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Cameralism in Practice: State Administration and Economy in Early
BOOK REVIEW: CAMERALISM IN PRACTICE: STATE ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY IN EARLY MODERN EUROPE BY MARTEN SEPPEL AND KEITH TRIBE REVIEWED BY CARLOS EDUARDO SUPRINYAK* *CEDEPLAR, Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte, Brazil. Contact: [email protected] This “preprint” is the accepted typescript of a book review that is forthcoming in revised form, after minor editorial changes, in the Journal of the History of Economic Thought (ISSN: 1053-8372), issue TBA. Copyright to the journal’s articles is held by the History of Economics Society (HES), whose exclusive licensee and publisher for the journal is Cambridge University Press (https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-the- history-of-economic-thought). This preprint may be used only for private research and study and is not to be distributed further. The preprint may be cited as follows: Suprinyak, Carlos Eduardo. Review of “Cameralism in Practice: State Administration and Economy in Early Modern Europe” by Marten Seppel and Keith Tribe. Journal of the History of Economic Thought (forthcoming). Preprint at SocArXiv, osf.io/preprints/socarxiv Book Review SEPPEL, Marten & TRIBE, Keith (2017). Cameralism in Practice: state administration and economy in Early Modern Europe, Woodbridge/Rochester: The Boydell Press. By Carlos Eduardo Suprinyak, Cedeplar/UFMG A quick internet search returns the following definition of cameralism, provided by Oxford Living Dictionaries: “an economic theory prevalent in 18th-century Germany, which advocated a strong public administration managing a centralized economy primarily for the benefit of the state”. In the collection of essays Cameralism in Practice, editors Marten Seppel and Keith Tribe seem bent on deconstructing every single element of this definition. -
The History of Economic Policy in Thecontext of a History of Economic Thought
The History of Economic Policy in the Context of a History of Economic Thought. Erik S. Reinert, January-February 2002. 1. Introduction. Methodology and Toolboxes: The Different Kinds of Economics. Readings: The Other Canon, ‘Two Different Ways of Understanding the Economic World and The Wealth and Poverty of Nations (3 pages), Bruce Henderson, Boston Consulting Group, Perspectives on Strategy (1998): ‘Business Thinking’, BCG, pp. 260-263. 2. Theories of History: Learning, Technological Change and Economic Development. Erik Reinert: ‘Karl Bücher and the Geographical Dimensions of Techno-Economic Change: Production-Based Economic Theory and the Stages of Economic Development’. Albert O. Hirschman: ‘The Passions and the Interests’, pp. 9-31+132-135. 3. The Renaissance and Duty-Based Systems: From Economic Anthropology to Statecrafting and Nation-Building. The Failure of Spain’s 16th Century Policies. Readings: Reinert & Daastøl, ‘Exploring the Genesis of Economic Innovations: The Religious Gestalt-Switch and the Duty to Invent as Preconditions for Economic Growth’, pp- 1-24 (= 233-264). Gustav Schmoller: ‘The Mercantile System and its Historical Significance’, particularly pp. 1-17, 29-36, 49- 80, 4. Mercantilism, Colbertism and Cameralism: Economic Growth as Activity-Specific, ‘Good’ and ‘Bad’ Trade, The Role of Cities and Diversity, Scale and Synergies. Readings: Antonio Serra, ‘A Brief Treatise’ (1613), (Monroe pp. 145-167), Daniel Defoe, ‘A Plan of English Commerce’ (1730) pp. 126-135, Philipp von Hornick, ‘Nine Principal Rules of National Economy’, from ‘Austria Over All if She Only Will (1684), (Monroe pp. 223- 227). 5. The 18th Century and the Mandevillean Revolution; Physiocracy and Adam Smith. Reading: Eric Roll on Adam Smith, ‘A History of Economic Thought’, pp. -
Free Trade by Gordon Bannerman
Free Trade by Gordon Bannerman Exchanging commodities by commercial transaction is one of the most direct forms of transferring cultural and intellectual capital. Historically, however, international trading relationships have been complicated by national rivalries, opposing economic interests, and the desire of nation‐states to protect domestic industries as a guarantee of economic power and military strength. Against these restrictive influences, the acceptance of free trade has varied according to time, place, and circumstance. This article examines the international and ideological trajectory of the idea and considers the structural and economic influences which shaped policy development and outcomes, as well as the historical context within which it occurred. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction 2. Early Modern Conceptions of Trade 3. Mercantilism and Liberal Political Economy 4. The Emergence of Free Trade in Europe 5. Repeal of the British Corn Laws 6. The Rise of Free Trade in Europe 7. The Revival of Protection in Europe 8. Free Trade in Decline 9. Conclusion 10. Appendix 1. Sources 2. Bibliography 3. Notes Indices Citation Introduction The notion of free trade in international commerce has a long history, but only in the 18th century did an increasingly liberal view of the practical benefits and economic efficiency of free international commerce emerge in scholarly work. Most notably, The Wealth of Nations (1776) by Adam Smith (1723–1790) (➔ Media Link #ab) saw free international commerce as a prerequisite for the wealth creation of expanding capitalist economies through the division of labour and the removal of artificial barriers to trading relationships. Smith's work was the catalyst for free trade theory, and despite the obstinate survival of protectionism, notably in emerging nation‐ states anxious to protect domestic industries as a guaranty of national strength, free trade theory was increasingly accepted as underpinning progressive, modern policy‐making. -
1. the Damnation of Economics
Notes 1. The Damnation of Economics 1. One example of vice-regal patronage of anti-economics is Canada’s ‘Governor General’s Award for Non-Fiction’. In 1995 this honour was bestowed upon John Raulston Saul’s anti-economic polemic The Unconscious Civilization (published in 1996). A taste of Saul’s wisdom: ‘Over the last quarter-century economics has raised itself to the level of a scientific profession and more or less foisted a Nobel Prize in its own honour onto the Nobel committee thanks to annual financing from a bank. Yet over the same 25 years, economics has been spectacularly unsuc- cessful in its attempts to apply its models and theories to the reality of our civili- sation’ (Saul 1996, p. 4). See Pusey (1991) and Cox (1995) for examples of patronage of anti-economics by Research Councils and Broadcasting Corporations. 2. Another example of economists’ ‘stillness’: the economists of 1860 did not join the numerous editorial rebukes of Ruskin’s anti-economics tracts (Anthony, 1983). 3. The anti-economist is not to be contrasted with the economist. An economist (that is, a person with a specialist knowledge of economics) may be an anti- economist. The true obverse of anti-economist is ‘philo-economist’: someone who holds that economics is a boon. 4. One may think of economics as a disease (as the anti-economist does), or one may think of economics as diseased. Mark Blaug: ‘Modern economics is “sick” . To para- phrase the title of a popular British musical: “No Reality, Please. We’re Economists”’ (Blaug 1998, p. -
Ancient Economic Thought, Volume 1
ANCIENT ECONOMIC THOUGHT This collection explores the interrelationship between economic practice and intellectual constructs in a number of ancient cultures. Each chapter presents a new, richer understanding of the preoccupation of the ancients with specific economic problems including distribution, civic pride, management and uncertainty and how they were trying to resolve them. The research is based around the different artifacts and texts of the ancient East Indian, Hebraic, Greek, Hellenistic, Roman and emerging European cultures which remain for our consideration today: religious works, instruction manuals, literary and historical writings, epigrapha and legal documents. In looking at such items it becomes clear what a different exercise it is to look forward, from the earliest texts and artifacts of any culture, to measure the achievements of thinking in the areas of economics, than it is to take the more frequent route and look backward, beginning with the modern conception of economic systems and theory creation. Presenting fascinating insights into the economic thinking of ancient cultures, this volume will enhance the reawakening of interest in ancient economic history and thought. It will be of great interest to scholars of economic thought and the history of ideas. B.B.Price is Professor of Ancient and Medieval History at York University, Toronto, and is currently doing research and teaching as visiting professor at Massachusetts Institute of Technology. ROUTLEDGE STUDIES IN THE HISTORY OF ECONOMICS 1 Economics as Literature -
The Cameralists: Fertile Sources for a New Science of Public Finance
The Cameralists: Fertile Sources for a New Science of Public Finance Richard E. Wagner Department of Economics George Mason University Fairfax, VA 22030, USA Abstract The cameralist writers emerged after 1500, primarily in the German- speaking lands, and stayed on the scene until the middle of the 19th century. While I devote some effort to characterizing some of the work and themes of the cameralists, I devote most of this paper to an examination of the contemporary relevance of a cameralist orientation for scholarship in public finance. To place such stress upon contemporary relevance is not to ignore the vast differences between their times and ours, but is only to affirm that there are some enduring themes within the cameralist orientation that could prove interesting and fruitful for contemporary scholarship in public finance. JEL Code: B11, H1 The cameralists emerged around 1500, and were mostly located in the German-speaking lands. By the time they had disappeared in the middle of the 19th century, they had amassed a collective bibliography of more than 14,000 items, according to Magdalene Humpert (1937). To someone raised on contemporary economic theory, the cameralists would surely seem highly irrelevant. Among other things, they were oriented toward practice and not toward the refinement of theoretical schemata. Principles were present, to be sure, and these were brought to bear on various matters of substantive practice. The driving interest of the cameralists, however, lay in their ability to operate 2 more effectively in a substantive manner, and not on the development of theoretical argument. Joseph Schumpeter (1954, pp. -
INFORMATION to USERS the Most Advanced Technology Has Been Used to Photo Graph and Reproduce This Manuscript from the Microfilm Master
INFORMATION TO USERS The most advanced technology has been used to photo graph and reproduce this manuscript from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are re produced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. These are also available as one exposure on a standard 35mm slide or as a 17" x 23" black and white photographic print for an additional charge. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI University Microfilms International A Bell & Howell Information Company 3 00 Nortfi Z eeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 Order Number 9011133 Sudden leaps: The young Alfred Marshall Butler, Robert William, Ph.D. -
Economics - Czech Republic Turnovec, Frantisek
www.ssoar.info Economics - Czech Republic Turnovec, Frantisek Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Sammelwerksbeitrag / collection article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GESIS - Leibniz-Institut für Sozialwissenschaften Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Turnovec, F. (2002). Economics - Czech Republic. In M. Kaase, V. Sparschuh, & A. Wenninger (Eds.), Three social science disciplines in Central and Eastern Europe: handbook on economics, political science and sociology (1989-2001) (pp. 50-64). Berlin: Informationszentrum Sozialwissenschaften. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168- ssoar-278768 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY Lizenz (Namensnennung) zur This document is made available under a CC BY Licence Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden (Attribution). For more Information see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.de 50 František Turnovec Economics - Czech Republic1 Discussant: Jiří Havel Introduction Until the 1989 “Velvet Revolution”, Czechoslovakia was one of the most conservative socialist countries. Even compared to other former socialist countries in Central Europe, the Czechoslovak economy was exceptional in etatization, with only 4% of GDP produced by the private sector (and 10% produced by the cooperative sector) in 1989. After a promising discussion in the 1960s and then the defeat of the Prague Spring at the end of the 1960s, no significant experiments with the liberalization of the economic and political system were implemented in the 1970s and 1980s, and the rigid party nomenclature running the country had to live with the legacy of post-1968 normalization, when the more liberal segments of the Communist Party and of the Czechoslovak political and intellectual establishment were eliminated, expelled from the country, or isolated and persecuted for two long decades. -
On the American Paradox of Laissez Faire and Mass Incarceration
ON THE AMERICAN PARADOX OF LAISSEZ FAIRE AND MASS INCARCERATION Bernard E. Harcourt∗ What we come to believe — so often, in reality, mere fiction and myth — takes on the character of truth and has real effects, tangible effects on our social and political condition. These beliefs, these hu- man fabrications, are they simply illusions? Are they fantasies? Are they reflections on a cave wall? Over the past two centuries at least, brilliant and well-regarded thinkers have proposed a range of theories and methods to emancipate us from these figments of our imagination. They have offered genealogies and archaeologies, psychoanalysis, Ideologiekritik, poststructuralism, and deconstruction — to name but a few. Their writings are often obscure and laden with a jargon that has gotten in the way of their keen insights, but their central point contin- ues to resonate loudly today: our collective imagination has real effects on our social condition and on our politics. It is important, it is vital to question what passes as truth. Any sophisticated listener, for instance, would have understood immediately what Barack Obama was doing when he declared on the campaign trail in 2008 that “[t]he market is the best mechanism ever invented for efficiently allocating resources to maximize production.”1 Or when he quickly added, “I also think that there is a connection be- tween the freedom of the marketplace and freedom more generally.”2 Obama was tapping into a public imaginary, one reflected at the time by the overwhelming belief, shared by more than two-thirds -
Iamerican Crseciprocal Trade ^Agreement of 1874: Ia Pennsylvania^ S "View
c The Canadian-<iAmerican Rseciprocal Trade ^Agreement of 1874: iA Pennsylvania^ s "View wo issues that attracted a good deal of public attention in nineteenth-century America were tariffs and Canadian- TAmerican foreign relations. Protectionists and free traders chose up opposing sides on the first question; the dividing line for the second fell between expansionists who sought the annexation of Canada and those who preferred that these two nations live as independent, peaceful neighbors.1 While these issues were separable, it also happened that they became intertwined on several occasions, most notably when reciprocal trade agreements were proposed as a means of governing trade between the United States and Canada. Those who sought annexation supported such agreements, because they offered economic penetration of Canadian markets as a substi- tute for forcible conquest of that country.2 Protectionists, on the other hand, opposed them, but not because they feared that free 1 There is, of course, a wide variety of sources (and views) on Canadian-American rela- tions. See, for example, Hugh Aitlcen, "The Changing Structure of the Canadian Economy, with Particular Reference to the Influence of the United States," in The American Impact on Canada, Hugh Aitken, ed. (Durham, N. C, 1959); Harold Innis, Essays in Canadian Economic History (Toronto, 1962); American Assembly, The United States and Canada (Engle- wood Cliffs, N. J., 1964); and Gerald Craig, The United States and Canada (Cambridge, Mass., 1968). 2 Two specific examples of reciprocal-trade agreements between Canada and the United States are an 1855-66 treaty and an agreement proposed in 1902. -
Ohlin on the Great Depression
Ohlin on the Great Depression BENNY CARLSON | LARS JONUNG KNUT WICKSELL WORKING PAPER 2013:9 Working papers Editor: F. Lundtofte The Knut Wicksell Centre for Financial Studies Lund University School of Economics and Management Ohlin on the Great Depression Ten newspaper articles 1929-1935 selected by Benny Carlson and Lars Jonung Abstract: Bertil Ohlin was a most active commentator on current economic events in the inter- war period, combining his academic work with a journalistic output of an impressive scale. He published more than a thousand newspaper articles in the 1920s and 1930s, more than any other professor in economics in Sweden. Here we have collected ten articles by Ohlin, translated from Swedish and originally published in Stockholms-Tidningen, to trace the evolution of his thinking during the Great Depression of the 1930s. These articles, spanning roughly half a decade, bring out his response to the stock market crisis in New York in 1929, his views on monetary policy in 1931, on fiscal policy and public works in 1932, his reaction to Keynes' ideas in 1932 and 1933 and to Roosevelt's New Deal in 1933, and, finally, his stand against state socialism in 1935. At the beginning of the depression, Ohlin was quite optimistic in his outlook. But as the downturn in the world economy deepened, his optimism waned. He dealt with proposals for bringing the Swedish economy out of the depression, and reported positively on the policy views of Keynes. At an early stage, he recommended expan- sionary fiscal and monetary policies including public works. This approach permeated the contributions of the young generation of Swedish economists arising in the 1930s, eventually forming the Stockholm School of Economics. -
Eli Heckscher,Sweden,Liberalism
Discuss this article at Journaltalk: http://journaltalk.net/articles/5902 ECON JOURNAL WATCH 13(1) January 2016: 75–99 Eli Heckscher’s Ideological Migration Toward Market Liberalism Benny Carlson1 LINK TO ABSTRACT Sweden is a country that is often misunderstood by outsiders, and even by Swedes themselves. From the latter part of the nineteenth century, Sweden’s eco- nomic policies were quite liberal, and for 100 years, say from 1870 to 1970, the economy grew rapidly (see Schön 2011; Bergh 2014). During this period Sweden enjoyed relatively high-quality public debate—a tradition in which Sweden still remains quite exceptional. Leading economists took active part and influenced opinion; they were genuine leaders in public discourse. Five titans stand out: Knut Wicksell, Gustav Cassel, Eli Heckscher, Bertil Ohlin, and Gunnar Myrdal.2 The first three were highly liberal. Ohlin began as liberal, like his mentor Heckscher, but moved to a position of social liberalism, or moderate welfare-statism, and became a leading politician (Berggren 2013). Myrdal represents Sweden’s turn toward social democracy (Carlson 2013). Here I tell of Eli Heckscher (1879–1952), and in particular of his ideological development. For most of his life Heckscher was the most firmly principled eco- nomic liberal Sweden had. He fought against state-socialist tendencies, Keynesian crisis policy, and economic planning, and had only one real rival, Gustav Cassel, 1. Lund University School of Economics and Management, 221 00 Lund, Sweden. I thank MIT Press for their permission to incorporate in this article some material that was previously published in a chapter of Eli Heckscher, International Trade, and Economic History, edited by Ronald Findlay, Rolf G.