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This Work Is Protected by Copyright and Other Intellectual Property Rights View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Keele Research Repository This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights and duplication or sale of all or part is not permitted, except that material may be duplicated by you for research, private study, criticism/review or educational purposes. Electronic or print copies are for your own personal, non- commercial use and shall not be passed to any other individual. No quotation may be published without proper acknowledgement. For any other use, or to quote extensively from the work, permission must be obtained from the copyright holder/s. The representations of Royalists and Royalism in the press, c. 1637-1646 Paul Alastair Michael Jones PhD History January 2012 Keele University Developing from the recent surge of interest in the Royalist cause during the Civil Wars, this thesis explores the question of how Royalists were portrayed in the press between 1637 and 1646. It addresses the question through textual analysis and specifically examines printed material in an effort to investigate the construction of Royalist identity as well as the peculiarities of Royalist discourse. At its most fundamental level, this thesis seeks to address the issue of Royalist identity, and in doing so suggests that it was predicated on an inconsistent and problematic form of English patriotism. According to the argument presented here, Charles I led a cause that was supposed to protect and champion the core institutions and cultural norms upon which the very nature of Englishness rested. Royalism existed to preserve England from what were perceived as the foreign and anti- English agendas of Parliament. An underlying argument in this thesis is that Royalist print aspired to define and anchor language, with the implication that textual meaning was solidly formed and unquestionable. Royalist text, unlike that of Parliament, was supposed to represent truth, effectively rendering Royalist print a force for stability in an increasingly chaotic world. Alongside its focus on the ways in which the Royalist press tried to fashion an English identity for the King’s supporters, this thesis also explores the image of the cavalier stereotype. It aims not to debunk such a stereotype, but to explore the implications behind it and show how they challenged and undermined the Royalists’ Englishness. Contents Abbreviations 1 Introduction 2 Print Culture, Royalism and Royalist Text 39 The Elizabethan Legend and its Endurance 82 The Bishops’ Wars, Royalists and Englishness 112 Royalists and the Struggle over Representation, 1641-1642 135 Royalists, Royalism and Englishness 178 The Problem of the Royalists’ Englishness 200 The Royalist Stereotype 227 Conclusion 253 Bibliography 281 Abbreviations C.R.O. Chester Record Office C.S.P.D. Calendar of State Papers Domestic G.R.O. Gloucester Record Office O.D.N.B. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography 1 Introduction At its fundamental level, the work in this thesis aims to explore the representations of Royalists and Royalism in the press. It investigates two issues. Firstly, the Royalists’ struggle to develop and assert an image or identity that could be construed as legitimate and consistent with England’s Protestant heritage forms a key component of the overall discussion. What emerges during the course of this thesis is a notion that the Civil Wars were characterised by a conflict over control of what Englishness was, however nebulous, inconsistent and fluid any contemporary definition of that term may have been. Secondly, it is intended that this study will provide some further insights into the nature of Royalist print, specifically the ways in which it attempted to engage with Englishness and command textual space. Royalism has been, and to an extent continues to be, a somewhat problematic and troublesome area in Civil War studies. In practical terms, the lack of Royalist records may hinder research on Royalism, although we are still left with a not insubstantial portion of printed material that merits further attention. It may well be that Royalism has acquired an unfashionable image, with its focus on the divine right of kings having no place or relevance in the supposedly democratic nature of modern British politics. Ultimately, the outcomes and products of the Civil Wars rest uneasily with both Parliament’s victory and the original objectives of the Royalist cause. Some supporters of Charles I must have felt alienated by the Restoration, and those who supported the Regicide were hardly likely to have welcomed the return of the monarchy. In any case, since the 1980s, and in particular the last decade, Royalists 2 and Royalism have been the subject of increased academic study.1 This has in large part been in response to a perceived abundance of work on Parliamentarianism and Parliamentary leadership, and the focus on Royalism has been designed to redress this academic imbalance. The literature on Royalism is steadily growing and has generally been advanced by the adoption of more interdisciplinary approaches towards the 1640s, as demonstrated by the work of de Groot, and Smith and McElligott’s recent edited volumes on Royalism.2 The key problem with the subject of Royalists and Royalism lies in identifying, defining and understanding who or what they were. Is it appropriate to consider or describe any opponent of Parliament as a Royalist? What of the internal differences within the Royalist cause? Was there such a phenomenon as popular Royalism, and if so did it differ from a more elitist Royalism? Studies into the high politics of Royalism have attempted to answer some of these questions. Smith’s theory of Constitutional Royalism offers a way of identifying a core component of the Royalist cause, since it traces an actual political theory.3 Within the theory of Constitutional Royalism, the legal position of the King and his powers in relation to those of Parliament, together with the preservation of the established Church, is of fundamental interest. However, 1 E.g. Smith, D., Constitutional Royalism and the Search for Settlement, c.1640-1649, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1994; Hutton, R., The Royalist War Effort, London, Longman, 1982; Barratt, J., Cavaliers: The Royalist Army at War 1642-1646, Stroud, Sutton, 2000; Spencer, C., Prince Rupert: The Last Cavalier, London, Phoenix, 2007; Smith, G., Royalist Agents, Conspirators and Spies, London, Ashgate, 2011; Newman, P., The Old Service: Royalist Regimental Colonels and the Civil War, 1642-46, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1993; Newman, P., ‘The King’s Servants: Conscience, Principle and Sacrifice in Armed Royalism’, in Morrill, J., Slack, P., and Woolf, D., (eds.), Public Duty and Private Conscience in Seventeenth-Century England: Essays Presented to G.E. Aylmer, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1993. 2 De Groot, J., Royalist Identities, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2004; McElligott, J., and Smith, D., Royalists and Royalism During the English Civil Wars, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007; McElligott, J., and Smith, D., Royalists and Royalism During the Interregnum, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2010. 3 Smith, D. Constitutional Royalism and the Search for Settlement, c. 1640-1649, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1994. 3 as Scott points out, three issues undermine Smith’s assertions.4 Firstly, an argument for the existence of Constitutional Royalism implicitly assumes that there was also a group of non-Constitutional Royalists amongst Charles’ supporters. It may well be possible to argue that certain individuals in the King’s camp, such as Rupert, were non-Constitutional Royalists. But such arguments are challenged by printed Royalist newsbooks and proclamations, which were consistent in their championing of legality. Secondly, as a term or label, Constitutional Royalism may be a little vague. Smith’s theory can have the effect of being so broad and encapsulating that virtually any Royalist can be described as being a Constitutional Royalist. Despite carrying the implication that non-Constitutional Royalism also existed, Constitutional Royalism is seemingly undermined by the differences, disagreements and political ambitions of individual Royalists. Hyde and Culpeper, both included amongst the Constitutional Royalists, were locked in competition with each other in 1643. Even the seemingly absolutist Rupert advised Charles of an accommodation with Parliament, and by doing so can also qualify as a Constitutional Royalist. Thirdly, Smith’s theory is perhaps problematised by the definitions and application of the terms, ‘constitutional’ and ‘absolutist’. Given the diversity of seventeenth-century concepts of what was constitutional and absolutist, it may be difficult to accurately establish exactly what Constitutional and non-Constitutional Royalism could be. If, as Sommerville points out, absolutism can be regarded as a belief that the monarch’s power and authority are divinely ordained, then it is difficult to see how any Constitutional Royalist could not also be absolutist.5 Indeed, the questions and problems posed by Smith’s theory of Constitutional Royalism also apply to Hutton’s 4 Scott, D., ‘Rethinking Royalist Politics, 1642-49’, in Adamson, (ed.), The English Civil War: Conflict and Contexts, 1640-49, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2008. 5 Sommerville, J.P., ‘Absolutism and Royalism’, in Burns, J.H., (ed.), The Cambridge History of Political Thought, 1450-1700, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991. 4 theory of moderate and ultra Royalists.6 The distinctions between the two main groups of Royalists in Smith’s and Hutton’s theories may in effect be too artificial and arbitrary to operate with consistency, but they do to an extent allow one to explore the overall image of Royalists and Royalism. A number of cultural approaches to Caroline England have also been undertaken, many of which have the potential to affect our understanding of Royalism during the Civil Wars. The distinction between the courts of the early Stuarts and those of the Tudors has led historians and literary critics to examine the concept of chivalry and explore the rise of the Cavalier.
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