CITY PROFILE of SIRTE, LIBYA Rapid City Pro Ling and Monitoring System First Draft, April 2018
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Haftar's Calculus for Libya: What Happened, and What Is Next? ICSR Insight by Inga Kristina Trauthig
Haftar's Calculus for Libya: What Happened, and What is Next? ICSR Insight by Inga Kristina Trauthig In recent days, a battle for Tripoli has At the time of writing, fighting is been raging that bears the forlorn ongoing. On Sunday, 8 April, Tripoli’s possibility of regression for Libya as a only functioning civilian airport at Mitiga whole. A military offensive led by was forced to be evacuated as it was General Khalifa Haftar, commander of hit with air strikes attributed to the LNA. the so-called “Libyan National Army” These airstrikes took place the same (LNA) that mostly controls eastern day that the “Tripoli International Fair” Libya, was launched on April 3, to the occurred, signalling the formidable level dismay of much the international of resilience Libyans have attained after community. A few days after the launch eight years of turbulence following of the military campaign by Haftar, Qaddafi’s overthrow. some analysts have already concluded that “Libya is (…) [in] its third civil war since 2011”. The LNA forces first took the town of Gharyan, 100 km south of Tripoli, before advancing to the city’s outskirts. ICSR, Department of War Studies, King’s College London. All rights reserved. Haftar's Calculus for Libya: What Happened, and What is Next? ICSR Insight by Inga Kristina Trauthig What is happening? Haftar had been building his forces in central Libya for months. At the beginning of the year, he claimed to have “taken control” of southern Libya, indicating that he was prepping for an advance on the western part of Libya, the last piece missing. -
Depliant English.Pdf
EDITORIAL Can there be too much coverage of a conflict? The question may seem disrespectful, but it still needs to be asked, and answered. Page The program at Visa pour l’Image this year 4 features three exhibitions on the battle EXHIBITIONS for Mosul: Laurent Van der Stockt for Le Admission free of charge, Monde, Alvaro Canovas for Paris Match, and Lorenzo Meloni for Magnum Photos, every day from 10 am with Meloni having a more general approach to 8 pm, Saturday, presenting the collapse of the caliphate. The September 2 brutality of the attacks and the geopolitical , issues involved are so critical that the battle to Sunday certainly deserves attention, and extended September 17 attention. So there are three exhibitions: of a total of 25, three are on the battle for Mosul. As André Gide said: “Everything has already Page been said, but as no one was listening, it has 30 to be said all over again.” At Visa pour l’Image, our ambition is to show EVENING SHOWS and see the whole world, and so we have Monday, September wondered why, of the thirty or so armed 4 to Saturday, conflicts around the world, only a small September 9, 9.45 pm number are covered by a large proportion at Campo Santo of photojournalists. Of the many stories submitted and reviewed by our teams, a few dozen, either directly or indirectly, have VISA D’OR been on Mosul. And for the first time ever in AWARDS the history of the festival, the four nominees & All the awards for the Paris Match Visa d’or News award are on the same subject: Mosul. -
Policy Notes for the Trump Notes Administration the Washington Institute for Near East Policy ■ 2018 ■ Pn55
TRANSITION 2017 POLICYPOLICY NOTES FOR THE TRUMP NOTES ADMINISTRATION THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ 2018 ■ PN55 TUNISIAN FOREIGN FIGHTERS IN IRAQ AND SYRIA AARON Y. ZELIN Tunisia should really open its embassy in Raqqa, not Damascus. That’s where its people are. —ABU KHALED, AN ISLAMIC STATE SPY1 THE PAST FEW YEARS have seen rising interest in foreign fighting as a general phenomenon and in fighters joining jihadist groups in particular. Tunisians figure disproportionately among the foreign jihadist cohort, yet their ubiquity is somewhat confounding. Why Tunisians? This study aims to bring clarity to this question by examining Tunisia’s foreign fighter networks mobilized to Syria and Iraq since 2011, when insurgencies shook those two countries amid the broader Arab Spring uprisings. ©2018 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ NO. 30 ■ JANUARY 2017 AARON Y. ZELIN Along with seeking to determine what motivated Evolution of Tunisian Participation these individuals, it endeavors to reconcile estimated in the Iraq Jihad numbers of Tunisians who actually traveled, who were killed in theater, and who returned home. The find- Although the involvement of Tunisians in foreign jihad ings are based on a wide range of sources in multiple campaigns predates the 2003 Iraq war, that conflict languages as well as data sets created by the author inspired a new generation of recruits whose effects since 2011. Another way of framing the discussion will lasted into the aftermath of the Tunisian revolution. center on Tunisians who participated in the jihad fol- These individuals fought in groups such as Abu Musab lowing the 2003 U.S. -
Libyan Municipal Council Research 1
Libyan Municipal Council Research 1. Detailed Methodology 2. Participation 3. Awareness 4. Knowledge 5. Communication 6. Service Delivery 7. Legitimacy 8. Drivers of Legitimacy 9. Focus Group Recommendations 10. Demographics Detailed Methodology • The survey was conducted on behalf of the International Republican Institute’s Center for Insights in Survey Research by Altai Consulting. This research is intended to support the development and evaluation of IRI and USAID/OTI Libya Transition Initiative programming with municipal councils. The research consisted of quantitative and qualitative components, conducted by IRI and USAID/OTI Libya Transition Initiative respectively. • Data was collected April 14 to May 24, 2016, and was conducted over the phone from Altai’s call center using computer-assisted telephone technology. • The sample was 2,671 Libyans aged 18 and over. • Quantitative: Libyans from the 22 administrative districts were interviewed on a 45-question questionnaire on municipal councils. In addition, 13 municipalities were oversampled to provide a more focused analysis on municipalities targeted by programming. Oversampled municipalities include: Tripoli Center (224), Souq al Jumaa (229), Tajoura (232), Abu Salim (232), Misrata (157), Sabratha (153), Benghazi (150), Bayda (101), Sabha (152), Ubari (102), Weddan (101), Gharyan (100) and Shahat (103). • The sample was post-weighted in order to ensure that each district corresponds to the latest population pyramid available on Libya (US Census Bureau Data, updated 2016) in order for the sample to be nationally representative. • Qualitative: 18 focus groups were conducted with 5-10 people of mixed employment status and level of education in Tripoli Center (men and women), Souq al Jumaa (men and women), Tajoura (men), Abu Salim (men), Misrata (men and women), Sabratha (men and women), Benghazi (men and women), Bayda (men), Sabha (men and women), Ubari (men), and Shahat (men). -
Nationwide School Assessment Libya Ministry
Ministry of Education º«∏©àdGh á«HÎdG IQGRh Ministry of Education Nationwide School Assessment Libya Nationwide School Assessment Report - 2012 Assessment Report School Nationwide Libya LIBYA Libya Nationwide School Assessment Report 2012 Libya Nationwide School Assessment Report 2012 º«∏©àdGh á«HÎdG IQGRh Ministry of Education Nationwide School Assessment Libya © UNICEF Libya/2012-161Y4640/Giovanni Diffidenti LIBYA: Doaa Al-Hairish, a 12 year-old student in Sabha (bottom left corner), and her fellow students during a class in their school in Sabha. Doaa is one of the more shy girls in her class, and here all the others are raising their hands to answer the teacher’s question while she sits quiet and observes. The publication of this volume is made possible through a generous contribution from: the Russian Federation, Kingdom of Sweden, the European Union, Commonwealth of Australia, and the Republic of Poland. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the authors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the donors. © Libya Ministry of Education Parts of this publication can be reproduced or quoted without permission provided proper attribution and due credit is given to the Libya Ministry of Education. Design and Print: Beyond Art 4 Printing Printed in Jordan Table of Contents Preface 5 Map of schools investigated by the Nationwide School Assessment 6 Acronyms 7 Definitions 7 1. Executive Summary 8 1.1. Context 9 1.2. Nationwide School Assessment 9 1.3. Key findings 9 1.3.1. Overall findings 9 1.3.2. Basic school information 10 1.3.3. -
IMC Libya Mental Health and Psychosocial Support Assessment Report
IMC Libya Mental Health and Psychosocial Support Assessment Report November 2011 Prepared by: Dr. Inka Weissbecker, IMC Global Mental Health and Psychosocial Advisor ([email protected]) and Colleen Fitzgerald, MSW, IMC Libya MHPSS Program Manager ([email protected]) 1 | P a g e Contents 1. Assessment Goals II. Psychiatric Services in General Hospitals 2. Assessment Methodology III. Mental Health Services through General Health 2.1. Site Visits, Interviews and Focus Group Clinics Discussions IV. Informal Service Providers 2.2. Assessment Instruments Local Non-Governmental Organizations 3. Assessment Results The School System 3.1. Sociopolitical Context and Recent Developments Traditional Healers 3.1.1. Recent Crisis in Libya V. Self-Care 3.1.2. International Medical Corps in Libya 3.4. The Educational System and Training 3.2. Mental Health and Psychosocial Context Opportunities 3.2.1. Prevalence of Mental Illness 3.4.1. Medical Professions 3.2.2. At Risk and Vulnerable Groups 3.4.2. Psychologists and Social Workers 3.2.2. Mental Health Related Problems, Coping and 3.5. International Organizations Involved in MHPSS Community Sources of Support Work 3.2.3. Attitudes Towards People with Mental Illness 4. Conclusions 3.2.4. Help-Seeking Patterns 5. References 3.3. The Mental Health System 6. Appendixes 3.3.1. General Health Care Appendix 1: MH PHC Integration Checklist 3.3.2. Mental Health Care in Affected Areas Appendix 2: Tool for Mental Health Related Problems, I. Inpatient Psychiatric Facilities Coping and Community Sources of Support 1. Assessment Goals The aim of this assessment was to: obtain an understanding of the mental health context (e.g. -
Libya: Conflict, Transition, and U.S
Libya: Conflict, Transition, and U.S. Policy Updated April 13, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL33142 SUMMARY RL33142 Libya: Conflict, Transition, and U.S. Policy April 13, 2020 Libya’s political transition has been disrupted by armed non-state groups and threatened by the indecision and infighting of interim leaders. After a uprising ended the 40-plus-year rule of Christopher M. Blanchard Muammar al Qadhafi in 2011, interim authorities proved unable to form a stable government, Specialist in Middle address security issues, reshape the country’s finances, or create a viable framework for post- Eastern Affairs conflict justice and reconciliation. Insecurity spread as local armed groups competed for influence and resources. Qadhafi compounded stabilization challenges by depriving Libyans of experience in self-government, stifling civil society, and leaving state institutions weak. Militias, local leaders, and coalitions of national figures with competing foreign patrons remain the most powerful arbiters of public affairs. An atmosphere of persistent lawlessness has enabled militias, criminals, and Islamist terrorist groups to operate with impunity, while recurrent conflict has endangered civilians’ rights and safety. Issues of dispute have included governance, military command, national finances, and control of oil infrastructure. Key Issues and Actors in Libya. After a previous round of conflict in 2014, the country’s transitional institutions fragmented. A Government of National Accord (GNA) based in the capital, Tripoli, took power under the 2015 U.N.- brokered Libyan Political Agreement. Leaders of the House of Representatives (HOR) that were elected in 2014 declined to endorse the GNA, and they and a rival interim government based in eastern Libya have challenged the GNA’s authority with support from the Libyan National Army/Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LNA/LAAF) movement. -
Stakeholder Report United Nations Human Rights Council Universal
Stakeholder report United Nations Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review 2019 Libya Freedom of Press- Submitted by the Libyan Center for Freedom of Press Key concerns • Libya’s domestic laws fail to safeguard or guarantee freedom of press in compliance with international human rights laws and standards. • The Libyan state has adopted new laws and regulations that undermine freedom of press and democratic accountability by unjustifiably restricting and criminalising forms of legitimate expression. • State regulation of the press is currently not transparent and lacks any mechanism to ensure its independence or accountability. • Media professionals are actively targeted by militias and armed non-state actors for the nature of their work. The Libyan state has not taken sufficient steps to investigate or prosecute the perpetrators of such offences or better protect the fundamental human rights of media professionals. Introduction 1. The Libyan Center For Freedom Of Press (LCFP) is a Libyan independent organisation established by a group of journalists dedicated to the protection of the freedom of the press and media, the promotion of a free press and the development and capacity building of new young journalists. 2. This report focuses on the most serious concerns and violations related to the right of freedom of expression, as it relates to the press, to be used by the Human Rights Council in its Universal Periodic Review of Libya in 2020. 3. During the last UPR cycle Libya accepted ten recommendations related to freedom of expression and the right of journalists to carry out their work without hindrance.1 However, the Libyan state failed to implement the recommendations and freedom of expression is still hindered and undermined in law and practice. -
The Limits of Military Counterrevolution
THE LIMITS OF MILITARY COUNTERREVOLUTION jason brownlee merica’s recent wars in South Asia and the Middle East have A inflicted extraordinary physical damage and wreaked seemingly endless havoc. Operations in Afghanistan and Iraq during 2001–2014 totaled $1.6 trillion.1 Once long-term veterans’ care, disability payments, and other economic effects are included, estimates rise to $4–$6 tril- lion.2 Related reports count over one million Americans wounded in Afghanistan and Iraq, in addition to nearly seven thousand killed.3 A conservative tally of local civilian casualties in these countries reaches the hundreds of thousands. Mass destruction has not brought political order to Kabul, Baghdad, or (if one adds the 2011 Libya war) Tripoli. 1 Amy Belasco, The Cost of Iraq, Afghanistan, and Other Global War on Terror Opera- tions Since 9/11 (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Research Service, 2014). 2 Neta C Crawford, US Budgetary Costs of Wars through 2016: $4.79 Trillion and Counting (Providence, RI: Watson Institute of International and Public Affairs, Brown University, 2016). 3 Jamie Reno, “VA Stops Releasing Data On Injured Vets as Total Reaches Grim Mile- stone,” International Business Times (2013). http://icasualties.org/ All subsequent data on US casualties in Afghanistan and Iraq come from this source. 151 CATALYST • VOL 2 • №2 Dictatorship has been followed by civil war and interstate conflict among regional powers. These conflagrations present a historic opportunity for correcting US policy, but mainstream critiques have been stunningly myopic. At the peak of government, foreign policy learning remains more self-exculpatory than self-reflective. The cutting-edge diagnosis is that proper “counterinsurgency” requires a more serious political commit- ment than what Washington made in 2001–2016. -
Mei Media Watch
www.mei.org.in MEI MEDIA WATCH (A Survey of Editorials) No. 23 Tuesday, 29 November 2011 The Killing of Muammar Quaddafi [Note: After weeks of political rhetoric and hidding from the rebel forces which took control of Tripoli, on 20 October 2011 Libyan leader Muammer Qaddafi was captured in his hometown of Sitre and was soon killed by his captured. His last gruseome moments captured on mobile phones soon appeared on the net and his body was taken to Misrata and displayed in the freezer of a local market for four days. Following international uproar, on 25 October Qaddaafi was buried in a secret location. His capture and killing put an end his four-decade long rule and brought the contry completely under the control of the National Transition Council. The issue has been discussed internatinally and eeditorial commentaries from the international and Middle Eastern media are reproduced here. Editor, MEI@ND] * Dubai, Editorial, 7 September 2011, Wednesday 1. Gaddafi’s hide and seek here is Muammar Gaddafi? Is he holed up in Tripoli, is he recollecting in Sirte or he is on his way to Burkina Faso through the wild deserts of Sahara and Niger?The Wfallen Libyan leader keeps all and sundry guessing and has been a mystery to recall under any estimates. So was his style of governance and so is his life and adventure in oblivion. For Full Text: Middle East Institute @ New Delhi, www.mei.org.in MEI MEDIA WATCH‐23/ALVITE 2 http://www.khaleejtimes.com/displayarticle.asp?xfile=data/editorial/2011/September/editorial_S eptember13.xml§ion=editorial&col Dubai, Editorial, 3 October 2011, Monday 2. -
Access to Information on COVID-19 in Libya and Tunisia
MMC North Africa 4Mi Snapshot – June 2020 Access to Information on COVID-19 in Libya and Tunisia This snapshot seeks to better understand refugees’ and migrants’ access to different Profiles sources of information on COVID-19. In particular it seeks to learn the sources of This snapshot is based on 777 surveys with refugees and migrants in Libya and 723 information to which respondents have the greatest access and the channels people on surveys in Tunisia conducted from April 6th - May 20th 2020. The survey data from the move use to receive information about the pandemic. The objective is to inform the both countries were triangulated with qualitative data from 12 key informant interviews work of humanitarian actors in their awareness-raising and outreach activities about conducted in Tripoli, Ajdabiya, and Sabha and 12 in Greater Tunis, Médenine, Sfax and coronavirus in Libya and Tunisia. Nabeul. Recommendations In Libya, respondents were surveyed in 34 cities, most notably Tripoli (38%; n=297), Sabha • Awareness-raising programs and information campaigns should create content on (37%; n=284), Ajdabiya (8%; n=61), and Benghazi (6%; n=46). The primary nationalities COVID-19 that can be easily shared and disseminated via social media and messaging of surveyed refugees and migrants were Nigerian (28%; n=220), Sudanese (14%; n=112), apps given the prevalent use of new media by refugees and migrants in both Libya and Nigerien (11%; n=83). Other nationalities that were prevalent in the sample include and Tunisia. Ghanaian, Malian, Cameroonian, Burkinabe and Ethiopian. 72% of respondents are men and 28% are women, ranging from 18 to 65 years of age. -
International Medical Corps in Libya from the Rise of the Arab Spring to the Fall of the Gaddafi Regime
International Medical Corps in Libya From the rise of the Arab Spring to the fall of the Gaddafi regime 1 International Medical Corps in Libya From the rise of the Arab Spring to the fall of the Gaddafi regime Report Contents International Medical Corps in Libya Summary…………………………………………… page 3 Eight Months of Crisis in Libya…………………….………………………………………… page 4 Map of International Medical Corps’ Response.…………….……………………………. page 5 Timeline of Major Events in Libya & International Medical Corps’ Response………. page 6 Eastern Libya………………………………………………………………………………....... page 8 Misurata and Surrounding Areas…………………….……………………………………… page 12 Tunisian/Libyan Border………………………………………………………………………. page 15 Western Libya………………………………………………………………………………….. page 17 Sirte, Bani Walid & Sabha……………………………………………………………………. page 20 Future Response Efforts: From Relief to Self-Reliance…………………………………. page 21 International Medical Corps Mission: From Relief to Self-Reliance…………………… page 24 International Medical Corps in the Middle East…………………………………………… page 24 International Medical Corps Globally………………………………………………………. Page 25 Operational data contained in this report has been provided by International Medical Corps’ field teams in Libya and Tunisia and is current as of August 26, 2011 unless otherwise stated. 2 3 Eight Months of Crisis in Libya Following civilian demonstrations in Tunisia and Egypt, the people of Libya started to push for regime change in mid-February. It began with protests against the leadership of Colonel Muammar al- Gaddafi, with the Libyan leader responding by ordering his troops and supporters to crush the uprising in a televised speech, which escalated the country into armed conflict. The unrest began in the eastern Libyan city of Benghazi, with the eastern Cyrenaica region in opposition control by February 23 and opposition supporters forming the Interim National Transitional Council on February 27.