How Refugee Flows and Fear of Muslims Drive Right-Wing Support Shadi Hamid
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EdWorkingPaper No. 21-390 The Populist-Burkean Dimension in U.S. Public Opinion M. Danish Shakeel Paul E. Peterson Harvard University Harvard University Scholars differ as to whether populist beliefs are a discourse or an ideology resembling conservatism or liberalism. Research has shown that a belief in popular sovereignty and a distrust of public officials are core components of populism. Its antithesis is defined as Burke’s claim that officials should exercise their own judgment rather than pander to the public. A national probability sample of U. S. adults is asked to respond to six items that form a populist scale, rank themselves on a conservative-liberal scale, and state their views on education issues. The two scales are only moderately correlated, and each is independently correlated with many opinions about contemporary issues. Populism has a degree of coherence that approximates but does not match that of the conservative-liberal dimension. VERSION: April 2021 Suggested citation: Shakeel, M. Danish, and Paul E. Peterson. (2021). The Populist-Burkean Dimension in U.S. Public Opinion. (EdWorkingPaper: 21-390). Retrieved from Annenberg Institute at Brown University: https://doi.org/10.26300/16wx-yp72 Program on Education Policy and Governance Working Papers Series The Populist-Burkean Dimension in U.S. Public Opinion M. Danish Shakeel and Paul E. Peterson 1 PEPG 21-02 Harvard Kennedy School 79 JFK Street, Taubman 304 Cambridge, MA 02138 Tel: 617-495-7976 Fax: 617-496-4428 www.hks.harvard.edu/pepg/ 1 Shakeel: Harvard University; Peterson: Harvard University and Hoover Institution/Stanford University. Program on Education Policy and Governance Working Papers Series The Populist-Burkean Dimension in U.S. -
Populists in Power Around the World | Institute for Global Change
Populists in Power Around the World JORDAN KYLE RENEWING LIMOR GULTCHIN THE CENTRE Contents Executive Summary 3 Introduction 5 The Trouble With Defining opulismP 9 Two Essential Features of Populism 12 Types of Populism 21 Cases of Populism in Power 26 Populism Trends Around the World 32 Conclusion 44 Appendix: Methodology 45 Downloaded from http://institute.global/insight/ renewing-centre/populists-power-around-world on November 7 2018 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXE CUTIVE SUMMARY Populism is dramatically shifting the global political landscape. This report defines populism and identifies its global prevalence by introducing a global database “Populists in Power: 1990–2018”. Only with a clear and systematic understanding of the phenomenon of populism can political leaders begin to offer meaningful and credible alternatives. This report sets out to define populism from a global perspective and identify some of its key trends since 1990. Populism contains two primary claims: • A country’s ‘true people’ are locked into conflict with outsiders, including establishment elites. • Nothing should constrain the will of the true people. Although populism always shares these two essential claims, it can take on widely varying forms across contexts. This report identifies three types of populism, distinguished by how populist leaders frame the conflict between the ‘true people’ and outsiders: • Cultural populism claims that the true people are the native members of the nation-state, and outsiders can include immigrants, criminals, ethnic and religious minorities, and cosmopolitan elites. Cultural populism tends to emphasise 3 religious traditionalism, law and order, sovereignty, and painting migrants as enemies. • Socio-economic populism claims that the true people are honest, hard-working members of the working class, and outsiders can include big business, capital owners and actors perceived as propping up an international capitalist system. -
A POLITICAL THEORY of POPULISM* Daron Acemoglu Georgy Egorov Konstantin Sonin I. Introduction There Has Recently Been a Resurgen
A POLITICAL THEORY OF POPULISM* Daron Acemoglu Georgy Egorov Konstantin Sonin When voters fear that politicians may be influenced or corrupted by the rich elite, signals of integrity are valuable. As a consequence, an honest polit- ician seeking reelection chooses ‘‘populist’’ policies—that is, policies to the left of the median voter—as a way of signaling that he is not beholden to the interests of the right. Politicians that are influenced by right-wing special interests re- Downloaded from spond by choosing moderate or even left-of-center policies. This populist bias of policy is greater when the value of remaining in office is higher for the polit- ician; when there is greater polarization between the policy preferences of the median voter and right-wing special interests; when politicians are perceived as more likely to be corrupt; when there is an intermediate amount of noise in the information that voters receive; when politicians are more forward-looking; and http://qje.oxfordjournals.org/ when there is greater uncertainty about the type of the incumbent. We also show that soft term limits may exacerbate, rather than reduce, the populist bias of policies. JEL Codes: D71, D74. I. Introduction There has recently been a resurgence of ‘‘populist’’ politicians in several developing countries, particularly in Latin America. at MIT Libraries on April 24, 2013 Hugo Cha´vez in Venezuela, the Kirchners in Argentina, Evo Morales in Bolivia, Alan Garcı´a in Peru, and Rafael Correa in Ecuador are some of the examples. The label populist is often -
Nationalism, Neo-Liberalism, and Ethno-National Populism
H-Nationalism Nationalism, Neo-Liberalism, and Ethno-National Populism Blog Post published by Yoav Peled on Thursday, December 3, 2020 In this post, Yoav Peled, Tel Aviv University, discusses the relations between ethno- nationalism, neo-liberalism, and right-wing populism. Donald Trump’s failure to be reelected by a relatively narrow margin in the midst of the Coronavirus crisis points to the strength of ethno-national populism in the US, as elsewhere, and raises the question of the relations between nationalism and right- wing populism. Historically, American nationalism has been viewed as the prime example of inclusive civic nationalism, based on “constitutional patriotism.” Whatever the truth of this characterization, in the Trump era American civic nationalism is facing a formidable challenge in the form of White Christian nativist ethno-nationalism that utilizes populism as its mobilizational strategy. The key concept common to both nationalism and populism is “the people.” In nationalism the people are defined through vertical inclusion and horizontal exclusion -- by formal citizenship or by cultural-linguistic boundaries. Ideally, though not necessarily in practice, within the nation-state ascriptive markers such as race, religion, place of birth, etc., are ignored by the state. Populism on the other hand defines the people through both vertical and horizontal exclusion, by ascriptive markers as well as by class position (“elite” vs. “the people”) and even by political outlook. Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu once famously averred that leftist Jewish Israelis “forgot how to be Jews,” and Trump famously stated that Jewish Americans who vote Democratic are traitors to their country, Israel. -
State of Populism in Europe
2018 State of Populism in Europe The past few years have seen a surge in the public support of populist, Eurosceptical and radical parties throughout almost the entire European Union. In several countries, their popularity matches or even exceeds the level of public support of the centre-left. Even though the centre-left parties, think tanks and researchers are aware of this challenge, there is still more OF POPULISM IN EUROPE – 2018 STATE that could be done in this fi eld. There is occasional research on individual populist parties in some countries, but there is no regular overview – updated every year – how the popularity of populist parties changes in the EU Member States, where new parties appear and old ones disappear. That is the reason why FEPS and Policy Solutions have launched this series of yearbooks, entitled “State of Populism in Europe”. *** FEPS is the fi rst progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007 and co-fi nanced by the European Parliament, it aims at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. Policy Solutions is a progressive political research institute based in Budapest. Among the pre-eminent areas of its research are the investigation of how the quality of democracy evolves, the analysis of factors driving populism, and election research. Contributors : Tamás BOROS, Maria FREITAS, Gergely LAKI, Ernst STETTER STATE OF POPULISM Tamás BOROS IN EUROPE Maria FREITAS • This book is edited by FEPS with the fi nancial support of the European -
Sunday March 21, 2021 Loathing the Working Class, Censoring Conservatives, Future of Real Estate, Employment, Outsourcing
What Happens Next – Sunday March 21, 2021 Loathing the Working Class, Censoring Conservatives, Future of Real Estate, Employment, Outsourcing My name is Larry Bernstein. What Happens Next offers listeners an in-depth analysis of the most pressing issues of the day. Our experts are given just SIX minutes to present. This is followed by a Q&A period for deeper engagement. I think you will find this discussion to be both informative and provocative. This program is moderated to be politically neutral. Our speakers will give their opinions and then we encourage you to make up your own mind. This week’s topics include Loathing the Working Class, Censoring Conservatives, the Future of Real Estate, How the new stimulus will impact employment, and Outsourcing Work Our first presenter today is Paul Embery who is a trade union activist and columnist for Unherd. He is the author of a new book entitled Despised: Why the Modern Left Loathes the Working Class. Paul lives in the UK and writes about the Labor parties disregard for the working-class voter. We will discuss the implications of UK elites shock at Brexit voters and their belief that these citizens are deplorables. Our second speaker is Eric Kaufmann who is a Professor of Politics at the University of London’s Birkbeck College. We met Eric on What Happens Next during our discussion of political polling when he discussed the failure of pollsters to properly account for Trump voters. Today, Eric will discuss his recent article in the Wall Street Journal about the current wave of censorship of conservative academics on college campuses. -
The Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America
This PDF is a selection from an out-of-print volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: The Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America Volume Author/Editor: Rudiger Dornbusch and Sebastian Edwards, editors Volume Publisher: University of Chicago Press Volume ISBN: 0-226-15843-8 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/dorn91-1 Conference Date: May 18-19, 1990 Publication Date: January 1991 Chapter Title: The Macroeconomics of Populism Chapter Author: Rudiger Dornbusch, Sebastian Edwards Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c8295 Chapter pages in book: (p. 7 - 13) 1 The Macroeconomics of Populism Rudiger Dornbusch and Sebastian Edwards Latin America’s economic history seems to repeat itself endlessly, following irregular and dramatic cycles. This sense of circularity is particularly striking with respect to the use of populist macroeconomic policies for distributive purposes. Again and again, and in country after country, policymakers have embraced economic programs that rely heavily on the use of expansive fiscal and credit policies and overvalued currency to accelerate growth and redistrib- ute income. In implementing these policies, there has usually been no concern for the existence of fiscal and foreign exchange constraints. After a short pe- riod of economic growth and recovery, bottlenecks develop provoking unsus- tainable macroeconomic pressures that, at the end, result in the plummeting of real wages and severe balance of payment difficulties. The final outcome of these experiments has generally been galloping inflation, crisis, and the col- lapse of the economic system. In the aftermath of these experiments there is no other alternative left but to implement, typically with the help of the Inter- national Monetary Fund (IMF), a drastically restrictive and costly stabiliza- tion program. -
Between Populism and Socialism: Slovenia’S Left Party Alen Toplišek
This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Routledge in The Populist Radical Left in Europe on 14 March 2019, available online: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315180823-4 Between populism and socialism: Slovenia’s Left party Alen Toplišek Abstract This chapter offers the first in-depth study of both structural and agential factors behind the emergence and electoral breakthrough of a new radical left party in Slovenia, the Left. It defines the party’s ideological profile and it analyses its tactics of party competition through a selection of concrete examples. It concludes by outlining two possible trajectories for the future electoral and organisational development of the party. Introduction The Left (Levica) is a relative newcomer in the Slovenian party system and the European Populist Radical Left (PRL) party family more widely. Formally established in March 2014 as a coalition party under the name of the United Left, it managed to surpass the 4% electoral threshold in the July 2014 parliamentary elections with 5.97% of the popular vote. The electoral result translated into six seats in a 90-member National Assembly, putting the new party on a par with the traditional party on the Slovenian Left, the Social Democrats, which was their worst electoral result since Slovenia’s independence in 1991. The novelty of the United Left was notable not only in terms of its electoral breakthrough in July 2014, but also regarding its founding organisational structure and its organic ties with new left social movements. The United Left was a coalition of three smaller parties and the ‘fourth bloc,’ which represented social movements and individuals: (1) Initiative for Democratic Socialism (IDS); (2) Democratic Labour Party (DSD); (3) the Party for the Sustainable Development of Slovenia (TRS); and (4) civil society movements and individuals. -
Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration and the Future
REVIEWS 91 and the American National Election Studies Kaufmann, Eric: (ANES) datasets. He shows that it is in fact values, rather than income levels, that can ex- WHITESHIFT: POPULISM, plain most of the two votes. The crux of his IMMIGRATION AND THE FUTURE explanation is in psychological attitudes – he OF WHITE MAJORITIES. argues that people of conservative and so- called authoritarian predisposition (both of London: Allen Lane. 2018. 624 pages. which are partly heritable) are those that were most likely to vote for Trump or Brexit. Con- DOI: 10.5817/PC2020‑1 ‑91 servatives because they oppose change, and authoritarians because they prefer order and What happened? This question has been on uniformity to dissent and diversity (p. 199). many minds, not just Hillary Clinton’s, in the Immigration will be perceived more negative- wake of the 2016 election of Donald Trump ly by people of these dispositions because it and the UK referendum to exit the European brings both change and diversity. Union. Mainstream media analyses have often Looking at the data, Kaufmann shows, offered economic explanations in the form for example, that when controlling for age of the ‘left-behind’ argument, pointing to the and education, attitude to immigration can disparities between wealthy regions benefit- explain a large part of support for Trump, ing from globalization, and economically de- whereas income levels barely register. More pressed areas that have not benefited as much. interestingly, the ANES data show that over Eric Kaufmann, a professor of politics at Birk- two-thirds of those who support capital pun- beck, University of London, has in his latest ishment voted for Trump, whereas only 20 % book Whiteshift provided a comprehensive of those who oppose it did (pp. -
Welfare Chauvinism – Who Cares? Evidence on Priorities and the Importance the Public Attributes to Expanding Or Retrenching Welfare Entitlements of Immigrants
Welfare Chauvinism – Who Cares? Evidence on Priorities and the Importance the Public Attributes to Expanding or Retrenching Welfare Entitlements of Immigrants Matthias Enggist University of Zurich August 2019 Abstract In many Western European countries, welfare rights of immigrants have emerged as an important issue on the political agenda, while an extensive body of research has documented growing welfare chauvinistic preferences. However, we do not know much about the importance people attach to welfare chauvinism relative to welfare benefits for other social groups such as pensioners, the unemployed or families. This paper, therefore, addresses the question whether citizens in Western European countries prioritize expanding or restricting welfare entitlements for immigrants. Or do they subordinate this issue to other social policy reforms? Moreover, focusing on priorities allows me to disentangle which proponents of welfare rights for immigrants remain supportive even when rising benefits for immigrants comes at the cost of lowering benefits for themselves and to contribute to the debate whether welfare chauvinism is more strongly correlated with attitudes on an economic-redistributive or socio-cultural dimension. To investigate both the importance of and the priorities for welfare chauvinism, I rely on conjoint experiments and rating questions from an original survey recently fielded in eight Western European countries. I show that welfare chauvinism is indeed one of the social policy reform issues the public has strongest preferences on – more than for example on unemployment benefits or childcare. This despite the share of financial resources benefitting immigrants being relatively small. Importance of welfare chauvinism is high for both its proponents as well as its opponents. -
Right- Wing Populism: a Strategy for the Paleo Movement
failed badly-and how often sume leadership of the con- Catchers," except usually it's -has that happened in recent servative and paleo ranks, leftists Mau-Mauing liberals. decades? It failed because Pat marginalize the Bush conser- We can say: 'Look, gang: you fought back hard, and nailed vatives and neocons, and have a choice, It's either Pat and named the enemy, so that make a tremendous splash at Buchanan or David Duke. If the truth plus his basic lik- the Republican convention. At you don't vote for us, baby, ability carried him through with maximum, he can knock Bush you're going to get Duke. And scarcely a scratch. In other out of the box-in the same how do you like them apples?' words, Pat has shown the way the Gene McCarthy did in unique capacity to battle 1968. By getting large (though Note: This personal endorse- against an elite smear cam- not winning) percentage of ment does not imply endorse- paign-and win! Pat is our votes in New Hampshire, ment of Buchanan by the leader. McCarthy forced Lyndon Center for Libertarian Studies, We can already hear the Johnson to retire and not run which is a non-partisan, non- small Modal voices bellyach- for reelection. Consider this: political organization. ing: But Buchanan's not a suppose that Pat gets 30 or purist, e.g., 'he's weak on free 40 percent of the vote in New Right-Wing trade." To this we say: Come Hampshire. Bush then faces a off it! To call for purity in a year of Pat on his neck through Populism: A Libertarian Party candidate the convention, perhaps an makes sense; the whole point independent Southern race by Strategy for the of a libertarian political party David Duke in November, and Paleo is to expound a consistent perhaps also a strong Demo- doctrine. -
Read the Report
Will HUTTON Sir Malcolm RIFKIND Con COUGHLIN Peter TATCHELL Does West know best? bright blue AUTUMN 2011 flickr.com/familymwr Contributors Matt Cavanagh is the Associate Director for UK Migration Policy at the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) Con Coughlin is the Executive Foreign Editor of The Daily Telegraph Sir Malcolm Rifkind MP Brendan Cox is the Director of Policy and Advocacy at Save the Children Stephen Crabb MP is MP for Preseli Pembrokeshire and Leader of Project Umubano, the Conservatives’ social action project in Rwanda and Sierra Leone Richard Dowden is Director of the Royal African Society and author of Africa: Altered States, Ordinary Miracles Maurice Fraser is a Senior Fellow in European Politics at the London School of Economics (LSE) and an Associate Fellow at Chatham House Peter Tatchell Will Hutton is a columnist for The Observer , executive vice-chair of The Work Foundation and Principal of Hertford College, Oxford University Professor Eric Kaufmann is Professor of Politics at Birkbeck College, University of London, the author of Shall the Religious Inherit the Earth and was a Visiting Fellow at the Kennedy School, Harvard in 2008-9. Sir Malcolm Rifkind MP is MP for Kensington and was Foreign Secretary, 1995-7 Victoria Roberts is Deputy Chairman of the Tory Reform Group Will Hutton Henneke Sharif is an Associate at Counterpoint and a Board Member of Bright Blue Guy Stagg is the Online Lifestyle Editor for The Daily Telegraph Peter Tatchell is a human rights campaigner Garvan Walshe is the Publications Director