Other Laozi Parallels in the Hanfeizi: an Alternative Approach to the Textual History of the Laozi and Early Chinese Thought
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Plato's Cosmic Animal Vs. the Daoist Cosmic Plant
RICHARD MCDONOUGH PLATO’S COSMIC ANIMAL VS. THE DAOIST COSMIC PLANT: RELIGIOUS AND IDEOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS Richard McDonough Arium Academy, School of Arts and Sciences, Republic of Singapore. Email: [email protected], [email protected] Abstract: Heidegger claims that it is the ultimate job of philosophy to preserve the force of the “elemental words” in which human beings express themselves. Many of these elemental words are found in the various cosmogonies that have informed cultural ideologies around the world. Two of these “elemental words,” which shape the ideologies (ethics, aesthetics, and religion of a culture) are the animal-model of the cosmos in Plato’s Timaeus and the mechanical models developed in the 17th-18th centuries in Europe. The paper argues that Daoism employs a third, and neglected, plant-model of cosmogony and of human life that provides an illuminating contrast to the other more well-known models. First, Plato’s animal-model of the cosmos and, second, the alternative Daoist plant-model of the cosmos are discussed. Third, the paper replies to the objection that the organic model in general and the plant-model in particular cannot accommodate human freedom. Fourth, it is shown how the Daoist plant-model supports a novel account of the central Daoist notion of wu-wei (doing nothing, but everything gets done). Fifth, the paper rebuts the objection that the Daoist plant-model of the cosmos and human life is fatally nihilistic. Sixth, the paper argues that the Daoist account of the origin of human religion, art and historical feeling cannot be properly understood apart from its plant-model of the cosmos and human life. -
“Daoism and Confucianism” In: Liu X. (Eds) Dao Companion to Daoist Philosophy
Lai Karyn. (2015) “Daoism and Confucianism” In: Liu X. (eds) Dao Companion to Daoist Philosophy. Dao Companions to Chinese Philosophy, vol 6. Springer, Dordrecht, pp. 489-511. This is the post-print version. The definitive version is to be found at: https://link-springer- com.wwwproxy1.library.unsw.edu.au/chapter/10.1007/978-90- 481-2927-0_21 This chapter relies on a distinction between Confucianism and Daoism made during the Han dynasty (漢朝: 206 BCE–220 CE) and further perpetuated in Chinese intellectual history. It examines the connections between pre-Qin (秦朝: 221– 206 BCE) Daoist and Confucian philosophies, focusing on their differences as well as similarities. While it has been traditionally accepted that there are many tensions, and even antagonism, between concepts and approaches in Daoist and Confucian thought, the discussion here also focuses on the historical linkages and philosophical continuities that at times blur the distinction between the two. The primary comparison here will be conducted at three levels: the individual within its environment, the socio-political world, and the cultivation of the self. These three levels of analysis are organized in three sections, from the more inclusive to the more specific. However, the sections are only theoretical divisions, since both Daoist and Confucian philosophies emphasize a concept of selfhood that focuses on an individual’s relationships with others, within a larger natural and cosmic environment. To more fully understand these comparisons, it is important also to examine the intellectual climate within which interactions between so- called Daoism and Confucianism took place. These details, including information gleaned from relatively recently discovered texts, are not merely tangential to our understanding of both philosophies. -
The Old Master
INTRODUCTION Four main characteristics distinguish this book from other translations of Laozi. First, the base of my translation is the oldest existing edition of Laozi. It was excavated in 1973 from a tomb located in Mawangdui, the city of Changsha, Hunan Province of China, and is usually referred to as Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi because it is the older of the two texts of Laozi unearthed from it.1 Two facts prove that the text was written before 202 bce, when the first emperor of the Han dynasty began to rule over the entire China: it does not follow the naming taboo of the Han dynasty;2 its handwriting style is close to the seal script that was prevalent in the Qin dynasty (221–206 bce). Second, I have incorporated the recent archaeological discovery of Laozi-related documents, disentombed in 1993 in Jishan District’s tomb complex in the village of Guodian, near the city of Jingmen, Hubei Province of China. These documents include three bundles of bamboo slips written in the Chu script and contain passages related to the extant Laozi.3 Third, I have made extensive use of old commentaries on Laozi to provide the most comprehensive interpretations possible of each passage. Finally, I have examined myriad Chinese classic texts that are closely associated with the formation of Laozi, such as Zhuangzi, Lüshi Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü), Han Feizi, and Huainanzi, to understand the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s ideas. In addition to these characteristics, this book introduces several new interpretations of Laozi. -
The Analects of Confucius
The analecTs of confucius An Online Teaching Translation 2015 (Version 2.21) R. Eno © 2003, 2012, 2015 Robert Eno This online translation is made freely available for use in not for profit educational settings and for personal use. For other purposes, apart from fair use, copyright is not waived. Open access to this translation is provided, without charge, at http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23420 Also available as open access translations of the Four Books Mencius: An Online Teaching Translation http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23421 Mencius: Translation, Notes, and Commentary http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23423 The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean: An Online Teaching Translation http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23422 The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean: Translation, Notes, and Commentary http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23424 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION i MAPS x BOOK I 1 BOOK II 5 BOOK III 9 BOOK IV 14 BOOK V 18 BOOK VI 24 BOOK VII 30 BOOK VIII 36 BOOK IX 40 BOOK X 46 BOOK XI 52 BOOK XII 59 BOOK XIII 66 BOOK XIV 73 BOOK XV 82 BOOK XVI 89 BOOK XVII 94 BOOK XVIII 100 BOOK XIX 104 BOOK XX 109 Appendix 1: Major Disciples 112 Appendix 2: Glossary 116 Appendix 3: Analysis of Book VIII 122 Appendix 4: Manuscript Evidence 131 About the title page The title page illustration reproduces a leaf from a medieval hand copy of the Analects, dated 890 CE, recovered from an archaeological dig at Dunhuang, in the Western desert regions of China. The manuscript has been determined to be a school boy’s hand copy, complete with errors, and it reproduces not only the text (which appears in large characters), but also an early commentary (small, double-column characters). -
1 Xunzi Versus Zhuangzi: Two Approaches to Death in Classical
1 Xunzi versus Zhuangzi: Two Approaches to Death in Classical Chinese Thought Chris Fraser University of Hong Kong Abstract The contrasting approaches to death and bereavement in classical Confucianism and Daoism epitomize the different orientations of the two ethical traditions. Confucianism, here represented by Xunzi, interprets and manages death and bereavement through distinctive cultural practices, specifically rituals and associated norms of propriety, which are intended to bring order, harmony, and beauty to human events and conduct. Daoism, here represented by the Zhuangzi, contextualizes and copes with death and loss through an understanding of and identification with natural processes. Both approaches address death and bereavement through a systematic, naturalistic philosophy of life that makes no appeal to a conception of divinity or a personal afterlife. For Xunzi, the heart of this system is ritual propriety, through which all human affairs—including inevitable, natural events such as death—must be mediated. For the Zhuangzi, by contrast, rigid, ritualized cultural forms are an obstacle to coping efficiently with natural processes such as death. Rather than constructing a sphere of “the human” as distinct from “the natural,” the Zhuangzi urges us to situate the human within nature in a way that removes the opposition between the two. This essay contrasts and critiques the two approaches, contending that although Xunzi’s theory of ritual presents a plausible account of the relation between humanity, culture, and nature, it fails to address death appropriately as an inexorable, natural event. By contrast, the Zhuangzi presents an attractive way of relating human life and death to nature and thus perhaps offers a means of finding solace concerning death. -
A Daoist Model for a Kantian Church
Comparative Philosophy Volume 4, No. 1 (2013): 67-89 Open Access / ISSN 2151-6014 www.comparativephilosophy.org A DAOIST MODEL FOR A KANTIAN CHURCH STEPHEN R. PALMQUIST ABSTRACT: Although significant differences undoubtedly exist between Daoism and Kant’s philosophy, the two systems also have some noteworthy similarities. After calling attention to a few such parallels and sketching the outlines of Kant’s philosophy of religion, this article focuses on an often-neglected feature of the latter: the four guiding principles of what Kant calls an “invisible church” (universality, purity, freedom, and unchangeableness). Numerous passages from Lao Zi’s classic text, Dao-De-Jing, seem to uphold these same principles, thus suggesting that they can also be interpreted as core features of a Daoist philosophy of life. A crucial difference, however, is that members of a Daoist church would focus on contentment, whereas Kantian churches modeled on Christianity (the religious tradition Kant favored) would strive for perfection. The article therefore concludes by considering what a synthesis might look like, if a Kantian church were to be based on a Daoist interpretation of these four fundamental principles. Keywords: Kant, Lao Zi, church, Dao-De-Jing, Daoism, comparative philosophy To know and yet (think) we do not know is the highest (attainment); not to know (and yet think) we do know is a disease.1 1. KANT AND DAOISM: THE BASIS FOR COMPARISON Kant’s philosophy could be compared and contrasted with Daoist philosophy from various angles: his epistemology, moral/political philosophy, aesthetics, and ________________________ PALMQUIST, STEPHEN R.: Professor, Department of Religion & Philosophy, Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong. -
Xunzi and Early Han Philosophy Author(S): Paul R
Harvard-Yenching Institute Xunzi and Early Han Philosophy Author(s): Paul R. Goldin Source: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 67, No. 1 (Jun., 2007), pp. 135-166 Published by: Harvard-Yenching Institute Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25066840 . Accessed: 06/01/2014 01:27 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Harvard-Yenching Institute is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Mon, 6 Jan 2014 01:27:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Xunzi and Early Han Philosophy PAUL R. GOLDIN University ofPennsylvania cultural prestige of the philosopher Xunzi (third century b.c.) The has reached extreme highs and lows over the centuries. In his own day, he was revered as "the most senior of the masters" (zui wei some lao shi ?SUii?fl?)1 and numbered among his students of themost influential men in the Chinese world, including Han Fei (d. 233 b.c.) and Li Si $|ft (d. 208 b.c.). He was stillwidely celebrated in theWest ern Han dynasty, when Dong Zhongshu ?#af (fl. -
Han Fei and the Han Feizi
Introduction: Han Fei and the Han Feizi Paul R. Goldin Han Fei 韓非 was the name of a proli fi c Chinese philosopher who (according to the scanty records available to us) was executed on trumped up charges in 233 B.C.E. Han Feizi 韓非子, meaning Master Han Fei , is the name of the book purported to contain his writings. In this volume, we distinguish rigorously between Han Fei (the man) and Han Feizi (the book) for two main reasons. First, the authenticity of the Han Feizi —or at least of parts of it—has long been doubted (the best studies remain Lundahl 1992 and Zheng Liangshu 1993 ) . This issue will be revisited below; for now, suffi ce to it to say that although the contributors to this volume accept the bulk of it as genuine, one cannot simply assume that Han Fei was the author of everything in the Han Feizi . Indeed, there is a memorial explic- itly attributed to Han Fei’s rival Li Si 李斯 (ca. 280–208 B.C.E.) in the pages of the Han Feizi ( Chen Qiyou 陳奇猷 2000 : 1.2.42–47); some scholars fear that other material in the text might also be the work of people other than Han Fei. Second, and no less importantly, even if Han Fei is responsible for the lion’s share of the extant Han Feizi , a reader must be careful not to identify the philosophy of Han Fei himself with the philosophy (or philosophies) advanced in the Han Feizi , as though these were necessarily the same thing. -
Han Feizi's Criticism of Confucianism and Its Implications for Virtue Ethics
JOURNAL OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY Journal of Moral Philosophy 5 (2008) 423–453 www.brill.nl/jmp Han Feizi’s Criticism of Confucianism and its Implications for Virtue Ethics * Eric L. Hutton Department of Philosophy, University of Utah, 215 S. Central Campus Drive, CTIHB, 4th fl oor, Salt Lake City, UT 84112, USA [email protected] Abstract Several scholars have recently proposed that Confucianism should be regarded as a form of virtue ethics. Th is view off ers new approaches to understanding not only Confucian thinkers, but also their critics within the Chinese tradition. For if Confucianism is a form of virtue ethics, we can then ask to what extent Chinese criticisms of it parallel criticisms launched against contemporary virtue ethics, and what lessons for virtue ethics in general might be gleaned from the challenges to Confucianism in particular. Th is paper undertakes such an exercise in examining Han Feizi, an early critic of Confucianism. Th e essay off ers a careful interpretation of the debate between Han Feizi and the Confucians and suggests that thinking through Han Feizi’s criticisms and the possible Confucian responses to them has a broader philosophical payoff , namely by highlighting a problem for current defenders of virtue ethics that has not been widely noticed, but deserves attention. Keywords Bernard Williams, Chinese philosophy, Confucianism, Han Feizi, Rosalind Hursthouse, virtue ethics Although Confucianism is now almost synonymous with Chinese culture, over the course of history it has also attracted many critics from among the Chinese themselves. Of these critics, one of the most interesting is Han Feizi (ca. -
Confucian Self-Cultivation and Daoist Personhood: Implications for Peace Education
Front. Educ. China 2013, 8(1): 62–79 DOI 10.3868/s110-002-013-0006-0 RESEARCH ARTICLE Hongyu WANG Confucian Self-Cultivation and Daoist Personhood: Implications for Peace Education Abstract This essay argues that the concept of reaching peace within in order to sustain peace outside in classical Confucianism and Daoism offers us important lessons for peace education in the contemporary age. Building harmonious connections between differences in one’s personhood paves a path for negotiating interconnections across conflicting multiplicities in the outside world. The essay starts by discussing the Confucian and Daoist notions of personhood as a microcosmic universe connected to a macrocosmic universe. Second, the historical context of the Spring and Autumn and Warring States Period in which Confucianism and Daoism emerged are briefly reviewed. Third, Confucian self-cultivation and the Daoist conception of personhood are discussed. Fourth, relational issues of harmony in difference and tranquility in turbulence are analyzed. Lastly, inner peace reaching outer peace in leadership and governing is formulated in terms of the unity between means and end in peace education. Keywords peace, Confucianism, Daoism, harmony in difference Introduction While the contemporary age has brought unprecedented interconnectedness across the globe and in everyday life, it has also simultaneously witnessed fragmentation, conflict, and ethnic and religious warfare. Can Confucianism and Daoism, first formulated in ancient China, be useful for addressing our contemporary concerns about bringing peace out of conflict? This essay argues that the Confucian and Daoist traditions of reaching peace within in order to sustain peace outside offer us important lessons. Building harmonious connections between differences in one’s personhood paves a path for negotiating interconnections across conflicting multiplicities in the outside world. -
A Theological Meditation on Augustine's De Trinitate and Laozi's Dao De Jing
In Search of Transcendent Order in A Violent World: A Theological Meditation on Augustine's de Trinitate and Laozi's Dao De Jing Author: Chan Hiutung Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1989 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2009 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of Theology IN SEARCH OF TRANSCENDENT ORDER IN THE VIOLENT WORLD: A THEOLOGICAL MEDITATION OF LAOZI’S DAODE JING AND AUGUSTINE’S DE TRINITATE a dissertation by Hiutung Chan Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2008 1 © copyright by HIUTUNG CHAN 2008 2 IN SEARCH OF TRANSCENDENT ORDER IN A VIOLENT WORLD: A THEOLOGICAL MEDITATION OF LAOZI’S DAODE JING AND AUGUSTINE’S DE TRINITATE Abstract by Hiutung Chan This dissertation is a comparative study of spiritual cultivation in Early Daoism and the spiritual teaching of Augustine’s Christianity. My goal is to examine how early Daoism’s founder, Laozi, and the Christian bishop, Augustine of Hippo, characterize the fulfillment of humanity through religious transformation. My argument is that the metaphysical speculations that figure in their works---and which scholarly readers often emphasize---are offshoots of profound practical, soteriological concerns. These soteriological concerns reveal that the primary interest for both writers was to discover those spiritual and intellectual practices that could most effectively mediate between human experience and the manifestation of transcendent order. This study takes its inspiration from pioneering instances of comparative theology (particularly works by Francis Clooney S.J. -
The Three Teachings of Ancient China
Social Studies – 6 Name: ______________________ The Three Teachings of Ancient China Taoism Laozi (Lao-tzu) wandered out to the western border of his state, riding his water buffalo. When he was eighty years old he set out for the western border of China, toward what is now Tibet, saddened and disillusioned that men were unwilling to follow the path to natural goodness. He searched for a place to live a simple life, close to nature and without trouble. With him, he carried his ideas. Before he could cross the boarder, officials made him write down his ideas: “Live a simple life, be free, be yourself, and be close to nature. Do these things and you will be happy.” Theses words have been kept in a little book called Tao Te Ching, the “Writing of God’s Way for a Good Life.” Like Confucius, Laozi had been troubled by the violence if his times. He thought it was a mistake to try to change people. He believed that people were naturally good. Man didn’t have to be “controlled.” Too much control was spoiling man. He saw that men were trying to live by “man-made” laws, customs, and traditions. They couldn’t do this and were unhappy. If men follow the ways of Tao, they will lead a good life. He really told each man to “do your own thing” – be yourself. Laozi wanted people to be closer to nature. He wanted to get away from the rules made by the government or society. To him, the government was selfish and power-hungry.