ASSOCIATION FOR CONSUMER RESEARCH

Labovitz School of Business & Economics, University of Minnesota Duluth, 11 E. Superior Street, Suite 210, Duluth, MN 55802

Hair As Attribute, Hair As Symbol, Hair As Self Elizabeth C. Hirschman, School of Business, Rutgers University New Brunswick, NJ 08903

[to cite]: Elizabeth C. Hirschman and New Brunswick (2002) ,"Hair As Attribute, Hair As Symbol, Hair As Self", in GCB - Gender and Consumer Behavior Volume 6, eds. Pauline Maclaran, Paris, France : Association for Consumer Research, Pages: 355- 366.

[url]: http://www.acrwebsite.org/volumes/15735/gender/v06/GCB-06

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Hair as Attribute, Hair as Symbol, Hair as Self

Elizabeth C. Hirschman, School of Business, Rutgers University New Brunswick, NJ 08903

ABSTRACT Prior Consumer Research

Over the past two decades, consumer Four consumer researchers have made research has paid scant attention to one constructive efforts to direct attention to of the most malleable aspects of self- the importance of hair as a site of presentation – one’s hair (for important consumer identity construction. Rook‟s exceptions see the work of Rook, (1985) article on grooming rituals McCracken and Schouten and introduced to our literature the notion McAlexander). The present paper that grooming, especially of the head reviews research on hair and grooming hair, played a large role in consumers‟ practices in the psychological, attempts to construct an attractive self sociological and anthropological to present to the public. Through a literatures in order to distill insights series of essays elicited from young relevant to consumer research. A set of adults, Rook found evidence that hair possible topics, data sources and was seen as having special, almost interpretive methods is then outlined for magical, transformative powers in the use by researchers who desire to pursue consumer‟s life. Daily practices of inquiry in this area. shampooing, conditioning and styling the hair enabled consumers to exercise INTRODUCTION some control over their self-images, both on an internal and external basis. Over the past two decades consumer research has paid scant attention to one The idea that hairstyle could be used to of the most malleable aspects of self- effect or signal a change in the inner presentation – one‟s hair (for important self was developed further by exceptions see Rook 1985; McCracken McAlexander and Schouten in a 1989 1995; Schouten and McAlexander article an “Hair Style Changes as 1989). The purpose of this paper is to Transition Markers.” Utilizing review the social psychological, autobiographical essays from young sociological and anthropological adults, these researchers identified three literatures dealing with hair in order to rites of passages in which alterations in distill propositions and insights that are hairstyle signaled a change in life applicable to consumer behavior. A status: preliminary interpretive approach to this significant – and signifying – area (1) Asserting independence from of consumption will then be suggested. parental control, i.e., “coming of age.”

355 (2) Sexual identity formation, and shaven) are treated as independent (3) Shifts in social member- variables, while the perceptions of ship/affiliation (e.g., high school others are the dependent variables. graduation). From this body of research, some intriguing findings have emerged. In each case, the young consumer used a change in hairstyle to announce First, we may consider the amount of his/her change in self, i.e., a new “me” hair. By the time they are fifty years of requires a new “look”. age, most men will experience significant thinning of their head hair Most recently, McCracken in Big Hair (Cash 1990), while a sizeable minority (1995) expanded the consumer behavior will become fully or partially bald. As perspective on hair by examining the we shall see, the lessening of the social meaning not only of style, but amount of head hair in men is generally also of color. As this researcher notes, viewed negatively in American culture; blonde, red, brunette and gray hair all thus, in response, marketers have have distinct cultural meanings. And promoted products to hide (e.g., wigs, since consumers may use products that toupees, weaves) or ameliorate (e.g., can temporarily or permanently alter Propecia, Rogaine, hair grafts) this their hair color, this too must be condition. incorporated into the investigation of self-construction through hair care In one of the major studies of men‟s practices. hair loss on social impression formation, Cash (1990) found that “hair Despite these pioneering efforts, loss had a nearly uniform, adverse however, our field has not advanced far impact on how the men were initially its comprehension of how hair care and perceived by others. As compared with grooming practices shape – and are their matched, non-balding counter- shaped by – consumers‟ lives. The parts, the bald or balding men were studies by Rook (1985) and Schouten perceived as less physically attractive, and McAlexander (1989) were limited less self-assertive, less socially to the experiences of young adults in attractive, less likely to experience their twenties; while McCracken‟s success in their personal and career study focused primarily on women. lives and were less personally liked by Thus, there is a vast terrain of cultural the perceivers, themselves (p. 159).” and personal hair care meaning yet to As if this were not bad enough, Cash be explored. We take a look now at also found that men losing their hair what may be gleaned from inquiries in were judged to be 3.6 years older than social psychology, sociology and their actual age. anthropology. Subsequent research has reinforced Social Psychologists Look at Hair these findings. Butler, Prior and Oreider (1988) found that matched Within the social psychology literature, photographs of men with full heads of hair is most commonly viewed as an hair versus bald heads led to higher attribute. Research in this area is ratings of the full-head condition for typically undertaken using controlled being dynamic, dominant, and experiments in which hair colors, hair masculine, as well as younger. This lengths, and hair amounts (i.e., full, cultural viewpoint is apparently not lost bald, partially bald, bearded, clean on men themselves; Franzoi, Anderson

356 and Frommelt (1990) found that drug use, sexual experience, and balding men judged themselves as less liberality were found to be higher than attractive than did men with no hair for women who preferred the short loss, and those who were especially haired males. Finally, a study by concerned about the opinions of others Pancer and Meindl (1978) examined were even more self-critical, if their perceptions of male hair length and hair was thinning. The loss of head hair beardedness conditions on evaluations is not restricted to men, however, nor by males and females. Bearded males, are its damaging consequences. regardless of hair length, were Women with significant hair loss also perceived by both men and women as suffered deleterious effects upon their more educated, intelligent, open self-esteem, self-confidence, perceived minded, outgoing, reckless and younger attractiveness and perceived than those who were clean-shaven. youthfulness (van der Donk, Hunfeld, However, fifteen years subsequent to Passchier, Kneght-Junk, and Nieboer this, Terry and Krantz (1993) found that 1994). beards may “evoke the schema of a virile male, [one who is] more socially Not only hair quantity, but also hair forceful than cognitively able” length, has been found by social (p. 1766). Thus, social perceptions of psychologists to influence others‟ the meaning of male facial hair may perceptions. In three studies conducted change over time. during the 1970‟s – a time when disco ruled and long hair and polyester suits Hair color, in both men and women, for men were de rigueur – hair length has also been studied as a social was found to create different perception attribute. In one of the impressions of the wearer‟s personality, earliest investigations, Lawson (1971) and to be correlated with different found that redheaded men were viewed perceptions of self. Larsen and White very negatively by both other men and (1974) found that male college students women. Later research (Clayson and wearing below shoulder length hair Maughan 1986) found red headed men (classified by the researchers as were seen as sad, feminine, unpleasant, „deviant‟ in length) were significantly weak, slow and shallow. Red headed more independent, and less conforming women fared somewhat better, being and recognizing of authority than their seen as professional, complex and shorter haired brethren. powerful. Blonde women were found in the same study to be rated highly as When female college students were beautiful, pleasant, feminine, smooth, asked to evaluate the personalities of weak, gentle and soft; while blonde long, medium, and short haired male men were seen as handsome, pleasant, students, those with long hair were strong, powerful, rich, successful, rated as more feminine, youthful, active and aggressive.1 In an unusual pleasure-seeking, immoral and interpretive extension for social outspoken, while the short haired male psychologists, these authors comment students were seen by these same that “Ancient Greek actors used black midwestern coeds as more careful, wigs for villains, blonde for heroes and wise, academically oriented, masculine, red wigs for the clown or fool” (p. 816). strong, mature, intelligent, moral, They also conjecture that we are a physically attractive and well-adjusted. Among the subset of women students 1 Comparisons to brunettes were not made in who did prefer the long-haired men, this study.

357 “society that attributes lightness to Representative of work on hair as a femininity and darkness to masculinity” social class signifier is Mazur‟s (1993) (p. 816). study of wedding portraits. Using bridal portraits published in current A final social psychology study newspapers, Mazur had forty persons examined the impact of women‟s hair examine the photos and estimate the color (blonde, brown, red) and social class of the bride. He found that moderate versus no use of cosmetics brides from higher social classes were upon perceptions of her ability to (correctly) identified as having short, perform a professional role (Kyle and simple hair styles and/or hair that was Mahler 1996). The investigators found pulled back from the cheeks and that both blonde and redheaded job forehead. Conversely, brides from applicants were deemed significantly working class backgrounds were less capable than brunette women and (correctly) recognized as having longer, were assigned a lower starting salary. elaborately curled hairstyles that Further, the use of cosmetics, regardless covered their foreheads and cheeks. of hair color, acted to lower job After considering and rejecting several performance expectations and salary explanations for this difference in assignments. appearance, Mazur hits upon one that rings true: working class women, who In treating hair as an attribute, social generally had lower career/professional psychologists have made substantial aspirations, placed more value on headway in identifying the social and appearing alluring, i.e., sexually personality correlates of various desirable, than did the upper class amounts, lengths and colors of head brides. As Mazur (p. 281) writes hair. Where they have perhaps fallen “Secretaries are relatively more free to short is in linking these empirical data develop their own persona using to the cultural norms and historical makeup, elaborate hairdos and jewelry, patterns that underlie and reiterate them whereas young female executives do across generations. To gain an better by dressing conventionally... [On understanding of these forces, we must their wedding day] lower class brides turn first to sociology and then may wish to appear ... with all the anthropology. glitter and splendor of a princess,” whereas the upper class bride will seek The Sociology of Hair a more sedate, classic appearance. (The motion picture Erin Brockovich is a There have been some brilliantly relevant exemplar here). insightful sociological treatises on hair as a cultural symbol, most of which Sociologists have also examined norms (e.g., Hallpike 1969, Synnott 1987) surrounding the use of hair in creating overlap with equally insightful work in and communicating gender identity. A anthropology (Leach 1958; Herschman (1999) article by Zipkin regarding 1974); thus we postpone examining hairstyles and hair length among these large-scale efforts until the lesbians is an instructive example. In subsequent section. What we take up this piece, Zipkin, who is a lesbian with here is a look at recent, more tightly hair below her shoulders, discusses the focused inquiries that examine hair as a strict norms within this gender signifier of social class norms, gender subculture regarding hair: “Ideal” norms and religious norms. lesbians have short haircuts; whereas those who have long(er) hair are seen as

358 weak-willed, uncommitted, insecure mirror belonged to men. When the “femmies.” As Zipkin aptly points out, beauty of fashion was men‟s domain, within the lesbian community, sexual they didn‟t employ women‟s denials … authenticity is ironically judged Men used their looks, flaunted them, according to how masculine (i.e., butch, competed with them to win whatever dykey) the woman can make herself prize and power were to be had.” appear. Lesbian women who look like their straight sisters are denigrated A final example of sociological inquiry (again, ironically) as sissies. Thus, regarding hair norms comes from a very Zipkin argues, traditional lesbians have atypical source, the journal Judaism essentially accepted patriarchal norms (1987) in an article by Broyde. At issue regarding what women are „supposed‟ is whether the covering of a woman‟s to look like; they have simply inverted hair is specifically required by religious the evaluations: looking like a man is law, halakha, or whether it is subject to good; looking like a woman is bad. the prevailing norms of the society in Zipkin argues, correctly, that these which the woman lives, termed minhag. norms are still derived from patriarchal values. As she writes (p. 10), “Lesbians Broyde notes that the original have internalized the sexist beliefs of prohibition on women entering the the dominant culture that they attempt synagogue with uncovered hair was to to reject in the first place. Even in prevent their serving as source of sexual rejecting these images, women are held distraction to the male worshippers. captive by them.” Reviewing a long series of Talmudic opinions on the matter, Broyde astutely Indeed, Zipkin‟s critique could be argues that the historic prohibition on applied more broadly to feminist women worshipping with uncovered ideology regarding societal pressures heads was based on the historic fact that that require women to value themselves women in virtually all Mediterranean by their appearances. Although Wolf and Semitic societies were deemed (1991) is certainly correct in declaring immodest (i.e., sexually provocative) if that “the beauty myth” pushes women any body parts except their face, neck to re-make themselves in keeping with and hands were revealed. Hence, prevailing standards of beauty, she does historic norms saw uncovered hair as not address the fact that men currently sexually tempting. However, in are placed under similar pressures. contemporary times and American Further, prescriptive cultural beliefs culture, women who go about with regarding hair length, color, and style uncovered hair are not viewed socially for both men and women predate the as lewd or immodest. Thus, ipso facto, Industrial Revolution by centuries, if Jewish women may now pray in not millennia, as any examination of synagogues with uncovered hair,2 since artistic or mythological representations the governing principle is not law will reveal. (halakhah), but rather custom (minhag).

Perhaps more insightful is Friday‟s Sociology and Anthropology Cast Hair (1996) our looks, our lives, which as a Cultural Symbol describes women‟s (and men‟s) skillful use of their appearances to attract attention and attain self-set goals. As she notes, (p. 627) “… until the late 2 Notably, however, orthodox Jewish women eighteenth century, the dressing room still enter synagogue with head coverings.

359 Two of the primary writings devoted to it from its natural/wild state and forces the cultural aspects of hair‟s meaning it to conform to cultural conventions. are Magical Hair (1958) by Edmund Hallpike notes, for example, that Leach, an anthropologist, and “Social monks, soldiers, and convicts all have Hair” (1969) by C.R. Hallpike, also an shaven heads to signify that they are anthropologist. Leach‟s analysis under rigid discipline, i.e., their constructs a metaphorical linkage freedom is greatly restricted, hence between the psychoanalytic their hair greatly reduced to signify this. interpretation of head hair developed by Charles Berg and the symbolic He then provides the examples of meanings of head hair as incorporated “women, intellectuals and juvenile into several rituals reported by rebels” who are viewed as being less ethnographers. In its essence, Berg under social control than are most men. viewed head hair as equivalent “Long hair is therefore a symbol of psychologically to one‟s sexual being in some way outside society, of potency; thus, cutting one‟s hair is a having less to do with it, or of being metaphor for castration. Leach less amenable to social control than the concluded that although the average citizen (p. 261).” psychological and the social symbolism of head hair existed on two different Hallpike further reasons that “outside planes of meaning, one could be society equals hairiness equals transformed into the other by a process animalike ... the chaos of untamed of metaphoric equivalence. nature before the process of To Leach, these equivalencies could be socialization (p. 262).” He links these expressed as follows. proposals to Biblical (i.e., ancient Hebrew) examples: Head = phallus3 Hair = semen Hairiness = hunter (Esau) Hair cutting = castration Hairiness = wild beast and that, (Nebuchadnezzar) Long hair = unrestrained sexuality Hairiness = physical strength Short hair = restricted sexuality (Samson) Close shaven hair = celibacy Hairiness = spiritual power (Elijah, John the Baptist) Hallpike (1969) reinterprets the ethnographic record and proposes And also to examples from Stith- alterations in Leach‟s proposals. First, Thompson‟s Motif Index of Folk he argues that long hair symbolizes not Literature (1955-1958), concluding that merely/only unrestrained sexuality, but hairiness (both on the head and body) is more fully “is associated with being associated strongly with supernatural or outside society and that the cutting of quasi-human beings, e.g., dwarfs, hair symbolizes re-entering society, or giants, wood sprites, devils, witches and living within a particular disciplinary mermaids. regime within society (p. 260).” And later (p. 261), “Cutting the hair equals In 1977, British sociologist Anthony social control. Dressing the hair may Synnott extended the interpretations of also be ceremoniously equivalent to both Leach and Hallpike in his essay, cutting it,” in that styling the hair takes “Shame and Glory: The Sociology of Hair.” Synnott sought to contemporize 3 Note that Leach is considering only the male the interpretations of hair symbolism by gender.

360 examining current Western mores regarding its meaning, especially in He also points out that while women North America and Britain. Synnott‟s eschew chest hair on themselves and approach was highly organized and often shave or deplitate their leg and well developed; it may be summarized underarm (axillary) hair, men behave in three propositions: oppositely – desiring body hair as a 1. Opposite sexes have opposite symbol of masculinity and potency. To hair norms Synnott, luxuriant chest hair on men is 2. Head hair and body hair have symbolically equivalent to luxuriant opposite norms head hair on women: a sign of sexual 3. Opposite ideologies have vitality and attractiveness. opposite hair norms In extending his propositions to Synnott contends that his propositions ideology, Synnott connects with works are applicable to three „zones‟ on each discussed earlier: person‟s body: head hair, body hair and facial hair. He also observes that hair 1. That too large or elaborate may be manipulated in four primary hairstyles on women are seen as ways (several of these are reminiscent unprofessional and inappropriately of the social psychology literature): alluring for a business (masculine) length may vary from microscopic to environment. several feet; color may be altered to 2. That feminists (and/or lesbians) several natural (and unnatural e.g., blue, will adopt non-normative standards green, purple) shades; style can be for women – having short, unstyled altered from straight to curly, up to hair, no make up, no eyebrow down, forward to back, and so on and, plucking, no leg or underarm finally, quantity of hair may be shaving; that is, they will oppose manipulated via wigs, hairpieces and themselves to the traditional female extensions. hair pattern. 3. Societal malcontents, protesters In his analysis of contemporary society, and rejects will don hair styles that Synnott turns to experimental studies, countervail traditional norms: poetry, mythology, magazines, hence long hair and beards on newspapers, motion pictures and beatniks and hippies, Afros on televisions shows. He observes that Blacks (1970‟s), greased hair on head hair is much more likely to be juvenile delinquents (James Dean), manipulated by women than men in spiked, multicolored hair on punk terms of style, color, length and rockers, and shaved heads quantity; that blonde is deemed a more (indicating hyper-masculine codes feminine color, while brown hair is of discipline) on Marines and more masculine; and that facial hair on Skinheads. men can be used as a symbol of adulthood/manhood whereas women While Synnott‟s analysis is compelling, are more likely to eschew any beard or it does not address some more deep- mustaches on themselves, while seated structures that are typically of alternatively plucking their eyebrows interest to anthropologists and may also and thickening their eyelashes. Thus, be important to consumer research. as Synnott proposed, there are Among these are ideas of ritual oppositions between the genders with grooming, pollution, mortality, regard to facial and head hair. mourning and sacred/profane dualism.

361 Writing in 1974, Herschman offers an loved one, hair may be left essay titled “Hair, Sex and Dirt”, which disheveled and unwashed among deals with these topics. women and shaved off for men. Both acts are equivalent to an Herschman‟s work is based upon important loss of self. ethnography conducted among Hindu and Sikh Punjabis, but contains many WHERE TO LOOK AND WHAT TO elements which relate to Western LOOK FOR consumption practices regarding hair, as well. Among these are the This review has introduced propositions following: regarding hair that have not yet been explored by consumer researchers. As (1) Punjabi women utilize a special Rook (1985) and McCracken (1995) elixir, buttermilk, to wash their hair have pointed out, hair grooming and special oils to condition it products and practices are not only during periodic rituals of cleansing multimillion dollar industries, but also and binding. A cursory aspects of consumers‟ lives in which examination of hair care products substantial emotional and identity effort in the United States reveals that is invested. If we are going to pursue a these are also deemed to have more vigorous inquiry on this topic special (in some cases virtually where should we be looking and what magical) properties to cleanse and should we be looking for? restore hair. (2) Among Punjabi men, the loss Where and How: and/or graying of head hair is viewed as a decline in sexual A wide variety of potentially useful potency. Hence, many attempt to data sources present themselves. reverse this process by dyeing their Among the most obvious of these are hair red or black. print and broadcast advertisements for (3) The first haircut (actually a shaving hair care products. For example, what of the head) for a Hindu boy attributes are most often deemed signals his departure from the desirable and included as product intimate care of his mother (who benefits? A cursory glance indicates previously has solely washed and that “volumizers”, “lighteners”, plaited his hair) and entry into the “smoothers” and “revitalizers” seem to world of men. be often presented as special benefits: (4) Among Punjabi women, there is a could hair quantity, lightness, sheen and close correspondence between texture be tied to deeper metaphoric signification of the hair and equivalencies in the culture and sexuality. For example, unclean consumers‟ lives? body states (menstruation, partuition) are described as [EXAMPLES WILL BE “needing to wash one‟s hair.” PRESENTED] Reversing this, among Americans unclean hair states (dirty, oily, How are hair care products marketed in unkempt) may lead to the retail settings? Where are they sold? perception that one‟s self is dirty. Two obvious outlets are drug stores, (5) Hair among the Punjabis where they often occupy one or two full symbolized life and vitality; hence, aisles, and hair salons, where they line during mourning for the loss of a all available shelf space. What does

362 hair care products‟ close proximity to mothers in the United States pressured medical products imply? Why are to cut their hair “short” and wear a special sites (hair salons) and personnel “simple” style because of its averred (hair stylists) required for hair care? practicality and ease of care, or rather Are special, even magical, powers because they have now changed attributed to these products, sites and cultural status from nubile maidens to personnel? sacred (and desexualized) madonnas? Do men who have successfully used [EXAMPLES WILL BE Propecia or Rogaine, or had hair PRESENTED] transplants, feel more virile and sexually potent, as well as attractive, More broadly, we could examine the now that their hair has been „restored‟. „lived representation‟ of hair in popular culture media, such as motion pictures, It is likely that a variety of interpretive television shows, popular music, methods would be useful in achieving magazine and newspaper content. individual and cultural level answers to What characters wear which hairstyles? these questions. One approach could be Or hair colors? Presently, there seems to identify informants from different to be an abundance of longhaired, generations/age cohorts and discuss blonde female singers in both the pop with them their current and earlier hair and country and western musical care practices. Using photographs of genres. What might this suggest about the informants during current and prior contemporary views of female life stages, i.e., auto-driving, the desirability? informants could be encouraged to relate incidents involving the role of [EXAMPLES WILL BE hair care in their construction and PRESENTED] projection of self-identity.

Does the current spate of highly Beauty salon and barbershop stylized coiffures on male actors, ethnography would also be useful for singers and models signal a shift in comprehending some of the social cultural gender roles? Are men now aspects of hair care and grooming permitted more open displays of vanity practices. It is likely that the customer- – and vulnerability – regarding their hairdresser relationship contains several appearances? [EXAMPLES WILL BE embedded roles, e.g., confidante, guide, PRESENTED] Additional in-depth friend, which play into consumers‟ consumer studies, like those conducted feelings about themselves and their by Rook and McAlexander and appearances. Hair care professionals Schouten could help excavate the could also serve as knowledgeable connection between grooming practices informants regarding their clients‟ and self-construction. sought-after images and how these may be achieved through grooming. An additional vector of interest could (and should) be directed toward age- Interviews conducted with consumers related shifts in hair appearance and about those celebrities/fictional hair care norms. In several cultures, characters whose hair styles they wish puberty, marriage, childbirth, and old to emulate (or especially avoid) could age are signaled by significant also provide valuable clues about the alterations in hair care and grooming norms and icons they feel are practices. Analogously, are new appropriate for themselves. For

363 example, do older men and women re- Thinning Hair,” Journal of Social direct their emulative icons to models Psychology, 130 (2), 209-218. and celebrities their own age (e.g., with graying and/or thinning hair) or do they Friday, Nancy (1996), Our Looks, Our continue to use youthful models as their Lives, New York: Harper Collins. grooming referents? Hallpike, C.R. (1969), “Social Hair”, Clearly, there is ample ground for Man, (N.S.) 254-264. exploration available to consumer researchers in this significant aspect of Hershman, Paul (1974), “Hair, Sex and selfhood. Dirt,” Man, 9 (N.S.) 274-298.

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