Politics and Governance

POLITICS & GOVERNANCE

TIME T O BREAK FREE? Martin Ince examines the complex mix of political, social and economic issues that the referendum on Scottish independence throws up h

64 SCOTLAND’S REFERENDUM 68 OPINION: The rise of UKIP 69 POLITICAL TRUST 70 LOBBYING 72 YOUNG VOTERS 72 CORPORATE RESPONSIBILITY 73 VOTING 74 OPINION: The World Service 75 FIGURES: MPs’ salaries ALAMY

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n 18 September 2014, the people of Scotland will be asked to answer a simple question: ‘Should Scotland be an independent country?’ The referendum on this question is a landmark political event, the culmination of many years of effort by the Scottish National Party and its leader Alex Salmond. It will mark the first time since England and Scotland united in 1707 that dissolution has been formally Ocontemplated. But research reveals that these few words mask a world of complex social and economic issues. Charlie Jeffery, Vice-principal of the University of Edinburgh, is heading the ESRC’s research on the effects of the referendum and its aftermath on life in Scotland and the rest of the UK. about what would happen to the economy of an independent For him, the potential break-up of the UK would be Scotland. At the moment about a third think independence “a change in the basic unit of analysis” for a wide range of would be better for Scotland economically, by ‘breaking free’ issues, making it a “natural experiment” in political, social from England. Another third are undecided, and the rest think and economic organisation. One key issue is that if it did it is dangerous. These numbers suggest that the winner of the happen, there would need to be continuing agreement economic argument may edge the referendum.” between London and Edinburgh on many issues, starting with John Curtice, a prominent election expert, has a Scotland’s use of sterling. Jeffery says: “UK Prime Minister grandstand view of the referendum as Professor of Politics at David Cameron has no interest in helping the ‘yes’ side of the the University of Strathclyde. He points out referendum. So he is doing nothing to suggest that there is a that 40 years of polling have never shown a serious prospect of independence. In practice, compromises consistent majority for Scottish independence. would emerge from difficult negotiations with a new Scottish He adds: “At a little under 20 per cent, the government.” An obvious example is the basing of nuclear level of ‘Don’t Knows’ is lower than it was weapons in Scotland, something that the SNP opposes just weeks before the vote on introducing the vigorously but which has less resonance with the public. The SCOTTISH Alternative Vote in Commons elections.” This vast cost of relocating nuclear submarines to England would OPINION IS makes it more difficult for either side to move be a powerful incentive for compromise. the balance of opinion in their direction. He MORE PRO- also points out that for many people, Scottish IMPROVING ODDS EUROPEAN independence is a far more emotive topic While current opinion polls tend to suggest that there is little than which party to support in an election. chance of a majority ‘yes’ vote in September, Jeffery points out THAN IN He says: “The important thing is not how that the question has never been tested in a “hot campaign”. ENGLAND Scottish people feel. Everyone here feels Salmond and his deputy Nicola Sturgeon are popular Scottish. The key issue is how the British feel. politicians, he says, while the SNP has a big and effective Many seem to be asking not whether they political machine. The ‘no’ campaign, called Better Together, would like Scotland to be an autonomous relies heavily on the Labour Party’s organisational machine independent nation, but whether they want to leave the UK. and seems to have fewer resources on the ground. Politically, People do not change their sense of identity easily.” says Jeffery, there could still be “game-changers” that improve However, Curtice agrees that the referendum is far from Salmond’s odds. One is the poor image of the Conservative decided, and that the economic debate is vital. “If you tell party in Scotland. In the 2010 UK general election it won only people that they would be £500 a year better or worse off, their one of Scotland’s 59 Westminster seats. Jeffrey thinks that if voting intention alters a lot. So the SNP might turn things round Labour shows little sign of winning the 2015 general election, if they can convince voters that they would be more prosperous the Scots might see more reason to cut loose. in an independent Scotland.” The ‘yes’ campaign, he says, may The 2014 election for the European Parliament, to be PREVIOUS PAGE be helped by the fact that in Salmond and Sturgeon, it has “the THE PEOPLE held four months before the referendum, might also help the OF SCOTLAND best organists, even if they don’t have the best tunes”. And he WILL VOTE FOR ‘yes’ campaign. Jeffery explains: “Scottish opinion is more pro- OR AGAINST stresses that in politics, the unexpected may always have a role European than in England. A strong anti-European result in INDEPENDENCE IN to play, perhaps in this case a sudden shift in oil prices. SEPTEMBER 2014 that election would send a message about England to the Scots, ABOVE THE David Phillips, a senior research economist at the Institute VAST COST OF especially if it led to the Tories becoming more anti-European RELOCATING for Fiscal Studies, is looking at how independence might play in response to success for the UK Independence Party.” NUCLEAR out in terms of taxation and welfare. He says that the question SUBMARINES But Jeffery adds that, as with all elections, it is always TO ENGLAND IS of whether Scotland pays its way within the UK is complex. A POWERFUL about the economy. “There is a strong correlation between INCENTIVE FOR “The answer depends on how one treats North Sea oil,” he says. people’s voting intention in the referendum and their belief COMPROMISE “Public spending in Scotland is about 11 per cent more per ALAMY

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head, while the onshore tax revenues per head are similar, taxes by less than if it remained part of the UK.” But an so Scotland is a net recipient if you don’t count oil. The oil independent Scotland might want to maintain a stronger fiscal revenue varies over time, but in 2011/12 was enough to pay for position than the UK, to gain credibility in the financial markets Scottish spending. Oil production could be lower over the next and as preparation for the longer-term challenges of an ageing five years, which would damage Scotland’s fiscal position.” population and the inevitable decline of North Sea revenues. Of course, Scottish independence is not just about COUNTING THE COST Scotland. It would affect England, Wales and Northern Phillips adds that an independent Scotland would have to pay Ireland. Curtice says that while English opinion of the Union for its own institutions, such as overseas embassies, but could has been getting “grumpier” there is little enthusiasm for well spend less than the UK now does on defence. Its social ending it. “In English politics, the significant other is Brussels, welfare costs are higher in some areas than in the UK overall, not Edinburgh.” By contrast, the Scots tend to regard London because it has an older, less healthy population. But it spends as their dominant point of reference. “Ironically, they have less on child benefit and tax credits because it has fewer children, become less critical of the Union since the SNP came to and less on housing benefit because it has more social housing power. They appreciate having a government that is seen to and lower rents. He warns that Scotland spends a lot on some defend Scotland and its interests.” smaller areas of public expenditure too, such as transport, Curtice adds that the political reality of an independent economic development and the environment. These could come Scotland might have some surprises. The SNP might fail to under pressure after independence – it would be harder for win another overall majority, giving the former unionist parties Scotland to balance its budget than it is for the UK at large if the opportunity to seize power and do a deal with London that oil revenues decline. Central estimates by the Office for Budget leaves nuclear weapons on the Clyde. Scotland might opt for Responsibility (OBR) suggest that spending cuts or tax rises independence, but then use it to make different choices from totalling £5.9 billion in today’s terms would be required in the the ones the SNP would like to see implemented.” Q THIS PAGE first two years of independence to match the UK’s deficit target. REVENUES FROM He adds that oil revenues are unpredictable and may turn NORTH SEA OIL, AND www.futureukandscotland.ac.uk THEIR EVENTUAL out higher than the OBR predicts. “If oil revenues turn out DECLINE ARE KEY TO BALANCING to be much stronger than the OBR forecasts, an independent SCOTLAND’S Martin Ince is principal of Martin Ince Communications. He is Scotland may in principle be able to cut spending or increase FINANCES a freelance science writer, media adviser and media trainer. GETTY

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HOW HAS UKIP GONE FROM A MARGINAL PARTY TO A SERIOUS CONTENDER IN BRITISH POLITICS? OPINION BY ANY STANDARDS UKIP is a success story in electoral terms. It was founded in 1993 and in the !rst European Parliamentary elections the party contested in 1994 it received just A NEW over 150,000 votes and failed to win a seat. THIRD PARTY? By the time of the 2009 European Parliamentary elections some 15 years later, it came in second By Professor with nearly 2.5 million votes and captured Paul Whiteley 13 seats. In Westminster by-elections held since 2010, the party came in second in four of them, with an impressive 28 per cent vote share in Eastleigh in February 2013. The party also has done well in local elections, winning 147 council seats in May 2013 in districts where it previously held only eight seats. What explains this record of electoral success? There are a number of factors at work, some of them relating to the sociology of the UKIP vote but mainly to the e"ects of the worst recession since the 1930s. judge capable of delivering these outcomes. Well before the current recession occurred, UKIP is Voters’ concerns with valence issues mean UKIP attracted support from !nancially insecure that they typically dominate the political older men who believe that the European Union agenda in Britain and elsewhere. Although is responsible for many of Britain’s problems. picking up the salience of speci!c valence issues varies This source of support has grown because over time, their continuing importance focuses euroscepticism has increased among the British political debates on ‘who can do the job’ rather public following the well publicised problems in support than on ‘what the job should be’. the Eurozone. In January 2008, before the full This creates a serious problem for the extent of the recession became apparent, major parties of government when there is a some 48 per cent of respondents in the British from people widespread perception that none of them can Election Study survey said they approved of deliver the policies that voters want, something UK membership of the European Union, while that has been evident in our surveys since 41 per cent disapproved. By July 2013, 46 per discontented the start of the recession. When the leading cent approved and 52 per cent disapproved. parties are perceived to have failed, it opens Many people who were previously ‘don’t up an opportunity for minor parties, which knows’ or weak supporters of EU membership with the previously would have been ignored by have switched to the opposition camp, in part the average voter. The analysis shows that because they increasingly blame the European discontent with the Coalition government’s poor Union for the economic crisis. Coalition economic performance has not translated into growing support for Labour, which is normally REASONS TO BE CHEERFUL what would happen. Instead UKIP is picking up But there is more to the story of UKIP’s support from people who are discontented with success than euroscepticism. In our new the Coalition’s performance on the economy, book (Whiteley, Clarke, Sanders and Stewart, immigration and public services. 2013), we investigate the impact of valence UKIP has been further helped by the fact policies on electoral support. The term ‘valence’ that the Liberal Democrats, the traditional party was introduced by the American political of discontent and protest, is now in government scientist Donald Stokes to describe the fact and therefore forfeits the support of ‘none of that voters focus heavily on competing parties’ PROFESSOR the above’ voters. In short UKIP has become the abilities to deliver policies on issues over bene!ciary of the serious crisis that has hit the which there is widespread agreement about PAUL WHITELEY British economy since 2008, and, as things what should be done. Department of Government, University of Essex. stand, it has a fair chance of achieving its goal A classic valence issue is the economy. of being the third party of British politics in terms With most voters supporting economic growth of vote shares in 2015. Q coupled with low rates of unemployment and in#ation, they tend to support parties that they www.essex.ac.uk/government

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POLITICAL TRUST AND SATISFACTION IN THE EUROZONE Political trust and satisfaction with democracy were measured on a scale of 0-10 from 2004/5 to 2010/11. Who trusts politicians the least?*

UK BELGIUM DENMARK FINLAND IRELAND SPAIN SLOVENIA FRANCE GREECE -0.26 -0.39 -0.4 -0.32 -0.52 -0.42 -0.62 -0.5 -0.67 -0.77 -0.87 -1.1 -1.06 -1.31 -1.37 -2.38 -2.16 -3.2

political trust and greater KEY dissatisfaction with the POLITICAL POLITICAL functioning of democracy. TRUST But the effects of the crisis SATISFACTION WITH were not confined only DEMOCRACY FALL-OUT to those who experienced economic hardship. The crisis created widespread The recession has undermined political legitimacy anxiety about a country’s throughout Europe, especially in eurozone countries future even among those not personally affected. The decline in support THE AFTER-EFFECTS of the economic crisis for the political system between 2004/05 and 2010/11 precipitated by the bank failures of 2008 extend far was strongly related to a corresponding growth in beyond direct effects on people’s material wellbeing. dissatisfaction with the economic situation among the Evidence from the European Social Survey (ESS) – general population over this period. a biennial survey of public attitudes and behaviour in more than 30 countries, funded in the UK by REBUILDING ECONOMICS AND TRUST the ESRC – suggests that poor economic performance The research finds that the effects of the economic crisis may even pose a threat to the democratic legitimacy of on political legitimacy were felt most strongly in the those countries worst affected. eurozone countries. In the eurozone, more so than in Javier Polavieja, from the University Carlos III de other European countries, changes in attitudes towards Madrid, used ESS data to investigate the effect of economic the political system were strongly correlated with circumstances on public support for the political system. changes in GDP growth. Perceptions of the adequacy of He compared levels of political trust and satisfaction with economic management and the legitimacy of political democracy in 2004/05 and 2010/11 and found evidence institutions deteriorated most in those countries where of a significant decline in many countries, including the ability of national governments to respond unilaterally those worst hit by the economic crisis. The decline in to the crisis was constrained and economic fortunes political trust and satisfaction with democracy was were instead dependent on the decisions of remote and significant in the UK, Belgium, Denmark and Finland; untested supra-national bodies. particularly notable in France, Slovenia, Ireland and Director of the ESS, Rory Fitzgerald from City Spain; and truly alarming in Greece. University London, said: “This research demonstrates that There were two ways in which the economic in the aftermath of the crisis many countries in Europe *THE CHART SHOWS crisis undercut political legitimacy. Personal economic not only have to rebuild their economies, they must also THE AVERAGE CHANGE IN NATIONAL MEAN vulnerability to the crisis – being in a manual unskilled seek to revitalise public trust in political institutions.” Q SCORES OVER TIME,

CONTROLLING FOR UROPEAN SOCIAL SURVEY occupation or having experienced unemployment or INDIVIDUAL BACKGROUND E ﬁnancial distress – was associated with lower levels of www.europeansocialsurvey.org CHARACTERISTICS SOURCE:

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Stephen Byers was caught out by undercover journalists in 2010 boasting he was “a cab for hire” and could in!uence parliamentary contacts for a "nancial payment

UNDER THE INFLUENCE With a host of scandals in recent years, Britain needs proper laws to understand and regulate lobbyists’ behaviour. Jordi Blanes i Vidal sheds some light

It is time that Parliament gave us a new to register with the Clerk of the House of Of course, lobbyists often dispute this strong law that sheds light on the activities Representatives and the Secretary of the Senate. notion. They claim instead that their earnings of professional lobbyists trying to influence Every quarter, the lobbyists have to disclose reflect expertise on policy issues and the inner government decisions. Without it, we are in the financial compensation they receive from workings of government in general. In other the dark as to what lobbyists (and our each client, the pieces of legislation they words, they argue, it is ‘what you know’ not government) do. For instance, research by lobbied on, the government offices contacted, ‘who you know’ that matters. In the UK, myself, Mirko Draca and Christian Fons-Rosen and so on. Yes, the Lobbying Disclosure Act similar arguments are often used. In hiring at the ESRC-funded Centre for Economic has a few loopholes – grass roots organisations the former head of HMRC, Deloitte justified Performance (CEP) shows that in the US are, for instance, exempted from the Act. the appointment by citing his substantial personal connections represent an important But the Act has also provided empirical political expertise in ‘advising foreign governments on part of what clients get when they hire a lobbyist. economists with enormous datasets that they the development of effective tax regimes’. That Here in the UK this is also likely to be the case, can use to understand whether (and if so, how) may well be true, and, in practice, separating but there is no way to go beyond speculation. lobbying shapes government decisions. With the ‘what you know’ from the ‘who you know’ The types of disclosure laws that allowed that their properly researched findings, economists is an empirically tricky issue. US-based research are absent in our country. have in turn helped to shape public debate As a result, lobbyists operate completely behind about how best to regard and regulate lobbying. Making connections the scenes, except for the occasional media One particularly successful example of this Our CEP research uses data made available scandal. This cannot continue. is our recent research on the ‘revolving door’ by the US Lobbying Disclosure Act to The comprehensive reporting of federal – the movement of government employees to investigate this issue. It focuses on the personal lobbying activity began, in the US, with the lucrative jobs in the lobbying industry. The most staffers of US Congressmen that switch to the passing of the 1995 Lobbying Disclosure common interpretation is that these revolving lobbying industry, then studies the impact of Act. This law was amended and reinforced door lobbyists are simply cashing in on their a serving Congressman on the lobbying substantially in 2007. The law compels political connections and that corporations and revenues of his/her former staffers. If a

S any individual who is employed by a client other organisations are hiring them to acquire politician is no longer serving in Congress, for services that include lobbying activities privileged access to serving politicians. then the political connection held by their PA/EMPIC

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SCANDALS OF THE LOBBYISTS Several high-proﬁle ﬁgures have imploded in recent years – here are the heads that fell.

A SWIFT FOXTROT In October 2011, Liam Fox, the then Secretary for Defence, resigned as a scandal broke about donations from Tory backers to his friend Adam Werritty. As his ‘adviser’ – not an ofﬁcially recognised role – Werritty travelled with Fox, but the funding of this globe-trotting was called into question and the damaging allegations escalated. Fox made the call to David Cameron.

THE BELL TOLLED Public relations ﬁrm Bell Pottinger’s chief lobbyist Tim Collins got into hot water in December 2011. He was caught on camera boasting about his ‘mates’ at Westminster: “There is not a problem in getting the messages through to them.” The claim of behind-closed-doors dealings caused the company’s ethics to be questioned.

TWO LORDS-A-LEAPING Lord Taylor of Blackburn and Lord Truscott were suspended in 2009 when found to have told undercover journalists they were willing to change bills in return for cash. They breached the Upper House’s code of conduct to ‘always act on their personal honour’ – the ﬁrst such occasion in a 350-year period.

former staffers should be in effect obsolete, as Defence Secretary Liam Fox resignation, and the politician no longer has direct influence the case of HRMC Director, Dave Hartnett, WHO CAN LOBBY AND over legislative outcomes or the content moving to Deloitte. The list goes on but it is of congressional debates. This would be impossible to go beyond anecdotes that may WHY BOTHER? equivalent to studying how much the revenue be revealing but probably represent a very Anyone can lobby an MP or Lord of defence-industry consultant Adam Werritty incomplete picture. – a member of the public, group changed after his friend Liam Fox ceased to be The bill presented to Parliament on of constituents, pressure groups the UK Secretary of Defence. 2 September 2013 contains so many loopholes or campaigners, commercial The study finds that connections matter and exemptions that it is unlikely to provide organisations or local businesses. hugely. Lobbyists suffer an average revenue us with a good enough image of the lobbying loss of 24 per cent in the semester following industry. Let’s please have a law covering all Often lobbyists are ex-MPs, their former employer’s exit from Congress. lobbyists (not just those privately employed ex-senior o!cials, peers, or In dollar terms, this translates into $177,000 by firms with lobbying as their main business) representatives of big companies. per year for the typical lobbyist’s practice. and all activities (not just meetings with And, as one would expect, the size of the ministers and senior civil servants). Only then If you want to try and in"uence revenue drop increases with the importance can we start to understand and better regulate the opinions of MPs or Lords, of the politician. For instance, Senators are lobbyists’ behaviour, and maintain public lobbying is the route you more valuable than Representatives and, even confidence in our political system. Q should follow, by sending letters, within the two chambers of Congress, more making a presentation, organising senior politicians – defined in terms of either cep.lse.ac.uk rallies, for example. Start with tenure or committee status – are more valuable your local MP. than their junior counterparts. Jordi Blanes i Vidal is Associate Professor How much do connections matter in the for Managerial Economics and Strategy and UK? We have had the former Labour Transport Centre for Economic Performance at the Secretary Stephen Byers affair, the Conservative London School of Economics.

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YOUTH VOTE Are young people in the UK politically Youthful involved? They are in Scotland intent The young people of Scotland are a politically motivated generation

SCOTLAND VOTES IN September 2014 in a referendum to decide whether to become an independent country. For the first time in a national election in the UK, 16-17-year-olds will have the vote. With funding from the ESRC’s Future of the UK and Scotland Most were happy with the present system of being British: 12 per cent felt ‘Scottish not Programme, the Applied Quantitative of devolved government, only 13 per cent British’, 39 per cent ‘Scottish more than British’, Methods Network, in partnership with an wanting to abolish the Scottish Parliament. and 45 per cent ‘equally Scottish and British’. Edinburgh University research team, surveyed Behind these broad intentions lay evidence Their position on this scale was strongly tied to the views of young people in Scotland on their that young people are engaged with the issue, vote intention, the ‘yes’ intention being 52 per attitude to politics, on national identity, and are interested in politics, and take the referendum cent, 29 per cent and 12 per cent respectively. on how they intend to vote. seriously enough to have discussed it with Intention was also tied to how people felt Interviews were carried out by phone friends and family. Almost all (94 per cent) about the future of an independent Scotland. with over 1,000 randomly selected people were aware that the referendum Only 27 per cent would feel aged 14-17 across Scotland, and also with one is taking place, and two thirds ‘confident’, and 70 per cent of of their parents. The questions were piloted were likely or very likely to vote. them would vote ‘yes’. But 47 per at Knox Academy – a large comprehensive Fifty-seven per cent said they cent would be ‘worried’, and 90 school in Haddington, a town typical of were interested in politics to some YOUNG per cent of them would vote ‘no’. ‘middle Scotland’ – where pupils gave detailed extent, 88 per cent had discussed PEOPLE DID As with Scotland’s adults, comments on the draft. Advice was also the referendum with someone NOT SIMPLY debate is taking place among obtained from d|part, a Europe-wide network else, the most popular being FOLLOW young people on who they are that aims to support political participation. parents (53 per cent), people THE LEAD and what the future holds – this in their class at school (53 per OF PARENTS is certainly not an apathetic INTENTIONS ARE GOOD cent) and friends (45 per cent). generation. The research team The result that most catches the eye was on But young people did not simply intends to repeat the survey in voting intention: 23 per cent of the young follow the lead of their parents – 44 per cent 2014 to see if a year of campaigning will have people said they would vote ‘yes’ to Scottish did not share the view of their parent – and had an effect on young people’s views. Q independence, 58 per cent ‘no’, and 19 per two-thirds wanted more information before cent were undecided. There was little variation they would make up their minds. www.aqmen.ac.uk/youngscotsurveyresults according to age, or by region. Young men A major factor influencing their decisions were more likely to choose ‘yes’ than young was national identity. Most young people felt The research team: Dr Jan Eichhorn, Professor women (28 per cent compared to 18 per cent). Scottish, but most also shared this with a sense Lindsay Paterson, Professor John MacInnes.

LOBBYING IN LIGHT OF THE ECONOMIC crises and activities such as lobbying with expectations of corporate scandals of recent years, the ways corporate social responsibility (CSR)? A question of in which corporations take part in politics have These questions are investigated in a become a major concern for societies across new research project led by Professor Patrick the globe. In the UK this concern is re!ected in Bernhagen (University of Aberdeen) and Dr Kelly citizenship heated debates about the pending lobbying bill, Kollman (University of Glasgow) with the support revisions to the rules on corporate reporting and of Dr Alvise Favotto and Dr Natalka Patsiurko. The How do corporations wider public controversies about tax avoidance. project tracks the political behaviour of 2,000 Despite the growing interest in the political large corporations across di"erent activities balance lobbying with behaviour of corporations, the public knows (lobbying, campaign contributions and CSR) and relatively little about the strategic and social venues (national, European Union and United social responsibility? considerations that underpin corporate political Nations). This information can shed light on behaviour: What kinds of corporations get corporations’ political strategies as well as on involved in politics? When do they seek to talk how coherent these strategies actually are. to national politicians and to European legislators? For example, analysing the data will show if a And how do corporations reconcile openly political corporation simultaneously commits to reducing ALAMY

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online political behaviour conducted for the 2010 UK parliamentary elections. Aside from conﬁrming the power of more conventional ofﬂine methods for mobilising voters, the results did show that levels of online contact were quite different across the two countries. In the US around 16 per cent of the population reported some type of online contact from a candidate or party in the 2012 presidential election – either through email, Facebook or the web more generally. In the UK the proportions were much lower at just over two per cent of voters reporting such contact.

INDIRECT CONTACT The longer US campaign may of course account for the differences but the almost eight-fold increase in the American race does Older methods are still more powerful than send a clear signal that the medium is taken digital channels in mobilising voters more seriously by US campaigners. This picture is changed somewhat when SOCIAL MEDIA rates of indirect online contacting are considered – messages sent by friends and family on Facebook or email to persuade you to vote MAKING BETTER for a particular candidate or party. When the researchers considered this more personalised VOTER CONNECTIONS method of campaign contact they found a greater parity between the UK and US with just How effective are social media tools in getting out the vote? over one fifth of the US sample reporting receipt of such messages, while around 15 per cent of THE ARRIVAL OF THE internet and and UK in recent general elections. The study UK respondents had received such a prompt. email, and more recently social media or web finds that the older methods still remain much The conclusions raise something of a 2.0 technologies, has provided parties and more powerful in getting voters challenge to the recently highly candidates with a whole new suite of faster to the polls than newer digital publicised results of a 61-million- and more personalised ways to engage in voter channels. But online contacting person Facebook experiment contacting. The question of whether these does appear to have a role in conducted by Bond et al. in new tools work in ‘getting out the vote’ – or maintaining and reinforcing a ONLINE the US (2012) and reported in GOTV efforts as they are commonly labelled – link with voters and supporters CONTACTING Nature that showed messages is one that remains the subject of some debate. that are already active in helping DOES mediated through online Research by Professor Rachel Gibson, the campaign effort. BUILD social networks have a small University of Manchester, and Professor The researchers used a LINKS TO but significant effect on voter John Aldrich, from Duke University in the combination of national election VOTERS turnout. More generally the US, has been attempting to find an answer survey data from the US and the findings confirm that the ‘ground to this question in the project ‘Campaign UK to compare the effects of war’ is still the place where a Mobilisation in the Social Media Era’. The the different types of campaign campaign needs to be fought if research compares the effectiveness of the mobilisation. This included the American it wants to maximise its support. Q new methods with more traditional National Election Study, the British Election face-to-face and phone techniques in the US Study and a special ESRC-funded survey of www.humanities.manchester.ac.uk

its carbon emissions while lobbying governments implies that public o#cials may want to be wary or international organisations to prevent more of corporations engaging socially with the aim of stringent regulation of such emissions. In this enhancing their legitimacy in the political realm. way the project can identify to what extent Second, even though large corporations CSR commitments are e!ective, rather than respond to evolving global standards of corporate ceremonial in nature or even part of a corporate conduct, there are considerable national lobbying strategy to avoid future regulation. di!erences in how corporations de"ne and seek to implement their environmental and LOBBYING & SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY social responsibilities. This suggests that it is The project’s preliminary "ndings suggest "rst possible to engage corporations in a discussion that corporations that engage in lobbying or about their responsibilities to society, but that political campaigning are also more likely to global CSR initiatives may need to be tailored to become active in social responsibility initiatives – di!erent political settings to a greater extent

a pattern that is observed at national, European than they presently are. Q TOCK

Corporations that lobby are more likely to be S and global levels. While corporate social active in social responsibility initiatives responsibility may be bene"cial for society, this www.pbernhagen.de/research-projects ALAMY; I ALAMY;

72 BRITAIN IN 2014 BRITAIN IN 2014 73 POLITICS & GOVERNANCE | OPINION

WHAT WILL BE THE FUTURE OF THE WORLD SERVICE AS IT COMES UNDER THE LICENCE FEE IN APRIL 2014?

THE BBC WORLD SERVICE, often referred OPINION to as the ‘voice of Britain abroad’, is well known to over 183 million people around the globe who regularly tune in or log on to one of its THE VOICE OF 27 language services. But the British public, BRITAIN ABROAD with the exception of intrepid travellers and insomniacs who listen to BBC Radio 4 in the dark hours of the night when World Service By Professor programmes are broadcast, know little about it. Marie Gillespie This is a shame because from April 2014 British citizens will pay for its services and will need to understand why. The Foreign and Commonwealth O!ce will no longer fund the World Service as one of its public diplomacy partners, and subsequent changes in its governance, funding cuts and its integration into the BBC’s Global News Division will bring opportunities but also pose signi"cant threats. These changes matter greatly for how Britain is perceived around the world and for its ability to in#uence by attraction – its exercise of BBC since its inception as the Empire Service in 1932. what Joseph Nye refers to as ‘soft power’. The research has brought together international At a time when the rising powers of BRIC It would be a scholars and CRESC researchers to collaborate countries (Brazil, Russia, India and China) are and examine, for example, the evolution of world investing in international media and public music, global sports and drama for development diplomacy initiatives to project themselves onto sad loss if the as well as a range of more conceptually focused a world stage, European powers are cutting themes including diasporic nationalism, religious investment in these services. Some see transnationalism and the politics of translation. international broadcasters like BBC World Service World Service The book ranges from an examination of British and France 24 as remnants of a bygone era, colonial expat audiences in the 1930s through to World War relics and Cold War propaganda tools that have no was to lose Two political satire and the problems of reporting place in a media-saturated, multi-polar world, but Jewish persecution, to the historical role of the BBC that ignores a rich history of cultural encounters in South Asia, the Middle East and Iran. It ends by and translation activities that enabled the BBC to its distinctive examining the way new interactive online media are forge a unique brand of corporate cosmopolitanism. transforming audiences, creating digital diasporas For the last 80 years, the World Service derived and challenging established journalistic principles. much of its intellectual, creative and diplomatic diasporic The study develops an analysis of the attitudes, signi"cance from the non-British broadcasters working methods and intercultural experiences who have been at the heart of the BBC’s foreign experience of programme makers, as shaped by language service, broadcasting to home countries, voice corporate, journalistic and strategic interests. It but these broadcasting diasporas have remained shows the complex cultural and diplomatic value largely absent from the public understanding of of the World Service, and how British voices, the World Service. Successive waves of exiled, attitudes and government policy (national interests refugee, dissident and migrant intellectuals and and values) have become part of a wider narrative writers have been essential to establish and renew exchange with the BBC’s overseas audiences. the BBC’s reputation as one of the world’s most The cultural bridge to audiences created credible and trusted international broadcasters. by successive generations of diasporic sta$ at the World Service is important and remains A MATTER OF DIPLOMACY the underlying currency of the Service’s The Centre for Research on Socio-Cultural Change PROFESSOR continued success as an international (CRESC) ‘Reframing the Nation’ research theme broadcaster and a diplomatic force. It would be and its a!liate Arts and Humanities Research MARIE GILLESPIE a sad loss for Britain if the World Service was Council-funded ‘Tuning In’ project have produced Professor of Sociology, Open University, to lose its distinctive diasporic voice and its the "rst interdisciplinary analysis of the relationship and Co-Director of the Centre for Research associated diplomatic cultural value. Q between these exiled, refugee, dissident and on Socio-Cultural Change. Publisher Routledge. migrant broadcasters and the diplomatic imperatives www.cresc.ac.uk/our-research/reframing- that have shaped the overseas operations of the the-nation

74 BRITAIN IN 2014 FACTS & FIGURES | POLITICS & GOVERNANCE WHEEL OF FORTUNE MPs’ salaries increase in April. What do their pay and expenses1 cover?

SALARY An MP’s salary is £66,396 (April 2013) – this will increase to £67,060 in April 2014. ALARY ACCOMMODATION EXPENSES S Accommodation3 Not payable to London Area MPs A P C or those with grace-and-favour accommodation. -U C Covers rental payments, hotel accommodation and G S N £67,060 A E DO L CC O associated expenditure. For owners of second N N o O E I S O 0 nd M M homes, it covers utility bills and Council Tax. -L 5 o X D N N 3 n M M E O , a O P Caring responsibilities Various levels of N 3 Ex A r P N 5 p ss e D E O parental or caring responsibility for I e o a £ n c £ A dependent children or a family member. X d i T N D W N it a 2 E 0 u t 0 I O r e , O S A 5 e d 1 D £ N 4 0 E N , 8 0 T TRAVEL , S O 6 8 5 I There is no limit on the travel L 5 0 O

expenses MPs can claim, but it is £ C N

P A subject to rules. Overall MPs claimed S £

2 R £4.5m in travel expenses in 2006/7. E U ,

4 I - 0 N S 2

0 G T 5 STAFFING

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Some of the costs included are:

sta# salaries, National Insurance

A The Westminster

and pension contributions, overtime

payments, health and welfare costs. money-go-round: 4

N R

0 salary plus yearly

OFFICE COSTS 0

This covers costs for renting, , expenses

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O equipping and running an MP’s o"ce

S L

or surgery. Some of the things it doesn’t E £

include: alcoholic drinks, stationery O

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provided by the Houses of Parliament, L

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newsletters, personal accountancy. ,

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START-UP EXPENSES

O E

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This is to meet the costs of setting up one N

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or more constituency o"ces as a new MP. T T U

O R E

F I N WINDING-UP EXPENSES G This is to meet the cost of completing any outstanding parliamentary functions when a person ceases to be an MP.

160 MPs around the world Where does the British MP’s salary sit when compared to 140 MPs in other countries worldwide2? All amounts are in British pounds sterling, equivalent to national currency. 120

100

40 S 20 IGN S

British pounds sterling in 1,000s, equivalent to national currency 0

1MP’s Scheme of Business Costs and Expenses (Fifth Edition) 1 April 2013. For more details visit www.parliament.uk/brie!ng-papers/RP13-33. 2 For countries other than Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, comparisons based on gross basic annual salary before tax and pension contributions and without expenses or allowances, for a member of the national parliament (in nearest equivalent position to a UK House of Commons MP without additional responsibilities). 3 Those London Area and Non-London Area MPs who declare they won’t claim for accommodation expenses but represent a London constituency are entitled to a London Area Living Payment – £3,760. Sources: Wheel of Fortune, www.parliament.uk; worldwide salaries, IPSA. INFOGRAPHIC: TIDY DE TIDY INFOGRAPHIC:

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