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September, 2013 ARTHUR GARFIELD HAYS CIVIL LIBERTIES
New York University A private university in the public service School of Law Arthur Garfield Hays Civil Liberties Program 40 Washington Square South New York, New York 10012-1099 Directors Professor Norman Dorsen Telephone: (212) 998-6233 Email: [email protected] Professor Sylvia A. Law Tel: (212) 998-6233 Email: [email protected] Professor Helen Hershkoff Tel: (212) 998-6285 Email: [email protected] September, 2013 ARTHUR GARFIELD HAYS CIVIL LIBERTIES PROGRAM ANNUAL REPORT 2012-2013 As detailed below, this was another busy and productive year for the Hays Program. This year will be remembered for the Court's recognition of same-sex marriage, and for the continued vitality, even if in a weakened state, of affirmative action. Hays Fellows played an important role in these victories. Vinay Harpalani (Hays Fellow 2008-2009) brought decades of study of diversity in education to aid the team preparing the Society of American Law Teachers’ amicus brief in Fisher v. Texas. Many Fellows made important contributions to the victories in marriage equality, including Jenny Pizer (Hays Fellow 1986-1987). In other news, Tara Urs (Hays Fellow 2004-2005) joined the faculty at Seattle Law School. Chip Gray and Alan Houseman, both 1967-1968, retired. Chip headed the South Brooklyn Legal Services from 1970 to 2012 and Alan stepped down as head of the Center for Law and Social Policy. David Milton (Hays Fellow 2000-2001) made partner at Howard Freidman, CPC, a civil rights law firm in New York City. Some Former Fellows have written to tell us of important civil liberties victories in their practices. -
How the Us Government Shaped Citizenship During the 20Th
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 The Reproduction Of Citizenship: How The U.s. Government Shaped Citizenship During The 20th Century By Regulating Fertility, Procreation, And Birth Across Generations Elspeth M. Wilson University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Wilson, Elspeth M., "The Reproduction Of Citizenship: How The U.s. Government Shaped Citizenship During The 20th Century By Regulating Fertility, Procreation, And Birth Across Generations" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2921. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2921 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2921 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Reproduction Of Citizenship: How The U.s. Government Shaped Citizenship During The 20th Century By Regulating Fertility, Procreation, And Birth Across Generations Abstract Who qualifies, with full status, as an American citizen? Like all modern nation-states, the United States erects and maintains various types of legal and geographic boundaries to demarcate citizens from noncitizens. The literature in political science tends to focus on the ways in which immigration law structures citizenship over time, but this is only half the story. As this dissertation demonstrates, governments also regulate the birth of citizens from one generation to the next. The concept of a ‘civic lineage regime’ is introduced as the domestic counterpart to the ‘immigration regime,’ when it comes to structuring civic membership in the United States (and other nations). To bring visibility to this deeply constitutive yet largely unexamined dimension of American political development, the project engages in a close analysis of U.S. -
Fighting Words: Pro-Choice Cause Lawyering, Legal-Framing Innovations, and Hostile Political-Legal Contexts
Law& Law & Social Inquiry Social Volume 46, Issue 3, 599–634, August 2021 Inquiry Fighting Words: Pro-Choice Cause Lawyering, Legal-Framing Innovations, and Hostile Political-Legal Contexts Holly J. McCammon and Cathryn Beeson-Lynch Drawing on social-movement and sociolegal theorizing, we investigate legal-framing innovations in the briefs of reproductive-rights cause lawyers in prominent US Supreme Court abortion cases. Our results show that pro-choice activist attorneys engage in inno- vative women’s-rights framing when the political-legal context is more resistant to abortion rights for women, that is, when the political-legal opportunity structure is generally closed to reproductive-rights activism. We consider reproductive-rights framing in three types of pivotal abortion cases over the last half-century: challenges to limitations on public funding of abortion, challenges to regulations that include multiple restrictions on abortion access, and challenges to bans on second-trimester abortions. Our analysis proceeds both qualita- tively and quantitatively, with close reading of the briefs to distill the main women’s-rights frames, a count analysis using text mining to examine use of the frames in the briefs, and assessment of the political-judicial context to discern its influence on cause-lawyer legal framing. We conclude by theorizing the importance of the broader political-legal context in understanding cause-lawyer legal-framing innovations. Feminist cause lawyers have made the US courts a major institutional arena for articulating arguments in favor of women’s access to abortion. We examine innovations in women’s-rights legal framing by pro-choice cause lawyers in their Supreme Court party briefs. -
The Sex Side of Civil Liberties: United States V
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Public Law and Legal Theory Working Papers Working Papers 2012 The exS Side of Civil Liberties: United States v. Dennett nda the Changing Face of Free Speech Laura Weinrib Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/ public_law_and_legal_theory Part of the Law Commons Chicago Unbound includes both works in progress and final versions of articles. Please be aware that a more recent version of this article may be available on Chicago Unbound, SSRN or elsewhere. Recommended Citation Laura Weinrib, "The exS Side of Civil Liberties: United States v. Dennett nda the Changing Face of Free Speech" (University of Chicago Public Law & Legal Theory Working Paper No. 385, 2012). This Working Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Working Papers at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Public Law and Legal Theory Working Papers by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Sex Side of Civil Liberties: United States v. Dennett and the Changing Face of Free Speech LAURA M. WEINRIB It was the policy of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) during the 1920s to contest only those obscenity regulations that were “relied upon to punish persons for their political views.”1 So stated a 1928 ACLU bulletin, reiterating a position to which the organization had adhered since its for- mation in 1920. For the majority of the ACLU’s executive board, “political views” encompassed the struggle for control of the government and the economy, but not of the body. -
The Disability Politics of Abortion Mary Ziegler Florida State University College of Law
Utah Law Review Volume 2017 | Number 3 Article 4 6-2017 The Disability Politics of Abortion Mary Ziegler Florida State University College of Law Follow this and additional works at: http://dc.law.utah.edu/ulr Part of the Disability Law Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, and the Law and Politics Commons Recommended Citation Ziegler, Mary (2017) "The Disability Politics of Abortion," Utah Law Review: Vol. 2017 : No. 3 , Article 4. Available at: http://dc.law.utah.edu/ulr/vol2017/iss3/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Utah Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Utah Law Review by an authorized editor of Utah Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE DISABILITY POLITICS OF ABORTION Mary Ziegler* Abstract With Ohio considering passing the nation’s second ban on abortions motivated by Down Syndrome, the relationship between abortion and disability law has taken on new importance. Disability- based bans raise unique legal, moral, and political difficulties for those supporting legal abortion. The core commitments supporting legal abortion—including sex equality—stand in some tension with justifying abortion in the case of a fetal defect or disability. Given the problems with disability-based bans, it may seem that there is no urgent need to resolve these tensions. Disability-based statutes likely create an impermissible undue burden under Planned Parenthood of Southeastern v. Casey and seem impossible to enforce. However, historical analysis shows that the bans under consideration may transform the abortion debate even if they are never enforced. -
Margaret Sanger — Heroína Del Siglo XX
Informe Published by the Katharine Dexter McCormick Library Planned Parenthood Federation of America 434 W est 33rd Street, New York, NY 10001 212-261-4716 www.plannedparenthood.org/esp Actualizado en agosto de 2009 Margaret Sanger — heroína del Siglo XX Margaret Sanger cambió el mundo, para siempre y para mejor. Margaret Sanger luchó durante toda su vida para ° Las mujeres tienen el mismo derecho que los ayudar a que las mujeres del Siglo XX obtuvieran el hombres al placer y la satisfacción sexual. derecho a decidir cuándo tener un hijo o no tenerlo — un derecho suprimido en todo el mundo durante La lucha de Sanger en pos de la planificación por lo menos 5,000 años (Boulding, 1992). familiar fue incansable, constante y totalmente Anticipando el cambio más reciente de milenio, la enfocada. Su campaña revista LIFE nombró a Margaret Sanger una de las personas estadounidenses más importantes del ° logró que fuera legal publicar y distribuir Siglo XX (LIFE, 1990) — conjuntamente con Jane información sobre el sexo, la sexualidad y el Addams, Rachel Carson, W.E.B. Du Bois, Albert control de la natalidad Einstein, Henry Ford, Betty Friedan, Martin Luther ° permitió que los pobres, las minorías y las King Jr., Alfred Kinsey, Margaret Mead, Eleanor mujeres inmigrantes tuvieran acceso a Roosevelt, Jonas Salk y Malcolm X (Le Brun, 1990). anticonceptivos ° lideró el desarrollo de píldoras anticonceptivas Motivada por una intensa compasión por las orales contemporáneas seguras, efectivas y de mujeres y los niños cuyos hogares visitaba en todo bajo costo y otros métodos hormonales el mundo, Sanger consideraba que el acceso ° se convirtió en un modelo para la universal al control de la natalidad: desobediencia civil no violenta, potenciando los derechos civiles estadounidenses, los ° Reduciría la necesidad del aborto — un derechos de las mujeres, los derechos anti- método común y peligroso de planificación bélicos y de los homosexuales y los familiar durante su época. -
Roe's Race: the Supreme Court, Population Control, and Reproductive Justice
Roe's Race: The Supreme Court, Population Control, and Reproductive Justice Mary Ziegler t ABSTRACT: Questions of race and abortion have shaped current legal debates about defunding Planned Parenthood and banning race-selection abortion. In these discussions, abortion opponents draw a close connection between the eugenic or population-control movements of the twentieth century and the contemporary abortion-rights movement. In challenging legal restrictions on abortion, abortion-rights activists generally insist that their movement and its predecessors have primarily privileged reproductive choice. Notwithstanding the centrality of race to abortion politics, there has been no meaningful history of the racial politics of abortion that produced or followed Roe v. Wade. This Article bridges this gap in the abortion discussion by focusing on the racial politics of abortion in the 1970s. In the 1970s, some population controllers did have ties to the eugenic legal reform movement or a particular interest in limiting the growth of poor, non-white populations. Those most closely involved with the abortion-rights movement, however, primarily focused on family planning for white, middle-class families, emphasizing the importance of environmental stewardship and sexual liberation. Arguments treating the abortion-rights, population-control, and eugenics movements as indistinguishable from one another are flawed. At the same time, by reinterpreting Roe, feminists created new opportunities to reshape the racial politics of abortion. By defending their own understanding of the opinion against anti-abortion attack, feminists were able to redefine abortion as a right that belonged to women irrespective of its political consequences. In telling the story of Roe's racial politics, we can gain new insight into legislative battles on laws defunding Planned Parenthood or banning race- selection abortions. -
The Abortion Debate Thirty Years Later: from Choice to Coercion Maureen Kramlich
Fordham Urban Law Journal Volume 31 | Number 3 Article 6 2004 The Abortion Debate Thirty Years Later: From Choice to Coercion Maureen Kramlich Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj Part of the Legislation Commons Recommended Citation Maureen Kramlich, The Abortion Debate Thirty Years Later: From Choice to Coercion, 31 Fordham Urb. L.J. 783 (2004). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj/vol31/iss3/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Urban Law Journal by an authorized editor of FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Abortion Debate Thirty Years Later: From Choice to Coercion Cover Page Footnote Public Policy Analyst, United States Conference of Catholic Bishops' Secretariat for Pro-Life Activities. The views expressed here are those of the author and not necessarily those of the Conference of its member bishops. I am grateful to Professor Charles E. Rice for his review and comments. This article is available in Fordham Urban Law Journal: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj/vol31/iss3/6 THE ABORTION DEBATE THIRTY YEARS LATER: FROM CHOICE TO COERCION Maureen Kramlich* For more than thirty years, supporters of legalized abortion have publicly advocated for the practice as a matter of "choice."' Ini- tially, these advocates argued for a "right to choose" to be free from governmental interference in the decision to abort. -
American Civil Liberties Union and Women's Rights, the Essays Nadine Strossen New York Law School
digitalcommons.nyls.edu Faculty Scholarship Articles & Chapters 1991 American Civil Liberties Union and Women's Rights, The Essays Nadine Strossen New York Law School Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/fac_articles_chapters Recommended Citation 66 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1940 (1991) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles & Chapters by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@NYLS. THE AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION AND WOMEN'S RIGHTS* NADINE STROSSEN** [T]he constitutional values of equality and liberty are fundamentally linked by the notion that equal access to certain institutions and serv- ices is a prime component of any meaningful liberty. This link is re- flected in the language of egalitarian movements. The civil rights movement of the 1960s, for example, marched under the banner of "Freedom" even though its chief objective was equal access-to the vote, to education, to housing, even to lunch counters. "Liberation" is today a theme of more than rhetorical significance in egalitarian causes such as the women's movement.' INTRODUCTION Since I became the first female president in the seventy-one-year- history of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) in February 1991, I repeatedly have been asked to comment on the significance of that event, in terms of the ACLU's commitment to women's rights. My * Some of the material contained in this Essay appeared in Gale & Strossen, The Real ACLU, 2 Yale J. L. & Feminism 161 (1989). Specific passages that are drawn substantially from that earlier work are noted below. -
The Unfinished Story of Roe V. Wade Linda Greenhouse© Reva B. Siegel© REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS and JUSTICE STORIES
The Unfinished Story of Roe v. Wade Linda Greenhouse© Reva B. Siegel©◊ REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS AND JUSTICE STORIES (Melissa Murray, Kate Shaw & Reva Siegel eds., forthcoming 2019) Roe v. Wade1 is both a case and a symbol. It is the rare Supreme Court case that Americans know.2 It holds a special place in constitutional law, remaining openly and intensely contested after nearly half a century, despite continuing popular support.3 To those who support abortion rights, Roe demonstrates the Court’s crucial role in protecting individual rights in the face of determined political opposition. For its critics, Roe was the work of an “unelected” Court creating new constitutional rights; supposedly, by deciding matters properly left to democratic determination, the Court inflamed conflict over abortion and riled our politics.4 We explain the origins of the abortion right and conflicts over it differently. The story we tell is not simply a litigation history of a landmark case, but instead a story about the democratic foundations of our constitutional law. We start our account of the abortion conflict before litigation begins. Conflict enters the picture well before the courts do, as people argue over the Constitution’s meaning in their everyday lives. We recount how citizens who lacked power in any conventional sense were able over time to change the way the nation and its courts understood longstanding guarantees of liberty, of equality, and of life. ◊ Linda Greenhouse is the Joseph Goldstein Lecturer in Law at Yale Law School. Reva Siegel is the Nicholas deB. Katzenbach Professor at Yale Law School. For comments on the chapter, we thank Cary Franklin, Melissa Murray, Serena Mayeri, Robert Post, Jane Kamensky, and David Strauss. -
Contraception As a Sex Equality Right Neil S
THE YALE LAW JOURNAL FORUM M ARCH 2, 2015 Contraception as a Sex Equality Right Neil S. Siegel & Reva B. Siegel “Not only the sex discrimination cases, but the cases on contraception, abor- tion, and illegitimacy as well, present various faces of a single issue: the roles women are to play in society. Are women to have the opportunity to partici- pate in full partnership with men in the nation’s social, political, and econom- ic life?” —Ruth Bader Ginsburg, 19781 “The ability of women to participate equally in the economic and social life of the Nation has been facilitated by their ability to control their reproductive lives.” —Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 19922 Challenges to federal law requiring insurance coverage of contraception are occurring on the eve of the fiftieth anniversary of the U.S. Supreme Court’s de- cision in Griswold v. Connecticut.3 It is a good time to reflect on the values served by protecting women’s access to contraception. In 1965, the Court ruled in Griswold that a law criminalizing the use of con- traception violated the privacy of the marriage relationship. Griswold offered women the most significant constitutional protection since the Nineteenth Amendment gave women the right to vote,4 constitutional protection as im- portant as the cases prohibiting sex discrimination that the Court would decide in the next decade5—perhaps even more so. Griswold is conventionally under- stood to have secured liberty for women. But, we argue, the right to contracep- tion also secures equality for women, as Ruth Bader Ginsburg saw clearly in the 1. -
The New Class Blindness Abstract
CARY FRANKLIN The New Class Blindness abstract. There is a widespread perception that class receives no special protection under the Fourteenth Amendment. That perception arose forty years ago, when the Supreme Court shifted to the right, rejected the idea that the Constitution protects positive rights, and declined to recognize class as a suspect classification under the Equal Protection Clause. But those consequen- tial developments have obscured an important, ongoing form of class-related constitutional pro- tection: one that resides not in equal protection but in fundamental rights doctrine. This Article shows that a nontrivial number of fundamental rights came to be recognized as such—particularly during the Warren Court era—because they are essential not only to individual liberty but also to the equal citizenship of people without financial resources. Today, there are still doctrinal mecha- nisms in fundamental rights law that require courts to consider class when adjudicating the con- stitutionality of rights-burdening state action. To illustrate this phenomenon, this Article focuses on reproductive rights, a major area of fundamental rights law whose connection to class is poorly understood. The Court’s opinions in Griswold v. Connecticut and Roe v. Wade were not framed in terms of class, but class-related concerns informed the Court’s decision to recognize birth control and abortion as fundamental rights. In the contexts of voting and criminal procedure too, the Court identified certain rights as funda- mental in part because the state was denying them to financially disadvantaged people. In all of these areas, the Court developed fundamental rights doctrines that limited the extent to which the state could block such people from exercising their rights.