2001 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS A BRIEF HISTORY OF HUMAN SOCIETY: THE ORIGIN AND ROLE OF EMOTION IN SOCIAL LIFE

DOUGLAS S. MASSEY University of Pennsylvania

Human society emerged over 6 million years of hominid evolution. During this time group size steadily increased, and to maintain group cohesion human beings gradually evolved a well-developed social intelligence based on the differentiation and refinementof emotions. The neurologi­ cal structures for emotional expression are part of the primitive brain and developed long before the cognitive equipment for rational intelligence evolved. Indeed, full rationality came rather late in human evolution, and it has only been within the last JOO years that the social conditions emerged for a mass culture based on rationality.A reviewof the evolution of human society and human cognition illustrates the creation and workings of the human emotional brain and show how it operates independently of and strongly influences the rational brain. If sociology is to advance, research and theory must grapple with both rational and emotional intelligence and focus particularly on the interplay between them.

"As you know, sir, in the heat of action men guaranteeing that humanity's future will un­ are likely to forget where their best interests fold there. Shortly thereafter, surely during lie and let their emotions carrythem away." the second decade of the century, the last hunter-gathers will cease to exist, ending 6 Sydney Greenstreet in "The Maltese Falcon" million years of dedication to what Diamond Written and directed by John Huston ( I 992: 191) called "the most successful and long-persistent lifestyle in the career of our species." Sociology should be well-poised to ARLY IN THE twenty-first century, understand the nature and meaning of these two momentous events will occur. incredible transitions; but I believe it is not, SomewhereE around 2007 humanity will owing to three interrelated conceits. cross a demographic Rubicon: For the first The first is our elevation of the social over time, more than half of all human beings will the biological. Somehow we have allowed live in cities. From that point on, the bulk of the fact that we are social beings to obscure population growth will occur in urban areas, the biological foundations upon which our behavior ultimately rests. Most sociologists Direct correspondence to Douglas S. Massey, are woefully ignorant of even the most el­ Department of Sociology, University of Pennsyl­ ementary precepts of biological science. If vania, 3718 Locust Walk, Philadelphia, PA we think about biology at all, it is usually in I 9 I 04-6299 ([email protected]). The au­ thor thanks Mary Fischer and Sid Seale for their terms of discredited eugenic arguments and assistance in preparing the graphics for this crude evolutionary theorizing long since dis­ article. carded in the natural sciences.

AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW, 2002, VOL. 67 (FEBRUARY: 1-29) 2 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

The second conceit is our focus on the shrub fromits origins to the present and pay­ "modern" rather than the "traditional." So­ ing attention to the fundamentals of popula­ ciology came of age in the late nineteenth tion, community, technology, subsistence, century as an attempt to comprehend new and culture, I identify seven basic eras of social forms arising out of urban industrial­ societal development. ism, leaving the study of so-called "primi­ tive societies" to our colleagues in anthro­ pology. But a science of human society is a PREHABILINE SOCIETY science of human society, and as such it Recent archaeological finds have pushed the should span all communities, from small origins of the hominid line back to 6 million bands of hunter-gatherers to large urban ag­ years ago, when Ardepithecus ramidus and glomerations. I can think of no more obvi­ later Australopithecus africanus descended ous relic of nineteenth-century colonialist from the trees to spend their days walking thinking than the continuing division be­ upright on the ground, which enabled them tween anthropology and sociology. to exploit an emerging ecology of mixed for­ Finally, sociologists have unwisely el­ est and grassland (Wrangham 2001). Our evated the rational over the emotional in at­ earliest ancestors were small, averaging 1.5 tempting to understand and explain human meters in height and maybe 70 kilograms in behavior. It's not that human beings are not weight, but they exhibited a pronounced rational-we are. The point is that we are sexual dimorphism that left males 60 percent not only rational. What makes us human is larger than females. Among primates, such the addition of a rational mind to a preexist­ dimorphism is associated with a pattern of ing emotional base. Sociology's focus female out-marriage into a group composed should be on the interplay between rational­ of a dominant male plus subordinates, con­ ity and emotionality, not on theorizing the sorting females, offspring, parents, and sib­ former while ignoring the latter or posing lings (Goodall 1986, 1990). As such, daily one as the opposite of the other. Attempting life was probably similar to that of modern­ to understand human behavior as the out­ day chimpanzees, which is organized around come of rational cognition alone is not only foraging, scavenging, and the occasional incorrect-it leads to fundamentalmisunder­ hunting of small prey (de Waal 1998; standings of the human condition. Dunbar 1988; Goodall 1986, 1999). In this address I seek to explicate and am­ There is no evidence that the early Aus­ plify these three critiques by undertaking a tralopithecines manufactured permanent brief review of human society from its ori­ tools-hence their society is labeled pre­ gins to the present. I date the origins of hu­ habiline. Like modern chimps, they prob­ manity from the point at which we began to ably modifiedperishable materials to use as walk upright, which freed our hands for the tools (such as sticks to fishtermites or leaves manufacture of tools and our brains for ab­ to soak up water), and they may have stract thought. In tracing our origins from wielded unworked stones for a variety of the remote past to the present, I seek to illu­ purposes. The teeth of the Australopith­ minate what sort of beings we really are, and ecines were large, their jaws were adapted to project how we might be expected to for crushing, and their guts were capacious, function in the dense, urban environments of suggesting a diet centered on vegetable mat­ the future. ter. Some have argued that the Australopith­ ecines descended from the trees precisely to exploit new, ground-based food sources THE PATH TO THE PRESENT (protein-rich roots and tubers) that were be­ We are the survivors of a host of bipedal pri­ coming available on the expanding mates, known as hominids, who once savannahs (Wrangham 2001). walked the earth. The path of descent from Groups of early hominids, like modern the first biped to ourselves resembles not so chimps, were probably loosely structured much a tree as a shrub, with many branches socially (Maryanski and Turner 1992; Turner drifting off to extinction and others extend­ 2000). Chimpanzee communities are held ing toward the present. Considering this together by emotional bonds between indi- THE ORIGIN AND ROLE OF EMOTION IN HUMAN SOCIETY 3

35,000 �------�

3 0,000 Chimpanzees: N= 50; dyads= 1,225

111 25,000 Austra/opithicines: N= 65; dyads= 2,080 � 20,000 '5 15,000 E Z_! 10,000 ='=•·�:�:·•:lHomoneanderthalensis: N= 140;- dyads=9,730 f 5,000 ································· ································ ····· ········ ·t··························································································· Homo erectus: =N 110; dyads=6,000 0 -i---....,=:=:;:::=------..------=------r--.:...... :..._ _:__..------l 0 50 100 150 200 250 Group Size

Figure 1. Number of Dyadic Relationships Graphed by Group Size Note: The number of dyads is a function of group size. It is determined by the formula (N2-N )/ 2.

victuals differentiated by sex, age, and rank infer the intentions of others and fully ca­ in a dominance hierarchy. Within groups pable of social deception and manipulation rather strong ties exist between mothers and (de Waal 1998, 2001; Gallup 1970, 1982; children, and these ties may persist even af­ Goodall 1986, 1999; Yerkes [1943] 1988). It ter the children are grown, especially for is quite likely that Australopithecines pos­ male offspring. Weaker ties exist between sessed similar capacities (Maryanski 1987, adult males, and ties between other commu­ 1992,1993). nity members are generally weak or absent. Compared with modern-day chimps, how­ Females transfer out to join other groups at ever, early hominids lived in larger groups. puberty, preventing the formation of strong Whereas Chimps normally exist in groups of structures based on intergenerational matri­ about 50, calculations by Dunbar (1996) lines of related females and male dominance suggest that Australopithecines lived in hierarchies. Among apes-and among our bands of 60 to 70 individuals. Like chimpan­ last common ancestors-social structure is zees, therefore, the earliest hominid species fluid, "leaving individuals at the micro level must have possessed a well developed social to seek out their own supportive 'friend­ intelligence. The number of possible dyads ships' that reflect personal likes and dis­ among any N individuals is given by the for­ likes," which creates an overall sense of mula (N2 - N) / 2, which is graphed as a community at the macro level (Turner function of group size in Figure 1. Whereas 2000:9). chimps (at N = 50) must keep track of 1,225 Emotional bonds of kinship and friendship dyadic relationships, Australopithicines (at are maintained by mutual grooming, while N = 65) had to manage 2,080, which requires rank is established by threat displays occa­ greater cognitive ability (Dunbar 2001). As sionally backed up by force. Social relations a result, the average cranial capacity of Aus­ are complex, requiring each individual to tralopithecines, about 450 cc, was larger recognize and form alliances with others. than that of chimps, which averages about Chimps must cultivate webs of influenceand 400 cc (Napier and Napier 1985). mutual obligation, form coalitions to defeat The increase in cranial capacity reflectsan common adversaries, remember the personal expansion of the neocortex, the outermost attributes and past behaviors of others, and layer of the brain, yielding a higher degree know of relationships between others (Byrne of encephalization (Jerison 1973; Passing­ 1995, 2001; de Waal 1998, 2001; Goodall ham and Ettlinger 1974). Despite their keen 1999). Studies and field observations show social intelligence, however, there is no evi­ that chimpanzees are self-aware and able to dence Australopithecines possessed much in 4 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

the way of what we would call rationality. hominids. Homo habilis made crude stone The frontal, temporal, and parietal lobes of artifacts that most of us would not even rec­ the brain-the loci of abstract reasoning and ognize as tools. Named for the East African language-remained relatively undeveloped, gorge where they were first discovered, and there is little evidence of any asymme­ Oldawan tools are pieces of rock that have try between the right and left hemispheres, a been sharpened on one side by flaking to cre­ definitive characteristic of hominids who ate crude choppers and scrapers. These manufacture tools. Expansion of the neocor­ simple tools are associated with the first evi­ tex occurred mainly in those portions that dence of patterned human living in the form dealt with sensory processing and probably of centralized butchering sites and indicate a involved a "rewiring" to enable greater cor­ growing reliance on hunting over gathering. tical control of emotional expression (Turner Although the height of Homo habilis did 1997, 2000). not differ dramatically from Australo­ Like modern chimps, the early Australop­ pithecus africanus, body weight was larger ithecines could probably solve simple prac­ as their skeletons were more robust, and cra­ tical problems and learn through observation nial capacity averaged about 550 cc (Stringer and imitation, but communication was re­ 1992)-a 20 percent increase associated with stricted to simple vocalizations and gestures. an expansion of group size to 70 or 80 indi­ Although modern chimps can be taught 150 viduals (Dunbar 2001). The increase in group to 200 symbols in the laboratory and can size was accompanied by a greater cognitive learn to string them together in sets of two capacity to monitor the increased number of or three (Snowdon 2001), they display no interpersonal dyads (2,775 at N = 75); it also awareness of word order (syntax), and over necessitated a concomitant increase in the millions of years they have never used sym­ amount of time spent grooming. Primates bols on their own (Lenneberg 1980). Chimps cultivate and maintain dyadic bonds through do not even engage in spontaneous pointing, mutual grooming, which causes the release a behavior displayed by the youngest human of natural opiates in the brain, which in turn children (Bruner 1986). promote feelingsof well-being and attraction Prehabiline cognition is associated with and lead to social cohesion (Keverne, what Donald ( 1991) calls episodic culture, Martensz, and Tuite 1989). For maximum in which perceptions and behaviors flow group cohesion to be achieved, every group largely in the present moment. Individuals member must groom or be groomed by ev­ have memories of concrete past episodes, eryone else. they can recall prior experiences, and they As a result, group size is naturally limited can perceive ongoing social situations; but by the amount of time individuals can afford they lack semantic memory and abstract rea­ to spend grooming each other rather than soning. Prehabiline society and its episodic engaging in other essential behaviors such as culture dominated human life for 3.5 million sleeping, feeding, courting, and mating years. During all this time-some 175,000 (Dunbar 2001). Across primates 20 percent generations-no stone tools were produced. seems to represent an upper threshold for Hominid life was confined to Africa and time spent grooming. The group size char­ yielded a population that numbered only in acteristic of Homo habilis for the first time the thousands or tens of thousands of beings pushed grooming time above this threshold, dispersed into small roaming groups (Coale suggesting that other social mechanisms 1974). The essential features of prehabiline must have come into play to maintain rela­ society are summarized in Table 1 and are tionships (Aielo and Dunbar 1993). Turner compared with succeeding societies. (2000) suggests these mechanisms involved a more complex communication of emotion.

OLDAWAN SOCIETY Beyond increased group size, the exist­ ence of stone tools, and a larger brain, little The first revolution in human history oc­ else changed cognitively, culturally, or so­ curred with the appearance of stone tools cially for hominids during the Oldawan pe­ about 2.5 million years ago and was associ­ riod, which lasted around 1 million years, or ated with the appearance of a new genus of 50,000 generations. The total human popu- Table 1. Eras in the Evolution of Human Society

Kind of Society Variable/Characteristic Pre-Habiline Oldawan Paleolithic Neolithic Agrarian Industrial Post-Industrial

Beginning date 6 millionB.P. 2.5 million B.P. l.5 million B.P. 50,000 B.P. 10,000 B.P. 200 B.P. 20B.P. :::c... Ill 0 ;:a Duration (in years) 3.5 million l million 1.5 million 40,000 10,000 180 20+ - G') z- Generations 175,000 50,000 75,000 2,000 500 9 1+ z► C ;:a Inhabitants A. africanus H. habilis H. erectus H. sapiens H. sapiens H. sapiens H. sapiens 0 I"' Ill 0 Cranial capacity 450 cc 550 cc 1, 100-1,400cc 1,450 cc 1,450 cc 1,450 cc 1,450 cc "II Ill I: 0 Sustenance Foraging Hunter-gatherer Hunter-gatherer Hunter-gatherer Farming Manufacturing Knowledge ::! z0 Tools Perishable Crude stone Refined stone Flint and bronze Bronze and iron Steel alloys Silicon, plastic z :::c Kind of culture Episodic Episodic Mimetic Mythic Mythic Theoretic Theoretic I: z► Settlement type Mobile camp Butchering site Base camp Camp/village City Metropolis Megalopolis UJ 0 9 Ill Community size 65 75 145 155 1 million 20 million 30 million �

Human population <50,000 <100,000 <1,000,000 6 million 970 billion 6 billion 9 billion Cl 6 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW lation at the time still numbered only in the right and left brain hemispheres-which is tens of thousands, all lived in Africa, and associated with handedness and communica­ there is no evidence of any use of language tive abilities (Donald 1991 ). Rather than the or symbolic culture (see Table 1). Hominid crude stone choppers of the Oldawan cul­ culture remained episodic, albeit with an in­ ture, the Acheulean tool kit evinced consid­ crease in social complexity and a concomi­ erable manual dexterity (which goes along tant expansion of cranial capacity to handle with handedness). Tools now consist of sym­ greater demands for social intelligence. metrically shaped, carefully worked hand axes, cleavers, and knives with sharper and more effective cutting surfaces. PALEOLITHIC SOCIETY The decline in sexual dimorphism and the About 1.5 million years ago the appearance need to care for large-brained children who of another species and a new technology sig­ were helpless in infancy, vulnerable in child­ naled the emergence of a new kind of soci­ hood, and dependent through adolescence ety. The species was Homo erectus and the produced a radical change in human social technology was the Acheulean tool culture structure and mating patterns (Ellison 2001). (named for French village, Saint Acheul, It was probably during this era that the hu­ where the tools were first found).The pro­ man practice of pair bonding appeared, ac­ gression from habilis to erectus marked an companied by a decline in intermale con­ abrupt and very important shift in human flict, the disappearance of rigid dominance evolution (Donald 1991). Although the up­ hierarchies, and a growing investment by fa­ per heights of the two species differed rela­ thers of their time and resources for the ben­ tively little, the size of Homo erectus became efit of their mates and children (Lovejoy considerably more uniform (1.3 to 1.5 1980). Male commitment to pair bonding meters)-sexual dimorphism was reduced was reinforced (though not guaranteed) by dramatically from a 60-percent male/female an entirely new reproductive biology, in differentialto one on the order of 15 percent, which females were continuously sexually about the average for modern humans. Ana­ receptive, breasts were enlarged and dis­ tomically, full shoulder rotation disappeared played, and the timing of estrous was hid­ (which is why modern humans cannot bra­ den. The distinctively human and unprimate­ chiate well), indicating a final break from like practice of copulating in private prob­ arboreal life. Both teeth and guts grew ably also emerged at this time. smaller, suggesting the increased nutritional Homo erectus's increased brain size en­ importance of meat. And with the emergence abled another expansion in group size, to 90 of Homo erectus we findevidence of the con­ to 120 individuals, yielding somewhere in trolled use of fire (Brain 1983) and the cre­ the neighborhood of 6,000 dyadic relation­ ation of seasonal base camps (Donald 1991 ), ships (N = 110). Despite greater encephal­ suggesting the emergence of a nomadic life. ization, however, evidence suggests that the The sharp decrease in sexual dimorphism intelligence of Homo erectus was still pre­ stemmed not from a reduction in the size of linguistic. It was, however, different from males, but from an increase in the size of fe­ the episodic intelligence that preceded it. males, thus raising the average height of The basic cognitive function for Homo hominids. The increase in the size of females erectus was mimesis-imitation or mim­ was necessary to accommodate the birth of icry-in which vocalizations, facial expres­ these new creatures with large heads and fat sions, eye movements, body postures, and brains, as the progression fromHomo habilis manual signs were used to communicate and to Homo erectus was accompanied by a dou­ to transmit skills from person to person. bling of cranial capacity-fromabout 550 cc The emergence of gestural communication to 1,000 cc to 1,100 cc. The dome of the cra­ reflected a significant increase in the range nium rose, and the face flattened to accom­ and complexity of emotional expression, as modate expansion of the frontal, temporal, the cognitive bases for primary emotions and parietal lobes of the brain. Homo erectus such as fear, anger, disgust, happiness, and also provides the first evidence of brain lat­ sadness were rewired and interconnected via erality-a differentiation in size between the cortex to produce new sets of emotions THE ORIGIN AND ROLE OF EMOTION IN HUMAN SOCIETY 7 conducive to social cohesion and solidarity, ing 120 to 160 individuals and implying a such as shame, guilt, anticipation, and hope need to manage some 9,730 separate dyadic (Turner 2000). relationships (N = 140; see Figure 1) Learned physical skills among Homo With groups this large, the maintenance of erectus were an essential adaptive resource cohesion could not possibly have relied on and were passed from generation to genera­ mutual grooming, as servicing so many rela­ tion by demonstration and imitation (Donald tionships would have required around 40 1991). Although mimetic culture remained percent of the group's entire time to be spent concrete, visual, and episode-bound, it nev­ grooming, a percentage that is far too large ertheless brought about an increase in the to be feasible (Dunbar 2001). Culture, there­ sharing and accumulation of knowledge, fore, must by then have been the central yielding a more stable social structure based mechanism maintaining social cohesion. on ritual and custom, which served to Nonetheless, both the fossil and archaeologi­ heighten the emotional content of social re­ cal evidence suggest that Neanderthals were lationships and promote bonding (Turner mimetic and nonverbal (Diamond 1992; 2000). It was probably during this phase of Donald 1991; Tattersall 1995): Their con­ human social evolution that facial expres­ stricted frontal lobes and a skull flexure in­ sions attained their current importance as a capable of accommodating a modern vocal means of signaling emotion. Patterns of non­ apparatus suggest that Neanderthals could verbal facial expression recur across cultures not speak (Lieberman 1975, 1984). and are interpreted similarly by humans in The Neanderthals nonetheless evinced a all societies, suggesting a "hard wired" abil­ more advanced material culture than their ity to read emotions that are displayed on the hominid predecessors, as indicated by the human face (Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1989; Ekman emergence of a new tool kit, the Mousterian and Rosenberg 1997; Goleman 1995). The (again named for a French village), which resulting mimetic culture provided humans consisted of flint or stone blades hafted onto with a powerful adaptive tool that enabled wood or bone handles. These are the first them to leave their ancestral homeland for composite tools-those composed of at least the first time and survive in a wider variety three materials. The new tool kit yielded 10 of habitats. Around 1 million years ago, times more cutting edge per kilo of raw ma­ Homo erectus moved out of Africa and oc­ terial than the former Acheulean technology. cupied the southern portions of Asia and Eu­ With the Neanderthals we also begin to ob­ rope, a move which brought about the first serve stone hearths and postholes, indicating significant growth of the human population the construction of permanent shelters. We (Coale 1974). also observe migration and settlement in the Late in the paleolithic period, around colder regions of northern Europe, and nu­ 300,000 years ago, several new species of merous bone middens indicate a heavy reli­ hominid arrived on the scene to compete ance on hunting for food. With the emer­ with Homo erectus, who eventually disap­ gence of semipermanent settlements of 120 peared. The new species were Homo to 160 persons, social structure probably be­ heidelbergensis and the better-known Homo gan to move beyond small bands differenti­ neanderthalensis, also known as the Nean­ ated by age and sex to form larger collectives derthals (Tattersall 1995). The latter ap­ such as kin-based clans (Tattersall 1995). proximated modern humans in height, but were much heavier and more powerfully NEOLITHIC SOCIETY built, with thicker bones and a more robust musculature. The size of the Neanderthal Fully modern human beings emerged in Af­ cranium also expanded to reach volumes rica somewhere around 150,000 years ago characteristic of our own species, although and rapidly migrated outward to occupy all the physical organization of the brain re­ corners of the globe. Homo sapiens reached mained distinct, with small and constricted Europe and Asia around 50,000 years before frontal lobes. Nonetheless, the increase in present (B.P.), Australia by 40,000 B.P., the average cranial capacity to around 1400 cc Arctic by 20,000 B.P., the Americas by enabled group size to expand further, reach- 10,000 B.P., and most of the islands of 8 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Polynesia by 2,000 B.P. (Balter 2001; Dia­ and antler, creating hooks, needles, awls, mond 1997; Gibbons 2001a, 2001b). and harpoons. They wove fibers into ropes Whereas the Australopithecines and habi­ and clothing; tanned hides for clothing and lines had remained in Africa for 5 million coverings; created jewelry and other forms years without moving, and Homo erectus and of personal adornment; and built permanent the Neanderthals had not expanded beyond shelters that not only included hearths, but southern Europe and Asia over 1 million lamps and kilns as well. They invented years, within the space of just 50,000 years spear throwers, bows, and arrows to allow Homo sapiens fully populated the entire effective hunting from a distance, thus earth. Clearly they must have gained access minimizing risks to personal safety. Late in to some remarkable new survival tools. the neolithic era, bronze began to replace Given that the maximum density achieved by flint in tools and weapons, ushering in a hunters and gatherers in the richest habitats "bronze age." is a little under .5 persons per square kilome­ Perhaps not immediately, but sometime ter (Hassan 1981), demographers estimate after the appearance of Homo sapiens, that the prehistoric human population speech developed and gave human beings a reached roughly 6 million persons (Coale capacious verbal memory and new capacities 1974; Landers 1992; Livi-Bacci 1992;). for cognition and analysis (Gregory 1981). In Homo sapiens, the brain reached its The development of language was enabled present size and structure with a full expan­ by important changes in the size, structure, sion of the frontal lobes that created the po­ and function of the brain compared with the tential for a new and revolutionary kind of Neanderthals. Expansion of an area located culture (Knight, Dunbar, and Power 1999; toward the bottom of the frontal lobes Watts 1999). The importance of the human (Broca's area) permitted phonology, the mak­ brain as an adaptive organ is indicated by the ing and controlling of sounds. The develop­ fact that it constitutes 2 percent of body ment the temporal lobes (Wernicke's area) weight but uses 20 percent of the body's to­ allowed audition, the ability to hear and dif­ tal energy (Donald 1991). Nonetheless, the ferentiate sounds; and expansion of the pari­ appearance of anatomically modern human etal and frontal lobes permitted conceptual­ beings was not initially accompanied by dra­ ization, the ability to use and manipulate ar­ matic cultural changes. bitrary sound symbols in meaningful ways­ The crucial period of cultural change to think of words before uttering them and to seems to been around 50,000 years ago, in organize them into large units of meaning. an era that has variously been called "the All of these expanded brain functions were great leap forward" (Diamond 1992), "the connected into a larger articulatory loop that creative revolution" (Tattersall 1998) and functioned in a newly coordinated fashion "the symbolic revolution" (Chase 1999). (Carter 1998; Panksepp 1998). From this point onward, human technology Language emerged not to give humans a undergoes rapid change that is disconnected capacity for rational or abstract analysis per from further changes in brain size or se-rational thought was more of a by-prod­ anatomy. Whereas earlier technologies pre­ uct-but to enhance their social intelligence vailed for hundreds of thousands or even to enable them to get along in large groups millions of years and only changed with the (Dunbar 1996; Maryanski 1996). Language arrival of a new species, after 50,000 B.P. is the ultimate social arbiter, allowing people material culture evolves rapidly and differ­ to maintain interpersonal relationships entiates without any corresponding physical through conversation, to monitor the social changes. Human cognitive capacity had ap­ interactions of others through gossip, and to parently reached a state of dynamism and reach collective decisions through discus­ flexibility where it could innovate adapta­ sion. In Dunbar's (2001) words, "humans tions ad infinitum. have bigger, more complexly organized In addition to the hafted stone and wood groups than other species simply because we tools characteristic of Mousterian culture, have a larger onboard computer (the neocor­ Homo sapiens now began to fashion a host tex) to allow us to do the calculations neces­ of new and more delicate tools from bone sary to keep track of and manipulate the THE ORIGIN AND ROLE OF EMOTION IN HUMAN SOCIETY 9 ever-changing world of social relationships "mind tools": categories of thought that fa­ in which we live" (p. 181). cilitate other mental operations. The emer­ Language is far more efficient than gence of language is thus associated with the grooming as a means of maintaining social emergence of a new kind of "mythic culture" contact and monitoring interpersonal rela­ in which humans developed symbolic meta­ tionships, for the simple reason that we can phors to explain the operation of the uni­ talk to more than one person at a time. The verse. maximum group size predicted for human The appearance of musical instruments, beings from their cranial capacity is around rhythmic devices, lunar calendars, and vari­ 155 persons, which corresponds closely to ous other symbols in the millennia from the maximum size observed among hunter­ 50,000 B.P. to 10,000 B.P. testifies to the gatherer societies (Dunbar 1996). Compar­ growing importance of myth in society. In­ ing the group size of chimps to that of hu­ terment of the dead with utensils, food prod­ mans (55 to 155) suggests that the mecha­ ucts, and jewelry indicates a belief in the af­ nism that replaced grooming as a means of terlife (Donald 1991 ). The first symbolic art achieving group cohesion was three times appears in the form of sculptures and cave more efficient. Unobtrusive studies of con­ paintings, and given the remote location of versations conducted across a variety of cul­ most cave art deep in the interior of inacces­ tural and social settings reveal that human sible caverns, it obviously served some sym­ conversational groups naturally gravitate to­ bolic, ceremonial purpose (Tattersall 1998). ward a configuration of one speaker and Mythic culture, for the first time in his­ three listeners. Moreover, whereas chimps tory, allowed humans to synthesize discrete, spend about 20 percent of their time groom­ time-bound events and circumstances and to ing, humans spend around 20 percent of connect them into a single, coherent narra­ their time in social interaction, mostly in tive to explain the world. Mythic culture did conversation (Dunbar 2001:190-91). Thus not supplant episodic and mimetic cultures; language replaced grooming and built upon it was wrapped around them and extended a gesture as a means of ensuring social cohe­ preexisting emotional infrastructure. Every sion within large groups. hunter-gatherer society thus has an elaborate All human societies possess a spoken lan­ mythic system that permeates daily life, and guage and all human beings are capable of through the use of verbal and nonverbal learning any linguistic system. Indeed, as symbols, that system gives meaning to ev­ Chomsky (1975) and Pinker (1993) suggest, eryday objects, circumstances, and events human beings possess a "language instinct." (Donald 1991). Myth constitutes a "sym­ Given appropriate exposure in childhood, bolic web" that explains how people are sup­ any person anywhere can learn any language posed to behave, why cultural rules must be with a minimum of effort and without for­ obeyed, and how they are to be enforced mal instruction. In contrast, as stated earlier (Chase 2001). God myths, in particular, re­ even after intensive training throughout flect a society's idea of causality: where life childhood, Chimpanzees cannot learn to comes from, what happens to people after speak any language. And even though they death, and what controls events in the world. can learn to recognize 150 to 200 symbols, When considered comparatively across they cannot use them in grammatical fash­ time and space, hunter-gather societies are ion (Diamond 1992; Donald 1991). found to share a variety of traits (Barnard Despite its evolution as an instrument of 2001). They occupy large territories at low "social intelligence," however, language densities and are characterized by geo­ also offeredhumans new possibilities for ra­ graphic flexibility and a lack of attachment tional analysis. Through vocabulary, syntax, to fixed settlements. They are unstratified, and grammar, languages inevitably created with few social distinctions except for those categories of perception for time, objects, based on age and sex. Males and femalesare and events in the real world. Languages thus distinguished from one another by undertak­ allow humans to create a conceptual model ing different productive activities and ritual of the universe and how it works, permitting behaviors, and adults take care of children the invention of what Gregory ( 1981) calls and the elderly. Most groups possess social IO AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW mechanisms to distribute food and prevent nean upward through Anatolia and down the accumulation of surplus. They employ a into the valley of the Tigris and Euphrates universal classification of people according rivers. Known as the "Fertile Crescent," it to kinship and have a symbolic structure was here that the ancient ancestors of sev­ based on bipolar opposites (good/bad, male/ eral modern cereal crops and herd animals female, hot/cold, etc.). Their metaphoric nar­ were found in foothills adjacent to a flat al­ ratives associate animal identities with those luvial plain whose soil was annually replen­ of humans, and much of human action is in­ ished and watered by seasonal flooding-the fused with ritual (Collins 1987). perfect environment for the emergence of in­ Although possessing a capacity for ratio­ tensive agriculture. Wheat, barley, and peas nal thought, elements of rational cognition were domesticated in Mesopotamia by and culture are not very well developed in 10,000 B.P., along with sheep and goats; by mythic cultures. Rather, the new cognitive 6,000 B.P. several fruit-bearing trees and apparatus created by words was more bushes had also been tamed (notably those strongly connected to emotional centers of yielding olives and grapes). Agriculture was the brain through conditioning and learning independently invented in China, Meso­ that were deliberately reinforced by ritual, america, and perhaps India, and spread to ceremony, and spirituality (Collins 1987; Europe and other locations in Asia and the Turner 2000). The emergence of cultural Americas through diffusion (Diamond 1997; forms more strongly connected to rational­ Sjoberg 1960). ity required something that hunter-gathers The domestication of plants and animals never achieved-a food surplus-and that set the stage for a new kind of human soci­ only became possible with the domestication ety based in cities. The first cities emerged of plants and animals. in Mesopotamia around 8,000 years ago, with populations in the 5,000 to 25,000 range (Sjoberg 1960). Under a preindustrial AGRARIAN SOCIETY technology, the amount of food that could be The signature characteristic of hunter-gath­ produced per hectare was limited and the to­ erer societies is that, except for the very tal size of the food surplus was necessarily young and the very old, everyone produces meager. While intensive agriculture may food: Each day all people must work to en­ have permitted cities to exist, they couldn't sure the group's caloric intake. Until quite be numerous and only a few people could recently, human societies had no specialists, live in them. Prior to the industrial revolu­ and certainly none devoted to full-time cog­ tion, no more than 5 percent of any society nition. This only became possible between lived in cities and the total population of a 12,000 and 10,000 years ago with the emer­ single city never exceeded 1 million (Chan­ gence of the first settled villages, which, in dler and Fox 1974; United Nations 1980). turn, were rendered feasible by the cultiva­ With yields per hectare fixed by techno­ tion of crops and the herding of animals. For logical limits, the only means for a city to the first time humans had created a food sur­ become larger was to gain control of more plus. The accumulation of food in excess of land and thereby to commandeer a larger one-day's needs enabled a dramatic accel­ surplus. Mesopotamian cities were limited in eration of human population growth, higher size by internecine rivalries and political population densities, and the existence of a fragmentation. It was not until the Pharaohs new class of people-albeit a small class­ consolidated their control over the Nile who did not have to produce food for their River Valley around 5,000 years ago that cit­ own survival (Coale 1974; Livi-Bacci 1992; ies really began to expand. The first settle­ Sjoberg 1960). ment to exceed 100,000 inhabitants was Agriculture, herding, and cities emerged at Thebes, in Egypt, around 3,400 years ago. It different times in different places depending was succeeded a thousand years later by on access to plants and animals that were Babylon, which surpassed 200,000, and fi­ potentially domesticable (Diamond 1997); nally by Rome, which during the reign of but they first materialized in a geographic Caesar Augustus was the firstcity to surpass arc extending from the eastern Mediterra- 500,000. The 100,000-person threshold was THE ORIGIN AND ROLE OF EMOTION IN HUMAN SOCIETY 11 crossed in China 2,600 years ago and in and life expectancies were short, much Mesoamerica about 2,000 B.P. (Chandler shorter than among peasants in the country­ and Fox 1974). side (McNeill 1976; Preston and Haines Wherever it occurred, agrarianism dis­ 1991). In fact, were it not for continuous ru­ placed hunting and gathering as a way of ral in-migration, preindustrial cities would life-through direct conquest, demographic not have been able to sustain themselves de­ absorption, or ecological marginalization. mographically. Nevertheless, although death This victory occurred not because agrarian­ rates were high and life expectancies short, ism provided people with less work, better those urban dwellers who survived either in­ nutrition, and longer lives. On the contrary, herited or acquired an immunity to bacteria, the residents of early agrarian societies viruses, and other parasites that hunter-gath­ worked longer hours, consumed fewer calo­ erers could never attain, given their low den­ ries, lived in poorer health, and within cities sities. As a result, throughout history initial they died in larger numbers (Diamond 1997; contacts between hunter-gathers and agrari­ McNeill 1976). What gave agrarian societ­ anism-urbanism have invariably led to the ies their decided advantage in confrontations former's decimation through a sudden expo­ with hunter-gatherers was their demographic sure to diseases for which they had no natu­ weight, which allowed them to possess an ral immunity (Diamond 1997; McNeill advanced technology, specialized fighters, 1976; Tierney 2000). and deadlier germs. From the rise of the first city-states around With the advent of agriculture, the stone 10,000 years ago up to the year 1800, agrari­ age gave way to the bronze and iron ages­ anism was the dominant form of human so­ metals replaced flint to create more effective ciety, occupying ever larger portions of the tools and more lethal weapons. Urban dwell­ world's geography with ever larger popula­ ers and the agrarian empires they maintained tions, both rural and urban. The rough tra­ evinced new instrumental needs, specialists jectory of world population growth is shown thought up new tools to satisfy them, traders in Figure 2, which graphs the estimated size obtained the necessary raw materials, arti­ of the human population from 600 B.C. to sans made them, a political elite controlled 1800 A.D. At the end of the paleolithic era, their distribution, and a religious elite justi­ the world's population stood at around 8 mil­ fiedtheir deployment. As a result, in any en­ lion; but over the next 8,000 years it grew to counter urban-led agrarian societies were reach about 252 million in the year zero. able to wield weapons and technologies far Under the Pax Romana, population growth superior to anything that hunter-gatherers reached a plateau and with the collapse of could muster. Agrarian societies also could the Roman Empire it declined to around 200 spare more people fromthe necessity of food million before rebounding slowly after the production to wield these weapons, which year 600. Beginning in the year 1000, a va­ led to the emergence of professional soldiers riety of technological and social innovations and the first standing armies. In any compe­ came together to unleash a demographic tition over land and resources, populations boom in Europe, which proceeded apace un­ enumerated in the tens or hundreds of thou­ til the Black Death struck in the middle sands held a clear advantage over small 1300s (Levine 2001). As the foundations for bands numbering in the dozens or hundreds, a global economic order based on mass pro­ especially if the former fielded an army of duction, trade, and investment were estab­ well-equipped, well-fed, and well-trained lished after 1600 (Braudel 1982; Wallerstein professional fighters. 1974), the human population entered an era Finally, the density of preindustrial cities, of sustained exponential growth that accel­ the lack of sewage facilities, the contamina­ erated until the dawn of the nineteenth cen­ tion of drinking water, and the close asso­ tury, when the world's population stood at ciation of humans with animals gave one fi­ around 954 million (Livi-Bacci 1992). nal advantage to agrarian-urbanism: germs In the 500 generations preceding 1800, the (Diamond 1997). Until the nineteenth cen­ proportion of people living in urban areas tury, in fact, health conditions in cities were never exceeded 5 percent (United Nations such that infectious diseases were endemic, 1980), and before that year only 65 cities in 12 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW 1,000 •. 900 .. . . 800 •. C 700

600 .5 C 500 400

8° 300 200

0+---�--�---,..--�--�--�-�--�--�-�--�-� --600 -400 -200 0 200 400 600 800 1000 1200 1400 1600 1800 Year Figure 2. World Population, 600 B.C. to 1800 A.D. Sources: Coale (1974); Landers (1992); Livi-Bacci (1992). the entire history of the world had ever guage. Then, about 4,000 years ago the achieved populations greater than 100,000 Phoenicians evolved the firstphonetic alpha­ (Chandler and Fox 1974). The vast majority bet, which later was borrowed and modified of people in the "civilized" agrarian societ­ by the Greeks and eventually the Romans, ies of the past were illiterate peasants who whose system we use today (Diamond lived in small villages and isolated hamlets 1997). Writing emerged independently in not much bigger than the hunting and gather­ China and Mesoamerica at later dates. ing communities of the paleolithic era. Work The advent of writing created the first ex­ was governed by the rhythms of the seasons, ternal memory devices-tablets, scrolls, and and most people lived and died within a few stone monuments-which dramatically re­ kilometers of where they were born, spend­ duced the demand on biological memory and ing all their lives within a community of freed up human cognition for other tasks. friends and relatives they knew personally. Whereas biological memory is inherently In such a society, culture remained substan­ limited by a fixed number of neurons (not tially mythic. The only real difference com­ all of which we use), writing created a stor­ pared with the mythic cultures of hunter­ age system of unlimited size. Moreover, gathers was the patina of formal structure through both written and oral connections imposed from above by a priestly class. between individual brains within dense ur­ Through the innovation of written lan­ ban environments, cities dramatically in­ guage, however, agrarianism created the creased the size of the human cognitive ap­ foundation for a new kind of culture. The paratus (Wright 2000). In many ways, they origins of writing lay in the desire of functioned as macro-social "brains," and the Sumerian merchants for an accounting sys­ use of symbols externalized thought and dra­ tem to keep track of their sales and ship­ matically increased information processing ments. Some 10,000 years ago, urban trad­ (Diamond 1997). ers began using a stylus to mark clay tokens Writing thus created the potential for a of different shapes, thus indicating the quan­ new theoretic culture-a logical system of tity and nature of goods being shipped or thought grounded in experience and rational­ stored (Harris 1986; Lawler 2001). Over the ity and capable of making accurate predic­ millennia, these clay tokens expanded into tions about events in the natural and social tablets, and the markings were elaborated worlds (Donald 1991). Almost by definition, until about 5,000 years ago, when they be­ access to such a culture was limited to the came a syllabic script for the Sumerian Ian- small minority of people who were literate THE ORIGIN AND ROLE OF EMOTION IN HUMAN SOCIETY 1 3

60 50 percent will live in cities :

------50 �:

··········· ·············· 40 t GI I

·······Y··· GI 30 Percentage GI • I •• "'• • ------;-'!. 20 • • • 1 Percentage living in cities with • • • • 1 populations > 1 million • • • ..• • 10 ------"------••'!.-....-- .------..L .. � •• I .. .. . •• · ·· ... 0 -��..._.,1'-"-"...... LL&&+oCL&a"-"-".a.='-i'-"---�---�---�--�---� ·············· ········ -'--� 1800 1825 1850 1875 1900 1925 1950 1975 2000 2025 Year Figure 3. Trends in World Urbanization, 1800 to 2000 Sources: United Nations (1980, 1999). and freed from the burdens of food produc­ no more than 5 percent of the world lived in tion, and even among those who could read cities during the eras of both Caesar and write there were two competing modes Augustus and Queen Victoria, for Roman of thought (Bruner 1986; Snow 1959). Nar­ times this implied a population of 13 million rative thought is basically a written exten­ urbanites, while for the Victorian era there sion of oral culture expressed as literature: were 48 million city-dwellers. The growing plays, poems, stores, novels, operas, and so quantity of people with the time and freedom on. Analytic thought, while dependent on to think new thoughts promoted more and words, is a rational construction grounded in faster innovation, which caused more popu­ formal systems of argument, taxonomy, and lation growth, which increased innovation, conceptualization. Analytic thought follows and so on. logical rules based on induction and deduc­ Beginning around 1800, human society tion and makes frequent use of formalquan­ entered a remarkable new period of demo­ titative measurement. Although theoretic graphic growth the likes of which the world culture gained adherents and influence in had never seen. Whereas hunting and gath­ human affairsduring the agrarian era, it nec­ ering had been the dominant mode of soci­ essarily remained a minor part of the total ety for 6 million years and agrarianism for human experience, given the small number 10,000 years, industrialism flowered and of people who were literate. matured in less than 200 years. From a base of 954 million people in 1800, the human population grew to 1.6 billion in 1900, 2.5 INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY billion in 1950 and 6.1 billion in 2000. In Agrarian food surpluses allowed a small the past 200 years, more people have been number of people to devote their time to born than in all previous human generations thinking and innovating, and even though the combined. Even more remarkable has been percentage of such people remained tiny, the the shift of the human population from rural steady increase in population from Roman to urban areas. times to 1800 meant that the absolute num­ As can be seen in Figure 3, in 1800 the ber of such people steadily grew. Whereas percentage urban was still roughly at the up- 14 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW 100 ,------=-- -=-=-=-=-=-=-::a United States , __. � .,,,,,,.,' ------, 75 ,,,..,,, .!! .--' .!! --- 50

25

0+----,------,------�---�--�-----,----�------l 1800 1825 1850 1875 1900 1925 1950 1975 2000 Year Figure 4. Trends in Literacy, 1800 to 2000 Sources: Cipolla (1969); Graff (1987); Lestage (1982); and Wagner (1993). per limit for an agrarian society-about 5 lowed by Karachi, Mexico City, New York, percent of total population. Slowly at first, Jakarta, and Calcutta (United Nations 1999). and then accelerating in the late nineteenth The urbanization of society has been ac­ and early twentieth centuries, there was a companied by a remarkable acceleration of massive geographic shift. In the industrial­ technical, economic, social, and cultural izing societies of Europe and North America change. Technologically, inanimate sources the transition to urbanism was rapid and of power replaced animate sources, as horses complete by the mid-twentieth century and oxen gave way to wind and water, then (Brockerhoff2000; Preston 1979). Although to coal and steam, and finally to petroleum, developing countries lagged behind, they are hydroelectricity, nuclear energy, solar, and now also rapidly urbanizing, and by 2025 geothermal power. Economically, the pro­ the proportion of city-dwellers worldwide is ductive base of society shifted in rapid suc­ projected to reach nearly 60 percent. cession from agriculture to manufacturing to In this century, not only will a majority of services, with each transition accompanied human beings be living in cities, but a grow­ by a startling increase in the productivity of ing fraction will reside in extremely large land, capital, and labor. The creation of mass places. Beginning in the mid 1920s, the per­ markets yielded economies of scale that centage of human beings living in cities of 1 were accompanied by an unprecedented in­ million or more rose sharply. As world ur­ crease in social differentiation and stratifi­ banization passes the 50 percent mark to­ cation. As the distance between the top and ward the end of this decade, the number liv­ the bottom of society grew, the intervening ing in large metropolises will surpass 20 per­ space was filled with a complex array of in­ cent; and by the year 2025, one-quarter of creasingly variegated social strata. Cultur­ all humanity will live in cities of 1 million ally, gender roles changed, childhood was or more. Increasingly, most of these large ur­ extended, fertility levels fell, and survival ban agglomerations will be in the Third rates increased to create a demographic World. Whereas the five largest cities in structure in which the old outnumbered the 1900 were London, New York, Paris, Berlin, young. and Chicago, in 2015 they will be Tokyo, Although the foundations for theoretic Bombay, Lagos, Dhaka, and Sao Paolo, fol- culture were laid in the agrarian era, the THE ORIGIN AND ROLE OF EMOTION IN HUMAN SOCIETY 15 technical constraints of preindustrial farming life. In the new economic order, wealth rests naturally limited the size of the food surplus on the creation of knowledge rather than the and hence the percentage of people who manufacture of goods, and status derives could live in cities, thus placing an upper from the control and manipulation of infor­ limit on literacy. As long as literacy re­ mation. Although markets are increasingly mained the prerogative of a small minority global in scale, they are also increasingly of people who were liberated from the land, fragmented, being divided into segmented the prevailing cultural mix would be niches rather than mass populations of con­ weighted toward the mythic rather than the sumers. Within the global economy, capital, theoretical. The full flowering of rational labor, goods, commodities, and information culture, in other words, awaited the advent are increasingly mobile and transnational, of mass literacy. yielding a new internationalization of both Figure 4 shows trends in the literacy of production and culture (Harvey 1990). adults from 1800 to 2000 in Europe, the Compared with the roughly 300,000 gen­ United States, and worldwide; data are from erations that humans spent as hunter-gather­ Cipolla (1969), Lestage (1982), Graff(1987), ers and the 500 generations they spent as and Wagner (1993). In 1800, the vast major­ agrarians, the 9 generations passed in the in­ ity of human beings would not have had dustrial era and the 1 generation so far spent much access to the fruitsof theoretic culture, in the emerging post-industrial era are a drop as 85 percent of the world's population was in the bucket of time. As organisms, we can­ preliterate. Even in Europe, only about 40 not possibly have adapted to the environ­ percent could read and write in 1800, owing ment in which we now find ourselves. Fu­ mainly to mass illiteracy in the Russian Em­ ture adaptations will come from institu­ pire. The United States fared better, with lit­ tional, technological, and cultural changes, eracy rates approaching 60 percent. not from physiological adaptation. The na­ In Europe and the world, the degree of lit­ ture and success of our adaptation will de­ eracy changed slowly during the nineteenth pend heavily on what sort of organisms we century. As late as 1900 half of all Europe­ are-how we think and how we function so­ ans and two-thirds of the world's population cially. still could not read or write. After 1900, however, the extension of public schooling PAST IS PRESENT in Europe rapidly increased literacy there to levels above 90 percent. Among nations of In his play, Requiem for a Nun, William the Third World, meanwhile, national devel­ Faulkner noted,"The past is never dead. It's opment programs began to extend universal not even past" (act 1, scene 3). Our brains schooling, and in the late 1940s world lit­ have evolved over millions of years as a eracy broke the 50 percent barrier. By the changing mixture of emotionality and ratio­ year 2000, three-quarters of the world's nality, and each evolutionary step has built population had been given instruction in at upon what came before. Emotionality clearly least the fundamentals of reading and writ­ preceded rationality in evolutionary se­ ing. Nonetheless, nearly one-quarter of all quence, and as rationality developed it did humanity remained disenfranchisedfrom the not replace emotionality as a basis for hu­ basic requirement for a rational, theoretic man interaction. Rather, rational abilities culture. were gradually added to preexisting and si­ multaneously developing emotional capaci­ ties. Indeed, the neural anatomy essential for THE EMERGING POST-INDUSTRIAL. full rationality-the prefrontal cortex-is a ORDER very recent evolutionary innovation, emerg­ Despite the incredibly rapid change since ing only in the last 150,000 years of a 6-mil­ 1900, there is evidence of an even greater lion-year existence, representing only about acceleration beginning around 1980 with the 2.5 percent of humanity's total time on earth. mass production of the silicon chip and the To the extent we possess rational cognition, consequent introduction of computers into it necessarily rests on a preexisting emo­ virtually all aspects of social and economic tional foundation. 1 6 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

■ Neomammalian (neocortex) Mammalian (limbic system)

D Reptilian (basal ganglia)

Figure S. The Triune Structure of the Human Brain

This evolutionary history is reflected in body chemically regulated and attuned to its the basic structure of our brains, which is environment; the hippocampus, which is re­ summarized in Figure 5. Natural selection is sponsible for laying down memory; and a conservative: It doesn't build new capacities surrounding layer of tissue known as the cin­ from scratch, but acts upon structures and gulate cortex. Together these cerebral organs functions that already exist. As a result, hu­ work together unconsciously to coordinate man beings have come to possess what inputs from the senses and to generate sub­ MacLean (1973, 1990) has labeled a "triune jective feelings and emotional states that in­ brain": three different layers of neural fluence subsequent cognition and behavior anatomy laid down on top of one another (for a detailed account of the neurology of · during different phases of evolution. The emotion, see Turner 1999, 2000). oldest and deepest layer consists of the brain The outermost layer of the brain is the stem and the cerebellum (basal ganglia); neocortex, also known as the neomammalian these structures control autonomic functions, brain (Panksepp 1998). This consists of an such as heartbeat and breathing, as well as outer layer of gray matter mostly given over instinctual behaviors, such as the sucking re­ to the conscious processing of sensory flex. It is known as the reptilian brain be­ stimuli. The neocortex has four basic sectors cause it closely resembles the structure and replicated symmetrically across two hemi­ organization of the neural anatomy found in spheres of the brain. At the back, the occipi­ reptiles today, and presumably in the past. tal lobes do visual processing. Along the top The next layer is called the mammalian and sides, the parietal lobes focus on move­ brain (Panksepp 1998). It surrounds the rep­ ment, orientation, and calculation. Behind tilian brain and consists of a set of neural the ears, the temporal lobes deal with sound structures collectively known as the limbic and speech; and the lower part of the frontal system. The most important organ in this lobes are devoted to taste and smell. The top system is the amygdala, which is crucial in part of the frontal lobes is known as the pre­ registering incoming emotional stimuli and frontalcortex. storing emotional memories. Other limbic The foregoing organization is common to system organs include the thalamus, which all mammals, although different lobes may receives stimuli and relays them to other be more or less developed in different spe­ parts of the brain; the hypothalamus, which cies. Dogs, for example, have a better sense works with the pituitary gland to keep the of smell than humans, and consequently THE ORIGIN AND ROLE OF EMOTION IN HUMAN SOCIETY 1 7

their smell portion of the neocortex is more influence of emotional states that are trans­ highly developed. The feature of brain mitted unconsciously from our emotional anatomy that most distinguishes humans brain to our rational brain. from other mammals is the relative size of the prefrontal cortex. This portion of the brain mushroomed spectacularly over the RATIONALAND EMOTIONAL course of hominid evolution to the point PERCEPTIONS where the prefrontal region now constitutes The emotional brain not only precedes the 28 percent of the entire cerebral cortex, 40 rational brain in evolutionary time-it pre­ percent more than in our first hominid an­ cedes it in the order of perception. Research cestors (Carter 1998). in neuroscience shows that stimuli from the The prefrontal region is the only portion external world are perceived, evaluated, and of the neocortex that is free from the de­ acted upon by the emotional brain before the mands of sensory processing, and as such it rational brain has received the pertinent in­ is the locus for abstract thinking, conceptu­ formation (LeDoux 1996). By the time the alizing, and planning. It is this section of the rational brain receives incoming sensory brain that is most clearly associated with stimuli about an event or object in the real self-will and human consciousness-the world, the emotional brain has already place where we process and analyze infor­ swung into action and showered the neocor­ mation about the world and make plans for tex with emotional messages that condition the future that are transmitted downward to its perception. the limbic system and basal ganglia along Figure 6 presents a simplified schematic well-developed neural pathways. If the pre­ diagram showing how incoming stimuli are frontallobes are damaged, human beings are processed by the human brain. Sensory per­ unable to plan, to motivate themselves, or to ceptions enter the brain and go to the thala­ recognize and act upon emotions (Goleman mus, where the signal is dispatched to both 1995; LeDoux 1996). the rational and emotional brains, which are, Leaving aside the reptilian brain and its of course, connected to one another. But the largely autonomic functions, evolution has timing of the neural signal's arrival in the bequeathed us two dynamic, interactive emotional and rational brains is different, so brains-one emotional brain located in the that the former is activated first. The func­ various subsystems of the limbic system, tioning of the two brains can be illustrated and one rational brain centered in the pre­ with a vignette. frontal cerebral cortex. The two brains are Say you are walking in a crosswalk and connected to one another, but operate in suddenly a car runs a red light and bears parallel to yield two different systems of down upon you. The stimuli enter your eyes perception and memory. While neural path­ and ears. The perceptions travel along the ways between the emotional and the ratio­ optic and auditory nerves to the thalamus, nal brain carry information in both direc­ which sends the signal in two directions. tions, the number of neural connections One is the "high road" to the neocortex: first running from the limbic system to the cortex to the appropriate sensory processing area is far greater than the number connecting and then to the prefrontal cortex for rational the cortex to the limbic system (Carter consideration. There your rational brain will 1998; LeDoux 1996; Panksepp 1998). As a undoubtedly tell you that if you don't move result, not only do unconscious emotional quickly you will be run over by the car, re­ feelings exist independently of rational ap­ sulting in serious injury or death. Your fron­ praisals of them, but given the asymmetry tal cortex issues instructions to motor areas in neural connections between the limbic in the parietal lobes to jump out of the way, system and the neocortex, it is much more and the message is relayed down the brain likely that emotional impulses will over­ stem to the outlying nerves, which cause whelm rational cognition than vice versa your muscles to contract in such a way that (Goleman 1995). To a great and unappreci­ you jump out of the way. ated extent, therefore, our rational judg­ The foregoing account is consistent with a ments about people and events reflect the model of rational choice. Your brain made a 18 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Stimulus I Thalamus �1.______,

Amygdala (Emotional Brain)

Figure 6. Schematic Representation of the Cognitive Processing of Emotion quick cost-benefit calculation and decided it Laboratory studies indicate that informa­ was worth the expenditure of energy to jump tion reaches the amygdala about a quarter of out of the way to avoid being run over by a second beforeit reaches the prefrontalcor­ the car. Given what we now know about how tex. Thus, the emotional brain perceives the the brain works, however, this account of danger and acts before the rational brain human action is completely incorrect "knows" what is happening. In this case, hu­ (Goleman 1995; LeDoux 1996; Panksepp man behavior actually derived from the 1998). By the time the rational brain has re­ workings of the older mammalian brain ceived the information about the oncoming rather than the newer, more rational, but threat, the emotional brain has already much slower neomammalian brain: If your spurred your body into action and you will frontal cortex were severed from the rest of have begun to jump out of the way. Your your brain, thus disabling your rational fac­ heart will be pounding, and your breathing ulties, you would still jump out of the way will have accelerated. If you later try to ex­ of the car. plain your behavior, you may say it all hap­ In explaining human behavior it is thus pened so fast that you acted "without think­ important to distinguish between rationality ing." and rationalization. In the foregoingepisode, But the action was a result of thinking; it a rational-theoretical account that explains was unconscious thinking undertaken in the the act of jumping out of the way as the re­ limbic system. At the same time that the sult of a rational cost-benefit decision is in­ thalamus sent the visual and auditory infor­ correct. This explanation is a rationalization mation to the cortex for high-order process­ of behavior whose trajectory had already ing, it also dispatched it along a "low road" been determined in the emotional brain. The to the amygdala, for what LeDoux ( 1996) limbic system was the locus of action, not calls "quick and dirty" processing. In con­ the prefrontal cortex. An innate feature of trast to the "high road" through the neocor­ the rational brain, however, is to rationalize tex, this lower route is shorter and faster. events and behaviors. Thus, even though the The amygdala immediately recognizes the behavior, jumping away from the car, threat to survival posed by the oncoming car stemmed from prerational cognition, we feel and sends a message to the hypothalamus to compelled to tell ourselves a logical story spur the body into immediate action. about what happened. Adrenaline is released, your heart rate rises, The power of rationalization has been your muscles contract, and in a split second demonstrated in a famous experiment in you jump out of the way. which women were presented with a series THE ORIGIN AND ROLE OF EMOTION IN HUMAN SOCIETY 19 of nylon stockings and asked to select the receives and transmits information to both pair they liked best (Gazzaniga 1992). When sides of the brain at once: The right side of asked why they had made their selection, all both eyes sends information to the right side subjects provided a lucid account referring of the brain and the left side of both eyes to differences in quality, texture, color, size, sends information to the left side. Brain re­ workmanship, or style-even though the searchers have developed special contact stockings were, in fact, identical.According lenses that refract incoming light to one side to one neuroanatomist, "we like to think of of the retina or the other, so that quite liter­ ... action as the result of a rational decision, ally, the left half of the brain does not know but it is really just the fulfillment of an im­ that the right side sees and vice versa. In one pulse " (Carter 1998:41). experiment, LeDoux, Wilson, and Gazzaniga (1977) showed disturbing images of people being thrown into flames to subjects wear­ RATIONAL AND EMOTIONAL MEMORY ing right-refracted lenses, which channeled Not only does the emotional brain offer hu­ the information to the emotional brain but man beings a second, parallel system of per­ not to the rational brain. Afterward the sub­ ception, it also provides a second memory jects had no declarative memory of what system in which emotional states and feel­ they had seen-they could only describe a ings are recorded independently from infor­ vague awareness of light and flashing-yet mation is consciously stored in the neocor­ they felt quite upset and disturbed. Although tex (Carter 1998; LeDoux 1996). That emo­ they could not say why, they no longer liked tional memory exists is illustrated by the the experimenter or felt comfortable in his case of a woman who, as a result of brain presence. damage, had lost all ability to create new Such unconscious learning reflectsa basic memories. Every time her doctor saw her he but powerful psychological process identi­ had to reintroduce himself. One day, how­ fied long ago by the Russian physiologist ever, he held a pin in his hand before he in­ Ivan Pavlov (1927). In his experiments on troduced himself. When the woman shook classical conditioning, an unconditioned his hand, she recoiled in pain as the pin stimulus (in the above example, a pin prick) punctured her skin. The doctor then left the is paired with a conditioned stimulus (the room and after a while came back. Once doctor's hand) to generate an unconditioned more he offeredhis hand in introduction.Al­ response (pulling away from the pin prick). though the woman did not recognize him, As a result of the pairing, the conditioned she refused to shake his hand. She could not stimulus (the doctor's hand) becomes asso­ say why; she just wouldn't do it: ciated with the unconditioned stimulus (the [The doctor] was no longer just a man ... pin prick) in the subject's memory. Because but had become a stimulus with a specific the memory is stored in the amygdala, how­ emotional meaning.Although the patient did ever, it is not conscious, representing what not have a conscious memory of the situa­ LeDoux (1996) calls an "implicit memory." tion, subconsciously she learned that shak­ Implicit memories exist independently of ing [the doctor's] hand could cause her and apart from explicit verbal memories and harm, and her brain used the stored infor­ contribute an underlying emotional valence mation, this memory, to prevent the unpleas­ to the information that the neocortex stores. antness from occurring again. (LeDoux It is thus a basic feature of human cognition 1996:181) that all perceptions and memories have both As mentioned before, the brain is highly an implicit and an explicit content. Explicit lateralized, and in most people the left side content is laid down in conscious memory by is devoted to analytic, logical, verbal think­ the hippocampus and stored in the cerebral ing, and the right side to emotional process­ cortex, whereas implicit content is filteredby ing. That is, the left neocortex is used for ra­ the thalamus and stored unconsciously in the tional thought whereas the right amygdala is amygdala. Indeed, it is only because objec­ employed for emotional processing (there tive perceptions carry different emotional are right- and left-side amygdalas, like all valences that we are even able to use ratio­ brain organs except the putamen). Each eye nality to choose between them (Turner2000). 20 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

Implicit memories are created through the emerged very late in human evolution. We pairing of stimuli with hard-wired emotional have only possessed the neurological equip­ or motivational states. Once an implicit ment for such mental operations forless than memory has been created and stored, it is re­ 3 percent of our time on earth. (3) Once we markably durable and difficult to eliminate. acquired the physiological capacity forratio­ For our purposes, unconditioned stimuli nal thought, it took additional time to de­ may be divided into appetites and emotions. velop the mental devices necessary forratio­ The former are internal conditions within the nal cognition and analysis. Although ana­ body that send messages to the brain to in­ tomically modem human beings appeared stigate particular survival-related behaviors. 150,000 years ago, symbolic thought Classical conditioning was first studied us­ evolved a full100,000 years later than that. ing an appetite (hunger) in which Pavlov's (4) It took another 45,000 years for spoken dogs were conditioned to salivate in re­ languages to be systematized in writing, cre­ sponse to a bell, which sounded just before ating the possibility for the external storage food was presented. In the past few years, of information and the emergence of an in­ scientists have identified specific neural cipient rational culture. (5) Even after these structures, pathways, and transmitters asso­ artifacts had been invented, it took another ciated with basic appetites such as hunger, 5,000 years for them to be inculcated within thirst, tiredness, lust, playfulness, and curi­ a majority of human beings, offering for the osity (Carter 1998; LeDoux 1996; Panksepp first time the possibility of a mass society 1998). based on rationality. (6) And finally, despite There also appear to be specific neural the recent flowering of rationality, evolution assemblies associated with the fundamental has bequeathed us a cognitive structure with human emotions such as fear, anger, dis­ two mentalities-one emotional and one ra­ gust, nurturing, and liking (Panksepp 1998). tional. While these two processors are inter­ Although some of the neurological mecha­ connected, emotional cognition precedes ra­ nisms (such as fear) are better worked out tional cognition in evolutionary time and in than others (such as disgust), all appear to real time, and feedback between the two is be mediated through specific neural struc­ such that emotional traffic into the rational tures within the limbic system, thus creat­ brain dominates that going in the reverse di­ ing the possibility for classical conditioning rection. by systematically pairing external stimuli These six facts lead me to the inescapable with emotional reactions to generate im­ conclusion that human decisions, behaviors, plicit memories that are stored in the and social structures cannot be modeled amygdala. I believe that such unconscious solely as a function of rationality. My read­ memories created by intentional or inad­ ing of human evolution and cognition sug­ vertent conditioning lie behind much hu­ gests that rationality, rather than being a man social behavior. dominant and deep-rooted force in human affairs, is quite recently arrived and rather THE LIMITS OF RATIONALITY fragile. To the extent that rationality mani­ fests itself in social life, it is only because of My review of human evolution and cogni­ cultural practices and cognitive habits that tion yields six basic facts which, I believe, have been painstakingly acquired over mil­ bring to question our overreliance on ratio­ lennia and deliberately passed on to succeed­ nality in explaining human behavior. (1) ing generations. Emotionality remains a Emotionality preceded rationality in human strong and independent force in human af­ evolution. Our ancestors lived in structured fairs, influencing perceptions, coloring social communities grounded in emotion memories, binding people together through long before they developed rational facul­ attraction, keeping them apart through ha­ ties. (2) The ability to evaluate potential tred, and regulating their behavior through costs and benefits of hypothetical actions guilt, shame, and pride. By failing to theo­ and to use these evaluations in planning for rize emotion and by ignoring interactions the future-the essence of what most theo­ between rational and emotional cognition, retical models mean by rationality- sociologists derive an incomplete and mis- THE ORIGIN AND ROLE OF EMOTION IN HUMAN SOCIETY 21 leading view of human social behavior. As I CONSUMER MARKETS suggest in the following examples, a serious consideration of the nature and working of Neoclassical economics assumes that tastes the emotional brain has much to offer soci­ and preferences are given and that people ology. enter markets to satisfy them through the ra­ tional process of utility maximization (for a recent attempt to move beyond this simplifi­ THE ORIGIN OF NORMS AND VALUES cation, see Becker and Murphy 2000). Al­ Sociology used to explain behavior as stem­ though professors of economics may accept ming from norms and values. While these these assumptions and use them to derive concepts have not disappeared from the dis­ complicated behavioral models, their col­ cipline, the thrust of recent theorizing has leagues in business schools do not. On the been to explicate their rational foundations contrary, professors of marketing for years and see them as fundamentally logical pro­ have sought to teach students specifically cesses (see Becker 1996; Coleman 1990). how to influence preferences, tastes, and Work on subjective social meanings has in­ motivations through advertising and public creasingly been left to our friendsin anthro­ relations efforts. It has been years since the pology, who unfortunately have taken a dive overlords of Madison Avenue have tried to off a postmodernist cliff. From my point of appeal to our rational brains in marketing view, however, the study of norms and val­ consumer products. ues should really be about interactions be­ For example, what is the rational connec­ tween social structure and the emotional tion between an entity labeled "the Swedish brain, and particularly about how families bikini team" and a popular brand of beer? and communities act to create implicit Objectively there is none, of course-the memories that link behaviors, places, ob­ image is not intended to appeal to the ratio­ jects, experiences, and thoughts to subjec­ nal brain. By systematically and repeatedly tive emotional states, thus shaping futurera­ pairing the beer with attractive blond women tional behavior. in bikinis, the TV ad seeks to create a condi­ The way that parents teach values to chil­ tioned response among young men-the dren, for example, implicitly recognizes the prime demographic category of beer con­ cognitive structure pictured in Figure 6 (see sumers. If the conditioning is successful­ page 18), where emotional cognition pre­ and in the course of any sporting event the cedes rational discrimination and where, pairings will surely be relentless-the sight owing to the asymmetry of neural connec­ of the relevant six-pack (the conditioned tions (indicated by the heavier line going stimulus) will trigger an implicit memory of from the amygdala to the prefrontal cortex), the endorphins released by the sight of vo­ the emotional brain is in a better position to luptuous Swedish women to generate a feel­ influence the rational brain than vice versa. ing of attraction toward the product that will Consider, for example, thoughts about sex. lead to its purchase. Although thinking about sex naturally leads to the release of endorphins in the human brain to create pleasurable feelings, parents INFLUENCING POLITICAL BEHAVIOR who wish their children to avoid early sexual One frequently hears the disparaging epithet contact endeavor to pair sexual stimuli and "social engineering" applied to liberals who symbols with negative emotions such as advocate using government power to redis­ shame, guilt, and even pain to create a con­ tribute resources in society. In truth the real ditioned response that will cause the child, social engineers are today's political con­ in adolescence, to remain chaste. If the con­ sultants. These individuals, mostly conserva­ ditioning is successful, the emotional brain tive, apply the methods of social science to will send out negative, inhibiting messages manipulate the emotional brain and thus to the cortex when confronted with sexual shape perceptions of political actors and stimuli. Of course, such conditioning carries ideas. They pair their candidate or position the risk that it maybe all too successful, with positive emotional stimuli while link­ leading to sexual dysfunction in adulthood. ing opposing figures and ideas with negative 22 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW stimuli (Jamieson 1996). Given the inherent sadly, often intentionally by political actors survival value of emotional reactions such as in our image-driven postmodern world. As a fear and rage-which prepare an organism species, we are programmed to pay close at­ to flee or fight-negative emotions tend to tention to violent and threatening events. In be more powerful as conditioning stimuli the natural world, violence is rare-but than positive emotions, which yields a when it occurs our brains instantly tune in. greater prevalence of negative ads in politi­ Fear-inducing stimuli proceed directly to the cal campaigns. Attack ads would probably amygdala and unleash a variety of somatic also predominate in commercial advertising and emotional reactions that focusour atten­ were it not for libel laws. tion and put us on high alert before our ra­ A persistent question is why do candidates tional brain has had a chance to act (Carter continue to rely so heavily on negative ad­ 1998; LeDoux 1996; Panksepp 1998). Even vertising when surveys repeatedly show that though our rational brain may quickly dis­ voters disapprove of and dislike the tactic? cern that there is no particular threat, the The simple reason is that the attack ads chemicals released into the blood stream work. Although voters express a rational dis­ (e.g. adrenaline) persist for some time and approval of negative campaigning, their yield extended feelings of excitation and emotional brains nonetheless pay attention arousal (Goleman 1995; LeDoux 1996). to negative material, and the pairing of the Television programmers and movie pro­ negative emotions they arouse with candi­ ducers have long understood the inherent at­ dates and political positions shifts votes in traction of violent images, and over the years the expected direction by creating implicit they have steadily ratcheted up the incidence memories lodged in the amydgala that later and severity of violence in a variety of me­ shape rational cognition. dia, frommovies to the internet. Possibly the Increasingly political consultants use the most important escalation of violence ha.s methods of social science-surveys and fo­ been on television news. Whereas serious cus groups-not to hone rational arguments crime dropped by 3 percent through the but to identify emotional triggers that can be 1980s and early 1990s, and while the mur­ paired with people and platforms to create der rate fell by 9 percent and overall crimi­ implicit memories within the emotional nal victimization dropped by 21 percent, brain. The 1994 Republican Contract with news coverage of crime by the three major America, for example, was less a coherent networks doubled and the reporting of mur­ political program than a list of 8 vague ders tripled (Freeman 1994; Zucchino 1994 ). "principles" and 10 contradictory legislative In a typical news night in 1995, 29 percent proposals that surveys and focus groups had of news time was devoted to violence and revealed would appeal to different segments well over half to crime, war, or disaster of the electorate. Their votes were thus (Klite, Bardwell, and Setzman 1995). As "stitched together" to eke out a majority in Orfield (1997) put it, "Stations are pushed the house of representatives. What modern toward crime coverage because it represents political consultants have done is simply to attention-grabbing material while requiring routinize and refine the tactics of pandering little or no labor costs spent on background that astute politicians have naturally em­ research and because crime's sensationalism ployed for generations (see Berezin 1997; garners high Nielsen ratings in a competitive Emirbayer and Goldberg 2001). market" (p. 23). Thus, despite constant or declining crime rates in the United States, Americans are ex­ FEAR, PREJUDICE, AND STEREOTYPING posed, albeit vicariously, to more crime and Increasingly, we have become a fearful soci­ violence than ever before, and consequently ety, harboring a variety of apprehensions and in a safer world they feel more vulnerable suspicions about people and events that are and threatened. What is important sociologi­ completely out of proportion with the actual cally, however, is the potential forcondition­ risks in society (Davis 1998; Glassner 1999). ing inherent in the repeated association of These fears reflect rampant fear condition­ the emotional responses of fear and rage ing achieved inadvertently by the media and, with people, events, and actions that regu- THE ORIGIN AND ROLE OF EMOTION IN HUMAN SOCIETY 23 larly appear on the screen. As Glassner graphically concentrated. Within nations, the (1999) documents in his study of the "cul­ bulk of the poor will be housed in large ur­ ture of fear," Americans have come to har­ ban agglomerations, and within these areas bor a host of irrational fears, not just of the poor will increasingly concentrate in crime, but of dangerous drugs, monster poor neighborhoods, thus driving the spatial moms, killer kids, mutant microbes, plane concentration of poverty to new heights crashes, and road rage. (Massey 1996). Probably the most important fear condi­ Sociologists have long been fascinated tioning that is accomplished by TV program­ with the influenceof urbanism on social life. mers, however, is the implicit association A classic statement was offered by Wirth between violence and minorities, especially (1938), who argued that the size, density, African Americans. The repeated pairing of and heterogeneity of industrial cities would minorities with fearful circumstances on undermine social cohesion to promote indi­ television cannot help but create highly vidual alienation and social malaise. Al­ negative and largely unconscious memories though subsequent research has failed to associated with groups such as blacks and confirmhis hypothesis, (Fischer 1975, 1982, Hispanics, and the existence of these im­ 1995), that didn't stop a second round of plicit memories can only serve to strengthen theorizing about the pathological effects of racial and ethnic stereotyping and perpetu­ population density based on animal models ate racism (Glassner 1999). The existence of (Calhoun 1962; Christian 1963). Once again, such manufactured fears and racist feelings however, the expected relationship failed to also provide politicians with powerful emo­ materialize (Carnahan, Gove, and Galle tional levers they can use to mobilize the 1974; Gove and Huges 1983; Winsborough white electorate (Edsall and Edsall 1991). 1970). The most notorious example, but certainly More recent work, however, has confirmed not the only one, is the famous Willie Horton a clear relationship not between population commercial during the 1988 presidential density and social maladies but between the campaign, in which the natural human ab­ concentration of poverty and deleterious out­ horrence to violence was systematically comes (Brooks-Gunn, Duncan, and Aber paired with Governor Michael Dukakis via a 1997; Sampson, Morenoff, and Earls 1999). clearly racialized image. The commercial Here, understanding function and operation was powerful and effectivenot only because of the emotional brain is of potentially great it tapped deep into the fear system hard­ importance in illuminating the link between wired in the brain but also because it drew concentrated deprivation and behavior. upon racialized images established through Among other things, areas of concentrated past fear conditioning. The frequent deliber­ poverty are characterized by high rates of ate use of racist imaging for short-term po­ crime, violence, and social disorder (Massey litical gain is certainly one of the most dis­ 2001). Inhabitants of poor neighborhoods graceful practices to emerge in modern poli­ are likely to experience high rates of expo­ tics, whether in the United States, in the sure to danger, causing the amygdala fre­ Balkans, or in Rawanda. quently to send out signals that cause the re­ lease of stress-induced hormones into the blood (Kotulak 1997; LeDoux 1996; THE EFFECTS OF URBANISM Panksepp 1998). When threats of violence For my last example of how emotion influ­ are infrequent, such a response is highly ences human affairs, I return to the fact that adaptive; but when violence becomes en­ we are on the verge of becoming, forthe first demic, serious physiological side effects time, a fully urbanized society. Increasingly may occur as a result of overloading the human beings will not only live in cities but stress system, leading to the impairment of those cities will be very large, and the larg­ learning (Diamond and Rose 1993, 1994), est among them will be in poor countries of the degeneration of memory (McEwan the Third World. As a result, among both de­ 1992), a greater propensity toward violence veloped and developing societies, poverty (Goleman 1995; James et al. 1987; Kotulak will increasingly be urbanized and geo- 1997), and a greater risk of coronary heart 24 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

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0 Whites Asians ln1egrated Mixed Segregated Blacks and Latinos Group and Neigborhood Type Figure 7. Average Exposure in Childhood to Neighborhood Violence by Neighborhood Type: Freshmen from Elite U.S. Universities Source: Massey, Durand, and Malone (2002). Note: Integrated neighborhoods are less than 30 percent minority; mixed neighborhoods are 30 to 60 per­ cent minority; segregated neighborhoods are greater than 70 percent minority. The Violence Index is the number of violent acts to which a respondent was exposed while growing up, weighted by the severity of the violence as measured by the Sellin-Wolfgang Scale (Sellin and Wolfgang 1964). disease and other health problems (McEwan tainly the case for whites and Asians. Blacks 1999; Peyrot, McMurry, and Kruger 1999; and Latinos, however, evinced much higher Taylor, Repetti, and Seeman 1999). rates of exposure to neighborhood violence, Exposure to violence has the potential of which was highly conditioned by the degree affecting social conditions many times re­ of residential segregation they had experi­ moved fromthe neighborhoods in which the enced while growing up. violence originally occurred. This was re­ We designed an index of exposure to vio­ cently brought home to me with some force. lence that was weighted to capture not only With colleagues I am presently conducting a the incidence of violence but its severity as study of students at elite colleges and uni­ well, as measured by well-known the Sellin­ versities around the country. In the fall of Wolfgang scale (Sellin and Wolfgang 1964). 1999 we interviewed cohorts of white, Figure 7 shows this index for whites and Asian, black, and Latino freshmen entering Asians compared with blacks and Latinos the nation's most selective colleges and uni­ classified by the type of neighborhood in versities (see Massey, Charles, Lundy, and which they grew up: integrated, mixed, or Fischer 2002). Among other things, we were segregated. As can be seen, black and Latino interested in the sorts of neighborhoods in students who grew up in integrated neigh­ which the respondents had grown up. As borhoods had roughly the same exposure to they had already been selected by virtue of crime and violence as whites and Asians. In their admission to highly exclusive colleges contrast, those growing up in segregated and universities, we expected a certain ho­ neighborhoods experienced a degree of ex­ mogenizing of experience, and this was cer- posure to violence that was six times that of THE ORIGIN AND ROLE OF EMOTION IN HUMAN SOCIETY 25 whites or Asians. Given what we know about fully our evolutionary history; we should the effectof stress hormones on cognition, it reacquaint ourselves with the anthropologi­ is quite possible that such high levels of ex­ cal literature on hunter-gatherer societies; posure to violence have long-term effectson we must look to studies of primatologists memory, learning, and temperament, a hy­ for a window on the prerational origins of pothesis that we will certainly consider in social behavior; we must ground ourselves our future work. more firmly in the emerging literature in cognitive neuroscience; and finally, we must end our hostility to the biological sci­ FINAL THOUGHTS ences and work to incorporate the increas­ I have presented just a few of the ways in ingly well-understood biological founda­ which an appreciation for the role of emo­ tions of human behavior into our theoretical tionality in human affairs can enhance the models. sociological understanding of the human I am not saying that emotion is totally ab­ condition. Given the parallel operation of the sent from social theory and research, of emotional and the rational brain within ev­ course. Indeed, it has been addressed by so­ ery human being, it is inevitable that all cial theorists from classical times to the judgments, perceptions, and decisions will present (see Barbalet 1998; Collins 1975, have both emotional and rational compo­ 1993; Elster 1999; Turner 2000) and has at­ nents. Moreover, because of our evolution­ tracted considerable attention from empiri­ ary history and cognitive structure, it is gen­ cal sociologists (Hochschild 1983; Katz erally the case that unconscious emotional 2000). To date, however, most sociologists thoughts will precede and strongly influence have approached emotion in more philo­ our rational decisions. Thus our much-val­ sophical than scientific terms, building edi­ ued rationality is really more tenuous than fices on assumptions and speculations about we humans would like to believe, and it the nature of emotion rather than on proven probably plays a smaller role in human af­ facts. With the great advances already made fairs than prevailing theories of rational in cognitive neuroscience and with those on choice would have it. the horizon, we no longer must rely on as­ Our colleagues engaged in the practical sumptions. Rather, echoing Turner (2000), I application of social science-marketing, believe that we can and should ground our advertising, and political campaigning­ theories and models in established knowl­ have known this for some time. They have edge about how people think and interact not simply recognized the duality between using both their emotional and rational the emotional and the rational brain, but brains. have sought to cultivate and exploit it. The social engineering they practice has ad­ Douglas S. Massey is the Dorothy Swaine Tho­ vanced considerably and become extremely mas Professor at the University of Pennsylvania effective in shaping behavior, even as aca­ and Chair of the Department of Sociology there. His research interests are in race, ethnicity, and demic theorists have relegated emotionality immigration. His latest book is Beyond Smoke to the back burner and devoted more atten­ and Mirrors: Mexican Immigration in an Era of tion to a fully rational account of human so­ Free Trade (with Jorge Durand and Nolan J. ciety. Assuming rationality makes the world Malone, Russell Sage, 2002). neater and cleaner, of course, for it allows the use of higher mathematics in modeling REFERENCES social structures and behavior. But the evi­ dence is incontrovertible that human behav­ Aielo, L. C. and Robin I. Dunbar. 1993. 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