxism and generally kept in touch with and Franz Mehring did not spell his name various radical groups during the 1930s Mehring (which is incorrect German). and 1940s. (He was extremely pessimistic And Kellner does not seem to know that about the possibilities for radical action in Marx's own views on the future of the United States and developed a thesis, socialism in Russia were much more which, according to Kellner, fore­ agnostic than the position implied on page shadowed the famous criticism of Ameri­ 77. (See Marx's letter and various drafts can society developed later by Herbert thereof to V. Zasulich.) Marcuse, especially in One Dimensional But there are more serious problems Man.) Korsch wrote about the United with Kellner's book. Keeping with States: " , .. despite all fluctuation on the Korsch's spirit, the editor promises us an 182 LABOUR/LE TRAVAILLEUR

"attempt to elucidate 'the close connec­ intimately connected with the fate of the tion with the historical conditions and proletariat to serve as the basis of New concrete action which entered into every Left theory, which, in so far as it was New theoretical concept'" (4) when developing Left, sought to disengage itself precisely Korsch's intellectual biography. But from the proletariat. Furthermore, Korsch unlike Buckmiller, who does present the was too keen a student of Hegel to believe general economic and social background that he or anyone for that matter could be against which Korsch's work was written, "ahead of his times." "Even the worst rarely does Kellner rise above a presenta­ reality, would be better than merely stand­ tion of political and ideological matters. ing in thought," Korsch wrote to a friend. Furthermore, he offers no support for his Buckmiller's assessment of Korsch's patently gratuitous and in fact mean­ life's work, and his death in relative ingless assumption ''that Korsch is not as obscurity in 1961, is more faithful to the sophisticated or brilliant a dialectician as views of the man himself: "If one portrays Lukacs, the members of the Frankfurt Korsch's development as the individual School, or even Gramsci." (38) failure of a of the labour movement, one thereby justly designates More ominously, Kellner uncritically the failure of the labour movement of the links the revival of interest in Korsch with past itself. Korsch's theoretical and prac­ the rise of the in the 1960s. In tical evolution is nothing more than the this sense he sees Korsch as a man "ahead carrying out of the materialist view of his­ of his times." But Korsch's work was too tory as reflected experience."

Decks Awash is a publication of the Extension Service of Memorial University of Newfoundland. Published 6 times per year, it provides information on aspecls of life in Newfoundland and Labrador, with special emphasis on rural areas and resources of the province. Subscriptions are available at $9.00 per year, from the Extension Service, Memorial University of Newfoundland, St. John's, NF, AIC 5S7. Name: Address: City: Province: Postal Code:. Please make cheques payable to Memorial University of Newfoundland. Cheques or money orders, must accompany subscription form.