Mortor of T)Bilo50pbv in WOMEN's STUDIES

PROFILING AND IMAGING WOMEN IN MUGHAL INDIA: THE PERSIAN TEXTS, TRAVELLERS' ACCOUNTS, LEGAL DOCUMENTS AND MINIATURES

THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF mortor of t)bilo50pbv IN WOMEN'S STUDIES

BY ANGBIN YASMIN

UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF DR. SYED ALI NADEEM REZAVI

ADVANCED CENTRE FOR WOMEN'S STUDIES ALiGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALiGARH-202002 (INDIA) 2015 Fed in Computer

IJIII ~IUllllllllllll T9848 CENlRE OF ADVANCED STUDY

SYED ALI NADEEM REZAVI DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY Ass()c/a/c Pro f c s so r Aligarh Muslim University Aligarh- 202 002 Deputy Coordinator

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Certificate .. . ..~"

This is to certify that the thesis entitled 'Profiling and Imaging Women in Muqha! India: The Persian Texts, Travellers' Accounts, Leqal Documents and the Miniatures' by Ms. Angbin Yasmin is the original work of the candidate and is suitable for submission to the examiners and for the award of Ph.D. degree.

(Dr. Syed Ali Nadeem Rezavi)

Telephones: (0571)-2703146; Fax No.: (0571)-2703146; Internal: 1480 and 1482

Acknowledgements

First of all I thank Allah for giving me this life, opportunity and strength to complete this work. I bow my head in respect to my us/ad i ala, Dr. S.A.N Rezavi. Under your benign guidance, this uncomprehending student has come a long way. More than a teacher, you have been a father figure for me and a friend in need, lending your indulgent ear to my petty problems, and veiling away my not so intelligent acts. Though I have never had the privilege of being a student of Prof. Irfan Habib but he was always there to help and guide us whenever needed. I pay my humble thanks to him. I am indebted to my teacher and my ideal Prof. Shireen Moosvi (ex Director of the Centre). You have lived your life as an example for us to cherish and follow. Without your able guidance this work would not have been complete. Thank you Ma'am for everything you have done for me. Thanks are due to my teachers from Department of History, Prof. Afzal Husain, Ishrat Sir, Jabir Sir, Farhat Sir (ex Deputy Director of the Centre), Dr. Shadab Bano, Dr. Jaya Menon for their encouraging words and support. I will be failing in my duty if I don't acknowledge my teacher Dr. Sunita Sharma (Patna Women's College). Thank you Ma'am for your love and support. I am grateful to my Director Prof. Nighat Ahmad for her guidance and help which she provided. Thanks are also due to Shehroze Sir (Deputy Director of Centre for Women's Studies) especially for rescuing me in my pre-submission viva. I am thankful to the faculty members of our Centre: Tauseef Aapa, Faisal Sir, Huma Ma'am and Juhi Ma'am; the erstwhile staff of Centre for Women's Studies: Sabir bhai, Ashar bhai, Sajid bhai and Waseem bhai and the present staff as well. This work became possible only because of the material available in the Maulana Azad Library, A.M.U which was of great help. I am also thankful to Dr. Imtiaz Ahmad, Director of Khuda Baksh Oriental Public Library, Patna for his help in procuring books. Also the well equipped Library of Department of History, A.M.U needs to be mentioned which is indispensible with its large collections of documents, manuscripts and other source material. I would also like to thank the library staff of Department of History who went out of their way to issue me books. I am grateful to Ms. Nighat Ahmad, library attendant of Centre for Women's Studies for helping me throughout my research.

I am thankful to my family for their patience and faith in me and numerous excuses you gave for my absence in every family gathering. For my parents, thank you is hugely insufficient, I wish there was a bigger word for the gratitude and love I have for them. But since my vocabulary is limited and mediocre, thank you Mummy and Abbu for being my parents. My cousins who were always there whenever I needed them, sending me every pictures of the event to make me feel more jealous, thank you Sumbul Fatihi, Saman, Sumaira, Yusra for your love and care. Though it is after all my right to snatch money from my brothers: Arafat Ahsan and Minhaj ul Haque, still I thank bhaiya for fulfilling my never ending demands, whenever I ran out of money and for bearing my nagging. Thank you Phuphijan (Nastaran Fatihi) and Mumjani (Prof. A.R Fatihi) for your love and good food (ghar ka khana) it was only because of you I never felt home sick. I miss you Daddo and I know you will be proud of your granddaughter smiling somewhere up there.

My friends, of course how can I forget to thank them who were always there, ready to waste my time. Always up for new adventures. Afshan Majid my partner in every scandal, gossip, quarrel and adventure, thank you my dear friend for bearing my worst moods from the silent one to my chanda mode and for rushing me to the medical and rescuing me from all awkward situations I always used to get into. I will miss you. I would also like to mention one new entry in our group Imran Mannan who came like a blessing in disguise for all of us. Thank you Imran (Immo urf Teelu). Thank you Aadil my dear brother, for making me feel so special and sorry for the troubles I always gave you. Thank you Lucky Khan, Hala and Sumaiyya for the chit chats we always had. I am thankful to my batch mates' Shahiya aapa, Sifwat, Shama, Shireen, Mehnaz, Ghausia, Enayat bhai for making these days a memorable one. I am also thankful to my seniors Priya Oi, Mridula Oi, Sarnan Aapa, Shazia Aapa and my roommate Ayesha Aapa for their encouraging words, love, care and support. I am grateful to my guru bhai Salim Zaweed for his support and help he provided me throughout my research. I have learnt a lot from you. Thanking Nadir Husain is the toughest job for me because a word like thank you would belittle his worth in my life. You mean a lot to me. I would also like to thank Mrs. Asma Rafat Husain for her love she always gave me.

II " List of Illustrations

Chapter III: Mughal Women in European Accounts & Travels Page No. 126-128

Plate I: The local performers at the functions, reproduced from Peter Mundy, The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia 1608-1667,ed. Richard Carnac Temple, The Hakluyt Society, Cambridge, illustration No.16,p. 217

Plate II: Depicting the mode of travelling of the commoners, reproduced from Peter Mundy, The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia 1608-1667,ed. Richard Camac Temple, The Hakluyt Society, Cambridge, illustration No.12, p.192

Plate III: A sketch of a woman performing sati, reproduced from Peter Mundy, The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia 1608-1667,ed. Richard Camac Temple, The Hakluyt Society, Cambridge, illustration No.3, p.35

Plate IV: Women at temple, reproduced from Peter Mundy, The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia 1608-1667,ed. Richard Camac Temple, The Hakluyt Society, Cambridge, illustration No. 15, p.217

Chapter IV: Representation of Women in the Legal Documents Page No.ISl-lS8

Plate I: Seal of Nadira Banu and Tughra of Jahan Ara, reproduced from S.A.I Tirmizi, Edict from the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli, 1979

Plate II: Tughra ofNur Jahan and Seal ofNur Jahan.reproduced from S.A.I Tirmizi, Edictfrom the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli, 1979

Plate III: Hukm of Hamida Banu Begum Maryam Makani, reproduced from S.A.l Tirmizi, Edictfrom the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli, 1979

Plate IV: Hukm of Wali Nimat Begum Maryam Zamani, reproduced from S.A.I Tirmizi, Edictfrom the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli, 1979

Plate V: Hukm ofNur Jahan Begum, reproduced from S.A.I Tirmizi, Edictfrom the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli, 1979

Plate VI: Hukm ofNur laban Begum, reproduced from S.A.I Tirmizi, Edictfrom the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli, 1979

III Plate VII: Hukm of Mumtaz Mahal, reproduced from S.A.I Tirmizi, Edict from the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli, 1979

Plate VIII: Nishan of Nadira Banu Begum, reproduced from S.A.I Tirmizi, Edict from the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli, 1979

Plate IX: Nishan of Jahan Ara, reproduced from S.A.I Tirmizi, Edict from the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli, 1979

Chapter V: Depiction of Women in Mughal Miniatures Page No. 181-246

Plate I: Representation of Women's faces reproduced from S.P Verma, Art and Material Culture in the Paintings of Akbar's Court, Delhi, 1978, pl.xxv.

Plate II: Alanqua with her three sons. An illustration from Chengiznama, 1596, Los Angles Country Museum of Art reproduced from Michael Brand and Glunn D. Lowry, Akbar's India: Art from the Mughal City of Victory, The Asia Society Galleries, New York, 1985, p.16

Plate III: An illustration from Chengiznama a composition by Basawan, 1596, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, reproduced from Amina Okada, Imperial Mughal Painters, Flammarion, Paris, 1992, pU8, p.21

Plate IV: An illustration from Timurnama, reproduced from Timurnama, Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, Patna

Plate V: An illustration from Baburnama depicting Khanzada Begum after her return, folio 13b, reproduced from Hamid Sulaiman, Miniatures from Baburnama, Fan Publishing, Tashkent, 1970, p.07

Plate VI: Babur visiting the Begams, an illustration from Baburnama, folio. 256b, reproduced from, Rumer Godden, Gulbadan Portrait of a Rose Princess at the Mughal Court, The Viking Press, 1980, p.1S

Plate VII: Birth of Timur, an illustration of Akbarnama, British Library Or.12988, fol.20b reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintingsfrom the Akbarnama, New Delhi, 1984, p1.57,p.130

IV Plate VIII: Birth of Jahangir, an illustration of Akbarnama, I.S.211896, Ace. No. 781117, reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings from the Akbarnama, New Delhi, 1984, p1.56, p.128

Plate IX: Birth of Murad and festivities of birth of his birth an illustration of Akbarnama, c.1600, by Bhura, Victoria and Albert Museum London, reproduced from W.G Archer, Indian Miniatures, New York, 1960

Plate X: Birth of Jahangir, 1610-1615, ascribed to Bishan Das, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Inv. 14.657, an illustration of Tuzuk, reproduced from Amina Okada, Imperial Mughal Painters, Flammarion, Paris, 1992, pl.l91, p. 158

Plate XI: Circumcision ceremony of Jahangir, Murad and Daniyal, 1605 an illustration of Akbarnama, folio. 418, reproduced from B.W Robinson ed. Islamic Painting and the Arts of the Book, London, p.v.51.

Plate XII: The infant Akbar placed in the care of his nurses, 1603-4 miniature from the British Library Akbarnama reproduced from Rumer Godden, Gulbadan: Portrait of a Rose Princess at the Mughal Court, Viking Press, 1980, p.9l

Plate XIII: Wedding of Humayun and Hamida Bano in Sep, 1541, an illustration from Akbarnama, 1590-1600, Cynthia Hazen Polsky Collection, New York, reproduced from Usha Bhatia, Amar Nath Khanna ed. The Diverse World of Indian Painting, Essays in Honour of Dr. Vishwa Chandra Ohri,Aryan Books International New Delhi,2009, pl.3.1

Plate XIV: Marriage of Baqi Muhammad Khan son of Maham Anaga, an illustration of Akbarnama, LS 211896 double page illustration, Acc.Nos. 8and 91117 reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings from the Akbarnama, New Delhi, pl.17 -18,p.64-65

Plate XV: A school scene, late 1ih Century Collection, National Museum New Delhi, reproduced from K.S Lal, Mughal Harem, Aditya Prakashan, 1988, pl.9

Plate XVI: A school scene, a miniature from Khamsa of Amir Khusrau, c. 1595, The Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore, f.98, reproduced from Rumer Godden, Gulbadan Portrait of a Rose Princess at the Mughal Court, The Viking Press, 1980, p.37

v Plate XVII: Akbar paying respect to his mother, an illustration of Akbarnama, 1603- 05, Library Folio.25r, reproduced from Linda York Leech, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings From the Chester Beatty Library, Scorpion Cavendish, London, 1995, p.249

Plate XVIII: Jahangir greeting his mother, an illustration from Akbarnama, 1600, National Museum, New Delhi, reproduced from W.G Archer, Indian Miniatures, New York, 1960, p.21

Plate XIX: A hunting scene, an illustration of Akbarnama, I.S 211897 Ace. Nos 56/177 double page illustration reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings from the Akbarnama A Visual Chronicle of Mughal India, Luster Press Pvt Ltd, 1984, p1.40, p.100-101

Plate XX: A woman in battle scene being escorted by a man, Miniature from the British Library Akbarnama, 1603-4 (or. 12988, f.125b) reproduced from Rumer Godden, Gulbadan: Portrait of a Rose Princess at the Mughal Court, Viking Press, 1980,p.87

Plate XXI: Women performingjauhar, an illustration of Akbarnama, I.S 211896Ace Nos. 68 and 691117reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings from Akbarnama A Visual Chronicle of MughalIndia, Luster Press Pvt Ltd, 1984, p1.49-50,p.116-117

Plate XXII: Wife of a defeated ruler standing before Timur, Timurnama, reproduced from Timurnama, Khuda Baksh Oriental Public Library, Patna

Plate XXIII: Salima Sultan Begum being escorted to Ahmedabad In 1561, an illustration from Akbarnama Miniature from Victoria and Albert Museum, c.1590, (I.S. 2-1896 6/117) reproduced from Rumer Godden, Gulbadan Portrait of a Rose Princess at the Mugha1Court, The Viking Press New York, 1980, p.53

Plate XXIV: Death of Timur, reproduced from Timurnama, Khuda Baksh Library, Patna

Plate XXV: A painting by Basawan from Jami al Tawarikh, 1596, former Imperial Library, Tehran, reproduced from Ashok Kumar Srivastav, Mughal Painting An Interplay of Indigenous and Foreign Traditions, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers pvt Limited, 2000, pUll 27

VI Plate XXVI: Meeting of the parents of Laila andMajnu, an illustration ofDastan i Amir Hamza or Hamzanama, 1562-1580, by Mir Sayyid Ali, Iran, Tabriz, Harvard University Art Museums, The Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Gift of John Goeht, formerly in the collection of Louis 1. Cartier, reproduced from Milo Cleveland Beach, Early Mughal Paintings, Harvard University Press, 1987, p.12

Plate XXVII: Fatehpur Sikri complex being built, an illustration from Akbarnama, LS 211896Ace. Nos 911177,reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings From Akbarnama, A Visual Chronicle of Mughal India, Luster Press Pvt Ltd, 1984

Plate XXVIII: An illustration of women engaged in Building work of Agra Fort a miniature of Akbarnama, LS 2.1896 Ace. Nos 45 and 461177double page, reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings from Akbarnama, A visual Chronicle of Mughal India, Luster Press Pvt Ltd, 1984, pI.31-32, p.88-89

Plate XXIX: An illustration from Akbarnama depicting Agra Fort being built, LS 21 1896, Ace Nos. 46/177 reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings from the Akbarnama A Visual Chronicle of Mughal India, Luster Press Pvt Ltd, 1984, pl. 31-32, p. 88-89

Plate XXX: Women drawing water from well, an illustration of Hamzanama, Victoria and Albert Museum, London reproduced from Shireen Moosvi, People, Taxation, Trade in Mughal India, Oxford University Press,2008, p.139

Plate XXXI: A prince receiving water at a well, c.1700, reproduced from Toby Falk, Simon Digby and Michael Goedhuis, Paintings from Mughal India, Colnaghi, London, pI. 26 p.56

Plate XXXII: Country Scene, a miniature from Anwar i Suhaili 1597, Bharat Kala Bhavan, Varanasi, No. 9069, f.61, reproduced from S.P. Verma, Ordinary Life in Mughal India The Evidence from Painting, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, 2012, pUll.

Plate XXXIII: King Dara meeting herdsmen in a landscape,1610, H. Kevorian Collectio, reproduced from Toby Falk, Simon Digby and Michael Goedhuis, Paintingsfrom Mughal India, Colnaghi, London, pl.18, pAO

Plate XXXIV: An illustration of a washer-woman from Anwar i Suhaili 1597, Bharat Kala Bhavan, Varanasi, No 9069, f. 160, reproduced from S.P Verma, Ordinary Life

VII in Mughal India The Evidence from Painting, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, 2012

Plate XXXV: A rural shop, signed by Meodas, BM., Oriental Antiquities, no 1920-9- 17-0255, cf. Pinder Wilson, Painting from the Muslim Courts of India, reprodn. No. 76; see also S.P Verma, Mughal Painters and their Work- A Bibliographical Survey and Comprehensive Catalogue, New Delhi 1994, S.V., Meodas

Plate XXXVI: Bazaar Astrologer with his clients, an illustration from Akhlaq Nasiri, 1590-95, Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan Collection, Museum Rietberg Zurich, reproduced from S.P VermaOrdinary Life in Mughal India The Evidence from Painting, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, 2012, pl.XV

Plate XXXVII: Lavana and the outcastes, attributed to Bishandas an illustration from YogVashisht, 1602, Library folio 101r, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian paintings from The Chester Beatty Library Vol I, London, 1995, pl 21, p. 160

Plate XXXVIII: Lavana meets the outcastes, an illustration from YogVashisht, 1602, Library folio 87v, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian paintings from The Chester Beatty Library Vol I, London, 1995, p.169

Plate XXXIX: Ladies visit a Yogini, c.1640, Library number 55.4, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from The Chester Beatty Library Vol I, London, 1995

Plate XL: Two elderly women conversing, c.1640, library no. 34.15, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library, London, 1995, p1.3.78,p.468

Plate XLI: An elderly procuress, an illustration from Tutinama, 1580, library folio 59v reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library, VoU, London, 1995, p. 47

Plate XLII: The Brahman's wife, an illustration from Tutinama, c.1580, Library folio 66r, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library VoU, London, 1995, p1.3,p. 31

viii Plate XLIII: Wife bashing, an illustration of Tutinama manuscript 1556-1560, The Cleveland Museum of Art, gift of Mrs. A. Dean Perry (62.279, f. 169v), reproduced from Milo Cleveland Beach, Early Mughal Paintings, Harvard University Press, 1987,p.16

Plate XLIV: The merchants wife denounce her husband, Tutinama, 1580, Library folio 5r, reproduced from Milo Cleveland Beach, Early Mughal Paintings, Harvard University Press, 1987, p.37

Plate XLV: Mandu dancers, an illustration of Akbarnama I.S 2/1896, Ace. Nos. 161117, reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings from the Akbarnama A Visual Chronicle of Mughal India, Luster Press Pvt Ltd, 1984, pl 19, p. 66

~late XLVI: Price with his women, attributed to Govardhan, Minto Album 1620-25, f~O number 16, Library number 7A.2, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library YoU, London, 1995, pI 58,p.379

Plate XLVII: A prince and his mistress in a camp, attributed to Payag c.1650-60, Library number l1A.20, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library Vol.I, London, 1995, pl.73, p. 476

Plate XLVIII: The noble reclining in the zenana, late seventeenth century, Library number 55.18, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintingsfrom the Chester Beatty Library YoU, London, 1995, p.496

Plate XLIX: A woman entertains a prince, c.1680, Library number lIA.47, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal Paintings and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library YoU, London, 1995, pl.77, p.501

PlateL: The corrupted hermit, an illustration of Gulistan of Sa 'di, 1628/29, folio 50r, Library number ms.22, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintingsfrom the Chester Beatty Library YoU, London, 1995, p1.54,p.370

Plate LI: Sa'di refreshed, an illustration of Gulistan of Sa'di, 1628/29, folio 85r Library number ms.22, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintingsfrom the Chester Beatty Library YoU, London 1995,pl.55, p. 371

IX Plate LII: A princess in her boudoir, attributed to Mansur, 1605-1610, Library number 43.3, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintingsfrom the Chester Beatty Library VoLl, London, 1995, pl. 51, p.344

Plate LIII: Princess being lead to bed, c.1690, reproduced from Toby Falk, Simon Digby and Michael Goedhuis, Paintings from Mughal India, Colnaghi, London.

Plate LIV: Eight women bathing, attributed to Payag, 1650, Late Shah Jahan Album, Library number 7B.38, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library Vol.I, London, 1995, pl 70, p. 446

Plate LV: The Madona and Child, attributed to Kesav Das, 1600-1610, Salar Jung Museum, Hyderabad, reproduced from Ashok Kumar Das, Mughal Painting An Interplay of Indigenous and Foreign Tradition, Munshiram Manhoharlal, 2000, pl.Ill 78

Plate LVI: Madona and child, 1599-1600, The San Diego Museum of Art, Edwin

Binney 3rd Collection (1990.293), reproduced from John Guy and Jorrit Britschgi, Wonder of the Age Master Painters of India 1100-1900, Mapin Publishing, Ahmedabad, 2012, p1.19,p.61

Plate LVII: Country scene, attributed to Sanwala, c.1590-95, Library number l1A.ll reproduced form Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library VoU, London 1995, pl16

Plate LVIII: Jahangir playing holi, attributed to Govardhan 1615-20, from Minto Album, folio 21, Library number 7AA, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library VoU, London 1995, pl. 59, p.382

Plate LIX: Murad Baksh receiving a lady at night, early 18 century collection, National Museum, New Delhi, reproduced from K.S Lal, Mughal Harem, Aditya Prakashan, Delhi 1988, pl.l 0

Plate LX: Murad Baksh with his wife, attributed to Manohar, 1600, Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington DC, 29.80, reproduced from Pratapaditya Pal, Master Artists of the Imperial Mughal Court, Marg Publications, 1991.

x Plate LXI: Prince in his haram, end of seventeenth century collection, National Museum, New Delhi, reproduced from K.S Lal, Mughal Harem, Aditya Prakashan, 1988, pur

Plate LXII: Prince Salim in bedchamber, l Scentury collection, Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay reproduced from K.S Lal, Mughal Harem, Aditya Prakashan, 1988,pI.15

Plate LXIII: The bird women and their consorts, an illustration from Raj Kunwar, 1603/4, folio 59v, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian paintings from the Chesty Beatty Library YoU, London, 1995, p.224

Plate LXIV: Muhammad Shah in dalliance, Awadh 1740, Oriental and India Office Collection, British Library, reproduced from Syed Mubin Zehra, Sexual and Gender Representations in Mughal India, Manak Publications, New Delhi, 2010. PI. 24

Plate LXV: Possibly lesbians, Rajasthan (Jaipur), c.l780, National Museum, New Delhi, size:35.5x25cm, reproduced from Syed Mubin Zehra, Sexual and Gender Representations in Mughal India, Manak Publications, New Delhi, 2010, pU1

Contents

Page No.

Acknowledgements i-ii List of Illustrations iii-xi

INTRODUCTION 1-13

CHAPTER I 14-49

Representation of Women in Official Chronicles

CHAPTER-II 50-79

Women in Biographical and Private Accounts

CHAPTER-III 80-128

Mughal Women in European Accounts & Travels

Chapter IV 129-158

Representation of Women in the Legal Documents

CHAPTER-V 159-246

Depiction of Women in Mughal Miniatures

Conclusion 247-254

Bibliography 255-266

Introduction

The recognition of gender within the contemporary social science theories, as an important analytical category has pioneering potential. Apart from highlighting the diverse ways in which peoples' lives are modified by their gender identities, this theoretical development questions the presumed assumptions in each discipline. E.H Carr has defined history as an unending dialogue between past and present. He further explained that it is concerned with those who, whether victorious or defeated, achieved something.' The concept of gender as a category of historical analysis or the idea of 'Her-story' as distinct from History did not find any place of mention in Carr's scheme of constructing the past. 2 Such critical interrogation of various disciplines from the standpoint of women's experiences has grown out of the contemporary feminist struggles for gender equality. Feminist attempts to understand the roots of women's subordination and the reasons why their knowledge and experiences are not reflected within established theories have indicated the politics of knowledge creation.

Feminist theories have therefore been developed and devised to explain the subordination of women. In spite of the diverse positions occupied by feminists under the hyphenated labels of cultural-, radical-, liberal-, socialist-, or post-structuralist• feminism, similar questions were posed by them to seek and identify the roots of women's subordination. Was it biologically ordained or was it an outcome of the process of gender socialization? The economic basis of women's subjection and sexual division oflabour was questioned. Also was women's subordination a result of production or reproduction systems? Additionally the question that arises in a historical context is, what did women do when men fought wars and conquered nations? And how and why did the prevailing misconceptions about women's bodies, mental capacities, activities and achievement arise? The feminists because of their varied ideological set of ideas came up with different reasons. Apart from representing the vulnerability and subjection of women in society, this analysis indicated that the construction of "codified knowledge" was not devoid of the vested interests of individuals or groups. Codified knowledge reflects and validates the ideological attitudes and ways of a dominant group (men) and helps in sustaining their hegemony. These questions and explanation further permeated into art, culture,

I E.H Carr, What is History, New York, 1963, p.168 2 Kirit K. Shah, History and Gender Some Explorations, Rawat Publications, New Delhi, 2005, p.6 Introductioti religion, and literature to resonate in multiple voices. Women of colour from the third world countries pointed to the double burden they faced as a result of complex intersections of race class and gender. These ideas breached the private! public, mind! body, nature! culture divide in western theorizing which was earlier highlighted by the bourgeoisie white women. Thus, the feminists from the third world countries questioned the earlier theories that ignored the gender, class, race and nationality dimensions of social reality and thus posed them as culture specific and limited and charged them to portray a skewed image of social reality.3

Thus in quest to validate women's knowledge and ways of knowing, feminist scholarship also raises questions on methodology. The growth and development of feminist epistemologies is grounded on the recognition that the absence of women's acuity in "codified knowledge" and the inability of the existing techniques of knowledge production to elucidate women's lives are political. One can also say that it was so because knowledge generations have been historically controlled by men to perpetuate women's subordination. Against this background, it is easy to see the rationale for feminist historiography. It therefore springs from the feminist project of uncovering women's lives or "time honoured neglect'" as Gerda Lerner has called it, and of the distorted memory of women's lives, represented the beginnings of feminisms impact on history.' In discovering and writing women's history, feminist scholars challenged every aspect of the historian's craft. Thus fired by an enthusiasm the feminists began to work together in making the invisibles as visible. The problem of incorporating the women's story soon prompted feminist scholars to challenge the traditional nature of their discipline by posing a new difficult question: is women's history merely an "innocuous supplement" to existing narratives, or does the integration of these new stories and perspectives demand that the analytic structures themselves be reshaped? For if, as the growing body of scholarship on women suggested, gender identity was not a biological given but a social and historical creation, then the task of the historian was no longer merely adding women to an existing narrative whose outlines were familiar. Rather, her task was now to excavate

3 Ibid, p. 17 4 The phrase is taken from Gerda Lerner, Teaching Women's History, Washington DC: American Historical Association, 1981; see also Anne Firor Scott, Making the Invisble Woman Visible Chicago, 1984, p. 245 5Judith P. Zinsser, History and Feminism A Glass Half Full, Cambridge, 2001, p.3

2 Introduction the precise meanmgs that femininity and masculinity have carried in the past, to demonstrate the evolution of those meanings over time, and so reveal the historically constructed nature of these concepts in our present world."

From early on, then, feminist scholars were committed not merely to adding new material to the historical record, but also to changing the analytical structures of historical practice. Crucial to this ambition was the distinction drawn between biological sex, understood as the material and unchanging ground of one's identity, and the infinitely malleable carapace of gender, a socially constructed series of behaviour that codify one as male or female, but that varies across time and space in such a way as to reveal their constructed nature. Women and men were thus made and not born, and much productive research proceeded on the ground of the sex/gender distinction, as feminist historians smoked out the various ways that gender, understood as a socially constructed system of difference, had operated to shape social relations and understanding of self in societies past.7

As far as traditional medieval histories are concerned it was generally believed that with the advent of Muslims in India, women's status came to be degraded. However several works had opposed these ideas later but in these works women were not seen in the main narrative; the works were exclusively on men's role in medieval society, their life and achievement were therefore highlighted. In a few instances when they did describe women, their analysis became distorted. Women were thus not viewed as an integral part of historical record. Yet, there have been works like those of K.S Lal, Mughal Harem, who in the name of the study of Mughal haram have caricatured and stereotyped the women of the seventeenth century India.

K.S Lal thus opines:

'The term Mughal Haram conjures up a VISIOnof a sequestered place ensconcing beautiful female forms in mysterious magnificence ... the young girls were not exposed to all the celebrations in the mahal in which sex orgies dominated or the master bargained for beauty and love on the occasions like Nauroz and Khushroz... Naturally, every lady of

6 Laura Lee Downs, Writing Gender History Second Edition, Bloomsbury Academic,20 10, p.3 7 Ann Louise Shapiro, Feminist Revision History, Rutgers University Press, 1994, p. 2-3

3 Introduction

consequence tried to WIn the master's undivided love and openly

competed to gain in ascendancy in the haram.' 8

According to another scholar 'Ideally, the haram provided a respite, a retreat for the nobleman and his closest male relatives- a retreat of grace, beauty, and order designed to refresh the males of the household.,9

The theme is further taken forward when R.Nath mentions

'though Akbar never indulged in excessive sex, he had a taste for young beautiful women whose company he liked. He had in his haram a large number of handsome concubine sand slave girls for his pleasure, besides

more than a dozen legally married wives.' 10 Again about Jahangir he opines 'this emperor was a sensuous person and he excessively indulged both in wine and women... By a routine estimate, he had a nearly 300 young and beautiful women attached to his bed, an incomprehensible figure in the modem age. This shows his over indulgence in sex and his

excessive engagement in the harem' .11

In these account one finds only the "lustful" and the so-called "pleasure principle" of the haram and thus lacks the sense of the history in the domain of the private history of the Mughals. The picture which these accounts reveals thus poses a question: Were the women in the Mughal India just a sexual object, an object to be desired, acquired, used and thrown or was she a person of substance who could hold her own in the male dominated patriarchal society which we traditionally visualise, existed in the Mughal India?

I therefore propose to take up an empirical study of the sources of the 16th_18th centuries in order to try to understand the type of image they reveal concerning women. If men are seen as the sole creators of civilization and they record their doings, whether they portray women, or if they do, how they do it, will hinge upon what they regard as important. Since all history is in a sense selective, the recorders choose what they wish to highlight. The fact of women being missing from history is in itself a revelation of several things: that men held power and women appeared not

8 K.S. Lal, op.cit, pp.19, 135,139. 9 John.F.Richards, The Mughal Empire ,Cambridge,1993, p.62 10 Nath,Private Life afthe Mughals(1526-1803), Jaipur, 1994 p.13 II Nath, op. cit pp.15 and 17

4 Introduction to have had the power to write themselves in. Thus in the words of Gerda Lerner an attempt is made to create "a female perspective, an alternative to andocentric thought.v'" Therefore bringing women into history writing begins first by detecting the biases and patriarchal assumptions in mainstream history by looking at statements, conclusions, interpretations and exposing their prejudicial content. These sources are geared mainly to prove the existence of agency by women- that they have not been only acted upon, but have also been actors. Thus the objective of the study is to discern images of femininity, historical narratives discourses consisting of court chronicles and travel accounts and the visual medium of Mughal miniatures.

A large number of source-material is available to us for the study of the social, political and economic history of the Mughal Empire in India. There are sources like the Biiburniimii, and Tuziik-i-Jahiingiri which were compiled and composed by the rulers themselves and try to give a firsthand account of the empire under them. Then we have sources like Qaniin- i-Humiiyiini, Akbarnama, Mii 'asir-i- Jahangiri, the various Piidshahniimiis of Waris, Qazwini and Lahori which were all official or semi• official in nature. A number of crucial accounts like that of Badauni were also composed which had no official sanction behind them. All these sources besides giving us the political and administrative details also give information on the women and their role in shaping the society in which these texts were written. Some of these historical texts and court chronicles are also embellished with visual depictions, the miniature paintings, which also provide a large number of representations of women.

What is worth noting is that the authors of these historical texts and official histories were, except in one solitary case, men. It is only in the case of Ahwiil-i Hunuiyiin Piidshdh or Humiiyiin-ndma that the author was a woman. Gulbadan Bano Begum. Secondly all these texts were generally prone to reproduce consciously constructed 'image' of their subject: the women. They were 'conscious' because the above mentioned category of sources were generally courtly in nature- that is produced at the behest of the either the king, or the prince or the courtiers; or else produced by members of the elite sections of the society whose purpose was the sustenance of the glory of the 'empire' and its culture. Were these images a ploy by men to present their women in a particular way? One has to further remember that except for one or two women painters, the artists involved in the production of the

12 Gerda Lerner, The Creation of Patriarchy, Oxford University Press, New York, 1986, p.224

5 Introduction miniatures were also male artists. Were these depictions then a product of the 'male gaze'? Moreover, one has also to realize that the intended audience of these products• the textual as well as the visual image- were also men. Thus men were the connoisseurs of these images, while the role of women themselves in their production and formation is less than clear. Probably these consciously constructed images reveal only what was socially acceptable and 'worthwhile' to record about the women?

On the other hand we have the traveller's accounts, like those of Monserrate, William Finch, Fitch, Pelsaert, Manucci, Bernier and others which also have much to say about the women of that age. But then are the images provided by these 'foreigner'S accounts' reflecting the male bias of the men brought up in the Mughal culture or do they in fact reflect the predilections of the European mindset? It is worthwhile to note that the 'scandals' mentioned by some of these travellers, say Manucci, are never repeated by any Indian writer. The legend of Anarkali for example is narrated by William Finch and Edward Terry and not mentioned at all by any indigenous contemporary account. The accounts left by these foreign observers probably provide us images and meanings to femininity as it appeared specific to the thought process of men belonging to a different culture. Additionally these travellers probably relied on 'bazdr gossip' among other things for their accounts.

However information supplied by these sources is then tempered and supplemented by the information contained in the official and legal records and documents prepared during the same period. Various legal documents like hibanamas, bainiimds, rahn namiis, nikahnamas supply information which can be said to be 'unconsciously constructed image'. Here we find women as they were: inheriting property as wife or being provided mehr as a daughter, being bound to man who can beat her or divorce her. On the other hand we get information that she also could leave the man in certain conditions or demand privileges which were laid down in written legal texts.

Thus we see that the image of women is varied and it all depends which type of source one is consulting. But then is it an accepted fact that women are stereotyped in the official records and sources? The sources are to be read to reveal the actual image of the woman: was the woman in Mughal India just a sexual object, an object to be just desired, acquired, used and thrown or was she a person of substance who could

6 Introduction hold her own in the male dominated patriarchal society which we traditionally visualize existed in Mughal India? This larger question, which entails a number of queries, forms the basis for this dissertation.

Literature Review:

Rekha Misra wrote her book Women in the Mughal India in the style of making the women "visible". It is a study of aristocratic Mughal women covering the reigns of the grand Mughals, which gives details of their political activities, commercial engagements, education and artistic talents, construction and supervision of buildings, charities and organization of marriages. The author presents her study in the form of biographical sketches. I3

The most recent work of Ruby Lal Domesticity and Power in the Early Mughal World opens with an argument about the usefulness of the terms "public" and "private", brings in light few of the "visible" women under the peripatetic Mughals and thus resulting to an idea that women turned invisible when an institutionalised haram came into being with the reign of Akbar. She writes 'Yet, in spite of the ascription of unusual influence and power of particular Mughal women, one's overwhelming sense remains that of the women's profound invisibility- especially once Akbar's power and his status came to be in place.' 14 This part of her is hard to believe as we have several references of active participation of royal women in politics.

Soma Mukherjee's work Royal Mughal Ladies and Their Contribution as the title suggest deals with the contribution of royal women in various spheres like politics, architecture, literary activities and economy. IS

Syed Mubin Zehra, Sexual and Gender Representation in Mughal India is a work which deals with the private lives of the Emperors and the depiction of women in various miniatures and medical texts of that time. It covers the untouched areas of social and familial gender representation of the Medieval Indian history. 16

13 Rekha Misra, Womenin Mughallndia(J526-1748), Delhi, 1967 14 Ruby Lal, Domesticity and Power in the Early Mughal World,Cambridge,200S, p.22S 15 Soma Mukherjee, Royal Mughal Ladies And Their Contribution, Gyan Publishing House, New Delhi, 2001. 16 Syed Mubin Zehra, Sexual and Gender Representationsin Mughallndia, Manak Publications, 2010

7 Introduction

E.B Findly's Nur Jahan the Empress of India is a biographical study of Nur Jahan. He provides a delightful account of women's symbolic importance to the Emperor and reminds us that the haram was the ultimate mark of social standing and leisure. However here again the sexual aspect of the haram remains in fOCUS.17

Nausheen Jaffery work entitled Jahan Ara Begum A Biographical Study (1614-1681) deals with the biographical study of Jahan Ara which comprises her early education, her role in contemporary politics, trade activities, her interest in architecture and her self-composed works. 18

The Mughals have traced their descent not just to Timur but also to Chingiz Khan. Babur the founder ofIndia's Mughal Empire was the last surviving remnant of the Timurid-Mongol ruling elite, the descendants of Timur and Chingiz Khan, for whom the traditions and institutions of Central Asia were universally recognised as potent symbols of cultural prowess and legitimacy. 19 In all official records the family tree of the dynasty took the origin back to Timur through the paternal stem. Mirza Haider Dughlat, 'Abu'I Fazl and many other court historians, sought to give the family supernatural ancestry by tracing the tree to a Central Asian female figure, Alanqua, royal widow impregnated by the rays of the Sun in order to give a divine image,

The Women in Timurid Traditions:

When Timur came to the throne in Transoxiana in 1370, he had not inherited power but seized it, and from the beginning of his reign he used marriage as a way to gain legitimacy. In the Mongol world to which he belonged, only the descendants of Chingiz Khan could rightfully wield sovereign power. Since Timur was not of Chingizid descent, he ruled through a puppet Khan and strengthened his connection to the house of Chingiz Khan by marrying into it. He took one Chingizid wife when he came to power and another later in his life. As his son and grandsons matured he found Chingizid wives for many of them, giving them the right to the title of guregen

17 E.B Findly, Nur Jahan The Empress of Mughal India, Oxford University Press, 1993 18 Nausheen Jaffery, Jahan Ara Begum A Biographical Study (1614-1681), Idarah i Adabiyat i Delli, Delhi,2011 19 Lisa Balabanlilar, The Begims of the Mystic Feast: Turco-Mongol Tradition in the MughaJ Harem, The Journal of Asian Studies, vo1.69,No.1 (February 2010), pp.123-147

8 Introduction

(royal son in law), which Timur and some of his descendants displayed prominently on coins and in documents.r"

The Timurid haram was not a circumscribed place surrounded by high walls but was composed of tents and pavilions, moved from one garden to another. The Timurid households usually contained numerous wives, concubines, and children as well as many retainers, a hierarchy existed among the women, and their status reflected both their ancestry and other more personal factors.v' Chingizid descent was an important asset for a dynastic woman. The prestige it could bestow is illustrated by the Timur's chief wife Saray Malik Khanim. She is mentioned frequently in the histories of Timur's reign and often accompanied him on campaigns. The Spanish ambassador Clavijo identified Saray Malik Khanim as Timur's chief wife; she had the largest tent enclosure among his wives and presided with Timur at his reception of foreign ambassadors, and she sat in front of the other royal women, accompanied by a magnificent suite_22Woman's genealogy also affected the status of her children which can be seen in the Timur's choice of successor. Throughout his life Timur limited succession to the line of his son Jahangir, the only son born of a free wife.

During Timur's frequent military campaigns, his highest ranking wives supervised the affairs of his extended family. They established and maintained encampments and supervised the travel of both the family and the retainers. They enjoyed the privileged position and were also entitled to a share of booty and had the right to participate in the quriltay (governing councils). 23The Timurid women arranged dynastic reception, festivals, weddings and were major patrons of architecture. For example Qutlugh Tarkhan Agha appears to have been the patron of religious architecture and have built madarsas, khanqah and shrines. Similarly sources credit Saray Mulk Khanim for having built a madarsa and a tomb. Timurid women are thus found to be playing a public role on ceremonial occasions and as part of the group surrounding and advising the ruler as wel1.24

20Manz Beatrice Forbes, "Women in Timurid Dynastic Politics", Women in Iran/rom the Rise 0/Islam to /800, ed.Guity Nashat and Lois Beck, Urbana,2003, p.122 21Priscilla Souchek, " Timurid Women: A Cultural Perspective", Women in the Medieval Islamic War/deedGavin. R.G Hambly, London, 1998, p.200 22Forbes, "Women in Timurid Dynastic Politics" op.cit, pp 123 23 Scuppe Maria Eva, "Women in the Sixteenth Century Safavid Iran" In Women in Iran/rom the Rise of Islam to1800, ed. Guity Nashat and Lois Beck, Urbana, 2003, p.141 24 Priscilla Souchek, "Timurid Women: A Cultural Perspective", op.cit, p.206.

9 Introduction

These Timurid traditions were continued by the founder of the Mughal Empire Zahlruddin Muhammad Babur who laid the foundations of the Mughal Empire by defeating the Lodi kings in 1526.

Chapters:

The first chapter deals with the representation of women in the official accounts. The first query which we would thus pose and try to answer is the type of 'image' which the official sources actually reveal and whether that image was constant throughout in time and space? Or do these official accounts, ratified by ethics of Mughal Court etiquette sensitize us only what was considered proper in the imaging of the Court society? One may include amongst them sources like Gulbadan Bano Begum's Ahwdl-i Humiiyiin Piidshdh, also known as Humiiyiin Nama, lauhar Aftabchi's Tazkiratul Wiiqiiu, Bayazid Bayat's Tazkira-i Humdyiin wa Akbar, all of which were compiled when imperial orders were given to those who had any reminisces of the past, to write, as a source for the official history which was being commissioned. 'Abu'I Fazl's Akbarnamd (including the 'jI"in i Akbarii, Iqbalniima-i Jahiingiri, Mii 'asir i Jahiingiri, as well as the three Padshahnamas of Waris, Qazwini and 'Abdul Lahori are all sources of this nature. The above mentioned official accounts are ratified by ethics of Mughal court etiquette. The accounts sensitize us to what was considered proper or improper in the imaging of the court society. For the purpose of this study they reveal what was considered worthwhile to record about the women of the royal household. Gulbadan's Humiiyiin Nama is especially significant for it comes, though within constraints of court etiquette, from a Mughal princess herself. Moreover the language and metaphors used for the images of femininity reveal for us certain societal perceptions and men's perceptions, regarding femininity.

The second chapter is on the depiction of women in the private and auto/biographical'" accounts. Can one here therefore tempt for an unconscious image

25 Taymiya R. Zaman in his one of his article titled Instructive Memory: an analysis of Auto/Biographical Writing in Early Mughal India, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 54 2011, p. 677-700, argues that act of life writing could not be divided seamlessly into categories of biography and autobiography: for instance, the founder of the Mughal Empire, Babur wrote what has often been referred to as an autobiography namely a narrative of his account, Babur included detailed biographies of the men and women who formed his circle of kin and compatriots. The name by which Babur's account is known point to this; an early sixteenth century translation of the text is titled the Tabqat i Baburi. The term tabaqat itself refers to a compilation of biographies containing short accounts of the influential men, and many such biographical dictionaries were compiled across the Islamicate world.

10 Introduction and a leniency in the depiction of our subject as they are not courtly in nature? Thus another category of primary sources from which much information regarding the women, their position and status, can be gleaned are the biographical works and private memoirs. Amongst these, one may include two types of works: memoirs and biographies penned by the Imperial authority or members of aristocracy and bureaucracy, and those which were written by persons unrelated to the Mughal court. These taken together, reveal the esteem and worth of the women in the eyes of individuals, both aristocratic and private. The Imperial biographies, the Baburnama and Tuziik i Jahiingiri almost give us the same type of information as can be gleaned from the official histories of the period. So is the case with the account of Mirza Haider Dughlats Tiirikh i Rashidi. But then being an account written by an insider of the family, it elaborates what has been alluded to, in Babur's memoirs. The views expressed by Badauni's Muntakhab ut Tawarikh may represent the views of a contemporary official courtly class, whereas the autobiography of Banarsi Das, Ardhakathiinaka may reflect the views of a non official, non bureaucratic mercantile class.

The third chapter is about imaging of women in the travellers account. The query would revolve around the question of the type of image one gets from the Foreign Accounts: Are these images also fixed and static? Or do they keep on varying with time, space and individual? Women as depicted in the travelogues and accounts of European visitors such as Monserrate, Roe, Fitch, Finch, Terry, Pelsaert, Mannucci, Bernier and others would thus be the theme of Chapter three. The accounts left behind by these foreign observers thus would represent a view quite different from the view as provided by the authors who were part and parcel of the system itself. If the accounts of, say 'Abu' I Fazl, BadaunI or even Banarsi Das, provided an 'insiders' perception, the European visitor's accounts and travelogues provide us an 'outsider's view'. These foreign observations, in fact, provide us images and depictions of femininity which were basically understandings specific to the thought process of men coming from a different culture and perceived notions paraded as facts. Such 'perceived notions' were widely circulated by their translations and editions and ended up as popular perception of the Mughal state and society." In most of these the women of our period were represented 'as both dangerous and attractive',

26 See for example, Kate Teltscher, India Inscribed: European and British Writings on India 1600- 1800, Oxford University Publication, New Delhi, 1995

11 Introduction as these accounts were, in the words of Kate Teltscher 'pre-occupied with the question of Indian women's virtue or vice, the chastity and wifely submission or sexuaI appetite. an d d epravity.·,27

The fourth chapter would undertake the study of various Mughal legal documents which are extant. The Gujarat documents for example, which are preserved in the National Archives in Delhi and in some other repositories pertaining to Surat and Cambay have already been exploited to some extent in this regards. There are numerous other documents which would form the subject of this study. The legal documents, on the other hand present before us, what one may call 'an unconscious' source for the understanding of the women of the seventeenth to eighteenth centuries. These legal documents, which survive in the form of a large number of bainiimiis (sale deeds), hibaniimiis (gift deeds), rahnniimas (mortgage deeds) and nikdhndmii (marriage deeds), as well as a number of hukms and nishiins (official orders and memos) and the letters written by certain women of the royal household present before us a picture as what their actual position and standing was, which is contrary to the posturing found in our other sources. They not only provide before us the actual position of women as legal persons, but also actually reveal to us where they actually stood as far as their property rights were concerned. Further, these documents throw light both on aristocratic, as well as the common woman.

The Fifth chapter deals with the portrayal of women in Mughal Miniatures. Being generally a part of the official chronicles, they would reveal not only the official viewpoints, being commissioned by them, they reveal the perceptions of those who made them. As pointed by Niharranjan Ray, 'the art arose out of courtly and aristocratic connoisseurship and was intended throughout to satisfy the taste and curiosity of that connoisseurship. ,28 Men were the connoisseurs of these images and what we receive is 'men's gaze', role of women in the production and formation of these images being far from clear. This kind of imaging provided through the visual medium of the paintings gives us an insight into the self-conscious, aristocratic, male gaze cast upon women perceived variously in her varied social roles and individual activities. Visual representation may be read variously and the meanings interpreted may be easily contested. Nevertheless, the contention here is that while reflecting,

27 Ibid, pp. 13,37 28 Niharranjan Ray, Mughal Court Painting, A Study in Social and Formal Analysis, Delhi, 1975, p.117

12 Introduction being part of and voicing generalized notions of order and stability, these paintings also suggest existential complexities that contravened and subverted the rationale and coherence of the normative ordering of society. Clearly men's gaze and perception of femininity as reflected in the subject matter of the paintings is culturally informed being a fusion of Iranian, classical and early medieval Indian, contemporary Indian (both Mughal and Hindu traditions) and renaissance European traditions forming an identity of its own. The gaze that we receive through the paintings no doubt revolves around the preferences of the patron, the execution of the painting however naturally comes to be based on the artists scheme of narrative in which one may discern a plurality of meanings intentionally or unintentionally produced in the structure of the composition.

However, as earlier pointed out, the work is basically empirical in nature, and tries only to present the image of women as it occurs in various types of sources.

CJf.:A.p'I''En I n'Epn'ES'EN'I'.:A.'I'ION OJ WO:MTN IN OjjICI54£, cJfnO:NICL'ES

Cliapter-I

As far as the seventeenth century is concerned, the most prominent primary sources are the official chronicles, that is, those chronicles and accounts which were written or commissioned on official orders. One may include amongst them sources like Gulbadan Bano Begum's Ahwiil-i Humayiin Padshah, also known as Humiiyiin Nama, Jauhar Aftabchi's Tazkiratul Waqiat, Bayazid Bayat's Tazkira-i Humiiyiin wa Akbar. all of which were compiled when imperial orders were given to those who had any reminisces of the past, to write, as a source for the official history which was being commissioned. 'Abu'I Fazls Akbarniimii (including the ')Pin i Akbarii, Iqbiilniimd-i Jahangiri. Mii 'asir i Jahangiri, as well as the three Piidshahnamas of Waris, Qazwini and 'Abdul Lahori are all sources of this nature. They were all accounts which were meant to narrate the official histories of the period. It was the officially sanctioned view which was narrated through them. Amongst them, the Ahwiil-i Humiiyiin Piidshiih is unique in the sense that it is the only one which was written by a woman, that too a person who belonged to the Imperial household. Generally produced by the members of the elite section of the society or those who held some bureaucratic position, for example Jauhar Aftabchi and Bayazid Bayat, they were all compiled with the express purpose of glorifying the Mughal rule and culture. Also, one has to bear in mind that having been composed, except in the case of the account of Gulbadan Bano Begum, by mean, they may reveal a predominant male gaze.

All these official sources try to symbolize not only Mughal grandeur but also try to represent the women of the royal household as grand and dignified. Their social roles are particularly marked and are tried to be projected as icons of perfection. Further, all these sources use a language and apply metaphors which not only reveal certain societal perceptions but also highlight what was worthwhile to record about the women of the royal household. One another thing which is common amongst all these accounts is that they, instead of using the proper names of individual women of the royal household, employ honorific titles. Names are seldom mentioned, so much so that historians are still grappling with the issue of the exact name and provenance of Jahangir's own mother. Thus Inayat Khan comments:

14 Cfiapter-I

"Ever since the reign of the Emperor Akbar, it has been ordained that the inmates of the seraglio should not be designated by some epithet derived either from the place of their birth of their country or city in which they may have first been regarded by the monarch with the eye

of aaffecti tection ..."I

Thus the mother of Akbar, Hamida Bano Begum enjoyed the title of Maryam Makiini (the Mary of both of the world) Jahangir's mother was known as Maryam uz zamiini (the Mary of the universe) likewise mother of Shah Jahan was given the title of Bilqis Makanl (the lady of pure abode) Jahangir conferred upon Mehrunnisa the title of Nur Mahal in the year 1611 (the light of the palace) and later Niir Jahan (the light of the world), She was also known as Shah Begum (the kingly lady). The beloved wife of Shah Jahan was popularly known as Mumtiiz Mahal (exalted one of the palace) but her real name was Arjumand Bano Begum. She also enjoyed the title of Malikii Jahiin (the lady of the world). After her death in 1631 the place of honour was transferred to Jahan .A.raand the title of Sahibat uz zamiini (mistress of age) was conferred on her. She was also referred as Pad shah Begum and was usually known as Begum Sahib. The title of Pad shah Begum was again enjoyed of Zinat un nisa the second daughter of Aurangzeb.

It is significant to note that such lofty titles were only given by the time of Akbar's reign; it is probably from Akbar's time that chastity comes to get associated with the female body and is perceived entirely in sexual terms. Furthermore, it was under the rule of Akbar when an institutionalised haram came into being. 'Abu'I Fazl, the intimate of the Emperor, praised by most scholars for his rationalism, tolerance, and secular visions, anxious to conflate with the sacral and miraculous Mughal rule particularly Akbar's while composing his account writes about the imperial haram and projects the magnanimity of it in the following words:

"The large number of women- a vexatious question even for great statesmen- furnished his Majesty with an opportunity to display wisdom ... his Majesty has made a large enclosure with fine buildings inside, where he reposes. Though there are more than 5000 women, he

I Inayat Khan, Shah Jahan Nama of Inayat Khan: An Abridged History of the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan, compiled by his Royal Librarian, tr. A. R. Fuller, revised and edited W.E Begley and Z.A Desai, New Delhi, 1990, pp.447-481

15 Cliapter-I

has given to each a separate apartment. He has also divided them into sections, and keeps them attentive to their duties. Several chaste women have been appointed as daroghas, and superintendents over each section ... the salaries are sufficiently liberal ... the inside of haram is guarded by sober and active women; the most trustworthy of them are placed about the apartments of his Majesty.t"

Who were these trust worthy's? 'Abu'I Fazl in 'Aln where he relates about the commanders he cites Shah Quli Mahram-i Baharlu and his appointment in the female apartment. He says the Emperor from good will towards him, admitted him to his female apartments. After the first time he had been allowed to enter the haram, he went home and had his testicles removed. From the circumstances, he was everywhere called mahram, i.e., one who is admitted to the haram and knows its secrets.:'

He also provides information of the encampment on Journeys for women called as Guliil-bar a grand enclosure the invention of his Majesty, the doors of which are made very strong, and secured with locks and keys."

Thus it is the body of woman that is to be secluded in the haram, in order to have her chaste image personified. Syed Mubin Zehra opines, "seclusion of women became an important tool to maintain nasab, i.e., the lineage descent of birth/ancestry of their offspring.t"

Hence, by adorning the women with such lofty titles and secluding them, they tried to establish the parameters of the norms to govern the chaste image of royal Mughal women. Seeing it through the feminist lens one may agree with feminist like Adrienne Rich and Shulamith Firestone who were of the opinion that argued women's oppression in patriarchal culture and society was linked to the identification of women to their bodies and their sexuality." The women's body thus becomes the site on which are inscribed culturally coded and socially sanctioned images of the perfect women, which in tum is always constructed by patriarchs. Such notions did find place

2 Abul Fazl, Ain i Akbari, vol I, English tr. H.Blochman, Low Price Publication, 2006, pp.45-46 3 Ibid, p. 387 4 Ibid p. 47 5 Syed Mubin Zehra, Sexual and Gender Representations in Mughal India, Manak Publications, 2010, p.14-l5

16 Cfiapter -1 in the Mughal household too. The queen mother became an epitome of the Mughal womanhood. She became the Mughal 'persona of chastity', often represented as paragon of virtue beyond reproach and as a model for all women to aspire for.

Thus 'Abu' I Fazl, while delineating Akbar's descent traces his lineage to the semi mythical Mongol queen Alanqua who after her widowhood became a receptacle of divine grace. To quote 'Abu'I Fazl:

"[Alanquwah] was reposing on her bed one night when a glorious light cast a ray into the tent and entered the mouth and throat of that fount of spiritual knowledge and glory. The cupola of chastity became pregnant by that light in the same way as did her majesty... Maryam

[Mary]...,,7

This 'divine' impregnation resulted in the birth of three divine-off springs," the youngest of whom, Buranjar Qa'an became the forefather of Timur, and ultimately Akbar:

"That day was the beginning of the manifestation of His Majesty, the king of kings (Akbar) who after passing through diverse stages was revealed to the world from the holy counts of her majesty Maryam Makani (Hamida Bano Begum) for the accomplishment of things visible and invisible.,,9

On several occasions 'Abu'I Fazl compares Alanqua to Mary, the mother of

Jesus, thus elevating her off-springs to the divine status. 10 The title of Akbar's mother and wife thus are also associated with the same personality- Maryam Makiini (of Mary Status), and Maryam Zamiini (Mary of the age). Bestowing such titles convey to us the medieval notions of ideal femininity- 'righteous and chaste', 'cupola of chastity' 'fount of spiritual knowledge and glory.' The Alanqua narrative, thus, conveys an image of an ideal feminine sexuality held during that period and the kind of norms set for the women during the 16th century.

7 Abul Fazl, Akbarnama ed. Agha Ahmad Ali and Molvi Abdur Rahim, Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1873-87, vol I , p.65 8 Ibid,p.66-67 9 Ibid, p. 65 10 Ibid

17 Chatiter-I~

The kind of imagery is not umque only to a panegyrist like 'Abu'I Fazl. Gulbadan Bano Begum also invokes this kind of imagery of idealised mother (as Virgin Mary) and a Jesus like son when she mentions:

"> >. there came a letter from... Dehli, saying "Humayun Mirza is ill and in an extraordinary state. Her Majesty, the Begum, should come at once to Dehli for the Mirza is much prostrated. My lady was much upset on hearing the news, and started for Dehli, like one a thirst who is far from the waters. They met in Mathura. To her experienced eye he seemed ten times weaker and more alarmingly ill than she had heard he was. From Mathura the two, mother and son, like Jesus and

Mary, set out for Agra." II

Further, 'Abu' I Fazl, in order to establish the credulity of such comparisons and positioning the status of the mother-figure, has the following explanation:

" ... they admit there was a child without a father or mother, viz. the first man or Adam, and they accept a child without a mother, whom they call Eve. Why then not admit a child without a father? Especially when they are fully assured of such an occurrence in the case of Jesus

and Mary?" 12

'Abu'I Fazl further buttresses this claim with a verse:

If you listen to the tale of many Believe in the same of Alanquwa 'Abu'I Fazl thus provides a highly idealised and consciously constructed image of women as a mother. In order to show the virtuous and chaste image of women of royal household he furthers this to Maryam Makani:

"He says when her Highness Maryam Makani was pregnant with the holy elements of his majesty a strange light was perceptible from her brows. Often her divine countenance had to observers, the appearance

II Gulbadan, Hum ayunNam a, tr. A.S Beveridge, Low Price Publication, 2006, p. 104, however while referring to herself as rightly pointed out by Rumer Godden 'she called herself 'this Insignificant Person' but she was not at all insignificant nor even just a person, though perhaps she was wise to call herself so.', p. 9 12 Akbarnama, YoU, p. 65

18 Chapter-I

of mirrors such as are fastened by tire-women near the temples of secluded chaste ones.,,]3

Well it can be ascertained that it was a tendency to project a highly idealised image of royal women in the chronicles as we find the same treatment over and over again in several other accounts as well. For instance in Tiirikh i Akbari Arif Qandhari says

"Hamida's attributes, Nawab Mahdi Aliya (the pious lady) and great personality, who is equal to the noble lady, Sarah (wife of Prophet Abraham), who can be compared to Asiah, whose chastity and purity resemble those of Bilqis (wife of Solomon), whose dignity is like Khadijah (wife of Prophet Muhammad) and whose cradle exhibits pearls and sun revolves in it. (verse) whose mighty arms are shinning by the blessings and kindness of the emperor, whose lofty rank is full ( to over flow) by God's liberty, viz. Rabia, the second Hamida Bano begum ( may God increase her chastity) who is descended from Shaikh ul Islam entitled Ahmad al Jami, who is guide and leader of men ( may God sanctify his heart)!,,]4

Same style is repeated by the author of Tabaqdt i Akbari as well when he mentions the arrival of Maryam Makani from Kabul to Hindustan after the surrender of Sikandar Afghan

"About this time the news of the approach of her Highness Maryam Makani, the mother of His Majesty the Khalifa i Ilahi, with other ladies of the pavilion of chastity, from Kabul towards Hindustan arrived; and became the cause of the delight of his Majesty's heart. Muhammad Quli Birlas, and Shams ud din Muhammad Khan Atkah, and the renowned nobles who had gone to Kabul to help Munin Khan and to put down the disturbance created by Mirza Sulaiman, and had also attended on the Bilqis of the age, returned towards Hindustan. Where Her Highness the chaste lady arrived within one stage of the camp His Majesty, leaving the Khan i khana in charge, went forward

13 Ibid, p.14

14 Arif Qandhari, Tarikh i Akbari, ed. Sayyid Moinuddin Nadvi, Azhar Ali Dehlavi, Imtiyaz Ali Arshi, Rampur, 1962, p. 27

19 Cfiapter-I

to welcome them, and made their highness glad and happy by the sight of himself":"

Conversely an incident narrated by Saqi Mustaid Khan in Mii 'asir i dlamgiri brings forth a different depiction of a mother which questions the sacred image of a mother put forward by other authors, though this is not a representation of royal women altogether but of the nobility:

"Farjan Birlas had agreed to marry his daughter to his sister's son, aged 15 or 14. But in the end the match was broken off, on account of his sister being the greatest shrew of the age. At this time he came to the court after his removal from the faujdari of Attock, and the sister instigated her son saying, If you do not kill this shameless wretch in the court, I shall not give you a quittance for my milk. Then flinging her veil at his head, she cried out, wear it and stay within doors. The son obeying his mother's command reached the place where Farjam was standing during the bustle and noise caused by the Emperor's taking his seat in the Hall of Audience, slew him with one stab and then tried to run away. But he was captured and thrown into prison. He was executed in accordance with the Qazis decision at the reservoir of the jalaukhana in front of the Hall of Audience, in the presence of the heirs of the deceased, viz, his wife and his daughter who was married to Ali Quli Birlas. The Emperor had expressed a wish that they would renounce their 'right of blood', but they did not agree. The corpse was made over to his mother who was waiting at the gate of the fort in a chariot.'?"

On the other hand the influential position of senior women is visible in Gulbadan's description of their everyday activities. On one such occasion she records the conversation of Khwaja Kilan Beg and Babur in her account in the following way:

"Khwaja Kilan Beg asked leave several times to go to Kabul. He said you go, I shall send some of the valuable presents and curiosities of the Hind which fell into our hands through the victory over Sultan Ibrahim, to my elder relations and sisters and each person of the

15 Nizamuddin Ahmad, Tabaqat i Akbari, tr. by B.De, and Beni Prasad, vol 3, Delhi, 1992, p. 222 16 Saqi Mustaid Khan. Maasir i Alamgiri, Calcutta, 1870-7 (reprint Karachi, 1962), p. 126

20 Cliapter-I

haram. You take them. I shall write a list, and you will distribute them according to it. You will order a tent with a screen to be set up in the Garden of the audience hall for each Begam, and when a pleasant meeting place has been arranged the Begams are to make the prostration of thanks for the complete victory which has been brought about. To each Begam is to be delivered as follows: one special dancing girl of the dancing girls of Ibrahim with one gold plate full of jewels ruby and pearls cornelian and diamond emerald and turquoise,

topaz and eat's eye and two small mother 0 pearl trays full of asharjis and on two other trays shahrukhis and all sorts of stuffs by nines- that is four trays and one plate. Take a dancing girl and another plate of jewels and one each of asharfis and shahrukhis and present in accordance with my directions, to my elder relations the very plate of jewels and the self same dancing girl which I have given for them. I have made other gifts; convey these afterwards. Let them divide and present jewels and asharfis and shahrukhis and stuffs to my sisters and children and the harams and kinsmen, and to the Begams and aghast

and nurses and foster brethren and ladies and to all who pray for me. 17

Gulbadan's record of Baburs list is striking for several reasons. It brings before us the correct deportment of the manner of presenting gifts. Also the hierarchical character of relationship is very evident when Babur gave clear instruction about what should be given to whom and in what order. We also learn that their personal requests and demands were given the foremost attention. Gulbadan thus states, "that to the architect Khwaja Qasim his Majesty gave the following orders: We command a piece of good service from you. It is this: whatever work even if it be on a great scale our paternal aunts may order done in their palace give it precedence, and carry it out with might and main.,,18

How deeply Babur loved and respected his ladies is too well known to be repeated. It can be further ascertained when Gulbadan reports, Babur used to go and see his paternal aunts every Friday. On one of the days, it was very hot and Maham suggested to Babur, "the wind is very hot, indeed; how would it be if you did not go

17 Gulbadan, , p.94-95-96 18 Ibid, p.97-98

21 Cfiapter-I this one Friday? The Begums would not be vexed." Babur replied: "Maham! It is astonishing that you should say such things! The daughters of Abu Said Mirza, who have been deprived of father and brothers! If I do not cheer them, how will it be done?,,19

While we see the senior ladies were given due attention on the other hand we notice that even a close relationship like that of a wife and her husband was not far from denial of interaction. Perhaps even the wives had to go through the loneliness and denial of attention from their husbands in the Mughal household. Thus, Bega Begum made a similar complaint to Humayun, "For several days now," she said to Humayun, "you have been paying visits in this garden, and on no one day have you been to our house. Thoms have not been planted in the way to it... how long will you think it right to show all these disfavours to us helpless ones? We too have hearts... ,,20

The complaints of Maham Begum, Bega Begum to Babur and Humayiin respectively points out that there were undoubtedly the Emperor's favourite women partners. And perhaps this favouritism of the Emperor did lead to a kind of competitiveness amongst the women inmates of the haram. It can also be refracted through the conversation above the immense control of senior women over the younger women as well as the men in the family. There is one another area in which the senior women are recorded as having played a central part: in the affairs of peace making. In the narratives of the time, several instances suggest their complex engagement in the circulation of power, as agents by virtue of age or through a nomination to the position of intermediary by a royal male or another senior woman. Sometimes the politics of peace making also worked in the names of the senior women (rightly pointed by Ruby Lal) "for their sake" as it is obvious in one of the incident regarding Mirza Kamran, The very statement of Babur that he forgave the Mirza's and their offences for the sake his aunts (bikhiitir i khalhaye) proves it though theirdirect participation is not mentioned by Gulbadan_21

Jauhar Aftabchi in contrary to Gulbadan informs us that it was not the case that whenever the ladies interceded in peace-making they were pardoned. As he presents before us the case Zahid Beg's misconduct with the King for which he opines

19 Ibid p.97 20 Ibid p.130 21 Ibid, p.89

22 Cliapter-I that he used to take liberty because he was married to a sister of Byke Begum, one of the King's concubines. He therefore immediately went to claim protection of the

Begum who strongly interceded for his pardon but Humayun refused.22

However the other incident presents a stark contrast, when Humayiln went to seek refuge with the Persians, he was denied the support because of a woman as it is recorded by Jauhar Aftabchi. He presents before us the whole conversation that took place among the two and how the Persian monarch was convinced and manipulated by her. The passage is as follows:

"Sometime after this conversation, the Persians monarch consulted with his brother Bahram Mirza, respecting the destruction of the king Humayun. On hearing this proposal, the Mirza was so much afflicted that he shed tears; he afterwards went to his sister, and said to her, "the king Humayun has sought refuge with the seffy family, and has long partaken with me of the same salt, and our brother has now made me such and such proposals. When the princes heard this discourse she also began to weep. Just at this time the Persian monarch entered his sister's apartment on which Bahram Mirza made his salutation and retired. The monarch then sat down, and asked the Princess the cause of her crying; she replied, I am lamenting our adverse fate. He asked what more prosperity can you can you wish for, than that you now enjoy? She answered; I am constantly employed in prayers for your welfare: are you not already accompanied by enemies? And are you not engaged in contest with the Turks, The Uzbegs, the Georgians, and the Russians? And I hear you are now about to raise up other enemies by your intentions of injuring Muhammad Humayun, whose son and brothers will one day seek revenge. If you will not support him, at least permit him to go away, that he may apply for assistance somewhere else the Persian monarch was much affected by the address of his sister and said my chiefs have been giving me unworthy

22 Jauhar Aftabchi, Tazkerah ul Waqiat, tr. Major Charles Steward ed.& compiled Life Span Research Foundation, New Delhi, 2009 p.19

23 Chapter-I

advice; but what you have suggested is certainly more dignified and

praise worthy. ,,23

The passage shows the extent of political participation of women and their awareness of every move of the Emperors. One should also note that the political matters were discussed with them by the Emperors and others and they had equal opportunity to have opinion about political affairs. Their suggestion and recommendation as is evident were taken seriously and were praised as well. Another similar incident is narrated by him but in the context of Humayun' s illness. He says that, he (the Emperor) was attended by Queen and when recovered he asked the state of affairs from her which shows her involvement.24

Apart from the respect and deference the senior women enjoyed, it is worthwhile to note about the authority and influence enjoyed by them over the Emperor. We have the testimony of' Abu'I Fazl that when:

"Shaikh Ilahdad Faizi Sirhindi commented that Prince Salim had committed great faults owing to "loss of prudence and because of the intoxication of youth and of success. The crime referred to here is Salim's plotting and putting to death of the distinguished courtier and chronicler, Abul Fazl. It was hard for anyone to speak in favour of Salim, but "the great lady of the age" Maryam Makani, Hamida Banu, and "the Khatun of the chamber of chastity", Gulbadan Begum pleaded his forgiveness from the Emperor. Akbar granted their wishes and gave an order for the coming of the prince to court. He also ordered that "the cupola of chastity," Salima Sultan Begum, should give Salim the news of forgiveness, and bring him to court. Salima "in order to soothe the prince's apprehensions," took from Akbar an elephant named Fath Lashkar, a special horse, and a robe of honour

and went to fetch the prince.,,25

Furthermore, Gulabadan's account informs that there were no inhibitions or undue restrictions about purda in the households of the first two Mughal emperors.

23 Ibid, p.94-95 24 Ibid, p.115; Similarly in Tabaqat the author says the sister of Shah Tahrnasp, Sultanam, in whom the Shah placed great confidence and who had complete authority in all affairs of the Kingdom, and of revenue, did everything in her power to help Humayun, p. 99-100 25 Akbarnama, vol III, p8I5

24 Cliapter-I

Gulbadan Begum in her account while narrating the guests of Mirza Hindal's marriage, mentions Shad Begum and Mihrangez Begum who had great friendship she further describes their intrinsic worth "they used to wear men's clothes and were adorned by varied accomplishments, such as the making of thumb-rings and arrows, playing polo, and shooting with bow and arrow, they also played many musical instruments." 26While relating their qualities can one say that this a clear enthralment of Gulbadan Begum describing two startlingly unconventional women? However, Gulbadan pays no such attention to others and do not enumerate their qualities like this; her very meticulous effort to describe their abilities does not seem to be unintended. Is it so because they did something eccentric, something against the social norm? Or possibly it is an example of the extent of liberty a woman in the Mughal dynasty could enjoy, as it is also perceptible in case of marriage.

This comparative freedom gave the Mughal women a greater sense of the dignity and honour. Consequently, many of them turned out to be high spirited ladies, possessing talent for decision making and a will to assert. The incidents relating to Harnida Bano Begum's marriage with Emperor Hurnayiin clearly point to what a strong and independent personality a Mughal lady could be if chose to be. Thus Gulbadan writes that after finding that Hamida Bano Begum was adamant, Humayiin appealed to his step mother Dildar Begum to persuade her to agree. Dildar Begum advised her with the words: "After all you will marry someone. Better than a king who is there?" To which Hamida Bano replied: "Oh yes, 1 shall marry someone; but he shall be a man whose collar my hand could touch, and not the one whose skirt it does not reach.,,27 Though later, after much persuasion she was married to Humayun but her spontaneous replies and her stand shows her freedom of expression which is incredible. Such liberties however are hard to be seen in today's time.

As Gulbadan states that how Humayiin was infatuated by Hamida Bano when he saw her, Jauhar too supplements the information and shows that it much displeased Prince Hindal. As it is obvious from Gulbadan accounts as well that there was a major age difference between the two, Jauhar's account too certifies the fact in a following way when he refers to the displeasure of Hindal: "I thought you came here to do me

26 Gulbadan, p.120 27 Ibid p.151

25 Cfiapter-I honour, not to look out for a young bride: if you commit this ridiculous action I will leave you.,,28On that note he says "Dildar Begum interceded between the two and was very angry with her son and said you are speaking very improperly to His Majesty, whom you ought to consider as the representative of your late father.,,29

Gulbadan also provides an intimate portrayal of Maham Begum's arrival. She writes that "at evening prayer time someone went and informed Babur that he had just passed Maharn Begum on the road, 4 miles out. My royal father did not wait for a horse to be saddled but set out on foot.,,30This depiction of Babur's rushing out "on foot" to receive Maham, shows an intimate relationship between Babur and Maham, Gulbadan finds no place for a description of any such affection of Babur for his other wrves.

There were undoubtedly the Emperors favourite partners, and perhaps this favouritism of the Emperor did lead to a kind of competitiveness amongst the women inmates of the haram. Rearing and bearing children thus invited several controversies and scandal may be because of jealousy or to compete to become a chief queen which can be elucidated from following passage:

My lady, who was Maham Begum, had a great longing and desire to see a son of Humayun. Wherever there was a good looking and nice girl, she used to bring her into his service. Maywa-jan, a daughter of Khadang, the Chamberlain yasawal was in my employ. One day after the death of his Majesty Firdaus Makani my lady said Humayun Maywa-jan is not bad. Why do you not take her into your service. So at her word, Humayun married and took her that very night. Three days later Bega Begum came from Kabul. She became in the family way in due time she had a daughter whom they named Aqiqa. Mauwa• jan said to lady Aqa Maham Begum I am in the family way too. Then my lady got ready two sets of weapons, and said: whichever of you bears a son, I will give him good arms then she packed up the arms and got ready gold and silver walnuts. She procured also the special arms of a Mughal commander and was very happy, and kept saying

28 Ibid pA3

29 Tazkereh at Waqiat, pp.43-44 30 Gulbadan, pp.1 00-1 0 1

26 Chapter -1

perhaps one of them will have a son. She kept watch till Bega Begam's Aqiqa was born. Then she kept an eye on Maywa-jan. Ten months went by. The eleventh also passed. Maywa jan said My maternal aunt was in Mirza Ulugh Beg's haram. She had a son in the twelfth month; perhaps I am like her. So they sewed tents and filled

pillows. But in the end everyone knew she was a fraud.3l

The covetousness among the ladies of the haram is visible in this passage also one can in the same way infer that the importance of bearing a male child in order to perpetuate the Mughal lineage. Thus clearly not all women shared a similar position or had similar experiences, but all of them seemed to aspire to the same position in the structure i.e. of the favourite wife or the first lady of the haram. This position could be attained in youth through the power of sensuality that would transform at some point into motherhood and extend her power and influence into her old age and even more so if she had been able to mother the first born.

Among the numerous wives of Jahangir, Niir Jahan was the most beloved one. She was often described as "a wily pre-emptor of Imperial power, must have horrified her critics when she took on the role ofImperial hunter and protector of the people.,,32 Of all the contemporary chronicles of Jahangir's reign, it is the Iqbiilnama which gives the most detailed account of Nur Jahan's powers: women who received land did so only under her seal; nobles coveted a seat at her palace balcony whenever she announced policy or bestowed largesse; gold coin was struck in her name (often with zodiac signs on one side); Imperial orders almost always carried her signature next to the Emperor's; sanctuary at her feet was there for anyone subject to tyranny and oppression; and any orphan girl or needy maid could get a dowry and wedding portion from her upon request. Five hundred girls, in fact, are said to have done so. At last her authority reached such a pass that the King was such only in name. Repeatedly, Jahangir gave out that he had bestowed the sovereignty on Nur Jahan Begum, and would say, "I require nothing beyond a sir of wine and half a sir of meat.,,33

31 Ibid, p.112-113

32 Lisa Balabanlilar, The Emperor Jahangir and the Pursuit of Pleasure, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Third Series, Vol.l9 No.2 (April, 2009), p. 173-186 33Mutamid Khan, lqbalnarna i Jahangiri, vol. I & II, Nawal Kishor, 1870, vol III ed. Abdul Hai & Ahmad Ali, Calcutta, 1865, p. 56

27 Cfiapter-I

On the other hand Shahnawaz Khan in Mii 'asir al Umara while relating the biography of Sher Afghan Khan All Quli Beg, refers to Niir Jahan in the following manner: "it is stated that the wife of Mirza Ghiyas always used to go to the feasts and entertainments in the palace, and that Mehrunnisa who was later entitled as Niir Jahan, often used to accompany her mother to these gatherings. By a strange chance prince Salim who had reached the age of adolescence-fell in love with her, and when this feeling became known in the haram, the Emperor also secretly became aware of it. He immediately gave her in marriage to All Quli Beg. Salim though promoted him and bestowed the title of Sher Afghan something made him apprehensive and killed Qutb uddin Khan and the then the Kokaltash' s men captured him and he died. He then somehow managed to reach his home in order safeguard his honour and wanted to kill his wife, his weeping mother lamenting told him that she had thrown herself in to a well. She was then brought and placed in haram and remained in disgrace owing to her husband having killed the Emperor's foster brother. She later was noticed and

Jahangir married her.,,34

Furthermore while mentioning the biography of Itimad-ud-daulah, Shahnawaz Khan eulogizes her and says: "Nur Jahan Begum in addition to her physical charms was possessed of many mental excellencies. She was the unique of the age for her quick understanding good sense, penetration and tact. The Emperor used to say that until she came to his house he had not understood domestic pleasures or the spirituality of marriage. She invented or designed several ornamentations for dress, and jewellery which are still prevalent in India. For instance diidami (flowered muslin) for dress panchtolia for veils, biidla (silver thread) and kiniira (silver thread lace) 'attar (perfumes) rose perfumes known as 'Attari jahiingiri, and silvery carpet ifarash Chandanii were all her innovations. She exercised such influence over Emperor Jahangir that except for the name, Emperor he exercised no powers. He frequently remarked that he had presented the kingdom to Niir Jahan and required nothing more than a sir of wine and half a sir of meat for himself. In fact except for the khutbii not having been read in her name she exercised all the prerogatives of royalty so much so that she sat in thejharoka and received the respects of the offices. Coins were struck in her name. The !ughra also bore the following: the order of the

34 Shahnawaz Khan, Maasir ul Umra, ed. Abdur Rahim and Ashraf Ali, Bib. Ind, Calcutta, 1888-91 Vol II. p. 651-654

28 Chapter-I exalted lady of the sublime couch Niir Jahan Padshah Begum. The estates assigned to her correspondence to the rank of 30,000. It is stated that the fiefs of her relations amounted to half the estates of the kingdom. All relatives and connections of the family, even to slaves and eunuchs received the ranks of Khans and Tarkhans. An old female servant named Dai Dilaram, who had been the Begum's burse, became the Mistress of the women Sadr i Anas in place of Haji Koka.,,35

Moreover, he further opines: "Ntir Jahan was also generous in rewards and charity. It is stated that on the days when she went to the baths, her fixed expenditure was Rs.3000. She had collected in the palace numerous female servants aged from twelve to forty, and she married them to Ahadis and chelas. But though women are possessed of many charming qualities, yet in essence of their natures they are beings who have been created with a defective understanding. With all her good qualities she became at last the leaven of confusion, and trouble for India. Having given in marriage her daughter by Sher Afghan Khan to Prince Shahriyar the younger son of the Emperor Jahangir, she designed to raise him to power, and she so alienated Jahanglr's mind against the legitimate heir of the state Prince Shah Jahan, that it resulted in raising armies, murder and destruction and a great deal of the country was ravished by the flood of devastation. After his ascension Shah Jahan granted her an allowance of two lakhs of rupees a year. It is stated that after the death of Jahangir she wore nothing but white and never voluntarily jointed any joyful assemblies. She died at Lahore at the age of 72 years and was buried in the tomb which she had built for herself, near Jahangir's mausoleum.v"

Thus in this fashion our author has described Niir Jahan who at first was appreciated for her qualities she possessed and later was accused for her faults because women were assumed to have defective understanding. It was thus a tendency to project women as weak, malleable, slaves to those they loved, given political power they abuse it, their susceptibility to influence, and thus their inability to rule.

Hence we see, as far as court chronicles are concerned which were earlier concerned with adorning honorific titles and projecting an ideal and chaste image of royal woman is somehow been diluted while referring to Nur Jahan, Similarly while

35 Ibid, vol I, pp. 127-134 36 Ibid p.134

29 Chapter-I referring to Nur Jahan, Lahori is seen to take some liberty. He says Nur Jahan who had been the source of certain sedition (jitna) and perverseness (jasad) and had turned the world mad CAlami ra shordnidah bud) with an impossible idea in her mind that she would be able to have the reign of ruling as usual in her hand as she had it under her authority and occupation as during the life time of her husband.Y While referring to her death in his account his tone becomes more bitter when he says "she had exceeding in bounds interference in the temperament of His Majesty and had the strings of the civil and revenue administration of the country in her hands in such a manner which is not worthy to be recorded in this book containing laudable or generous actions of noble and honourable persons of sense.,,38

While referring to Shah Jahan's most beloved wife, Lahori in his Padshahnama refers to the death of Mumtaz Mahal in the following manner:

At the midnight of Wednesday, the Ith Ziqad, l04017th June, 1631, a daughter was born to Hazrat Mehd i Ulya Khidr i mualla Mumtaz uz Zamani, after which her condition began to deteriorate so she sent Begam Sahib to call the Emperor, who was then staying nearby. The Emperor came. She recommended him to take care of the Princes and her mother and died. It saddened the Emperor highly, who put on a white dress and all the princes, pillars of the state and all other servants of the state and attendants put on apparels of mourning. She was consigned by way of a trust in a building in the garden of Zainabad Burhanpur, which was situated on the bank of the river Tapti and it was situated in the middle of the hauz, which he had laid earlier. At last, on Thursday the zs", the Emperor crossed over the river Tapti and went to the sepulchre of his wife and pleased her soul by recitingfateha and he decided that he would visit her Mazaar on every Friday till as long as he resided in those environs. During the course of all this he did not visit the (Jharokha i daulatkhanan

khas 0 Am) for one week and did not look after the affairs of the state. He even said that if the heavy responsibility of the Empire which had been raised by the exertions of his fore fathers, he would have divided the

37 Lahori, Padshahnama, 2vols. Ed. Kabir-ud-Din Ahmad and Abdul Rahim, Calcuuta, 1866-72, vol I, p. 70 38 Ibid, vol.lI, p.475

30 Cfiapter-I

Empire among his sons and devoted his rest life to remember God. After this event he avoided the delicacies and affluences like listening to the musical instruments and songs, bejewelled dresses and costly silken cloth for two years. And in the assemblies and convivial meetings, during the course of which the veiled chaste women assembled in the apartment of the Emperor, he wept on not finding his beloved wife by his side during the very availability of the pre requisites of the cheerfulness and prior to this event, he did not have more than 20 grey hairs, most of these turned grey after this event within a short space of time. A lot of persons deserving to be killed and put to confinements were pardoned by the Emperor whenever she recommended it. She was chaste and had an appreciable character. She obeyed the commands of God and was a well wisher of the people at large. At the time of when the age of the Emperor was 15 years 8 months and 7 days lunar and 15 years 2 months and 14 days solar, he was betrothed by Emperor Jahangir with her, who was the daughter of Asaf Khan Khan i Khanan b Itmad ud daulah. After the expiry of 5 years 3 months and 2 days lunar and 5 years lrnonth 5 days solar when his age was 20 years 11 months and 9 days lunar and 20 years 3 months and 19 days solar he was married with her when she was above

about 20 years. On Friday 9th Rabi 10211 30th April, 1621 when the glittering coronet of pearls was fastened by the emperor himself upon his face and he rode and went to the residence of Itimad ud daula and even Emperor Jahangir visited the residence of the exalted Nuyeen the Aqd took place in the presence of the Emperor and the kabin was fixed at 5 lakhs of rupees. Her actual age at that time was 19 years 8 months and 9 days lunar and 19 years 1 month and 6 days solar. Her life span was 39 years 4 months and 4 days lunar or 38 years 2 months solar. Although the daughter of Muzaffar Hussain Meerza b Sultan Husain Meerza b Behram Meerza b Shah Ismail Safavi had been married with him 1 year 8 month before his above marriage in Rajab when his age crossed 19 years from whom a daughter Pur Hunar Bano Begum was born on 12 jamad II 1020

1ih August 1620 and he married the Shahnawaz Khan b Abdur Rahim Khan i Khanann in Dakan after 5 years 5 months and 23 days after his

marriage with Mumtaza uz Zamani on 2nd Ramzan 1026 due to

31 Cliapter-I

expediency for which he visited the house of Abdur Rahim Khan i Khanan and on 12 Rajab Prince Jahan Afroz was born from her and died in Burhanpur at the age of 1 year 9 months. However he loved Mumtaz uz Zamani most and never separated her from himself. He had 14 offsprings from her 8 sons and 6 daughters. Out of them 7 survived.r"

This long descriptive passage of Mumtaz Mahal is given by Lahori while he records her death in his account. As the love and lamentation of Shah Jahan for her is very apparent however the author very conveniently lets us know that though the Emperor loved her much, he married others as well. He also mentions the children the other women bore to him which suggest that there always was a scope of other women as well no matter what relationship and love they share among each other. This long description surely reveals her importance in the eyes of Shah Jahan. It is also referred that Shah Jahan often on her death anniversary visited her mausoleum and donated money to needy women and men.40

Among the other prominent ladies of this period is Jahan Ara, thus historians of Shah Jahan's reign such as Muhammad Amin Qazwini in his Piidshiihniimii and Inayat Khan in his Shah Jahiin Nama described Jahan Ara's birth in the following way: "In the ninth year of the late Emperor's reign, corresponding to Wednesday, the

21st Safar 1023 (2 April 1614), Her Highness Princess Begum Sahib was born to Her Majesty the Queen and to this sun of modesty the Emperor gave the name of lahan Ara.,,41 Though referred in several occasions such as weighing ceremonies, marriages and feasts, our author Lahori also presents before us the accident she met. He states

"on the night of 28th, at the time when the Begum Sahib was retiring for her bed chamber after serving the Emperor suddenly the fringe of her skirt touched the candle, which was lighted in that house. Since the dresses of the pardiigydn Tataq Azmat (veiled ladies of grandeur) were made of wefts and with great softness, flexibility and elegance and are soaked with perfumed essences; particularly the Itr i Jahiingiri the fire caught hold of the entire dress. Although four domestic female servants, present by her side at that time acted with great swiftness and dexterity to extinguish the fire

39Ibid, vol.I, p. 385-389 40 Ibid, vol.Il, p.322, 404 41 Inayat Khan, p.6; Khawaja Kamgar Husaini, the author of Maasir Jahangiri has described how Emperor Jahangir had named his grandchild Jahan Ara Begum, p.182; Jahangir however does not mentioned the birth or event of her name ceremony he though writes in the year 1607 he visited a garden in Kabul and named that Jahan Ara

32 Cfiapter-I but since their dresses too caught fire it prevented them to extinguish it fully till other domestics got its information; but by then her back both her sides and both her hands were burnt and injured." Praising her Lahori continues on a note that how good people like her afflict with such accidents he says "she was a helper of the old and decrepit, a fountain of good fortune and prosperity and the mine of charity. Since the love and kindness of His Majesty towards that veiled one in the veil of chastity due to her excessive glorious virtues, excellent manners and habits of a liking nature and excellent principles and obedience and pleasing all the fortunate and auspicious Princes more and more day by day, Khidev Mohar Gastar was highly grieved by the occurrence of this incident and contrary to his usual habit, he hardly issued out of the female chambers.,,42

Her recovery is seen to be celebrated with pomp and show as is reflected in his account. He says that after the complete recovery of Begum Sahib, Peshkiiran i Biirgah i Azmat for the sake of going through the custom of decoration for an assembly of pleasure, where the emperor sat upon the throne in royal robes and melodious singers and vocal and instrumentalists were emitting out the melodies ...."43 the celebrations are reported to have continued for several days, and throughout that period gold and silver were scattered over the princess and thrown amongst the pecple.l" Lahori further refers to the weighing ceremony of Jahan Arll which was reserved only for the Emperor thus brings forth her eminence and power she wielded.

Lahori says: "On 6th Rabi-I1 (2nd June, 1644 AD), was the day of the weighing of Nawab Khurshid Ahtijab Gardun Janab Begam Saheb. The Durrat Durj-i- Sultanat was weighed against, which is reserved for weighing the personality of that pious and venerable Hazrat-i Khaqani and a large following had the desires of their hearts fulfilled with it. And since the pain of surgery of that auspicious entity had ameliorated as per the order of His Majesty, the kettledrum of joy, which too is reserved for the personality of that Exalted being, was struck.,,45The power and influence wielded by Princess Jahan Ara Begum, probably surpassed that of all other princesses and princes.

42lbid, p. 363-364 43 Ibid, p.394-399 44 Ibid 45 Ibid, p.377

33 Cliapter-I

Saqi Mustaid Khan, the author of Ma 'asir i 'Alamgtri while referring to the daughters of Aurangzeb again, is seen to follow the same tradition and lauds them for their qualities. He says for Zebunnisa

"born on 15th Feb 1638 daughter of Aurangzeb, she learnt Quran by heart for which she received from the emperor a reward of 30,000 gold coins. She completely mastered the Arabic and Persian languages and in writing various kinds of hand, such as nastaliq, naskh, and shikastah correctly she had full competence. She appreciated the value of learning and skill; and all her heart was set on the collection, copying and reading of books and she turned her kind attention to improving the lot of scholars and gifted men. The result was that she collected a library the like of which no man has seen; and large numbers of theologians, scholars, pious men, poets, scribes and calligraphists by this means came to enjoy the bounty of this lady hidden in the harem of grandeur; ego Mulla Safi ud din Ardbili by her order took up his residence in Kashmir and engaged in making a translation(into Persian) of the Great Commentary on the Quran, which came to be entitled "Zeb ut Tafasir" "The Ornament of Commentaries" . Other tracts and books have been composed in her

honoured name." 46

For Zinat un Nisa the author says born l " Shaban 1053/5th October 1643, to Begum Dilras Bano. Her father brought her up in the knowledge of the doctrines and the necessary rules of the Faith. Vast numbers of people received their livelihood from her bounty

Zubad un Nisa Begum, born on 26th Ramzan 1061/ 2nd September 1651, to Dilras Bano Begum. She employed herself in adoring the Creator and thus gaining boundless rewards; was married to Siphir Shukoh, the son of Dara Shukoh, and died in the same year as her father, in February1707.

46Saqi Mustaid Khan, p.538-539

34 (fuipter-I

Mihar un Nisa Begum born 3rd Safar 107211 sth September, 1661 to Aurangabadi Mahal, She died in the so" year of her father's reign, 1116/1706. She was the wife of Izid Bakhsh, the son of Murad Bakhsh. God be pleased with them.47

As we can see we have a more a detailed description of Zebunnisa which shows her prominence and her abilities though other of her sisters are referred but very merely.

For women like wet nurses and matrons for the royal ladies and pnnces Balkrishan Shivram opines, "quite evidently, the survival of infants depended upon lactating women when alternatives to human milk were inadequate or unknown; therefore, it is not difficult to understand why, in many ancient and medieval societies, wet nurses were held in high regard, particularly those employed by the wealthier members of society.,,48'Abu'l Fazl in his Akbarruimii, records that they had to be 'even tempered, spiritually minded' (qiibil i rawhani qavalib) nurses from whose breasts infant Akbar's 'mouth was sweetened by the life giving fluid.' 49 'Abu'I Fazl substantiated that Akbar imbibed varied masharib (dispositions of nurse milk) and vujud (essence and substance) from the milk of his spiritual moulded cherishers.i''' Sufistic overtones interlace in his description of the act of feeding, institutes the exceptional privileges of the nurse. Maham Anaga who was Akbar's wet nurse, is also attributed the same 'divine' status. Thus 'Abu'l Fazl attributes the following to her:

"One morning, before I (Maham) had the good fortune to hold this supreme office, a great light approached me and entered my bosom. I felt as if the world-warming sun had fallen into my breast. A strange

47 Ibid, p.539-540

48 Balkrishan Shivram, Kinship Structures and Foster Relations in Islamic Society Milk Kinship Allegiance in the Mughal World, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, 2014, p. 86 49 Akbarnama, 43-44; Balkrishan states that 'the contemporary histories of Mughal reign confirm that the wet nurses chosen for regal infants were nobly born with pure disposition and integrity selected from the haram of senior officials of the royal place. BiBi Fatima, Humayun's nurse, was amongst noble wives. Among Akbar's nurses Jiji Angah was wife of the nobly born; Daya Bhawal herself was a special servant; Fakhr un Nisa Angah was Humayun's attendant from his childhood; and Piji Jan Angah was married to Khawaja Maqsud of Heart. Similarly Jahangir's nurses particularly Bayzid's and Qutub ud Din's mothers were from the progeny of venerable Shaikh Salim Chisti; Shah Jahan's wet nurse persistently mentioned in chroniclers Zeb un Nisa aka (Dai Angah) was a woman of chaste nature. Aurangzeb's nurse, mother of Khan Jahan Bahadur Zafar Jang, also had equal lineage.', p.93 50 Ibid, p.44

35 Cliapter-I

condition supervened and a great astonishment laid hold of me so that all the parts and particles of my body were moved and shaken, as by excess of joy and ecstasy.'?'

Many other such miracles are mentioned regarding the birth and adulthood of Akbar. The virtue of a mother or a nurse is not derived from their lineage or status but with the honourable medium of Akbar's birth made them so. Akbarniimii and '£lIn i Akbari are full of sacred adjectives and titles attached to the women of haram. The conventional wisdom that one's character is derived from the milk that nourishes one in infancy was widespread in the Mughal world, which inspired chroniclers to lists several bodily attributes that should be logged when selecting a wet nurse. Honoured names of the 'blissful nurses and spiritually moulded cherishers', were carefully chosen.Y 'Abu'I Fazl therefore while referring to the wet nurses of Akbar adorns them too with titles. While referring to JiJi Anaga, he calls her iffat qibab (cupola of chastity) and Maham Anaga as ismat naqab. Milk child was expected to give life-long protection to their nurses, who conversely offered even their lives whenever needed. For example, in 1547 AD, Maham Anaga merrily offered her very life at Kabul for the sake of her foster child Akbar when Kamran was combating against Humayiln endangered his life. 53

Wet nurses enjoyed a high status therefore the post was eagerly contested. Consequent upon Jiji Anaga's selection as principle wet nurse, 'Abu' I Fazl writes, "clothed with the glorious head dress and mantle of distinction, by obtaining the auspicious service of nursing this new fruit of the spring tide of sovereignty and fortune, and should have the blissful and glory.,,54 The intrinsic power of the wet nurse role exacerbated tensions among families competing for appointments to this post and for a means of institutionalizing their influence. When Akbar was eight months 'Abu'I Fazl records that there was a lot of contention among the nurses who fed Akbar in his infancy Jiji Anaga, in particular was opposed by others, especially by Milham Anaga. At one point 'Abu'I Fazl says:

"On an evening which was seized of the light of fortunes mom, Jiji Anaga - the cupola of chastity- was nursing the first fruit of the garden

51 Akbarnama, p.IS 52 Akbarnama, p.43 53 Tabaqat, vol II, p.112 54 Akbarnama, p.44

36 Cfiapter-I

of the holiness, and grieving over the opposition to her by that veil of chastity- Maham Anaga and by many others. She was very sad because they had represented to his majesty Jahanbani Jannat Ashyani that Mir Ghaznavi's wife (i.e, herself) was practising incantations so that his Majesty the prince of mankind, should not accept anyone's milk but her own. At this time, when none else was present his

majesty seeing that there was privacy became vocal.....,,55

It is comprehensible that there was a tussle among the wet nurses to gain the privilege position as Maham is seen determined to have one, it also brings forth the planning and plotting of women as was evident in Gulbadan account as well. One can also assume that their relation does not seem to be cordial and we have already seen the hierarchical positions and relations among them which might bring forward an impression of envy.

With these responsibilities came opportunities to acquire wealth and gam access to the throne, which translated into political power. In yet another one instance where 'Abu'I Fazl narrates the political influence of Maham Anaga and her understanding of matters concerning politics, he praises Maham for the same in the following way

"in those days Bahadur Khan had the name of Vakil, yet in reality the business was transacted by Maham Anaga ... for this work and wisdom and courage were necessary and in truth Maham Anaga possessed these two qualities in perfection 'Many a woman treads manfully wisdom's path"."

'Abii'I Fazl thus lauds her because of the masculine qualities she possessed.

Nizamuddin Ahmad as well as 'Abu'l Fazl have recorded the influence of Maham Anaga in their accounts at length, which the modem historians like V.A Smith term it as a petticoat government which was though a derogatory word but

55 Akbarnama, p.187-188

56 Akbarnama,vol.II p.99-100, Tabaqat i Akbari as well provides us the detail of Maham Anaga planning and plotting against Bairam Khan and which thus resulted in the downfall of Bairam Khan. Abul Fazl on the other hand says that Maham Anaga who was a great authority had made it her business to ruin him. Men who were in the same business to make it sure that Bairam did not raise his head again does not seem to be blamed much, the rancor of our authors are apparent while discussing Maham.

37 Cfiapter-I shows her influence. The authors record her fall as well when her son was executed by Akbar as he murdered Shams ud din Atka. Her demise is recorded in the account 'Abu'l Fazl: "when Maham Anaga knew for certain that her son had been put to death, she by virtue of her wisdom preserved her respect for his Majesty and did not complain, he further says the wise one of the age meekly said 'you did well', but she became inwardly wounded by a thousand fatal blows and the colour left her face. Nizamuddin and' Abu'I Fazl both say that Akbar in regard to her long service spoke comforting word to her and consoled. Maharn Anaga became ill from agony and grief for her son and after forty days she drew the baggage of her existence.57

Considering Bayazid Bayat's account, one women is often referred and that is Bibi Fatima, chief urdubegi in the zenana of Humayiin, also held the position of sadr i anas.58 She is also referred by Gulbadan when she is referring about the guests of marriage feast of Mirza Hindal. Gulbadan refers her as a guest named Fatima Sultan

Anka, mother of Raushan Koka.59 Her title urdubegi-yi mahall in the narration of an episode by Bayazid Bayat in which she guarded Humayfins person during near fatal illness in the midst of a grave political crisis, he asserted throughout the crisis Bibi Fatima urdubegi of the palace, left nothing undone so far as attendance on his majesty was needed.P" Her presence on a diplomatic mission dispatched to Badakshan by Humayun; and her daughter's distinguished marriage to Akbar's mother's brother Khawaja Muazzam explain her subsequent importance.

Once trusted by the Imperial family, a wet nurse's task thereafter was not exclusively nursing, they acted as nurse-cum governess; and thus another matron, Sati un Nisa whom Shah Jahan appointed for the care of Jahan Ara probably, for her our author Shahnawaz Khan has words of praise:

"Khanim was descended from a Mazzindaran family, and was the sister of Talib Amuli who in the reign of Jahangir received title of Malik ush Shoara (king of poets). After the death of her husband

57 Akbarnama,voLII p. 176-178; Tabaqat iAkbari, p. 264 58 Towards the end of Akbar's reign and early in Jahangir's, a foster sister of Akbar, Haji Aziz Koka (daughter of Khaldar Angah), filled the position of sadr i anas, chief of the administration and organization of a Mughal haram; Jahangir had given her prerogative of recommending the names of women who deserved the benefit of madad i maash, grant of land revenue. Later during Jahangir's reign, Dai Dilaram, a former nurse ofNur Jahan, was appointed sadr i anas. 59 Gulbadan, p. 122 60 Bayazid Bayat, Tazkereh Humayun wa Akbar, ed. by M. Hidayat Hosain, Bibliotheca Indica Series, 1941, Calcutta, p.73

38 Cfiapter-I

Nasira, she by good fortune entered the service of Mumtaz uz Zamani. As she was adorned with an eloquent tongue, and knowledge of etiquette, and knew housekeeping and medicine, she advanced beyond other servants and reached the rank of muhrdar (sealer). As she knew the art of reading (the Quran) and was acquainted with Persian literature, she was appointed instructress to the Begam Sahib (Jahan Ara) and so attained to high distinction. After the death of Mumtaz uz Zamani, the king, who appreciated her merit, made her head of the harem".61

Sati un Nisa is also referred in Lahori' s account performing her duties of haram and presiding over official functions.V The Emperor Shah Jahan and Jahan Ara were very sad when Sati un nisa died. As a mark of respect towards Sati un nisa, the Emperor spent Rs 10,000 On her funeral. She was buried at a place on the western side of the Taj Mahal, her tomb was constructed by the Emperor's order at the cost of Rs. 30,000. The Emperor also assigned the local village with produce of Rs.3,000 per year for bearing the expenses of the upkeep of her tomb/" Lahori and Shahnawaz Khan give a brief description of Huri Khanam the nurse of Jahan Ara, and mother of Zahid Khan Koka.64 Similarly Shahnawaz Khan also refers to Hafiza Maryam who was appointed to teach Zeb un Nisa Begum, from whom she learnt to commit to memory the words of God and the practice of the accomplishments.i'''

A reading of these sources further reveals that women's sexual conduct was symbolic of the family honour. Violation of a woman of the house whether forced, or with due consent was taken to be the ultimate disgrace; both of the family and the community. The way that Gulbadan Bano Begum records the loss of one of the daughters of Humayun is quite revealing. According to her, Aqiqa, the eight year old daughter and second child of Humayun and Bega Begum, was amongst several aristocratic women who had disappeared during the Battle of Chausa, fought between Humayun and Sher Shah in 1539-40. Mentioning this event Gulbadan Bano exclaims:

61Maasir ul umara, p.261; 62 Padshahnama, vol.I, p.27, vol.lI, p.47 63 Padshahnama, vol.Il, pp.628-63I 64 Padshanama, vol II, 434, Mathir ul umra, vol.Il, Part II, p.l 021 65 Maasir ul umara, vol II, pp.828-832

39 Cliapter-I

"... he [Humayun] never heard even a word, as to whether they were drowned or what became of them. In spite of all inquiry and search,

what had become of them was never found out.,,66

Gulbadan Bano then goes on to record what her brother, Humayun said to Mirza Hindal:

"Aqiqa Begum disappeared in the first interregnum (fitrat, i.e Battle of Chausa) and I repented extremely... 'why did I not kill her in my own presence? Now again it is difficult to convey women with us' ... Mirza Hindal answered, 'what it would be for your Majesty to kill a mother and a sister, speaks for itself! So long as there is life in me, I will fight in there service. I have hope in the most high God, that, poor fellow as I am, I may pour out my life's blood for my mother and my sister.,,67

We have seen Babur glossing over the information regarding Khanzada Begum, and besides Mirza Haider Dughlat she also provides a reference of Khanzada Begum in the following way:

"At this difficult time, Shahi Beg Khan sent to say if you would marry your sister Khanzada Begum to me there might be peace and a lasting alliance between us, at the length it had to be done he gave the begum to the khan and came out himself from Samarqand.t''"

Her statement that "at the length it had to be done" shows a tone and intention of sacrifice made by Khanzada Begum for her brother Babur and for the sake of realm. Records also speaks of when came back or was been rescued as was the case of Khanzada Begum we notice that no social stigma was attached to them as one can expect in today's time. Khanzada Begum married for 10 years to Shaibani Khan when returned her home after his defeat by Shah Isrnail Safavid, enjoyed the same freedom and prestige as is perceptible when Gulbadan addresses her as " aqa janam " (My dearest lady). She further says "that my royal father went as far as Nangram to give honourable reception.t''"

66 Gulbadan, p. 137 67 Ibid, 143 68 Ibid, p. 85 69 Ibid, p.l 03

40 Cfiapter-I

Praises are also for women like and Durgavati and Rupmati who possessed every beauty with courage but are again praised because they had courage like men. Even the contemporaries do not fail to mention her. 'Abu'I Fazl lauds Durgavati in passage after passage for her courage, counsel and munificence, and further says that that she by virtue of these elects qualities and she had brought the whole country under her sway. She was defeated by Asaf Khan because of her coward men. It is interesting to note while praising her' Abu'l Fazl though compares her with men but also acquaints us that there were many men who slipped back and flew away in fear of death, and also states that none of them could equal her in courage. 70Similarly Khafi Khan acclaims Tara Bai wife of Ram Raja who after his death was made the regent. The author says that "she was a clever intelligent woman, and had obtained a reputation during her husband's lifetime for her knowledge of civil and military matters. Tara Bai proceeded to the hills of difficult approach. On receiving this intelligence, the Emperor ordered the drums of rejoicing to be beaten, and the soldiers congratulated each other, saying that another prime mover in the strife was removed, and that it would not be difficult to overcome two young children and a helpless woman. They thought their enemy weak, contemptible and helpless; but Tara Bai as the wife of Ram Raja was called, showed great powers of command and government, and from day to day the war spread and the power of the Marathas increased.,,71

History speaks of several pilgrimages made by women. It was also during the reign of Akbar, in November 1575, that a large number of royal women, a group of young and old, including a now elderly Gulbadan Begum and her granddaughter, among the various wives, aunts, and nieces of the Emperor, made their famous pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina.f Concerning Haji Begum 'Abu'I Fazl says that the cupola of chastity Haji Begum was permitted to go on a pilgrimage to the holy places. His Majesty arranged this pilgrimage to the holy places in an excellent manner provided all things necessary, and bade her goodbye.r'

It appears that valour and military skill in a woman were considered as appreciable qualities though sometimes praised for the masculine attributes but were

70 For Rupmati see Abul Fazl, p.137-138/; Regarding Durgavati see p.209-215; In Tabaqat iAkbari for Durgavati see p.280-281 for Rupmati 252-253 71 Khafi Khan, Muntakhab ul Lubab, edited by Kabiruddin Ahmad and W. Haig, Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1860-74 (reprint 1905- 25), vol.II, p 468 72 Akbarnama, vol III, p. 145-146 73 Akbarnama, vol II, p. 264

41 Cliapter -1 considered worthy to make a mention of it even if a woman stood against the Imperial army.

There are instances that the women who were timid and docile used to annoy the monarch as Gulbadan says that Afghani Aghacha could not cross the stream and fell of her horse and Fakhrunnisa Mama and Bega Begum went up a little which very much annoyed His Majesty, also when the Emperor ordered that the horses of everyone who was outside should be brought, when they came he gave order: "mount"; Bega Begum and Mah Chuchak Begum were still putting on their head to foot dresses, and therefore he went away and wrote letters to all saying: "becoming spokesperson of your own fault, write apologizing for the trouble you have given .....and if not we shall travel apart." 74 This passage besides showing the displeasure of the Emperor projects his expectations from his women that they should be "jack of all trades".

As we have already seen many examples of the exalted positions of the royal women adorned with title and privileges, is it the same for the ordinary or the middle classes as well? Or can we take the liberty of saying that it was the prevailing notion during the reign of Akbar in the words of Aziz as 'Abul Fazl says Aziz wrote poems, the historian quotes the following aphorism from his pithy sayings: "A man should marry four wives- a Persian woman to have somebody to talk to; a Khurasani woman for his housework; a Hindu woman for nursing his children; and a woman from Mawra un nahr to have someone to whip as a warning for the other three,,?75 We see a notion of woman as an object to be acquired which becomes more dismal when we find similar factual incidents in history as well.

To cite few examples' Abu'I Fazl while relating to Mirza Ghazi who was a poet says "in his private life Mirza Ghazi was dissolute. Not only was he given to wine, but he required every night a virgin; girls from all places were brought to him, and the women of the town of Thatta are said to have been so debauched that every bad woman, even long after his death claimed relationship with the Mirza.,,76 It is interesting to note how Ismail Quli Khan, a noble of Akbar, used to treat his women who were 1,200 in number. He suspected them to adultery, so whenever he visited

74 Gulbadan, p.191 75 Ain, Vol I, p. 346 76Ibid, p. 392-393

42 (fuipter-I court, he used to put his seal over the strings attached to their night drawers. The woman resented this made a conspiracy and poisoned him.77

A similar sordid incident is found in Nizamuddin's account which shows the extent of the carnal longing in men. He narrates before us an incident of incest and surprisingly the accused is a Brahman. The case is as follows: One of the Brahman in the village had a daughter of his own as mistress or wife and that wretched man had sons by her. An order having the currency of fate was issued for the attendance of the Brahman and his daughter. When they attended, the Emperor attended to the investigation of this wretched matter. That accursed man confessed the commission of his sinful act, without any hesitation. He said that the husband of that daughter of his had been killed some years which Nizamuddin says it appeared that he had himself killed the man. At that time the accursed man said that he would become a Musalman if his daughter should be left to him as before. Akbar therefore consulted with Qazi Yaqub the Qazi of the Imperial army who advocated either of the two options: putting to death or that the man should not put to death so that men might know that according to the false creed of such men, such acts were allowed; and they might abominate the manners and practices of such men. We are informed that orders were given to Khidmat Ray, that 'the organ of generation and the means of his vice and wickedness' should be cut off from the root and should be roasted before his eyes. The hopeless condemned man ate that thing with great appetite, under the belief that he would probably be released after this punishment. The next day he was condemned to be executed. His daughter repented of her offence and escaped with her life.78

Is this the only incident which deserved the attention of our historians or there were many but were not known? This not only shows the miserable position of a woman but the barefacedness of a man.

Even if married, it was not a relief for them as they were prone to several other harassments. 'Abu'I Fazl and Nizamuddin both describes a dreadful incident regarding the daughter of Bibi Fatima who had been in service in the haram of the late emperor Hurnayun who had married her daughter Zuhra Agha to the half brother of Hamida Bano Begum, Khwaja Muazzam who in the words of 'Abii'I Fazl, on various occasions was an example of immoderation and Bibi Fatima knowing his

77 Ibid, p. 389 78 Tabaqat, p. 436-438

43 Cliapter-I barbarity and wickedness continually in grief implored Akbar's help. Nizamuddin says he without any reason determined to put that helpless woman to death. Knowing that Emperor sent some men in order to rescue her, but the Khwaja in a great rage stabbed her to death.79 He was later captured and punished. We can therefore infer it as a case of domestic violence.

Another case shows that women were also threatened to be divorced if they were unable to reproduce a boy, as ifit was a woman's fault! 'Abii'I Fazl relating to Saif Khan says that her mother had only daughters and when she was pregnant with Saif Khan, her husband threatened to divorce her, should it again tum out to be a daughter. She complained of this to Akbar's mother and Akbar though then a child told her husband that he would incur his displeasure if he should do so; besides predicting however, the birth of a fine boy. The mother looked upon Prince Akbar's words as prophecy from heaven, and in course of time Saif Khan was born. 80 The expectations from a woman were not only limited to reproduce a male child and to be a subservient wife, but it went beyond that! Nizamuddin says when asked to Mulla Mir Kalan Hariwi that why he did not marry he replied that he thought that his wife might not act according to his mother's wishes. 81 So a woman's duty was not confined to reproduce a male child and to be submissive but also it was expected that she had to obey her mother in law, failure of which might become another reason of violence against her. This further reveals the hierarchical order in the household, i.e. the position of mother and that of a wife; thus the latter was supposed to be subordinate to the former. Thus one may agree with Kumkum Sangri, "Patriarchies are resilient not only because they are embedded in social stratification, division of labours, other political structures, religious cultural practices institutions and categories, but also because of the contractual and consensual element in them, which along with patriarchal systems is open to constant and consistent reformulation. ,,82 And further that, "unless certain distributions of power are made within patriarchal

79 Tabaqat, p.288-289;Akbarnama, p. 217-219 80 Ain, vol I, p.375 81 Tabaqat, p.694-95; see also Muntakhab ut Tawarikh, vol III, p. 151-152 82 Kumkum Sangri, Consent, Agency and Rhetoric of Incitement, Economic and Political Weekly, May1,1993, p.868

44 Cfiapter-I arrangements it is difficult to imagine how any degree of consent from women can be obtained.,,83

'Abu'I Fazl in his account relates an incident from the town of Dhar, in which a woman who had been oppressed came and complained that Muhammad Husain, qurbeg of 'Abdullah Khan had committed various acts of tyranny against her minor daughter and had plundered her house. Akbar however directed her to be at ease and wait for justice. 84 It perhaps seems to be case of molestation or a rape and that too of a minor and thus depicts the vulnerable condition of women of ordinary class. But to look towards the brighter side of these incidents one can say that in such cases the accused was punished severely which could have given slight relief to the family or relatives of the victim.

Similarly the author of Muntakhab ul Lubiib relates an incident of Surat that Sidi Yakut attacked and made the children and pretty women slaves, and forcibly converted them to Islam. He further says that the old and ugly women were set free and the men were put to death.85 He further says while relating the war with Kutbul Mulk of Hyderabad several women were subjected to dishonour, many of whom could not even seize a veil or sheet to cover them. Words cannot express how many women and children of Musalrnans and Hindus were made prisoners, or how many women of high and low degree were dishonoured.86 The author further substantiates:

"while staying along with Abdur Razzak Lari near the fort of Rahiri, which Shivaji built, he heard from the people of the neighbourhood that Shivaji, although an infidel and a rebel, was a wise man. He had a well dug near his abode. A pavement was laid down round the mouth, and a stone seat was erected. Upon this bench Shivaji would take his seat, and when the women of the traders and poor people came to draw water, he would give their children fruit, and talk to the women as to his mother and sisters. When the raj descended to Sambha, he also used to sit upon this bench; and when the wives and daughters of the raiyats came to draw water, the vile dog would lay one hand upon their pitcher, and another upon their waist, and drag them to the seat.

83Ibid 84 Akbarnama, vol II, p. 226 85 Muntakhab ul Lubab, vol. II, p. 228 86Ibid, vol. II, p. 300

45 Cfiapter-I

There he would handle them roughly and indecently, and detain them for awhile. The poor woman, unable to help herself, would dash the pitcher from her head, but she could not escape without gross insult. At length the raiyats of the country settled by his father abandoned it, and fled to the territory of the Firingis which was not far off.,,87

Thus we see that the ordinary women were prone such atrocities.

The official chronicles make elaborate mention of the festivities in the haram and court, thus appears different classes of dancing girls in these accounts. However it is interesting to note that though the singing and dancing girls had a striking presence during the festivities at the court and haram, there is no mention in the 'Afn i Akbari, of a single woman musician in the list of the thirty six principal musicians of Akbar's court. 'Abu'I Fazl mentions the episode of one Aram Jan, referring her as lauli. He narrates the incident in the following way: she was a prostitute, and 'Ali Quli Khan, from love to her, which had its source in lust, surrendered his futile hear to that street walker, who was embraced ofthousands (ke hum aghosh i hazar kas bud) and married her. He put her in the rank of his wives, which he had the shamelessness to bring that slut to the drinking bouts which he had with Shaham Beg in order that she might recite and sing, and become the groundwork of strife. At last Shaham Beg by degrees fell in love with her, or rather came to lust after her, and as 'Ali Quli Khan was overcome by sensuality; he acted as Shaham' s servant. Later 'Ali Quli Khan made over to him his wife. Shaham Beg for a time enjoyed his lust and thus when his heart grew cold he in his folly made over that wanton whom he adulterously carried off, to 'Abdur Rahman Beg in the same way that he had received her. 'Abdur Rahman made her his wife and kept secluded. When Shaham Beg was his guest he remembered in drunkenness and infatuation that Aram Jan and showed restlessness. Judging of 'Abdur Rahman as of 'Ali Quli Khan he expected that Aram Jan would be returned to him 'Abdur Rahman Beg had self respect and refused to do this. Shaham Beg was inflamed with wine, and was habituated to insolence and despotism, got angry. He at once forgot the claims of friendship. Such is the degree of stability of a connexion founded upon lust!,,88

87 Muntakhab ul Lubab, vol II, p.389 88 Akbarnama, p. 83-84

46 Cliapter-I

This incident appears to be the most scandalous case of that time therefore received much attention by the authors. Nizamudduin too refers to the case of Aram Jan in the same way.89'Abu'I Fazl seems to be critical of 'Ali Quli Khan and others marrying a lauli for lust, and the woman being passes from man to man in adulterous relationships for which he blames the men but Aram Jan does not receive any sympathy for such treatment. The moral tone of "Abfi'I Fazl while referring to Aram Jan as embraced by thousands (ke hum aghosh i hazar kas bud) projects that the author had no sympathy for her.

These issues might have disturbed Mughal Emperors which is reflected in the discussions of 'Ibiidatkhdna and regulation made by Akbar concerning women. The very first attention which received Akbar's attention even before the establishment of 'Ibiidatkhana was regarding slaves, as noted by 'Abu'I Fazl and Arif Qandhari.

'Abu'I Fazl records an order of Akbar for the same in his ih regnal year (1562-63) prohibiting Imperial soldiers from making captive the women, children and kinsmen of the opposing soldiery and keeping them as slaves. This information is supplemented by Arif Qandhari in the following manner "no man or woman, minor or adult was to be enslaved and that no concubine or slave of Indian birth was to be brought or sold, for this concerned priceless life.,,9o

'Abu'I Fazl also mentions the regulations regarding marriages. According to them in India where a man cannot see the woman to whom he is betrothed, there are peculiar obstacles but the Emperor maintains that the consent of the bride and bridegroom and the permission of the parents are absolutely necessary in marriage contracts. Marriages between near relations were regarded highly improper by him. 'Abu'l Fazl mentions the fact that in ancient times even a girl was not given to her twin brother, a fact which ought to silence those who are fond of historical proofs. Marriage between first cousins, however does not strike the bigoted followers of Muhammad's religions as wrong for the beginning of a religion resembles in the regard the beginning of the creation ofmankind.91

Another aspect which found Akbar's attention was the share of inheritance; Akbar's dissatisfaction is very apparent as he abhors the reason why under the

89 Tabaqat, pp.225-228 90 Akbarnama, p.159-l60, Tarikh, p.57-58; see also Irfan Habib, Akbar and Social Inequities, p.300- 308

91 Ain, Vol I, p. 287-288

47 Cliapter-I

Muslim law an inheritance seldom passes to the daughter notwithstanding that her helplessness seems deserving of greater consideration, as she passes to her husband's house and the legacy would go to a stranger. 92 He further says that it is improper to consort with a woman when moved by concupiscence or with one too young or too old when they cease to be capable of child bearing after 55 years of age. Same was the case with a pregnant woman or a female during her monthly course.l" He also opines that to seek more than one wife is to work one's own undoing. In case she were barren or bore no son, it might then be expedient.

Sati however seem to reflect a change m his attitude as Akbar at first commended the spiritual strength of Indians whose women despite having spent their days without enjoyment when their husband dies accompany him in death. He also notes that some committed Sati in all sincerity while others did it for their good repute. Akbar condemned the husbands who obtained their wives destruction by spreading false reports of their own death." Later on he ordered that no woman is to be burnt against her will.95

These regulations though few of them seem to be concernmg women in a positive way but the others merely reflect Akbar's thinking that women's sole purpose is to reproduce children and that too a son. The same concern is also reflected in the attitudes of Jahangir and Shah Jahan as we see them providing monetary help to the needy women.

One thing IS very evident in the court chronicles that while referring to Imperial women, especially the mother is seen to get more attention in order to project her image as a chaste and virtuous woman. The same can be said for royal consorts as well. There are also women who are praised for their qualities, intelligence and courage. Often their potentialities are seen to be as exceptional and therefore they are depicted as if they had something extraordinary which was beyond a quality to be possessed by a woman. Nfir Jahan seems to be the only exceptional woman who is referred in these chronicles with a bitter tone, however for others the court historians has adopted the same fashion throughout. We also get several instances where we see

92 A in vol III, p. 436 93 Ibid,p.449 94 Ibid, p.449-450 95 Ain, vol II pAS

48 Cliapter-I a totally contrasting picture when our authors have bothered to record the instances of ordinary woman.

49 CJ-{.J\.P'I'E'R-II WO~'ENIN~mG~pJ-{K5U .Jt:N1) p'RI)!.J\. 'IT .J\.CC011N'T'S

Cliapter-II

Another category of primary sources from which much information regarding the women, their position and status can be gleaned, are the biographical works and private memoirs. 1 Amongst these, one may include two types of works: memoirs and biographies penned by an Imperial authority or members of aristocracy and bureaucracy, and those which were written by persons unrelated to the Mughal court. These taken together, reveal the esteem and worth of the women in the eyes of individuals, both aristocratic and private. In the first category one may place sources like the Biiburniimii/' and Tuziik i Jahiinglrl,3 which are almost official in nature. One may also include the Tiirikh i Rashidi of Mirza Haider Dughlat, son of Muhammad Husain Mirza who married the younger sister of Babur's mother. So our author, Mirza Haider Dughlat was first cousin of Babur and a contemporary of him as well. However his account in spite of being an insider's work, cannot be treated as an official history of the period." The Muntakhab-ut Tawiirikh is purely a private history, Mulla 'Abdul Qadir Badauni having written it secretly, and in confidence that it was not meant to be read by the people, at least during his own life time. It was 'published' and brought to the public notice only during the reign of Jahangir, that too after the death of its author. The work is divided into three parts, the first being basically a history of the Lodi and Sur period and the second as the history of Akbar's

I The medieval period in north India witnessed the arrival of a tradition of writing biographies in Persian. This was part of a larger literary tradition in the Islamic world. The tradition of biography writing began in medieval Islam when the collectors of hadis had to verify their sources. Later, the scope of this tradition of biography writing was expanded to include the biographies of religious divines. These biographies were known as tazkirahs. The biography writing tradition in Persian was derived from this Arabic tradition. Writing of biographies was definitely a part of Mughal literary tradition. A biographical history was attempted by Zia-ud-din Barani in his Tarikh i Firoz Shahi which is a hagiographical account of the personality traits and achievements of Firoz Shah Tughlaq. Another text of the Sultanate period which deserves special notice is Minhaj us Siraj's Tabaqat i Nasiri. Apart from providing a historical account of the reigns of the kings of the slave dynasty up to Razia, the work also provides brief biographical sketches of many rulers and notables. 2 Babur, Baburnama tr by. A.S Beveridge, Low Price Publication, Delhi, 2006; For an analysis of the Baburnama as a source of history for the Timurids in Central Asia and India, see Stephen Dale, The Garden of the Eight Paradises, Boston, 2004 3 Jahangir, Tuzuk i Jahangiri tr. by Alexander Rogers and edited by H. Beveridge, Low Price Publication, Delhi 2006 4 Mirza Haider Dughlat, Tarikh i RashidiA history of the Moghuls of Central Asia, Eng tr. N. Elias & Denison Ross, London, 1985, composed for Sultan Abdul Rashid Khan ofYarqand, the text includes the authors own history, excerpts from existing histories, and biographical notes on the Khans of Central Asia. Mirza Haider writes that historians must note both the faults and virtues of men and believes this is necessary for the purpose of showing others how to live their lives, p. 129;

50 Cliapter-II period. The third and concluding part comprises of biographies of important personages like scholars, saints, philosophers, physicians and poets of Akbar's reign.' In the second category, i.e. the private accounts, one may also include a unique non• Persian autobiography of a Jain merchant, Banarsi Das, which is entitled

Ardhakathiinaka or Half a Tale.6

The Imperial biographies, the Biiburndmii and '[uziik i Jahiingiri give us almost the same type of information as can be gleaned from the official histories of the period. So is the case with the account of Mirza Haider Dughlat. But then being an account written by an insider of the family, it elaborates what has been alluded to, in Babur's memoirs. The views expressed by Badaunl may represent the views of a contemporary official courtly class, whereas the autobiography of Banarsi Das may reflect the views of a non-official, non-bureaucratic mercantile class.

A reading of these sources show that the parameters of the normative behaviour of a woman entrenched by patriarchs resulted in a culturally coded and socially sanctioned images of a perfect woman. Consequently, the queen mother became an epitome of Mughal womanhood and persona of chastity. It is significant to note that, in these "self reflexive writing,,7which one may call a biographical account, our patriarchs do not fail to offer the deserved deference to mother and senior ladies. Thus, respect and reverence to senior ladies is apparent when Babur and Jahangir visit them. Babur while narrating one of his visits to the Begums (his paternal aunts) in Heri, reveals his obsequiousness in performing respect to them. While attending a senior woman of his family, he met her by bending his knees in front of her, while coeval ladies were attended without bending knees." This not only shows the respect and deference the women enjoyed but also reveals the hierarchies among them. The hierarchical position might have been due to age which also affected their power and

5Abdul Qadir Badauni, Muntakhab ut tawarikh, edited by Ahmad Ali, Calcutta, 1869 see also Fauza Zareen Abbas, Abdul Qadir Badauni As aMan and Historiographer, Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1987; Ali Anooshahar, Mughal Historians and the Memory of the Islamic Conquest of India, Indian Economic Social History Review, 2006, p.275-300 6 Banarsi Das, Ardhakathanak.(ed. Nathuram Premi, Bombay 1957), annotated & translated by Mukund Lath (Ardhakathanak: Half a Tale, A Study in the Interrelationship between Autobiography and History), Jaipurl981, pp.IO-l1.For a variant translation see also R C Sharma, "TheArdhakathanak: A Neglected Source of Mughal History", Indica, Bombay 7 Vijaya Ramaswamy, Biography as History, Indian Perspectives, edited by Vijaya Ramaswamy and Yogesh Sharma, Orient Blackswan Private Limited, 2009, Introduction, pp. 4-5. He also says that one may look at these literary genres as 'autobiographies in palimpsest' which has long been a part of Indian literary tradition. 8 Baburnama, p. 301, 588,616

51 Cliapter-II influence in haram. Furthermore, he is seen to pay the same respect to Shah Begum, his step grandmother (miidar i kaliin i sababi) though there was much rift between the two." We learn the same from Jahangir's account as well; we see various ceremonies like marriages, feasts and his weighing ceremonies were performed in the apartment of Maryam uz Zamani. Jahangir's affection for his mother can be discerned more clearly in his own words. To quote his words

"On the same day revered Maryam uz Zamani came from Agra, and I acquired eternal good fortune from the blessing of waiting on her. I hope that the shadow of her bringing up and affection may be perennial on the

head of this suppliant". 10

He also says that "I increased the allowances of all the veiled ladies of my father's haram from 20 percent to 100 percent". II

Babur on the other hand very admiringly writes about his grandmother and confirms her involvement in politics by saying for strategy and tactics (ray ve tadbiry there were few women like his grandmother Esan Daulat Begum. She is mentioned as a very intelligent and good planner. Most affairs were done by her council. 12 He further writes that his mother Qutluq Nigar Khfu1um, always accompanied him in his wars and wanderings (qazaqliqlarda vefatratlardatP

Badaunl often placed as an opposite of 'Abu'l Fazl, censured and noted by modem historians as a 'fundamentalist', 'mullah', 14 a 'narrow minded' Sunni, 'rigid and orthodox', 15 'crabbed and bigoted', 16 who opposed rancorously every single prevalent idea of the contemporaries of his age and the Emperor, who lobbied for the enforcement of Islamic law at the expense of the unorthodox multitudes, and who, though was writing secretly, does not fail to refer women of the royal household with honorific titles. He calls Hanuda Bano Begum as Bilqis-i-zamiin begum pad shah and other royal ladies as mukhaddariit-i-satr-i-afaf which shows their eminence. 17

9 Ibid 317-18, Tarikh iRashidi, p.195-196 IOTuzukvol II p.68 IITuzuk, vol I, p. 10 12Baburnarna p.43 13 Ibid p.21 14 Abbas, op.cit, p.165 15 Harbans Mukhia, Historians and Historiography During the Reign of Akbar, New Delhi, 1976, p. 105 16 Beveridge, tr. Akbarnarna, p. x-xi 17Muntakhab p. 19

52 Cliapter-II

Banarsi Das in his account acquaints us of his achievement when he became a small merchant "on his own" by selling cowrie-shells and handed over the profit to his grandmother, who on this gesture was extremely gratified and made it a big occasion. Further he says, she had great faith in Sati Aut and was a religious woman and sarcastically remarks, was often visited in her dreams by the spirits of Pitris (ancestral forefathers) who revealed to her many oracular signs for her guidance. He remarks: "Such are the ways of the deluded; yet what can one say to them, these are matters which cannot be mended with mere words. As a man believes, so he acts and so he reaps." 18 Thus, Banarsi Das reveals that he was not very glad about her grandmother to be very religious and lightly critics her piety; however, in the case of Mughals such women were extremely admired.

Esan Daulat Begum's endurance and vigour is discernible in the writing of Mirza Haider Dughlat's account Tdrikn i Rashidi. According to this account when she was captured after the defeat of Yunus Khan by Shaikh Jamal Khan, he presented her to Khwaja Kalan. Her silence was taken as her consent. When the Khwaja went to her house he found her servants standing outside, she having arranged with her female attendant that on given sign from herself they should make fast all the doors of the house. When Khwaja Kalan entered the room having fastened the doors the female attendants laid hold of him and put him to death, by stabbing him with knives. When day broke they threw his body outside. The matter was reported to Shaikh Jamal who sent to ask the Begum the meaning of it all. The Begum replied: "1 am the wife of Sultan Yunus Khan; Shaikh Jamal gave me to someone else; this is not allowed by Muhammadan Law, so I killed the man, and Shaikh Jamal may kill me also if he likes". Shaikh Jamal commended her words and taking pity on her, sent her back with all honour to the Khan. 19 The author presents before us Esan Daulat Begum's forthrightness and courage. Though our author does not present before us his idea and comments on this issue and moves forward to other happenings but his mere noting of

18Ardhakathanak p. 21, in order to highlight the authenticity of his account Banarsi Das begins his account by saying "I will now relate to you the story of my life because it occurred to me that I should make my history public. I will speak of my life from my early childhood to the present, describing what I saw and experienced; and to this narrative I will also sometimes add things I have heard from others. In this manner, I well relate the events of my past in broad outlines, but the future I do not know; freely revealing all that lies concealed. And though I will speak to you of my virtues, I will also disclose my sins and follies." Thus, the idea of presenting an objective and authentic account is definitely in his mind which can be seen his account. His criticism on blind faith of his grandmother is an example for the same. 19Tarikh iRashidi, p. 94

53 Cliapter-II this event shows his inclination to illustrate her potentialities before us. And the treatment of this issue by him also reveals his objective to present an example before other women, that if a woman choose to safeguard her honour, which was actually the state of many women of defeated Emperors, her effort does not go in vain. Thus, the prevalent idea that women's honour is her family's honour, for which a woman is expected to be at her toes to safeguard, is further asserted by our author here.

Jahangir's emotions are very obvious when he refers to his foster mother. For her, he says, that he was under her guardianship and care and thus had no such affection for his own mother.i" On her death he states that extreme grief and sorrow overtook him, and he had no inclination for some days to eat, and did not change his clothes.r' Adorning royal ladies with honorific titles may seem to be a ploy by men to represent them in a certain manner and enhance their chaste image, however, we find that even the foster mothers were given the due respect, though we do not find any titles for them which were reserved for the royal mothers, prince consorts and daughters, their eminence is visible the way they are treated in these accounts.

Jahangir applauding SalIma Sultan Begum, says that she was adorned with all good qualities.v' He also refers to a mother's love in his account while he refers to the death of his officer Jalaluddin Masud who was an opium eater and had a habit of having it from his mother's hand. When his disease became violent and there was a prospect of his death, his mother from excessive love for him ate more opium than was right, out of that which she used to give her son, and two or three hours after his death, she also died. Jahangir was amazed by such affection on the part of a mother for her son. He then went on to remark that it was the custom among the Hindus that "after the death of their husbands women bum themselves, whether from love, or to save the honour of their fathers, or from being ashamed before their son in law but nothing like this was ever manifested on the part of mothers, Musalman or

Hindu.,,230ne can say that 'sati' for him was a justified act by a woman for her husband and he expects the same that out love for her children every mother should do the same sacrifice which was probably an assumption of ideal feminine character.

20 Tuzuk, p. 78 21 Ibid p. 85 22 Ibid 232 23 Ibid, p. 142

54 Chapter-II I.I8li .. Unrrct-\ It is interesting to note that Jahangir never mentions his marriage with Nur

Jahan. Mehrunnisa, first adorned by the title of Niir Mahal then Niir Jahan24 makes her very first appearance suddenly when Jahangir is referring about his illness and says he imparted this news only to Niir Jahan?5 History speaks of how much Jahangir was smitten with Niir Jahan which is also reflected in his account when he goes into raptures while describing her potentialities; as is evident while he narrates the incident how Nur Jahan shot two tigers with one shot each and knocked over two others with only four shots. He further adds that until now such shooting was never seen, that from the top of an elephant and inside a howdah (amari) six shots should be made and not one miss, so that beasts found no opportunity to spring or move.f" We find Jahangir as very temperamental having made several vows and then having forgotten them. In one such mood when he vowed not to kill any living being with his own hand, he therefore ordered Nur Jahan to shoot a tiger which was troubling wayfarers; she did so again in one shot and thus this devoted husband says Mirza Rustam who after the Emperor himself, was unequalled in shooting had several times missed three or four shots from an elephant.27 A woman thus is admired and compared by her male counterparts because of her likeness to a man. Is it so because it was believed that a woman was not supposed to be daring? Later he informs that he ordered for Ntir

Jahan drums and orchestra should be sounded after those of the King.28 For Rani Durgavati, Badauni appraisingly remarks her in the following way "a lady of great loveliness and grace, and in the prime of beauty, held the government of the place, came against him Asaf Khan with 2,000 horse and foot and 700 powerful elephants, and fought an obstinately contested battle.29

24 Ibid 319 25 Ibid p. 266 26 Ibid p.375, Nur Jahan's accomplishment on the throne were many. In addition to her feats of personal bravery and courage she was an excellent marks-woman and, in her final years of power, led a massive assault on elephant back against would be usurpers to the throne, Nur Jahan contributed much to the life of Jahangir's India. 27 Tuzuk, vol II p. 105, see also, Ellison B. Findly, Jahangir's vow of Non Violence, Journal of theAmerican Oriental Society, Vol. 107 No.2 ( April- June., 1987) pp. 245-256. 28 Ibid, p. 228 29Muntakhab, p. 66-67, for Razia Sultan, he states, "The kingdom of Razia, gained much power and she followed the path of justice". However he seems to be little annoyed by her attire which was like a man, a tunic and kulah (cap). He further remarks "She came out from her curtain of chastity." And thus asserts, Turki amirs rebelled against her perhaps because of her "immodest behaviour". Thus even as a ruler she had to abide by norms of modesty delineated by the society. 55 Cliapter-II

Similar platitudes of goodness and affection defining normative character of the devoted wife is reflected in the manner in which Jahangir mentions another of his wife, Man Bai, the mother of Khusrau:

"his mother while I was prince, in grief at his ways and behaviour and the misconduct of her brother Madho Singh, killed herself by swallowing opium. What shall I write of her excellences and goodness? She had perfect intelligence, and her devotion to me was such that she would have sacrificed a thousand sons and brothers for one hair of mine. She constantly wrote to Khusrau and urged him to be sincere and affectionate to me (but) when she saw that it was of no use and that it was unknown how far he would be led away, she from the indignation and high spirit which are inherent in the Rajput character, determined upon death. Her mind was several times disturbed for such feelings were hereditary, and her ancestors and her brothers have occasionally showed signs of madness, but after a time had recovered. My first marriage and that at the commencement of my adolescence was with her. After Khusrau's birth I gave her title of Shah Begum. When she could not endure the bad conduct of her son and brother towards me she became disgusted with life and died, thereby escaping the present grief and sorrow. In consequence of her death, from the attachment I had for her, I passed some days without any kind of pleasure in life or existence and for four days I took nothing in the shape of food or drink.,,3o

The wife is thus praised for her 'devotion' and her self-sacrifice for him which makes her 'excellent' and 'good'. This was again, an ideal femininity: she would rather die than be responsible for the disgrace of her husband!

Jahangir praises his mother in law (Niir Jahan's mother) when he records the discovery of itr (itr ijahiingirii by her and admiringly says that it is of such strength in perfume that if one drop be rubbed on the palm of the hand it scents a whole

30Tuzuk vol J, p. 55-56

56 Cliapter-II assembly and it appears as if many red rosebuds had bloomed at oncer" On her death he laments by stating:

"Of the amiable qualities of this matron (Kad-banu) of the family of chastity what can I write? Without exaggeration, in purity of disposition and in wisdom and the excellencies that are the ornament of women no Mother of the age was ever born equal to her, and I did not value her less than my own mother.,,32

Here when Jahangir is referring about "chastity" and "purity" as an ornament of women, our author is seen directing the ladies of haram not to veil in front of Itimad ud daulah (Niir Jahan's father) as he recognises him as an intimate friend of his own (as mark of respectj.f One can also discern from this fact that the ladies of haram were not supposed to veil themselves in front of a person who had close affinity with the Emperor and therefore the "virtuous" and "chaste" image of women was not at stake in front of such men.

Besides mothers, elder women and wives, there are also references of same love and care for the sisters as well. Jahangir writes of his many sisters with affection including those born of concubines. For Shakrun un Nisa Begam he says,

"As she was brought up in the skirt of my revered father's care, she turned out very well. She is of good disposition and naturally compassionate towards all people. From infancy and childhood she has been extremely fond of me, and there can be few such relationships between brother and sister. The first time when, according to the custom of pressing the breast of a child and a drop of milk appeared, my revered father said to me: Baba! drink this milk, that in truth this sister may be to thee as a mother. God the knower of secrets knows that from that day forward, after I drank that drop of milk, I have felt love for my sister such as children have for their mothers.,,34

31 Ibid, Vol I, p. 270-271 32 Ibid p. 216 33 Ibid p.351 34 Ibid, p. 36

57 Cfiapter-II

For one another sister of his of whom Akbar was very fond despite "her disposition was on the whole inclined to excitement and heat" her impoliteness was taken as politeness and said to him Baba! for my sake be as kind as I am, after me. Be affectionate to her and overlook her little impoliteness and impudences.f

These were the few women with 'normative behaviours' thus appreciated by our authors. There were some exceptional women who dared to challenge these above-mentioned and 'socially accepted' normative behaviours designed by the patriarchs who then became the reason of abhorrence and detestation of our authors. One can therefore ascertain from several factoids that the dominant women did not please our men of that age. Or in other way one can say that the stance of the authors of these accounts changes when the narrative is about other women, as is evident when Babur refers to Husain Mirza's wife Bega Sultan Begum when he says that she was a bad wife in a good man's house, which made this world already his hell. God preserve every Musalman from this misfortune! Would that not a single cross or ill tempered wife were left in the world.i" Thus, a woman who is not submissive and subservient which define the ideal feminine character makes the life of a man hell. And therefore our author sympathises with Husain Mirza.

Another wife named Khadlja Begum, again a dominant one in the words of Babur, "took herself for a sensible woman but was a silly chatterer may also have been heretic".37It seems that a dominant wife was not much liked by Babur as he had commiseration with many of his contemporaries who had so. Pitying Sultan Ahmad Mirza he says about one of his wives, Qataq Begum who had taken paramours by him and was much loved with passion but was very dominant. She drank wine. During her ascendancy he went to no other woman of his haram; at last he took up a proper position and freed himself from his reproach." Thus here the detestation grows more because of two reason, one, being a dominant wife for which many others have been ostracized, secondly, she did something unconventional as clearly mentioned by Babur that she drank wine. His statement that " at last he took up a proper position and freed himself' shows that if not having done so he might have become an

35 Ibid 36Baburnama, p. 267-268 37Ibid, P.268 38 Ibid,p. 36-37

58 Cliapter-II

example of a "timid" man something unlike of "man" and "masculine feature".39 Further we see Babur wrote in astonishment at a woman's request to be allowed to join his drinking party. He wrote that he had never seen a woman drink before and out of curiosity, he agreed to invite her. The experience it seems was not a good one, as he says Hul Hul Aniga came in and made him much disturbed; he got rid of her by feigning drunkenness (akhir uzumni mastliqqa salip khilas buldum).4oHe therefore did not repeat this experiment. Women with 'deviant unconventional character' are therefore seen to be disliked and men freed themselves.

A "fortunate woman" named Apaq Begum, again the wife of Sultan Husain Mirza (not a dominant one) is praised by Babur for nursing her husband when he was ill. She therefore was privileged to be received by Babur as he says he showed her all the honour and respect he could." This is what was expected from women, to be submissive, subservient and caring which were supposed to be the ornaments of ideal woman.

An interesting incident of a vexed wife is narrated by Badauni, that soon after the accession of Akbar, when Shah Abu'l Ma'ali was arrested; he managed to escape and hid from the Emperor at his servant's house. Now this servant Tulak Khan had a quarrel with his wife one night and she in her rage against her husband went to the Emperor and revealed the Shah was hiding in their house and that he and her husband were plotting against the Emperor.42Thus a quarrel with his wife cost Tulak Khan dearly.

Khadlja Begum is also accused by Mirza Haidar Dughlat, "When the news of the death of Mirza Sultan Husain came, in the natural order of things Mirza Badi uz Zaman should have succeeded his father on the throne. But Khadlja Begum one of the late Sultan's wives who was at the head of a factious party, succeeded in getting Muzaffar Husain Mirza, who was her own son, to share the government with Mirza Badi uz Zaman. This she did in spite of the objections of the wise of the time.,,43 Condemned is the woman who choose to take decision herself or in the words Haider

39 See for example Ali Anooshahar, The King who would be Man: The Gender Roles of the Warrior King in Early Mughal History, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, third series, Vol 18, no 3, July 2008, pp. 327-40; see also Rosalind 0' Hanlon, Kingdom, Household and Body History, Gender and Imperial Service under Akbar, Modern Asian Studies, Vol 14, no. 5, Sept. 2007, pp 889-923 40 Baburnama, pA17 41 Ibid, p. 268-269 42 Muntakhab, p.ll 43 Tarikh iRashidi, p. 196

59 Chapter-II

Dughlat "in spite of the objections of the wise men of the time". This characteristic feature of men further comes down to the age of Enlightenment when so called modem scholars, political theorists and philosophers, from Plato and Aristotle to Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau, argued for a natural difference between men and women; men being naturally more rational and therefore suited to politics and public life, and 'irrational' women being more suited to the emotional life of the home.

Similarly Badaiml while referring to Maham Anaga's political ascendance 44 praises Mir Abdul Hayy for quoting a statement from the Nahj-ul-Balaghat:

"A time will come on men, when none will become favourites but profligates, and none be thought witty but the obscene, and none thought weak but the just: when they shall account the alms a heavy imposition, and the bond of relationship a reproach, and the service of God shall be a weariness unto them, and then the government shall be by the counsel of women (ba mashwarat ul niswani and the command of boys(amarat ul sibyani, and the management of eunuchs(tadbzr ul khasiyan).,,45

The mere idea and situation of a woman with power and influence made our "rational men" uncomfortable. Other victims of Badatini's acrimony were the Hindu wives of Akbar who influenced the monarch and many of his steps according to our author were therefore designed to please them. For instance Badaunl says that Akbar refrained himself from eating beef, garlic and onions and had avoided the company of people who sported beards. He also condemned the calling of aziin which according to him was abolished and names likes Mohammad, Ahmad became to be considered offensive. According to Badaunl all this was to please the infidels outside and the princesses inside the haram who were the daughters of Hindu Rajas.46 Badaunr furtheraccuses the women of the haram who provoked Akbar and turned him against Shaikh 'Abdun Nabi, as he got a Brahman executed on account of cursing the Prophet, with no reference to the Emperor. He further says the ladies of his haram complained inside and the Hindus outside, saying, "You have pampered these mullas till their insolence has reached such a pitch that they pay no heed to your wishes, and,

44 The period of Maham's influence is often known as the period of petticoat government as put forwardby V.A. Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul, London, pp 49-68 45Muntakhab II, p 65 46 Ibid, p.312, 324

60 (fiapter-Ll

merely to display their own power and authority, put men to death without your orders." They plied His Majesty with such arguments to such an extent that he could endure it no longer, and the leaven of designs which had long been working in his mind at length fermented and overflowed.TBut while analysing Badauni's statement we find the tone is bitter for two reasons: first they are the women who in the eyes of Badailni are refraining Akbar from eating beef and garlic and diverting his mind from Islam, and the second, that this was so as they were Hindu women. The rancour is probably doubled because they are "Hindu women".

Badauni in the third volume of Muntakhab ut Tawarikh, provides us the biographies of pious men, physicians and poets. Amongst the numerous male poets we find a biography of a woman named Nihani. Badauni says, she was a weak woman and a mistress of Mahisti of Herat living in Agra. BadaunI here uses the word zaifa which may signify the old age of the poetess or her physical health. I have used the word weak in the sense of her physical health.

He also cites a couplet written by her:

"I havefound the day of grief and the night ofpain to give little ease, I have experienced much grief in these days"

Praising her Badauni says, although the poets of the age have all attempted to answer this couplet, none of them has equalled it; what manhood is this, that cannot

cope with a woman.48 Was this statement in "praise" or a "regret" that no men were able to answer this? Or was it a question on a woman's intellect, that how a woman could excel in such matters? This is again against what philosophers like Rousseau and others have to say, and Badauni's statement that no men was able to answer the couplet of Nihani shows that the definition and the respective association of reason and rationality needs to be defined again. To challenge the rational and irrational discourse of philosophers one can assert that Nihani was not only a solitary case who was well versed, for Badauni also relates before us that Mughal women used to maintain their own library as one can infer from one of the statements of Badauni when he says that a book Khirad-afzli concerning Salima Sultan Begum which had

47Muntakhab, Vol III, p. 80-87 48Ibid, vol III, pp.494-495.We at the same time find several saint poetesses who flourished in the sixteenth century like Indra Mati, Mira Bai, Bavri Saheb and many others who belonged to different streams of bhakti schools. We also come across of many poetesses from royal family as well who like Nihani wrote under the name of Makhfi which means hidden.

61 Cliapter- II disappeared from library, the book was taken away by Badailni himself and the Emperor sent him reminder again and again failing which his madad i ma 'ash was cancelled/"

Thus to prove their stance our authors sometimes took other way out. While praising Salima Sultan Begum, Jahangir further adds "in women this degree of skill and capacity is seldom found". 50 This very statement of his presents before us Jahanglr's stereotypical image about women even though he seems to be surrounded with several influential and strong willed women of that age.

Several other instances by our authors thus compel us to believe that besides having strong personalities one cannot forgo the other aspect of rearing and bearing children which comes to women as is apparent in several accounts. Babur's account is full of such narrations: which women bore how many children and for whom. Thus in the words of Ruby Lalone can say "women creep into the narrative, but only as the appendages to men: as daughters, wives, or mothers, and, importantly, as the makers of children."sl There are also references from Baburnama that women were sent out of the haram if they failed to reproduce children. 52

In these texts where women as mothers were very religiously referred to as bearers of children, the role of a father can be clearly made out with one of the statement of Jahanglr's. On this note Jahangir does not even remember how many children he reproduced. He mentions only two of his daughters and contents himself by stating that several other children had been born to him and had been received into

God's mercy. 53

Badauni on the other hand provides a more sexually obsessed image and regulations by Akbar which though seems to be very naive and in favour of women, were actually but to improve ones sexual appetite. Akbar therefore raised the marriageable age of boys to 16 and girls to 14 because the offspring of early

~9 Muntakhab, p. 377; see also Kalpana Dasgupta, How Learned were the Mughals: Reflections on Muslim Libraries in India, The Journal of Library History (1974-1987), Yol.l O. No.03 (Jul., 1975), pp.241-254 50Tuzuk,p.232 51 Ruby Lal, Domesticity and Power in the Early Mughal World, Cambridge,2005, p 74 52Baburnamap. 24 53Tuzuk, p. 18-19

62 Cliapter- II

marriages were weak; also marrying ones cousins was forbidden as it was believed in

doing so the sexual appetite was too small.54

Another such regulation, was the rule of one man and one woman. That people should not have more than one legal wife, unless they had no child. Thus this tool of having no child gave men much liberty. As Badatini reports that Akbar says that when a woman had passed the time of hope and her menses ceased she should not wish for a husband." or if a woman was older than her husband by twelve years, he should not

lie with her.56 What we infer from such regulations is that women's sole duty in the eyes of men is to reproduce children, and as far as sexual desire and pleasure is concerned it rightfully goes to men till the time of their death, but as far as women are concerned their sexual appetite comes to an end with the end of menstruation because the reproductive capability is gone. One can also conclude from above regulations that the sole purpose of marriage in the eyes of Akbar was reproduction which naturally belonged to women.

On the other hand an incident narrated by Badauni of Shaikh Baksh; who was sent a request by an elderly widow expressing her wish to become his disciple. The Shaikh replied to her that until she follows the sunnah of the Prophet, her desire will go in vain, and sooner the widow entered into matrimony with the Shaikh himself

who was 70 years old. 57 From this incident it appears that perhaps the pupose of marriage was not entirely reproduction or sexual but of companionship too and these regulations do not appear to be stringent.

The desire and importance of a son is very apparent from the account of Banarsi Das where he makes a mention of his father Kharagsen traveling with his wife to offer worship at the shrine of Sati much revered by his family. The Sati, he hoped would grant him son. However they were attacked by a pack of thieves and was robbed and returned home. Banarsi Das says that the "barren sati" had all that in store for them and complainingly he further writes they did not learn a lesson and failed to realize that they were worshiping a false God; and visited the shrine of Sati again. 58 Jahangir too mentions in his account that when a daughter is born to a man without means, they put

54Muntakhab, p. 306 55 Ibid p.356 56 Ibid, p.391 57Muntakhab Vol III, p. 59 58Ardhakathank, p.12

63 Cliapter-II

her to death by strangulation. 59 However in one instance presented by Banarsi Das shows that the daughter was not denied the right to property. He makes a mention of his father Kharagsen marrying off the daughter of his business partner Sundardas after his death. Banarsi Das says his father while doing so presented to his daughter a large dowry in gold and precious things and called a Council of five elders (panchiiyat) to decide how much of the joint wealth that he had shared with her father belonged rightfully to her. He says he had no son who could be heir to their considerable wealth and possessions, but only a young unmarried daughter. He gave her all that was judged to be her father's share, keeping nothing that was legitimately hers for himself.60

The pressure and burden of reproducing heirs often relied on women; on the other hand men who had almost negligible role in doing so were praised. For 'Abu'l Qasim Narnakin, who was one of the oldest servants of Akbar, Jahangir admiringly writes "there were few men such as he for abundance of children; he has thirty sons, and if his daughters do not number so many they must be half that number.?" Thus the representation of a masculine image of 'Abii'I Qasim Namakin is noteworthy. However, the rearing and bearing of children not only affected the health of women but also resulted in several maternal births representing the vulnerable condition of a woman.

Also not to forget that menstruating women were considered as impure until she purified herself after her period is over.62 On the other hand Badailni tells us that the ordinance of washing the whole body after an emission of semen was considered as altogether unworthy of observance by Akbar; on which an argument was made that the sperma genitale is the very essence of man, for the semen is the origin of existence of the good and the pure what sense then could there be in ceremonial ablution being unnecessary after evacuation of parva and magna, while the emission of so tender a fluid should necessitate it. It would be more fit that people should perform the ablution first, and then have connection.f

59Tuzuk, vol II, p. 181 6°Ardhakathanak, p. 10-11 61 Tuzuk vol I, p. 31 62Ibid,p.356-358; we learn from Badauni account that macho image ofa man was of much importance, when Badauni accuses Hindu women and Hindu men for drifting Akbar from the Islamic path, in order to please them as he says, he ordered men to shave their beards, on which few affirmed that the beard drew its nourishment from the testicles, and that since for this reason they never saw any eunuch with a beard. 63Muntakhab p. 305

64 Cliapter-II

An important point to be noted here is that where ordinances like one man for one woman is being passed at the same time matter of Emperor's many marriages is brought up in the Muntakhab several times. Badauni tells us that the Emperor desired to marry into the families of Delhi and mediators (qawwals) and eunuchs were sent into harams of nobles to enquire about virgin daughters. He says that this caused a great terror in the city. This affair was handled by Shaikh Badah and Lahrah of Agra. A widowed daughter-in-law of Shaikh Badah, named Fatima (who Badatmi says didn't deserve such a pious name), was given up to lust and frivolous pleasures which bear wantonness. She with the help of her maids had entered into temporary marriage (mut 'a) with Baqi Khan, elder brother of Adham Khan and this relationship was later dragged into marriage. She used to bring with her, on several occasions, another daughter-in-law of Shaikh Badah who was beautiful and had a husband named' Abdul Wasi. The Emperor saw the woman and expressed the desire to marry her. And thus Badauni says that "according to the law of Mongol Emperor's", the husband had to divorce his wife and send her to Akbar. Thus 'Abdul Wasi after divorcing his wife went away to Deccan and the woman entered the royal haram. Soon after this, while the Emperor was out, the man was shot by an arrow, which Badaunl says that only grazed his skin.64 It is clear from the description that the news of Emperor's desire to marry in families of Delhi instilled considerable terror in people and it also indicates the disapproval of people over this act.

Similarly, the sons of Shaikh Salim Chisti began to fear when the Emperor began to frequently visit their house. They complained to their father that their wives were becoming estranged from them because of the Emperor's frequent visits. The Shaikh however advised their sons "there is no dearth of women in the world, since I have made you Amirs, seek other wives, what does it matter?", on which Badauni remarks in the following way "Either make no friendship with an elephant driver, Or make a house fit for an elephant".65 This situation relates two things that even the married women tried their way out to lure the Emperor in order to gain his attention, and the remark of Salim Chisti is equally important to note that the women were meant just as a commodity to possess. If someone lost one he was advised to get another. Thus the treatment of this incident, represent women as an object to be acquired.

64 Ibid, P 61-62 65 Ibid, P 109-110

65 Cliapter- II

While people seem to disapprove many marnages of the Emperor, Akbar himself appears to be concerned over the issue as he brought up the topic in the 'ibiidatkhana. Akbar said that he did not take care and had married more than the prescribed number of times. Several solutions were suggested by the 'ulama in the form of varied interpretations of the Quran. Ultimately the discussion came on to mut'a or temporary marriages." It seems that legitimising marriages was an important issue of concern even with the Emperor.

On the same note Emperor however allowed widow remarriage and says that widows if they wished to marry again, should not be forbidden as the Hindus forbid remarriage. Also a Hindu woman of tender years, who could not have got enjoyment from her husband should not be burnt. But if the Hindus take ill and will not be prevented then in case of the wife of one, who had died, one of the Hindus should take the girl and marry her in that very interview.V Akbar's idea to stop sati presents before us his reformative step to prevent women from such heinous act of Hindus. It is only Raja Mohan Roy (1772-1883) who is often eulogized for his efforts in this regard. However we see that as early as in sixteenth century Akbar tried and made an attempt to safeguard women from burning.

On the other hand Badauni while describing the biography of Shaikh Muin (qii~i of Lahore) mentions a woman who visited him and prayed for khula (separation from her husband) on the ground of his absence from her. Shaikh Muin however provided her with means of livelihood to the extent of his ability and asked her to wait for him and not to separate from him.68 Though there are several other instances of woman taking khula from their husbands this one reference shows that no matter what happened a woman was expected to keep the relationship going. This not only projects the dismal position of a woman abandoned by her husband but also reflects the attitude of men who in the words of Badaimi was "an angel in human form" disliked the idea of divorce. The misogynistic position on divorce can be

66 Ibid p. 207-209 67 Ibid p. 388, however it was way back in 1987 the commission of Sati prevention act, enforced in 1988 came in to being. This act says that whoever attempts to commit sati and does any act toward such commission shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to one year or with fine or with both. 68Muntakhab, vol III, p. 147, Perhaps it was because of these issues of abandonment by husband which led to the addition of certain conditions in the nikahnamas of that time. One of the conditions was to provide redress to the wife it deserted for a long duration by the husband without making provision for her maintenance.

66 Cliapter-II

comprehended in the proclamation of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi who says that God is benevolent to man: He allows him to marry as many as four wives, take any number of concubines and change wives through the instrument of divorce. All decoration of women is provided by Him simply for the enjoyment of men/"

The atrocities on women were however not overlooked by our authors. Jahangir presents before us a gruesome practice in Rajaur when he informs that sati is prevalent among Hindu women at Rajaur and they are put into grave along with their dead husbands.I'' However while recording the death of one of his servant named Kalawant who died at the age of 650r 70, Jahangir says that one of his concubines ate opium on this occasion and killed herself. Few women among Musalmans, he says, have ever shown such fidelity." His very desire and regret that such devotion is not seen among the Muslim wives shows that he did not consider sati as inhuman practice.

Babur on the other hand writes

"The Hisaris and in particular the followers of Khusaru Shah engaged themselves unceasingly with wine and fornication. Once one of them enticed and took away a certain man's wife. When her husband went to Khusrau Shah and asked for justice, he received for answer: She has

been with you for several years; let be a few days with him." 72

Few incidents narrated by Babur and Badauni in their respective accounts, if not mistaken, can be inferred as rape incidents. As for example Babur relates that Shaibaqi Khan after taking Heri behaved badly not only to the wives and children of its rulers but with every other person whatsoever. He says that he (Shaibaqi Khan) caused various miseries, through letting the 'vile wretch paymaster' Shah Mansur get hold of her to loot.73

We learn the same from Badaiini's account as well. He says:

"When he (Ibrahim Husain Mirza) arrived at the village of Payal the Mirza's men committed atrocities on the Musalman people and their

69 Irfan Habib, Exploring Medieval Gender History, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, Calicut, 2000 70 Tuzuk, p. 181 71 Ibid, p.150 72Baurnama p.42 73 Ibid, p. 328-329

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families as cannot well be described. For instance twelve virgins in that village were ill treated to such a degree that they died".74

Can one therefore infer from such cases that these were the incidents of "rape"?

Jahanglr then again refers how women were being forced by their family into sex work. In his account where he accuses banias' audacity while referring to a sect of Sewras of Gujarat; he says

"As the banias are chief traders there, consequently the Sewras also are plentiful. Besides making idol temples for them they have built houses for them to dwell in and to worship in. In fact, these houses are the quarters of sedition. The banias send their wives and daughters to the Sewras who have no shame and modesty. All kinds of strife and audacity are perpetrated by them".75Therefore ordered that the Sewras to be expelled

We also learn from Jahangir's Tuziik, his concern for oppressed women. He ordered Haji Koka (Akbar's foster sister) to bring before him in the palace such women as were worthy to be presented with land and money.i" Again while referring his stay in Ahmadabad he says that he directed Shaikh Ahmad the sadr, and other servants to bring before him dervishes and other needy persons. He further says that similarly he appointed some women to do the same thing in the /:lararn.77

Jahangir also alludes to a complaint which a widow woman made against Muqarrab Khan. She accused Muqarrab Khan had taken her daughter by force in the port of Cambay, and after some while, during which he had kept her in his own house, when she enquired for the girl had said that she had died by an unavoidable death. Jahangir says I ordered an enquiry to be made into the affair After much search I discovered that one of his attendants had been guilty of this outrage, and had him put

74Muntakhabp.155 75Tuzuk, p,438 76 Ibid, p. 46; there are severalfarmans of Jahangir in the same context, granting lands in the form of madad i mash to widows and other needy women 77 Ibid, p. 440

68 Chapter-II to death and reduced Muqarrab Khan's mansab by one half, and made an allowance to the woman who had been thus injured."

Badanni, informs about one of the orders of Akbar regarding controlling prostitution. Akbar created a Shaitiinpurah in the words of Badaiini for the prostitutes "who had gathered together in the capital in such swarms as to defy counting and numbering". Akbar therefore made them to live outside the city and called the place shaitiinpurah. He appointed a keeper, and a deputy, and a secretary for this quarter, so that anyone who wished to associate with these people, or take them to his house, provided he first had his name and condition written down might with the connivance of the imperial officers have connection with any of them that he please. But he did not permit any man to take dancing girls to his house at night without conforming to these conditions, in order that he might keep the matter under proper control. But if anyone wished to have a virgin, if the petitioner was a well known courtier, he sent a petition by the deputy, and obtained permission from court. BadaunI further says, nevertheless, in spite of the rule all the libertines carried on these affairs under assumed names, and so drunkenness and debauchery led to many acts of bloodshed, and however many were brought to punishment, another troop (of delinquents) would strut arrogantly past the inspector of that department. And a number of well known prostitutes he called privately before him, and enquired who had seduced them. And after learning their names, several important 'Amirs were severely reprimanded and punished, and imprisoned for a considerable time."

Also since a woman had to be virtuous and chaste therefore it was expected from them not to be found running about the lanes and bazars of the town and if while doing so either did not veil herself, or allowed herself to become unveiled or that if a woman was worthless and deceitful and quarreled with her husband, she was to go to the quarter of the prostitutes and take up the profession.t" This shows how the liberty of women was curtailed by such regulations. Moreover purdah was reinforced to control her. As we have already seen that cross tempered or a dominant wife was not appreciated by our authors, therefore a tool was designed to have control over their tongue as well.

78 Ibid, p.l72 For Muqarrab Khan and this particular incidence, see Syed Ali Nadeem Rezavi, An Aristocratic Surgeon of Mughal India: Muqarrab Khan in Medieval India 1, edited by Irfan Habib, 1992, pp. 154-67 79Muntakhab,p. 302-303, Abul Fazl makes no mention of this order. 80 Ibid p. 391

69 Cliapter- II

From another such order of Akbar it becomes apparent that the Emperor also tried to control misconduct of excessive drinking by setting up a wine shop near the palace and putting it under the supervision of a woman. A porter's wife who Badauni says 'belonged by birth to the class of wine-sellers'. Thus it was not improper for a

woman to sit on a wine shop because she hailed from a family ofwine-sellers.81 What is noteworthy here is that even the drunk men were expected to behave in the - presence of a woman.

Where such restrictions are already being enforced, our men of that age had all the liberties. As Banarsi Das frankly narrates his case of love affair with a prostitute. He characterises his love as all consuming passion and says that his devotion to his beloved was of the same depth and intensity that the saints and sufis have for God. He further emphasizes that "forever I thought of her, paying no heed to propriety or family honour. I even stooped to stealing money and jewels from my father so that I could buy her costly presents and offer her the choicest presents and offer her the choicest sweets." He proudly described himself as her "slave" and referred to himself in her presence as the "poor one"; and in excessive passion and love he would even skip his meals. After contracting syphilis due to this amorous pursuit, he says, his appearance became so ugly that nobody would come near him and that his wife and mother in law nursed him back to health. Even then Banarsi Das claims that he persisted with his deviate life style for some more time; to which later he relates that he renounced his licentious ways and took the road that took him to his family and

kin.82

Some similar information is also provided by Babur, His inclinations towards a boy, as well as sexual hesitancies of his first marriage are some of his very private information. He says though he was not ill disposed towards her, yet this being his first marriage out of modesty and bashfulness, he used to see her once in 10, 15 or 20 days. Later when his bashfulness increased his mother Khanim used to send him once a month or every 40 days, with driving and driving dunning and worrying.V He later

informs us that she left him at the instigation of her elder sister.84 However one can

81 Ibid,P 301-302 82Ardhakathanak, p. 26-28-30; see also Farhat Hasan, "Presenting Self Norms and Emotions in Ardhakathanak", in Biography as History Indian Perspectives edited by Vijaya Ramaswamy and Yogesh Sharma, Orient Blackswan, 2009, p. 114-116 83Baburnamap. 120 84 Ibidp.35

70 Cliapter-II

infer from his statement that she was not much liked by him. Perhaps it was so because of his inclination towards a boy named Baburi. He says that "up till then 1 had no inclination for anyone, indeed of love and desire".85Thus his memoir confirm Babur as an intensely bisexual character, as for instance Masuma Sultan Begum receives much of his attention as is apparent from his statement "I saw her when 1 went to Khurasan, liked her asked for her had her brought to Kabul and took her.,,86 There are also instances when Babur is seen trying to gloss over certain information as in the case of Khanzada Begum saying that "in throneless time she fell into the hands of Shaibani Khan.87However when this information is supplemented by Mirza Haider Dughlat he says that the Emperor at the siege of Samarqand, had given his sister Khanzada Begum to Shaibani as a ransom for his own life and had thus escaped." It reveals that women's sexual conduct was symbolic of the family honour. Violation of a woman of the house whether forced, or with due consent was taken to be the ultimate disgrace, both of the family and the community. Probably that very reason stopped Babur from including the taking of his sister as a captive by Shaibani Khan. Babur therefore preferred to remain silent on this issue.

In the words of authors some unusual women and incidents relating to women as well find place of mention. For example, Jahangir mentions a hairy woman (daughter of a gardener) in his account. About her he surprisingly remarks that she had a moustache and a thick beard as big as the hilt of a sword. Her appearance was like that of a man. There was hair in the middle of her chest as well, but she had no breast. He exclaims that he discovered by her appearance that she ought not to have children and told some women to take her aside and examine her, as perhaps she might be a hermaphrodite. They found she was in no way different from other women.89

Similarly Badauni mentions of a woman turned into a man. He narrates the incident as follows:

"Among the remarkable events of this time was this. They brought a low caste woman into the audience hall, and said that she had become a

85 Ibid, p. 120 86 Ibid p. 36 87 Ibid p. 18 88Tarikh iRashidi, p. 175 89Tuzuk, vol II, p. 120

71 Cliapter-II

man, and one of the translators went out and saw her and came back and testified that she was a woman, who through shame covered her face, and uttered not a word. And the doctors brought forward many proofs confirming this matter, and said that such things often occurred.,,9o

These unusual women as the narration speaks of had to go under double embarrassment and humiliation as they were brought before everyone and examined.

The gaze of men are thus more clearly directed towards women as it is more obvious when Jahangir refers to Kashmiris as vicious and hard mouthed (jangrah ushakh-iilau) for the common women he says they do not wear clean washed clothes. They use a tunic of pattii for three or four years; they bring it unwashed from the house of weavers, and sew it into a tunic, and it does not reach the water till it falls to pieces. Although most of the houses are on the river bank not a drop of water touches their bodies. They are as dirty outside as inside, without any cleanliness."

In the same way an incident is brought forward by Babur as well though not about a woman's appearance but about the custom. He mentions about the subdivision of Kabul that it was firmly believed that

"When a woman die and has been laid on a bier, she, if she has not been an ill doer, gives the bearers such a shake when they lift the bier by its four sides, that against their will and hindrance, her corpse falls to the ground; but if she does ill, no movement occurs. He then narrates an incident of Haidar Ali Bajauri- a sultan who governed Bajaur well- when his mother died, did not weep, or betake himself to lamentation or put on black, but said, Go! Lay her on the bier! If she moves not, I will have her burned. They laid her on the bier; the desired movement followed; when he heard that this was so, he put on black and betook himself to lamentation.,,92

To our surprise no such practice is mentioned for men of that place. As if only women were supposed to be the ill doer and therefore had to prove. Men obviously were righteous!

90Muntakhab, p. 337 91Tuzuk vol II, p. 148 92Baburnama, p. 211-212

72 Cliapter-II

How righteous were men can be judged more clearly when we go through the poetries of several poets mentioned in the third volume of Muntakhab. Badauni provides us few couplets of Qasim Khan through which one may infer the representation of women as well. This couplet is written in praise for the beloved which is as follows:

The priceless jewelled band which bound her hair Has fallen on her neck, feeling its own worthless beside her hair, She has not hung earrings of bright rubies in her ears For there are hung distracted hearts Fortune of its great favour has not adorned The neck of her dress with pearls like her teeth For an ornament of the bosom of her goodly dress Drops of blood fall from her face When gold saw itself spumed by her feet It fell i showers round her feet like fine muslin The whiteness of her neck like a camphor candle Rises from the bosom of her dress like a cord of light The whiteness of her arm exceeds that of silver Her fore-arm is as chaplet of roses hung on jasmine From those two sweet chaplets of hers Her sleeves are filled with jasmine Her palm is as though she had taken a rose-petal in her hand Each finger is like the bud of a lily set upon it Her breasts and shoulders, which deprive the mind of sense Seem to have taken a harvest of roses into their embrace As I am making entries in the register of her beauty That the pure whiteness of her bosom exceeds that of milk Her two nipples of incomparable beauty Are as bubbles on the surface of milk

Her waist transcends the bounds of description for here the utmost delicacy is to be seen93

93Muntakhab vol III, p. 448-449

73 Cliapter-II

This is almost to the extent of titillating which shows the hypocrisy of our "righteous men". In one such poem another poet is seen to praise the double chin of her beloved as is evident in the following couplet:

The double chin of that beauty with eye brow like the new moon

Is the reflection of new moon in clear water.94

Another couplet which is important to be referred here is from the section of saints biographies who are "beyond these delusionary affairs" thus has a snappy tone for women:

Who are robbers whom we encounter on our road to God?

These robbers are no other than women."

Another such man renowned for his piety and holiness adds more to the righteous image of men of that age. Makhdum-ul Mulk is seen by Badauni to have had devised a method for avoiding the payment of zakat. Badauni says that towards the end of each year he used to make over all his property to his wife, but before the year had run out he took it back again.96 Another one of the pious men according Badauni, Husain Khan also known as tukriya while eulogizing him says he never had anything to do with any woman except his three legally married wives.97 It shows that there was always a scope of marrying more than three women as was legally prescribed by Islam. And one who followed the same was among the righteous men. To our surprise such men were not blamed for distorting the macho image of men instilled by several of others

Badaiini also presents before us several scandalous love stories which also reflects the treatment meted out to them. BadaunI refers to a case of the love affair of Khan Zaman with Shaharn Beg (qissa-i-ishqbazi-i-Khan Zaman ast ba Shaham Beg). This is the story of Shaharn Beg's infatuation with Aram Jan. Aram Jan was a courtesan (laulf) and Khan Zaman had her in temporary marriage. Khan Zaman was much fanatical with Shaham Beg and used to refer to him as 'my lord'. Thus when Shaham Beg expressed a desire for Aram Jan, who is said to be very fascinating and graceful in her movements is thus described in the following way:

94 Ibid, p.354 95 Ibid, p.165 96Muntakhab, p. 203 97Ibid, p. 224

74 Chapter-H

No one can forceth affection of the heart, Nor count on winning or by grace or art: Many of beauteous form, and glances sweet, Pour forth their heart-blood at the loved one's feet: Many a one of fairest cheek, and mild, Has been despised by him on whom she smiled.

Badatmi says Shaharn Beg could not rest till he had gained her, and although Khan Zaman possessed her in lawful marriage he gave her up to him. He was perfectly happy with her for some days, and then he gave her up, and made her over to 'Abdur Rebman bin Mu'ayyid Beg, who had a desperate fondness for her. When the news reached the Emperor, he was furious and asked an agf1niigf1(committee to penalise) to be convened regarding the misconduct of Khan Zaman. The committee asked Shaham Beg to flee. Later Shaham Beg demanded Aram Jan back from 'Abdur Rebman on the grounds that he possessed her first, when 'Abdur Rehman refused because he had married Aram Jan, a struggle ensued in which Shaham Beg was killed.98 We find Aram Jan as a silent commodity being transferred from one hand to other thus her stand in this whole episode is missing. All three of them possessed her through mut 'a to satisfy their sexual desire. However Badauni's take and concern over her is altogether absent. Badauni's interest seems to be more in two men Khan Zaman and Shaham Beg as is evident from how he relates in the beginning of the story. Aram Jan is just a mute commodity.

Another similar case is of one of the sons of a Shaikh of Gwalior, who was related to Shaikh Muhammad Ghous, and was renowned for his remarkable equity and purity. He became enamored of a singing girl ahl i tarab in Agra. When the Emperor came to know of this, he gave that singing girl to Muqbil Khan who was one of his courtiers. Then the son of the Shaikh went one night and carried her off. The Emperor commanded Ziyauddin, son of Shaikh Muhammad Ghous, to bring back that relative of his and 'that house devastating woman' (khiina kharab, khiina barandazioy means of persuasive advice and friendly counsel. When they came into his presence, the Emperor requested that they would unite them in marriage, but Shaikh Ziyauddin and the others forbade. So the disconsolate lover, being unable to endure his grief, killed himself with a stroke of the dagger. And a great dispute arose among the

98Muntakhab, p. 20-24

75 Cfzapter-II learned men with respect to his interment and burial. Shaikh Ziyauddin said that in accordance with the tradition: he who loves and is chaste and conceals his love and dies, dies a martyr: he was a martyr to love, and he ought to be committed to the dust just as he was. But Shaikh' Abdunnabi, the chief sadr and other 'Ulama and Qazi, who were controllers of the sadr court, said that having died unclean and stained with adultery, he was not resting in love; but God knows best! But any rate that singing girl went into mourning, and tearing the skirt of patience, clothing herself with a winding• sheet upon his grave, elected to sweep his tomb, till after some days having gone to the secret chamber of non existence they two were perfectly united.99 The moral tone of Badauni is very obvious here considering her as home breaker (khcma khariib, khiina barandiiz) however the man here is considered as martyr.

Another story which draws a contrast is that of Sayyid Musa and Mohini, which is again narrated by BadaunI. Sayyid Miisa had come to do homage to the Emperor and by chance he became infatuated with the Hindu wife of a goldsmith, named Mohini, whose beauty was like gold of purest standard, and the lasso of her pure glance attracted him as her lover, and the bond of love and attachment grew strong on both sides. A period of two years and four months passed, during which they were content with a glance now and then from afar, till one night Sayyid Musa, at a hint from that fascinating lady, threw a lasso, strong as the covenant of the just, and straight as the promise of the liberal, over the roof of Mohini's house and climbed up like rope dancer, and so they spent the night together in chaste affection. However the lovers were separated by the family of Mohini, Despite of making several attempts to be united with her lover, Mohini finally gave up for the fear of Musa's life. However Miisa died craving for his beloved and Mohini was kept chained by her family. And it so happened when they bore his bier under the very window where Mohini was kept chained by her family, she could not bear the grief and being powerless and restless uttered a cry and jumped from the window, breaking the chains bounding her. Like a mad person with arms and feet naked she ran direct to the resting place of her lover who never tasted the joy of union. Her father and mother seeing her in this case at once despaired of her life, and forgave her delinquencies.

99Muntakhab, p. 118-119

76 Chapter-II .. '.'i.. Un;~r.rf.' . She later converted to Islam and spent her last days lamenting for her love on the grave of Miisa and finally died. 100

The treatment of Musa and Mohini by Badaimi stands in contrast to the other two stories he narrates. This being an inter-religious affair is not cited as a scandal of the age. In the case of Mohini her opinion was given equal space to that of her man, she is described as a strong willed woman, where Aram Jan despite of being the wife of Khan Zaman, is given away freely from man to man and throughout the narration nothing is said about her opinions or inclinations. In fact the story itself is cited as a romance between the two men and the woman is rendered as an object to be shunted as desired between them. It seems that this differential attitude towards the two women was because while Mohini belonged to a respectable family (goldsmith's daughter) and was a free woman, Aram Jan on the other hand was a dancing girl and thus treated as a mute commodity. Thus it appears that here the birth and occupation of the women is of more importance than their religion or the marital status. Or one can also assume that this different treatment is meted by Badaunt because Mohini converted to Islam.

Badailni mentions another class of ahl i tarab. He writes about Khan Zaman and Bahadur Khan that they spent the whole night at a wine party and in watching an exhibition of patar dancing.101patar was another class of dancing woman who were usually ofIndian origin and Hindus. Jahangir refers to few of them as lauli who were generally Muslims. On the event of Nauroz Jahangir records thus: Dancing laulis and charmers of India whose caresses would captivate the hearts of angels kept up the excitement of the assemblies. He further says that he gave orders whoever might wish for intoxicating drinks and exhilarating drugs should not be debarred from using them.102 In his account he also refers to an incident relating to a lauli. He says that Kalyan, son of Bikramajit had kept a Musalman lauli woman in his house, and for fear this affair should become known had killed her father and mother and buried them in his house. Jahangir says, he ordered that Kalyan should be imprisoned until the whole matter be enquire into. It was only after ascertaining the truth that he ordered first that they should cut out his tongue and place him in perpetual

100Muntakhab, p. 110-118 101 Ibid, p. 95 102Tuzuk, p. 48-49

77 Cliapter-II confinement, and that he should eat his food with dog-keepers and outcasts.103 It can be said that these dancing and singing women were sometimes prone to such atrocities but were given justice as well.

Besides mothers, other senior ladies, wives, and children's of the Emperor, there were several attendants, nurses, and entertainers for women who resided in haram. The attendants of all class formed a major part. Among them were nurses and wet nurses who were in-charge of princes and princesses. When once while playing Shah Shuja fell from a window but was saved, on this occasion Jahangir very furiously remarks "his nurses and wet nurses must have been very carelessv'?". In one another instance we find a reference of female soothsayer. Jahangir writes that:

"It is a strange thing when a pearl of the value of Rs. 14,000 or 15,000 was lost in the haram, Jotik Ray the astrologer represented that it would be found in two or three days. Sadiq Khan Rammal represented that in the same two or three days it would come from a place which was perfectly clean and pure, such as the place of worship or oratory. A female soothsayer represented that it would soon be found, that a woman with white skin would bring it in a state of ecstasy, and give it into the hand of the hazrat. It happened that on the third day one of the Turkish girls found it in the oratory, and all in smiles and in a happy frame of mind gave it to me. As the word of all three came true each one was favoured with an acceptable reward."I05

Similarly we learn from Badauni's account that several nurses were also hired for various experiments conducted by the Emperor. Badaunr narrates that

"An order was issued that several suckling infants should be kept in a secluded place far from habitations, where they should not hear a word spoken. Well disciplined nurses were to be placed over them, who were to refrain from giving them any instruction in speaking, so as to test the accuracy of the tradition which says: 'Every one that is born is born in a state of nature', by ascertaining what religion and sect these infants would incline to, and above all what creed they would repeat.

103 Ibid, p.l 04 104 Ibid, p. 153 105Tuzuk,p.235

78 Cfzapter- II

To carry out this order about twenty sucklings were taken from their mothers, for a consideration in money, and were placed in an empty house, which got the name of Dumb House. After three or four years they all turned out dumb, and the appellation of the place turned out

prophetic."] 06

This experiment appears to be very sadistic and giving twenty infants in lieu of money for the sake of experiment also states the grave condition of people's mentality.

Thus we see that a reading of these sources show that the parameters of the normative behaviour of a woman entrenched by patriarchs resulted in a culturally coded and socially sanctioned images of a perfect woman. The deviant behaviour was throughout abhorred and several regulations were devised to control the sexuality. Thus a method was devised to regulate and suppress the so called deviant behaviour. The normal and abnormal was carefully laid out for a woman however we see that the mother and several senior ladies enjoyed their due reverence. Prone to several atrocities as witnessed by the authors they were also given due justice.

I06Muntakhab, p. 288

79 't

C3{.JtP7'E'R -III .1vl U§3{.Jl£ Woo«'ENIN 'EUnOP'EYlN 54.CCOUN'I'S & 'Y'nYlY'ELS

Cfzapter- II I

Apart from the various contemporary 'indigenous' sources, which we have discussed so far, we also have the views of a number of European visitors to the Mughal empire. Some of them such as Fr. Monserrate were Jesuit missionaries who visited the Imperial court. Others like Bernier were learned men of science who for some time served the Imperial, authority and princes. Still others were basically merchants and traders, or part of the European 'factories' who record their experiences of the encounter with the Mughal rulers and its society. One may include in this category individuals like William Finch, Ralph Fitch or Francois Pelsaert. There were also some, like Manucci, who had nothing to do with the court, but represent the 'bazaar' view, being complete outsiders.

The accounts left behind by these foreign observers thus would represent a view quite different from the one provided by the authors who were part and parcel of the system itself. If the accounts of, say 'Abu'l Fazl, Badaiini or even Banarsf Das, provided an 'insiders' perception, the European visitor's accounts and travelogues provide us an 'outsider's view'. These foreign observations, in fact, provide us images and depictions of femininity which were basically understandings specific to the thought process of men coming from a different culture and perceived notions paraded as facts. Such 'perceived notions' were widely circulated by their translations and editions and ended up as popular perception of the Mughal state and society.' In most of these, the women of our period were represented 'as both dangerous and attractive', as these accounts were, in the words of Kate Teltscher 'pre-occupied with the question of Indian women's virtue or vice, the chastity and wifely submission or sexual appetite and depravity.l '

In the European perceptions, as gleaned from these accounts and travelogues, the woman's role as a seductress is time and again emphasized. If in the primary Persian and indigenous sources there is an emphasis on the 'pious' and 'chaste', the European chroniclers generally present before us an image of a haram inhabited by

1 See for example, Kate Teltscher, India Inscribed: European and British Writings on India 1600-1800, Oxford University Publication, New Delhi, 1995. See also Edward W Said, Orientalism, The GeorgiaReview, vol. 31, No, 1 (spring 1997), pp.162-206 2 Ibid, pp. 13,37

80 Chapter-III the conspiring, devious women who are treated more as a sex-object than anything else. She is more a feared whore, rather than an ideal mother or a devoted wife. They try to build up the sensuous image of the courtly women like Nur Jahan Begum, Jahan Ara and others. Intrigues within the haram and outside it are highlighted. However, there are some other aspects, regarding women, which are also revealed. Some information concerning them, which have unfortunately been missed by the official chronicles have also been supplied by these European narratives. A case in point may be information regarding the ordinary women, who have almost totally been neglected by the official sources.

European travellers' representation of Mughal women and their conditions have been considered by some modern historians as indispensable, simply because the indigenous contemporary writers have left large gaps, which could only be filled by the information provided by the foreign travellers. However, a little scrutiny of portrayals of women by overseas visitors and a comparative analysis of this material with the information provided by indigenous writers, contemporary or near contemporary, abundantly reveal that European travellers were equally deficient in this area.

Prasun Chatterjee remarks "the anecdotes and descriptions are representations moulded by the relationship between an 'observer' and the 'observed/imagined'. But then, the division of 'observer' and the 'observed' is not that simple, and is enmeshed in a complexity of networks. The travel narratives seek to present men and women and their lives, but end up representing as much about the world view and communication networks of the travel/author and fluid spaces in converging worlds of alterity.v'

The Haram and Courtly Women:

Haram has generally been depicted by foreigners as a place of exotic curiosity and was regarded as a pleasure place for men. Indira Ghose, comments about colonial travellers that "nowhere is the range of travellers' gazes more clearly shown than in the descriptions of visits to the zenana.,,4 The same is true for travellers who visited India during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. However, while describing the

3 Prasun Chatterjee, Gender and Travel Writing in India, Social Scientist, Vo1.40/ 03-04IMarch-April 2012, p.59-80 4 Indira Ghose, Women Travelers in Colonial India: The Power of Female Gaze, Oxford University Press, 1998, p.11

81 Cfiapter-III

Mughal haram, these authors were handicapped in two ways: first, as foreigners they possessed limited resources to understand the language and culture of the locals and secondly, they were all male and thus private domain of the women was nearly completely inaccessible to them. Nevertheless, the Europeans, without realizing these handicaps, used their gaze with uncontrolled speculative power and unleashed their erotic imaginations by trying to reveal what was concealed from them. In this way, their information is more a case of fantasizing rather than of historical veracity.

The term haram or mahal was, used by the indigenous writers in a sense which came quite close to mean "a system whereby the female relatives of a man• wives, sisters, mother, aunts, daughters-share much of their time and their living space, and further, which enables women to have frequent and easy access to other women in their community, vertically across class lines as well as horizontally.T It simply meant an enclosed and restricted area which only women inhabited within the household. It was a place where not only wives and concubines lived, but also a place where grandmothers, aunts, daughters nieces and their female retainers lived. European travellers generally preferred the term haram over mahal. However, their use of these terms was significantly different. They used it in the sense which came close to mean a system that permits males sexual access to more than one female and in this way, the system often but not invariably elicited from Western men pious condemnation for its encouragement of sexual laxity and immorality."

According to the travellers of the period, the Muslims were very fond of women, who are their principal relaxation and almost their only pleasure 7 and therefore, they indulge in an extraordinary liberty for women and practise the use of concubines, according to their fortunes and abilities towards their maintenance. 8 English traveller, John Marshall believed that it was written in the Arabic books that nothing is desirable but women." William Finch's description of the very location of mahal revealed its centrality to the Emperor:

5 Leila Ahmad, Western Ethnocentrism and Perceptions of Haram, Feminist Studies.Vol.S, No.3 Autumn 1982, p.524 6 Ibid 7 Niccolao Manucci, Mogul India 1653-1708 or Storia Do Mogor, tr. William Irvine, vol II, Low Price Publication, 2010, New Delhi, p.319 8 J.Ovington, A Voyage to Sural in the yearl689, ed. H.G. Rawlinson, Oxford University Press, London, 1929, p.140 9 John Marshall, John Marshall in India: Notes and Observation in Bengal, 1668-1672, Oxford University Press, London, 1927, p.397

82 Chapter-III

"Within the second court is the mahal,. .. between each comer and this middle, most are two fair large chambers for his women (so that each mahal receives sixteen) in separate lodgings, without doors to any of them, all keeping open house to the King's pleasure.... in the midst of all the court stands the King's Chamber, where he, like a cock of the game, may crow over all.,,10

De Laet while describing the fortress tells us

"Beneath are situated the women's apartment called mahall, belonging to Nourzian Begam (Nur Jahan) the favourite wife of the last emperor Ziangier (Jahangir). The rest of the fort is occupied by various buildings, the most important of which are women's apartments, there are also the three palaces in which the king's concubines are accommodated, of which one is called Lethevar (Sunday), the second Mongol (Tuesday), and the third Zenisser (Saturday): for on these days the king is wont to visit the said palaces. There is also a fifth palace for women, in which live foreign concubines of the King. This is called the Bengaly Mahal."JJ

The travellers fantasized about the number of women in the Emperor's palace and provide different figures for them. According to the Italian adventurer, Niccalao Manucci, ordinarily there were within the mahal two thousand women of different races. 12 English ambassador to Emperor Jahangir's court, Thomas Roe stated that 'the

King keepe a thowsand.' 13 Another English adventurer, Thomas Coryat, also confirmed Roe's figure by stating that Emperor Jahangir had a thousand women for his person. 14 The same was the case with nobility and high officials of the state. Francisco Pelsaert, a Dutch traveller, recorded that the governors fill and adorn their

10 William Finch, in Early Travels in India 183-1619, ed. By William Foster, Low Price Publication New Delhi, p. 151 11 De Laet, The Empire of the Great Mogol a translation of De Laet's Description of india and fragment of indian History, translated by J.S Hoyland and Annoted by S.N Bannerjee, Kitab Mahal, 1928, p.40 12 Manucci vol II, p.308 13 Thomas Roe, The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India 1615-1619 as Narrated in his Journal and Correspondence, ed William Foster, Asian Pulisher, lalandar, 1993, p270 14 Coryate in Early Travels in India, op.cit, p.247

83 Chapter-III mahals with "beautiful women", and seem to have the pleasure-house of the whole world within their walls. 15 William Hawkins however gives a subtle number and says

"Hee hath three hundred wives, whereof foure be chiefe as queens, to say the first, named Padshah Bano, daughter of Kaime Chan; the second is called Noore Mahal, the daughter of Gais Beyge; the third is the daughter of Seinchan; the fourth is the daughter of hakim Hamaun, who was the brother to his father, Ecber Padasha.t''"

This representation of haram as the pleasure-house has led to the general misconception that every woman in the haram served a sexual purpose. However, the facts appear to be quite different. There were not more than five per cent women who were either queens or concubines or slave girls of the Emperor. There were also a large number of other women who lived inside the haram. As we have already pointed out, these were mothers, step-mothers, foster mothers, aunts, grandmothers, sisters, daughters and other female relatives of the Emperor. The male children also resided inside the haram till they grew up. Then, there were other classes of women, such as slaves and servant girls. Most of women in the haram were female slaves or maid-servants who were employed to serve the royal ladies and to maintain the household. There were also a number of women officials and guards who were appointed by the emperor for taking care of the various needs of the haram. Eunuch guards who guarded the surrounding areas of the haram, along with female fortune tellers and various other female entertainers also lived inside the haram. The Emperor also had a network of espionage system inside the haram and some women and eunuchs acted as spies and kept him informed about the activities of thewomen.i/

For these Europeans on the other hand, haram represented a paradise on earth. Their accounts generally exuded the descriptions of women's fine clothes and extravagant jewellery. Francois Catrou, who based his history on Manucci's manuscript, recorded that: "The reader may possibly here imagine, that it is intended to transport him into fairy land, where nothing is seen besides pearls and diamonds;

15 Francois Pelsaert, Jahangirs India: The Remonstrantie of Francisco Pelasaert, tr, W.H Moreland, and P.Geyl, Low Price Publication, p.64 16 William Hawkins, Early Travels, op.cit, p.IOl 17 Abul Fazl, Ain i Akbari, Low Price Publication, tr. by H.Blochman, op.cit, p.46

84 Chapter-III

but the description which is now grven IS still far below the truth." 18 Further, according to him, the Emperor assigned names to his possessions, not just to his jewels but also to his slaves and wives: One is called Golal, the rose; another,

Narguis, the tulip; some other, Chambeli, the jessamine. 19 The haram in contrast to the outside had its own climate: The apartments of the queens were magnificent; and whatever can contribute either to convenience or pleasure had been consulted in their arrangement. It may be said, that the ardour of a burning climate is never experienced in these abodes. Here are to be been seen running streams, shadowy groves, fountains,

and subterraneous grottos for securing the enjoyment of a delicious coolness. 20 Pelsaert too provides a highly licentious image of haram. To quote his words:

"As a rule they have three or four wives, the daughters of worthy men, but the senior wife commands most respect. All live together in the enclosure surrounded by high walls, which is called the mahal, having tanks and garden inside. Each wife has separate apartments for herself and her slaves, of whom there may be 10 or 20 or 100, according to her fortune. Each has a regular monthly allowance for her gastos (expenditure). Jewels and clothes are provided by the husband according to the extent of his affection. Their food comes from one kitchen, but each wife takes it in her own apartments; for they hate each other secretly, though they seldom or never allow it to be seen, because of their desire to retain the favour of their husband, whom they fear, honour, and worship, as a god rather than a man. Each night he visits a particular wife, or mahal, and receives a very warm welcome from her and from the slaves, who, dressed especially for the occasion, seem to fly, rather than run, about their duties. If it is the hot weather, they undress the husband as soon as he comes in, and rub his body with pounded sandalwood and rose water, or some other scented and cooling oil. Fans are kept going steadily in the room, or in the open air, where they usually sit. Some of the slaves chafe the master's hands and feet, some sit and sing, or play music and dance, or provide

18 F.F.Catrou, The General History of the Mogol Empire, From its Foundation by Tamerlane, to the Late Emperor Orangzeb, Extractedfrom the Memoirs of MiManouchi, London, 1709, p.291 19 Ibid, p.287 &294 20 Ibid

85 Cfiapter-III

other recreation, the wife sitting near him all the time. They study night and day how to make exciting perfumes and efficacious preserves, such as mosseri or falonj, containing amber, pearls, gold, opium, and other stimulants; but these are mostly for their own use, for they eat them occasionally in the day time, because they produce a pleasant elevation of the spirit. In the cool of the evening they drink a great deal of wine, for the women learn the habit quickly from their husbands, and drinking has become very fashionable in the last few years. The husband sits like a golden cock among the gilded hens until midnight, or until passion, or drink, sends him to bed. Then if one of the pretty slave girls takes his fancy, he calls her to him and enjoys her, his wife not daring to show any signs of displeasure, but dissembling, though she will take it out of the slave girl later on. The two or three eunuchs, or more who are merely purchased Bengali Slaves, but are usually faithful to their master, are appointed for each wife, to ensure that she is seen by no man except her husband; and if a eunuch fails in duty, he, with everyone else to blame for the stranger's presence, is in danger of losing his life. They are thus held in high esteem by heir master, but the women pay them still greater regard, for the whole management of the mahal is in their hands, and they can give or refuge whatever is wanted. The wives feel themselves bound to do all this, in order that what happens in the house may be concealed from their husband's knowledge; for many, or perhaps most of them so far forget themselves, that, when their husband has gone away, either to court, or to some place where he takes only his favourite wife, and leaves the rest at home, they allow the eunuch to enjoy them according to his ability and thus gratify their burning passions when they have no opportunity of going out.,,21

European travellers also referred to the extraordinary expenses of the haram. According to English traveller, William Hawkins, the daily expenses for the imperial women was Rs.30,OOO.22The influential French traveller, Francois Bernier, for

21 Pelsaert, p. 64-66 22 William Hawkins, in Early Travels in India, op.cit ,po 104

86 Cliapter-III example emphasised the enormous expenses of the seraglio, where the consumption of fine clothes of gold, and brocade, silks, embroideries, pearls, musk, amber and sweet essences, was greater than could be conceived." Manucci on the other hand, described the royal antics when the king took it into his head to fix the costume of the women in his haram, dividing them into groups or companies-that is, so many got up in such a manner and in such colours, another company in another colour, and so on for the whole of them. He was also anxious that these clothes should all be of the finest materials procurable." Tavernier too supports this contention when he says

"Muslin fabric which is so fine that when it is on the person you see all the skin as though it were uncovered. The merchants are not allowed to export it, and the Governor sends all of it for the Great Mogul's seraglio, and for the principal courtiers. This it is of which the sultanas and the wives of the great nobles make themselves shifts and garments for the hot weather, and the King and the nobles enjoy seeing them

wearing these fine shifts, and cause them to dance in them.,,25

Manucci added that the Emperor also built a special hall for the greater satisfaction of his lusts which according to him was twenty cubits long and eight cubits wide, adored throughout with great mirrors. It consumed a huge amount of money and the gold alone cost fifteen millions of rupees, not including the enamel work and precious stones, of which no account was kept. Manucci further believed that all this expenditure was made so that he might obscenely observe himself and his favourite women." For Mirza Sharff, eldest brother to Khan Azam, William Finch opines "it is reported his estate to be such that, of one hundred chiefe women which he kept, he never suffered any of their clothing after their first wearing to be ever touched by any stranger, but caused them to bee buried in the ground, there to rot."27 Furthermore, while relating to Akbar's tomb he relates:

23 Francois Bernier, Travels in Mogul Empire /656-1668 A.D, tr by Archibald Constable, Low Price Publication, New Delhi, 2010, p.222 24 Manucci, vol. III, p.397 25Jean BaptisteTavernier, Travels in India, 2 vols. tr.by V. Ball, second edition, edited by William Crooke, Low Price Publication, vol I, pp. 46-47 26 Manucci, vol I 188 27 William Finch, Early Travels, op.cit, p. 162; De Laet also says the same "they say he was so rich and luxurious that he would never allow the garments which his concubines, of whom he kept more than 100, had once worn to be touched by anyone else but had them buried in the ground till they rotted away", p. 52

87 Chapter-III

"....it is placed in the midst of a faire and large garden inclosed with bricke walls, neere two miles in circuit; is to have foure gates, each, of answerable to this foundation, able to receive a great prince with a reasonable traine. Alongst the way side is a spacious moholl for his fathers women to remayne and end their days in deploring their deceassed lord, each enjoying the lands they before had in the Kings time, by the payor rents of five thousand horse the principall; so that this should be to them a perpetuall nunnery, never to marry againe.,,28

Women of the royal haram also engaged in commercial activities. Maryam uz Zamani fleet and her overseas business ventures are well known. Manucci relates the event of her capture and eventual release from the Portuguese in a detailedaccount.i" Jahan Ara had severaljagirs including that of Surat and her annual income was near three million rupees per year_3°

The narratives present the recreational and celebratory activities of the women of the haram- celebration of nauroz, diwiili and other festivals, or the revelry of Mina Bazar- as part of the exotic and grandiose. These travellers also describe a special baziir (fair) which were for the women of haram at the time of the Nauroz. While mentioning these fairs, Peter Mundy informs us that the wives and daughters of all the nobles attended them. He has also given the reason for holding such a fair:

"This they doe because the Kinges women are never suffered to goe abroad, that they may then see the varieties, curiosities etc. necessaries that are in the Cittie or elsewhere.,,3!

In contrast to Mundy, some other European travellers attributed it to the erotic pleasuresof the Emperor. Manucci's description was also filled with erotic allusions. Hewrote that Shah Jahan's only interest lay in searching beautiful women to serve his pleasure.With this purpose in view he arranged eight day's long fair in which hordes of women, which when once counted, numbered more than thirty thousand were invited.They attended the fair with a variety of goods the best piece being "her own

28 Ibid,p. 186 29 Manucci,vol II, pp.350351, See also Ellison B. Findly, The Capture of Mariam uz Zamani's Ship: Mughal Women and European Traders, Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol.108, No.2 April-June1988,pp. 227-238 30 Manucci,Vol. I, p.208 31 Peter Mundy, The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia 1608- 1667, ed. Richard Camac Temple,The Hakluyt Society, Cambridge, vol II, p.238

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body." Honourable women avoided the festival but those who showed up, vied for the love of the Emperor who had a round of all the "stalls" and whomsoever, amongst the sellers, "attracted his fancy" was in due time "produced" in the royal presence through his appointed "matrons" who had been given "an agreed-on-signal" for the purpose.Y'Ihus for Manucci, the buyers, the sellers, the merchandise and the bargain nothing was real. The entire show was meant for facilitating the Emperor to select women for his carnal pleasures. English traveller, Alexander Hamilton, has garbled the contemporary popular story of Jahangir falling in love with Nur Jahan in such a hazar and attributed the role of Jahangir to Shah Jahan who, according to him, fell in love with a married lady in such a fair and brought her to his haram in opposition to her husband and later she became the mother of Aurangzeb.r" Similarly Thomas Coryat opines "by this manes hee attaines to the sight of all the prettie wenches of the towne. At such a kind of faire he got his beloved Normahal.,,34

European travellers believed that the ladies of the haram lived with no cares or anxieties+and that was the reason that these queens and princesses have the title of Begam, which signifies that they are void of care.36Their principal indulgence was in occupying themselves with nothing beyond displaying great show and magnificence, an imposing and majestuous bearing, or making themselves attractive, getting talked about in the world and pleasing the king and naturally, so much idleness, enjoyment, and grandeur, they cannot fail to get their minds loaded with the impurity of many vices." Pelsaert in order to report the influence of wives over the Emperor relates that

"As soon as all the men have left, the queen comes with female slaves, and they undress him, chafing and fondling him as if he were a little child; for his three cups have made him so 'happy' that he is more disposed to rest than to keep awake. This is the time when his wife, who knows so well how to manage him that she obtains whatever she asks for or desires, gets always 'yes' and hardly ever 'no' in reply.,,38

32 Manucci, vol I p.188 33 Alexander Hamilton, A New Account a/the East Indies Being the Observation and Remarks a/Capt. Alexander Hamilton/rom the Year 1688-1723, Asian Educational Service New Delhi, 1995, vol I, pp166-169 34 Thomas Coryat, Early Travels, op.cit. p. 279 35 Manucci Vol II, p.319 36 Ibid, op.cit, p. 311 37 Ibid, op.cit, p.319 38 Pelsaert, p.53

89 .... Cliapter-III

The development of the Anarkali legend is an indication of the popular perception of the European's thought process. It was a story constructed and circulated by the European travellers of Jahangir's time. According to William Finch "Immacque kelle" (Anarkali) was one of Akbar's wives with whom Prince Salim was

enamoured and in liaison.39Edward Terry also repeats this story of the enchantress Anarkali and her Jahangir's love for her. 40 This legend tries to drive home the aggressive sexual transgression of women and emphasized the role of a woman-even a mother and a wife- as an adulterous. Naturally the offenders had to be severely dealt with and reprimanded. Thus Finch goes on to record how Akbar was infuriated with the liaison between his "wife" and son, as a consequence caused Anarkali "to be inclosed quicke within a wall in his moholl where she died.,,41 There is no historical basis to this story, had there been even some possibility of such a liaison, it would have found mention at least in a critiques' account, such as Mulla 'Abdul Qadir BadaunI.42 This story was a creation of the minds of travellers who had no access to the court, and who looked at the Eastern courts and society with certain pre-conceived notions. This was not an isolated case.

In almost a similar fashion Peter Mundy and Francois Bernier too draw our attention towards other licentious liaisons. Thus, Mundy dilated upon the incestuous relationship between Shah Jahan and his daughter. At one point he notes:

"This Shaw Jehan [Shah Jahan] , amonge the rest, hath one named Chiminy Beagum, [probably Jahanara Begum] a verie beautiful Creature by report, with whome (it was openly bruited and talked of in Agra) hee committed incest.,,43

Bernier also hinted at the same incestuous relationship when he wrote:

"Rumour has it that his [Shahjahan's] attachment reached a point which it is difficult to believe, the justification of which he rested on

39 Willaim Foster (ed), Early Travels in India, London, 1921 (reprint,1999), p.166; See also Ellison Banks Findley, NurJahan, Empress of India, Oxford,1993, p.123 40Early Travels of India, op.cit, p.330 41 Ibid, p.166 42 For a proper understanding of this legend and its historical antecedents see Shireen Moosvi,The Invention of a Legend-The Anarkali Story, Aligarh Historian Society Volume, 2012, pp. 331-334; see also Alain Desoulieres, Historical Fiction and Style: The Case of Anarkali, paper presented at the 18th European Conference on Modem South Asian Studies, panel on Literature and Cinema, held 6-9 July 200 Sweden, published in The Annual of Urdu Studies 43 Mundy, vol II, op.cit, p. 203

90 Cfiapter-III

the decision of the Mullahs, or doctors of their law. According to them, it would have been unjust to deny the King the privilege of gathering fruit from the tree he had himself planted.?"

On the other hand, Manucci refuting this accusation of Bernier opined that it was because of her love for her father that the common people hinted that she had intercourse with her father, and this has given occasion to Monsieur Bernier to write many things about this princess, founded entirely on the talk of low people. He says, 'therefore it is incumbent on me, begging his pardon, to say that what he writes is untrue. ,45

Thomas Roe too alluded to the amorous relationship of Prince Khurram [later Emperor Shah laban] with his step-mother Nur laban. He stated that he always found in Prince Khurram a "settled a countenance" and a "gravety, never smiling, nor in face showeing any respect or difference of men" but once when he went to meet him, he "found some inward trouble" and "kind of brokennes and distraction in his thoughts." Roe opined "that If I can judge anything, hee hath left his hart among his fathers women, with whom he hath liberty of conversation. Normahall [Nur Jahan] in the English coach the day before visited him ... and carried away, if I err not, his attention to all other business.T'"

The royal princesses, according to European travellers, longed for the amorous relationships because the king's daughters are never suffered to marry.YThe reason was no man being considered worthy of royal alliance; an apprehension being entertained that the husband might thereby be rendered powerful, and induced perhaps to aspire to the crown.48 However, this idea that royal princesses never got married appears to have no historical basis. Some other travellers and Persian chroniclers do describe the marriages of different princesses.

The contention that royal princesses were sex-starved women has led to different scandalous stories, popularised by European travellers. Bernier described two such anecdotes of Princess laban Ara. Being conscious that he would be suspected of incredulity, Bernier found it necessary to first reassure his readers. He

44 Bernier, op.cit, p.ll 45 Manucci, vol I, pp208-209 46 Thomas Roe, op.cit, pp 289-290 47 Mundy vol II, op.cit, pp.202-203 48 Bernier, op.cit, p.12

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clarified that hope "I shall not be suspected of a wish to supply subjects for romance. What 1am writing is matter of history, and my object is to present a faithful account of the manners of this people." He went on to compare the impact of romances in Europe and Asia and he argued that Love adventures are not attended with the same danger in Europe as in Asia. In France they excite only merriment; they create a laugh and are forgotten: but in this part of the world, few are the instances in which they are not followed by some dreadful and tragical catastrophe.Y Bernier then went on to relate two incidents in which Jahan Ara developed clandestine relationships with two young men and the emperor on knowing the secret got the two men killed.50 Manucci cast doubts on the story of Bernier and commented that he left the reader to judge if a father, who loved so much this princess, would do such an infamous act to his daughter at such a great court, where there were so many ambassadors. Although he might know that his daughter had her hidden diversions, he always dissembled, holding the princess equal to her mother.I' But at the same time, Manucci has himself recounted some other scandals. He wrote that the princess contented herself with the pleasure she had with her lovers. The principal one was a vigorous youth of goodly presence, the son of the chief dancer in her employ, who was her mistress of music... . he sang with such charm before the princess that she gave him the epithet of' Born in the House'. Under cover of this title these princesses and many great ladies gratify their desires. Manucci further contended on the basis of his being on familiar terms with her house and in the confidence of her servants that the princess liked drinking wine and on many occasions had sent bottles to his house in token of her gratitude for curing people in her haram. She participated in nocturnal drinking festivities which, at time, exhausted her so much that she had to be carried to her bed.52

The same treatment was meted out, by these European travellers, to Shah Jahan's second daughter, Roshan Ara Begum. Bernier found her not deficient in artifice.r' and then related the scandal when the Princess secretly admitted two men in the haram and on being discovered, incurred the displeasure of her brother, Emperor Aurangzeb. Here again Bernier deemed it necessary to reassure his readers that he would relate the whole story exactly as he heard it from the mouth of an old woman, a

49 Ibid 50 Ibidpp.12-14 51 Manucci op.cit vol I, p. 209 52 Manucci op.cit, p. 210-11 53 Bernier, p.14

92 Cliapter-III half-caste Portuguese, who has been many years a slave in the seraglio, and possesses the privilege of going in and out at pleasure.54 Manucci repeated the story, but moved a step further and related another one. He recalled how a sad incident took place in the apartments of Roshan Ara Begum who had clandestinely concealed nine youths for her diversion.55

What happened was that her niece Fakhr-un-Nisa Begum, who desired to satisfy her sexual urge, though not desirous of marriage, requested her aunt to at least make over to her one of her nine paramours, and on her refusal, moved by envy Fakhr-un Nisa divulged her aunt's secret to her father, Aurangzeb. The apartments were thoroughly searched and the well clothed and good looking youths were apprehended and later delivered to the kotwal who under royal instructions tortured them to death, though for public consumption it was announced that they were thieves. In total disregard to her services for helping him in winning the crown, Aurangzeb, already displeased with her previous transgressions cruelly poisoned his sister.i" Manucci's story is intriguing in many ways. Roshan Ara kept hidden in the haram not one or two but nine youths who were discovered by her niece. The latter although not desirous of marriage could not resist the opportunity as the men were well clothed and good looking. She demanded her share and asked to make over to her at least one out of the nine but Roshan Ara refused. The girl now moved by envy revealed the secret to the Emperor. The young men were caught and destroyed. The Emperor therefore shortened her life by poison and she met her end dying swollen out like a hogshed for her great lasciviousness.

These scandalous and fanciful tales popularised by European travellers have been included as authentic facts in a normal routine manner in some of the well• researched books on the Mughals.i" However, if one keeps in mind the mutual social and filial relations of the Mughals, these stories fail to pass the test of veracity. However modem works like Soma Mukherjee explains, the Mughals had a strong sense of family ties and great regard for family members and there could never have

54 Bernier, p. 132 55 Manucci vol II, pp. 31-32 56 Manucci, vol II, p.l77 57 K.S Lal, op.cit, R. Nath, op.cit, and Ellison Banks Findly, Nur Jahan: Empress of Mughallndia, Oxford University Press

93 Cliapter- III existed such relationships between fathers and daughters, mothers (even step-mother) and sons and brothers and sisters.58

European travellers have meted out the same treatment to the women belonging to nobility. Pelsaert testified that some of the nobles, again, have chaste wives, but they are too few to be worth mentioning; most of the ladies are tarred with the same brush, and when the husband is away, though he may think they are guarded quite safely by his eunuchs, they are too clever for Argus himself with his hundred eyes, and get all the pleasures they can, though not so much as they desire.59 Manucci emphasized that nearly the whole nobility, whether Muslim or Hindu, followed the royal style and designed their own haram on the pattern of Mughal Emperor and maintained strict supervision over the inmate of their harams. 60 De Laet however gives a more detailed description for the same and writes:

"The nobles live in indescribable luxury and extravagance, caring only to indulge themselves whilst they can, in every kind of pleasure. Their greatest magnificence is in their women's quarters (on Mahall), for they marry three or four wives or sometimes more: each of these wives lives separately in her own quarters with her handmaids or slaves, of whom she has often a large number according to the dignity or wealth of the house-hold: each wife receives a monthly grant from the husband for domestic expenses, such as furniture, clothing, jewels, etc.: these grants vary according to the wealth of the husband and his love for the wife in question... little furniture is used except in the women's apartments, where one may see a great quantity of gold and silver vessels.t''"

The fact of the matter was that European travellers had no means to verify these scandalous stories. They themselves had no easy access to the inside of the haram while Bernier's mention of his source, an old woman, a half-caste Portuguese, who had the privilege to go in and out does not give any credulity to his stories. At most, what can be accepted, even this with reluctance, is that these stories were the popular bazaar gossip of the time.

58 Soma Mukherjee, Royal Mughal Ladies and their Contributions, Gyan Publishing House, New Delhi, 200 I, p.58 59 Pelsaert, op.cit, p.68 60 Manucci vol II, p.352 61 De Laet, p. 90-91

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The idea that the royal women never married is refuted by Tavernier. But even if they were married they were not spared as one can relate from the account of Tavernier. He writes,

"When the Princesses are married to nobles of the Court they become the rulers of their husbands, who, if they do not live as they desire, and do not act according to their commands, as they possess the power of approaching the Emperor whenever they wish, they persuade him to do what they please, to the disadvantage of their husbands; most frequently asking that they be deprived of their offices.,,62

There are instances where the travellers have shown women interceding and begging pardon for their husband thus providing us a contrast to what Tavernier has to say. It is Monserrate who provides us with this information:

"His sister carne to him, asked for pardon, and begged him to have mercy on his conquered brother and give him back his kingdom, for he was sorry for what he had done. However the result of her interceding was this only that the King, in reliance on her virtue, faithfulness and tact, handed over the Kingdom to her charge..... having thus addressed his sister, and written out the edict by which the kingdom was given into her charge the king prepared to depart.,,63

Another charge by Tavernier on royal women is as follows:

"As it is the custom that the first born, although he be the son of a slave, succeeds to the throne, when the Princesses in the imperial haram become aware that there is one among them with child, they immediately use all conceivable methods to cause a miscarriage. When I was at Patna in the year 1666, Shaista Khan's surgeon, who is a half caste Portugese, assured me that the Princess, wife of Shaista

62 Tavernier, p. 313 63 Monserrate, p. 153-154 similarly De Laet writes that "Mennie Zabega (Monija Begum) the wife of Cassemgan (Qasim Khan) had been highly incensed at her husband being deprived of the governorship of Agra. For this reason she hastened to her sister the Queen at Lahor, and thence to Kabul. But when she found that her sister's fortunes had fallen, and that supreme power was now in the hands of Mahobotghan (Mahabat Khan) with whom she had long had an understanding, she approached him, and easily persuaded him to restore her husband to his governorship. Returning to Agra with the royal decree to that effect she displaced Madofferghan (Muzaffar Khan) who had only held the post of governor for three days and restored her husband to his former position."

95 Cliapter-III

Khan, in one month had caused miscarriages to eight women of his harem, as she would not permit any children but her own to survive.,,64

This accusation of Tavernier cannot be refuted altogether, as we learn from the Gulbadan's account that there were some sort of competition and jealousy among the wives of the Emperor as she relates an incident how a woman of the haram of Humayun had bluffed that she was pregnant. However, such extreme incidents are not related in any other account.

The image of the adulteress constantly haunts these narratives. They seem to be preoccupied with the Indian women's sexuality, which may reflect the Christian conception of women as wicked: it was Eve, in the Biblical narrative, who corrupted Adam. Thus at one place Manuuci narrates a meeting of the two sexes (obviously of the elite class) in a royal garden of Lahore:

"To it went for recreation twelve officials, and in lightness of heart, drunk as they were, they set out in search of twelve women. One by one eleven appeared and one man was left without a lady. As the issue was setting, there appeared one at the entrance of the garden, who walked most gracefully. She was very lovely and well dressed, so that she roused envy in the whole company. Drawing to him to whom she was allotted, who had come forward to greet her, she perceived it was her husband! vigorously hastening her pace and with demonstration of rage, she fell upon him, tore his clothes, beat and abused him and said he must have lost his way out walking; the company he found himself in was not such as suited a person of gravity. She dragged him away and took him home, making him out the sinner, although she was an adulterous herself.,,65

Thomas Roe too refers to an incident where a woman was punished for having a relationship with a eunuch, he narrates:

"This day a gentlewoeman ofNormahall was taken in the king's house in some action with an eunuch. Another capon that love her killed him. The poore woeman was sett up to the armpits in the earth hard ramed,

64 Ibid 65 Manucci Vol.lI, pp.435-436

96 Cfiapter-III

her feete tyde to a stake, to abyde three days and two nights without any sustenance, her head and armes bare, exposed to the suns violence: if shee died not in that tyme, she should bee pardoned. The eunuch was condemned to the elephants.r'"

One can thus say that women were a source of much social anxiety; therefore to vouch on them an effort was made by the patriarchs by the maintenance of sexual boundaries to stop sexual transgression and deviance. The retribution of such an offence was therefore severe, as perceptible from an incident which Terry relates "if they dishonour their husbands beds or, being unmarried, are found incontinent, professing chastity, rather then they shall want punishment, their owne brothers will bee their executioners; who for such unnaturall acts shall be commended rather than questioned.T" Similarly John Fryer provides us another incident in which a Muslim merchant of Surat killed his wife and child on finding his wife with another man. The man was however pardoned on the payment of a small fine.68 Tavernier in his account narrates an incident that how a physician employed under the governor at first threw his wife from the terrace out of some jealousy, but she survived with her ribs broken. When this incident was narrated to the Governor, he asked the physician to leave but was called again later when finally on his way he stabbed his wife, children and slaves to death but even then the Governor did nothing.f" Attending to the complaint of a bania William Hawkins in his account provides us the detail of how the bania's daughter was taken away by Muqarrab Khan on the pretext that she was meant for the king; however he kept her and then handed her over to a Brahman. Later Muqarrab Khan was committed to prison and an order was given that the privy members of the Brahmin be cut ofr.?°Jahangir too mentions this episode in his Tuziik and puts the

66 Thomas Roe, p. 190-191; Monserrates says for Akbar "that the king has such a hatred of debauchery and adultery that neither influence nor entreaties nor the great ransom which was offered would induce him to pardon his chief trade commissioner, who although he was already married had violently debauched a well born Brahman girl." 67 Edward Terry, p. 320 68 John Fryer, A New Account Of East India and Persia Being nine Years Travels 1672-1681, ed by W. Crooke, Asian Educational Service, 1992 p. 97, he further says a young boy who killed a homosexual man- 'A Sodomith Moor' - was applauded rather than punished for his act. 69 Jean BaptisteTavemier, Travels in India, 2 vols. tr.by V. Ball, second edition, edited by William Crooke, Low Price Publication, vol I, p.96 7°WiIliamHawkins, Early Travels, pp.86-87.

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blame for the girl's death on one of Muqarrab Khan's servants, and had him put to death, and reduced Muqarrab Khan's mansab by one half."

Contrary to what we have so far cited, the European travellers sometimes do have positive and laudatory information on the Mughal women as well. Sometimes the devotion of these women is also marked and they are mentioned with some reverence. From a case which Thomas Coryat provides us, one can perhaps assume that the image of a mother is not tarnished in the travellers' account as well as it further confirms that the at least Emperor's mother received her due respect and deference. Thomas Coryat thus says,

"Ecbar Shaugh a very fortunate prince, and pious to his mother; his pietie appearing in this particular, that when his mother was carried once in a palankeen betwixt Lahore and Agra, he, travelling with her, tooke the palankeen upon his owne shoulders, commanding his greatest nobles to doe the like, and so carried her over the river from one side to the other. And never denyed her anything but this, that shee demanded of him, that our Bible might be hanged about an asses necke and beaten about the towne of Agra, for that the Portugals, having taken a ship of theirs at sea, in which was found the Aleoran amongst the Moores, tyed it about the necke of a dogge and beate the same dogge about the towne of Ormuz. But hee denyed her request, saying that if it were ill in the Portugals to doe so to the Aleoran, being it became not a King to requite ill with ill, for that the contempt of any religion was the contempt of God, and he would not be revenged upon an innocent booke; the morall being that God would not suffer the sacred booke of His truth to be contemned amongst the infidels."n

71Jahangir, Tuzuk i Jahangiri, ed. Saiyid Ahmad Khan, Ghazipur and Aligarh, 1863-4, p.83; See also Syed Ali Nadeem Rezavi, An Aristocratic Surgeon of Mughal India: Muqarrab Khan in Medieval India 1, edited by Irfan Habib, 1992, pp. 154-67 72 Thomas Coryat, Early Travels, op.cit, p. 278 Monserrate informs us the arrangements being made for the government of the empire in his absence an instance when he was going for hunting, he says "his mother remained at Fatehpur with the youngest son Danialus (Daniyal), Agiscocanus (Aziz Koka) was made the viceroy of Gangaris, and Cutubdicanus (Qutub ud din Khan) of Gedrosia. The King's mother was to be superior to both of these, and was to have charge of the province of Indicum or Delinum. The thousand cavalry were left as a garrison in the principal cities. He took his eldest and second sons with him and the priest who was the latter's tutor. He left his infant daughter with her grandmother at Fatehpur. He took with him a few of his principal wives, and his oldest daughters...

98 (fiapter-III

One can say the same for Gulbadan as well, the way Father Monserrate describes her return from Haj and the preparation which was made by Akbar in order to receive her gives us a glimpse of the deference enjoyed by them as it is related in other accounts:

"When his aunt returned from Mekka, the King had the street pavements covered with silken shawls, and conducted her himself to her palace in a gorgeous litter, scattering largess meanwhile to the crowds.,,73

There are also few instances when the royal ladies have received words of appreciation by the travellers like Tavernier. For Jahan Ara he writes "it is true that she has notable qualities, and is capable of governing the whole Empire. If, at the commencement of the war, her father and her brothers had only trusted her, Aurangzeb had never been Emperor, and affairs would have worn a totally different aspect.'?" For Roshan Ara he further says:

"As for Raushanara Begum, his sister, she had always supported Aurangzeb, and when she heard that he had always supported Aurangzeb, and when she heard that he had taken up arms she immediately sent him all the gold and silver she possessed. He promised her, in recognition of her good services, that when he became Emperor he would give her the title of Shah Begam, and would seat her on a throne. He kept his word, and they were always much attached. Like Bernier he also projects a scandalous image of haram by saying that nevertheless, the last time I was at Jahananbad I heard that their friendship had somewhat cooled. The cause, as I was assured, was that the Princess had conveyed into her apartments a handsome young man, and wishing to get rid of him at the end of fifteen or twenty days, when she was tired of him, the thing could not be accomplished without the news reaching the emperor. The princess,

on the day of his departure his mother set out with him, and spent two days in camp with her son, in his immense white companion to the camp, where they also spent two days with him." 73A. Monserrate, Commentary on his Journey to the Court of Akbar, tr. 1.S Hoyland, Annotated by S.N Bannerjee, Calcutta 1922, p. 205 74 Tavernier, p. 299 he also says that a caravanserai was built by lahan Ara near Behana and says that this caravanserai is large and spacious and it was built by the order of Begam Sahib, the daughter of Shah lahan as work of charity; Bernier too relates the same, p.280-81 OIl l 99 Cliapter-III

In order to anticipate the disgrace and reproach which she feared, hastened with assumed terror to the Emperor, and told him that a man had entered the haram, even her own chamber, that she was certain his intention was either to slay or rob her, that such a thing had never before seen, that the safety of his royal person was involved, and that His Majesty should severely punish all the eunuchs who were on guard that night. The emperor himself, with a number of eunuchs, immediately hastened to the spot, and in this extremity the poor young man could not do otherwise than leap from the window into the river which flows below. Thereupon a crowd assembled from all quarters to seize him, the Emperor calling out to them to do him no injury, but take him to the Chief Judge. Since then no more has been heard of the matter, and it is not difficult to imagine that strange things take place in the enclosure where these women and girls are shut up.,,75

As we have already seen that how wives of the Emperor and nobles have been accused for their crafty nature and portrayed a salacious image, to our surprise, we do find a reference of a royal woman (Uajl Begum) being appreciated for her devotion and her service. Monserrate says:

"The Humayun's tomb is of great size, and is surrounded by beautiful gardens. One of his wives had love Humayun so faithfully that she had a small house built close by the tomb and had watched there till the day of her death. Throughout her widowhood she devoted herself to prayer and to alms giving. Indeed she maintained five hundred poor people by her alms. Had she only been a Christian, hers would have been life of a heroine.v"

Similarly John Fryer remarks" the women are comfortable to the wills of their husbands, being truly no more than their chief slaves; dressing the victuals, and waiting till their lords have dined, before they eat themselves.,,77Pelsaert too couldn't help himself but appreciate Niir Jahan after accusing her for the control she exercised over Jahangir, he says "meanwhile she erects very expensive buildings in all

75 Ibid, pp. 299-300 76 Monserrate, p. 96 77 John Fryer, vol.II, p.113

100 Cliapter-III directions - sardis, or halting places for travellers and merchants and pleasure gardens and places such as no one has ever made before intending thereby to establish an enduring reputation." 78 This shows Nur Jahan's interest in prospering trade and commerce also her invaluable contribution in sphere of architecture.

An interesting incident described by Thomas Roe speaks of the sarcastic reaction of a wife on a vain cruel act by her husband:

"At night wee came to a little tower newly repayed, where the king pitched in a pleasant place upon the river of Sepra, short of Ugen (Ujaain), the chiefe citty of Malwa. The place, called Calkada (Kaliyada) was anciently a seat of the Gentile Kings of Mandoa, one whereof was there drowned in his drinck, having once before fallen into the river, and taken up by the hayre of the head by a slave that dived; and being come to him selfe, it was related to him to procure a reward. Hee called for the instrument of his safety, and demanding how he durst putt his hands on his soveraygnes head, caused them to bee stricken off. Not long after, sitting alone with his wife in drunkenness, hee had the same chance to slip into the water, but so that shee might easely have saved him, which she did not; and being demanded why, she replyed she shee know not whither he also would cut of her hands for her recornpense.?"

That the word of the husband was a gospel for the wife IS shown in the interesting case of "obedience" by a wife.

Eunuchs played an important role in Mughal haram. These eunuchs, whose sexual organs were cut off and castrated, to prevent the least temptation from the sex, performed a lot of functions. 80 Manucci has described their activities. Princesses won them over through generous financial help and at times get permission to enjoy that of which I cannot speak. They also facilitated men to clandestinely enter haram and obtain the favour of husbands. They also acted as their spies because they were always found eavesdropping.V

78 Pelsaert, p. 50 79 Thomas Roe, p.342-342 80 Ovington, op.cit, p.127 81 Manucci, vol II, p.74

101 Cliapter- II I

The European writers further reported that the Mughal Emperor and princes also kept 'matrons as spies to whom eunuchs provided information of the lovlist (sic) young women in the empire.' These matrons, then, employed all their means to lure these girls and to carry them off to the palace of the king where they become mistresses or concubines.82

Catrou, who based his history on Manucci' s account, believed that haram was also the locus of all political power and it was a place where even the safety of the Emperor was entrusted to an armed contingent of females. Catrou's words are worth quoting

"They [ladies of the haram] have a much greater share in the government of the empire. It is by their instrumentality, that intrigues of state are managed, that peace or war is declared, that viceroyalties and governments are bestowed; they are, indeed, the true dispensers of fortune's gifts. These ladies ... have each an office, and a name, corresponding with the post and title of the chief ministers of the crown. . . . They are, properly speaking, the privy council of the Mogul. ... It may be easily conceived, that the chief officers of the crown pay the greatest attention to cultivate, each, his lady of the palace. The least variance with her entails upon him, sooner or later, some serious injury, or reverse of fortune. Happy the minister, whose good fortune it may be to escape being dependent on a correspondent of a capricious disposition. . . . what may appear not a little extraordinary, he [the Emperor] is guarded always in the interior of the haram by a company composed of one hundred Tartar women, armed with the bow, a poigard, and cimetar. Their leader has the same rank, and the same pay, as a War-Omrha.,,83

The only men, besides their close relatives, who were allowed to enter the haramwese the physicians. As some of the Europeans, particularly Italian adventurer Francesco Carreri, English John Fryer, Bernier and Manucci were physicians or posed as physicians, they were able to provide some eyewitness accounts. Manucci provided interesting details of the procedure of entering the haram. He stated that it is the

82 Manucci, vol II, pp.3ll-3l2 83 Catrou, pp. 292-94

102 Cfiapter-III

custom in the royal household, when a physician is called within the mahal, for the eunuch to cover his head with a cloth, which hangs down to his waist. They then conduct him to the patient's room, and he is taken out in the same manner. On his first entry into the palace, he was also covered in the same way but by premeditation. To quote:

"I walked as slowly as I could, in spite of the urging of my guides, the eunuchs. The prince, having seen this, ordered them to uncover me, and that in future I was to be allowed to come in and go out without being covered. He said that the minds of Christians were not filthy like

those of Mahomedans.,,84

Manucci had further to add that as these ladies did not have any opportunity to meet any men except their husbands, some deliberately pretended to be ill so that they got the chance to meet the physicians, to converse with them and have their pulses felt. Manucci has then related what happened at such meetings:

"The latter [the physician] stretches out his hand inside the curtain; they [the women] lay hold of it, kiss it, and softly bite it. Some, out of curiosity, apply it to their breast, which has happened to me several times; but I pretended not to notice, in order to conceal what was passing from the matrons and eunuchs then present, and not arouse . .. ,,85 therr suspicions.

The Purdah System

Europeans travellers have recorded that women in India, especially the Muslim women, observed strict purdah. English traveller, J. Ovington wrote that all the Women of Fashion in India are close penn'd in by their jealous Husbands, who forbid them the very sight of all Strangers. However the Watch is neither so careful, nor their Modesty so blameless, but that they sometimes will look abroad for Variety,

as well as their roving Husbands do.86 Manucci contended that the Mahomedans are very touchy in the matter of allowing their women to be seen, or even touched by the

84 Manucci,voi II pp. 374-75 85 Manucci,voi II, pp. 328-31 86 Ovington, op.cit, p.127 L 103 Cfzapter-III hand; above all, the lady being of the blood royal, it could not be done without express permission from the king.87

Manucci and other travellers record how in their perception the institutions of purdah and the confinement of women in the haram were used to enforce a strict sexual code. These restrictions were imposed against the wishes of women. Thus Manucci, as an illustration of this, cites the case of Roshan Ara who requested her brother for a palace to be assigned outside the fortress to allow her to stay. He goes on to say that Aurangzeb 'knowing well the meaning of the request' denied her permission.V Earlier than him, Pelsaert too had a similar narrative to reflect the unsatisfied passions of the women who resided in the haram:

"These women wear indeed the most expensive clothes, eat the daintiest food and enjoy all worldly pleasures except one, and for that one, they grieve saying they would willingly give everything in exchange for beggars poverty.t''"

Manucci has observed that the chief doors of the mahal are closed at sunset, and the principal door of all is guarded by good sentinels posted for the purpose, and a seal is attached. Torches are kept burning all night" The women of the haram were all closely guarded, not visible to any, but [to the Emperor] himself.91As haram was a strictly forbidden area for the men to enter, except for the king and close relatives, the Europeans found it difficult, rather impossible, to give an authentic first hand account of its inmates. Italian adventurer, Pietro Della Valle, conceded his failure to describe the female apartments of the Mughal King. He wrote: "What 'tis with in side I know not, for I enter'd not into it". 92Thomas Roe similarly informs: "No man enters his house but eunuchs; his women are never seene;,,93Edward Terry, chaplain to Thomas Roe, related that as there lodge none in the King's house but his women and eunuchs, and some little boys which he kept about him "for a wicked use".94

87 Manucci vol II, p.195 88 Ibid, pp.30-31 89 Pelsaert, p. 66 90 Manucci vol II, p.328 91 Ovington, op.cit, p.127 92 Pietro Della Valle, The Travels of Pietro Della Valle in India, ed. By E.Grey, The Hakluyt Society, London, 1982 p.97 93 Roe, op.cit, p. 270 94 Terry, Early Travels in India, op.cit, p.311

104 Chapter-III

Some European travellers also took notice of the mode of travelling of Indian women in purdah. While describing the march of Roshan Ara Begum with her retinue, Manucci graphically described that they seemed like 'so many ghosts or spirits of the abyss, you could not tell if they were handsome or ugly, old or young, men or women; for, let alone the face, you could not see even the tips of their toes.' He related that in front of the Princess's elephant, there marched a number of bold and aggressive men on foot to drive away everybody, noble or pauper, with blows from sticks and pushes.i" Mundy also figuratively described that before and after 'the women's chandowlies and planquins, there walked Capons [eunuchs] or gelded men on horseback, besides a guarde of Gunners, sufferinge none to approach anything

neere them. ,96 He also provides a sketch (see plate I). In the opinion of Thomas Roe, the Muslims were so strict in their observance of purdahthat a fight would ensue if a stranger by force [was] to open in the streetes the close chayres {i.e. doolies} wherin their women are carried (which they take for a dishonour equall to a ravishment)?" According to John Fryer, When they [Muslim women] go abroad, they are carried in close Palenkeens, which if a Man offer to unveil it is present death; the meanest of them not permitting their Women to stir out uncovered; of whom they are allowed as many as they can keep."

European travellers have advanced a number of reasons for observance of purdahbut for most of them, the real cause was the men's jealousy of other men and their distrust of their womanfolk. John Fryer wrote that The Moors are by Nature plagued with Jealousy, cloistring their Wives up, and sequestering them the sight of

any besides the Capon that watches them.99

Despite the practice of strict purdah, the Europeans never concealed their wish to have a glimpse of Indian women. Roe related the incident how he saw two wives of the emperor watching him while standing in a window over which a grate of reede having little holes was hung. He himself first saw their fingers, then their eyes and sometimes full proportion. Their complexion was fair and they had smoothed up

95 Manucci, vol II, p.66-67 96 Mundy, vol II, pp 191-192 97 Roe, op.cit p. 327 98 John Fryer, pp.88-89 99 Ibid , l 105 Cliapter-III black hair. Their diamonds and pearls shed enough light to show them. They were so merry that he thought that "they must have laughed at me.,,100

Fryer, who was the official surgeon of the East India Company, went inside the haram to see an ailing lady. As was the normal routine, he was to feel the pulse of the patient from behind a curtain. But the curtain accidentally fell down. Fryer described the incident as if the door of an animal cage stood opened. He discovered the whole Bevy, fluttering like so many Birds when a Net is cast over them; yet none of them sought to escape. He found them altogether busy in good Houswifery such as Needlework or making confection or Achars [Pickles] with no indecent decorum in managing their Cloystered way of living.101It was a great opportunity for Fryer to directly observe the women of the haram and their living conditions. However, what he was able to see was that the women were employed in just normal routine household work. It was a disappointment for Fryer who expected a place of debauchery which was a stereotyped image of haram, popular in the west. He, therefore, tried to prove the wickedness of women by stating they are incontinent in their Desires, for which reason they debar them the sight of anything Male, but their

Lord.102

European travellers believed that this custom of observing purdahnegatively affected the women's minds. For Manucci, the haram life meant a veritable prison with its own drudgery and monotony. He contended that the women, being shut up with this closeness and constantly watched, and having neither liberty nor occupation, think of nothing but adorning themselves, and their minds dwell on nothing but malice and lewdness. He has also told the readers that once the wife of Asad Khan, the wazir, confessed that her only thoughts were to imagine something by which she could please her husband and hinder his going near other women.

Manucci then concluded that from this he assert that they are all the same. If they have any other thought, it is to regale themselves with quantities of delicious stews; to adorn themselves magnificently, either with clothes or jewellery, pearls, et cetera; to perfume their bodies with odours and essences of every kind. To this must be added that they have permission to enjoy the pleasure of the comedy and the dance,

100 Roe, op.cit, pp 282-283 101 Fryer, op.cit, pp.327-328 102 Ibid

106 Chapter-III

to listen to tales and stories of love, to recline upon beds of flowers, to walk about in gardens, to listen to the murmur of the running waters, to hear singing, and other

similar pastimes. 103

Some travellers went on to compare the relative positions of Indian and European women and their conclusions generally favoured the Europeans. Pelsaert concluded that the ladies of our country should be able to realise from this description the good fortune of their birth, and the extent of their freedom when compared with

the position of ladies like them in other lands.104 However the opinion of Pelsaert can be contested because one finds with the decline of feudalism and the birth of a 'modem' worldview in Europe seemed to accentuate gender asymmetry rather than undermine it. The Renaissance era, roughly from 1400 to 1600, witnessed an important flowering of the arts and literature, but the distinctions between male and female modes of authority is very apparent. In intellectual life, woman represented the antithesis and inferior of men. According to Thomas Aquinas, men were created in the image of God, while women came later as subordinates of men. Men were active but women passive; as perpetrators of original sin, men's rationality women's irrationality. Renaissance depictions viewed woman as the flesh, sexually uncontrollable and liable to temptation by the devil. This association of women to sin and the devil by blaming Eve for the troubles of the world laid the groundwork for justifying patriarchy. Thus we find a more orthodox and rigid structure of controlling women in the west as compared to Mughal India.

In the opinion of a few European travellers, the Indian women were though not allowed to go out without veil and were shut up in haram, they were mostly crafty and cunning and generally controlled their husbands. It was Thomas Roe who gave currency to the notion that Niir Jahan and her faction---comprising her father, brother and son-in-Iaw-wielding the real power of the Empire and Jahangir was a mere

puppet in their hands. lOS Roe contended that 'Normahall' fullfill the observation that in all actions of consequence in a court, especially in faction, 'a woman is not only

103 Manucci , vol II, pp. 329-330 104 Pelsaert, op.cit, p.66 105 For Nur Jahan and the power she actually wielded see Beni Prasad, History of Jahangir, Bhartiya Kala Prakashan, 2013; S.Nurul Hasan, The Theory of Nur Jahan Junta- An Examination, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, Trivandrum Session, 1959; lrfan Habib, The Family ofNur Jahan During Jahangir's Reign- A Political Study, Medieval India- A Miscellany Vo!' 1, Aligarh, 1969

107 .... § 0- Vl §. ,...~ . o ~ a (tI

o 00 a _.;J g

Vl Vl (1) Vl o g ~_. o (l> (1) ::s ::s 0- a (tI (1) 0.. o ~Vl 0- 'C! .....::s o g; H) (1) ::::l"_. o Vl 00 Vl-. §. e-? o (1) '"1 2 (JO (1Q § 0- o H) ~ oa ...... (l> .....Vl N_. o p:> ::s (") ~ Vl o o ..•_. (l> ~ S- (l> ,....0- § Vl o Vl O :::: 5' o o ...... , ~ (JO ::s '"1 § .§ H) ~ 0.. "0 Vl o o [1 ~ ~ _ 5' 0.. Vl (tI (JO Cfiapter-II I

her sight. It happened sometime afterwards that Rockia took Meher Metzia with her into the Mahael. The king came in, and on learning that she was present, though veiled, loosened her veil with his own hand, and gazed at her face. A few days later, whilst the festival of the New Year was being celebrated after the fashion of the Mahometans, and whilst the King was enjoying himself amongst his concubines, Meher Metzia brought to him her little daughter, then six or seven years old. Being by this time deeply in love with Meher Metzia the king exclaimed with a smile, 'I will be father to this child.' Meher Metzia replied, 'who am I that I should be numbered amongst the king's wives? Your Majesty must disregard me, who am but a poor widow. Only take pity on this child, and show kindness to her.' After this the King fell so passionately in love with Meher Metzia that he repaired in a boat every evening to the house of Ethamandaulat, and only returned to the palace at dawn. He had been in love with her when she was still a maiden, during the lifetime of his father Achabar; but she had already been betrothed to the Turk Cheer Affeghan, and hence his father would not allow him to marry her, although he never entirely lost his love for her..... Finally an auspicious day having been selected, the king married her before the Qazi. Amidst impressive acclamations her name was changed from Meher Metzia to Nourzia begum (Nur Jahan) i.e. Light of the World. The king loved her so deeply that he set her above all his other wives. He made her father a commander of 5,000 horse, and bestowed various dignities and offices

in the court upon all her relatives." I 10

During the war of succession, Shah Jahan's, two daughters, Jahan A.ra and Roshan A.raalso played an important role. Bernier, while conceding their contribution in the war, asserted that the most momentous events are too often caused by the

110 De Laet, p. 180-182; Pe1saertrefers to the coins ofNur Jahan in the following way, "there are gold coins, but only of one series, named mohur. The double coin weighs a tola, or 12 mashas, and is equivalent to 14 rupees, the half coin in proportion. The inscriptions are similar to those of the rupees, except those which have been coined by the Queen (Nur Jahan); her coins, both rupees and mohurs, bear the twelve signs of the zodiac, one sign on each coin. Very little trade, however, is done with these coins, seeing that most of them must come from the King's treasures, and further the great men hoard them, and search for them for their khazana.

109 Chapter-III influence of the sex, although the people may be ignorant of this fact, and may indulge in vain speculations as to the cause of the agitation they deplore. III

Everyday Life, Customs & Social Norms

Another major area covered by the European travellers is the representation of ordinary women. Every aspect of their life, customs, dresses, ornaments eet. has been avidly represented in the accounts of European travellers. What is worthy to note is that in their narratives one finds a strong religious, regional and social demarcation. Social stratification is very evident while describing the dresses and ornaments and the job they perform, religious consideration is very apparent thereby describing Muslim and Hindu women separately. Some provide very private details concerning hygiene.

Some information regarding the attire of women is also found discussed by these European chroniclers. These observations mostly missing in the indigenous sources, give us some information regarding the mode of dressing and fashions prevalent amongst them. For example, John Fryer at one place in his narrative recounts:

"That the women are small, and most end up being plump, and short in respect to the men: Their attire alters not into new modes, nor used they a Taylor; a Lungy being tied loose over their shoulders belt wise, and tucked between their legs in nature of short breeches, besides a short waistcoat, or ephod to keep up their breast, being all their garb. They keep their breasts bound up carefully, and on that account are no more extended than they should be.,,112

De Laet also observes that the clothes, both of men and women, are made of cottoncloth on almost the same pattern, i.e., a tight tunic, with a belt round the waist, comingdown to the knees, under this they wear breeches which come down; their feet are bare except for open sandals, which can be easily taken off when they enter a house.113

III Bernier,op.cit, p.16 112 JohnFryer, vol 2 , p.116 113 De Laet, p.80-81

110 Cfzapter-III

Tavernier on the other hand notes:

"The dress of the women is but a simple cloth, white or coloured, which is bound five or six times like a petticoat from the waist downwards, as of they had three or four one above the other. From the waist upwards they tattoo their skin with flowers, as when one applies cupping glasses, and they paint these flowers divers colours with the juice of roots, in such a manner that it seems as though their skin was a

flowered fabric." I 14

Fryer also says that they go constantly without shoes or stockings, shoes being allowed to midwives only, which are like the men's, only a few silk tufts upon them for distinction sake. I IS Fryer then states that the 'Gentues' (i.e. non Muslims) observe not that strictness, both sexes enjoying the open airl16, which inwardly means that the Muslim women were perhaps not that free which is confirmed by De Laet when he writes the muslim women do not come out into public unless they are poor or immodest, they veil their heads and draw the hair forward in a knot from the back; those who are rich adorn themselves with many jewels: some pierce one of the nostrils in order to be able to wear a gold nose ring ornamented with gems when they so desire. I 17

Fryer making the social and economic status apparent says that "the hair of their heads grow in tresses which the rich adorn with embroider with gold, coronets, and rich jewels; the poor brade with strings of Jasmine flowers" and make necklaces of the same; the rich have their arms and feet fettered with gold and silver, the meaner with brass, glass or tuthinag; besides rings at their noses, ears, toes and fingers". 118

114 Tavernier, p. 34-35 115 John Fryer, vol2, p.117 116 John Fryer, vol I, p.89 117 De Laet, p. 80-81 us John Fryer, vol. II, p.116-l17; an interesting information is provided by Ralph Fitch for the men of Pegu he says, "In Pegu the men wear bunches or little round balles in their privy members; some of them wear two some three. They cut skin and so put them in one into one side and another into the other side; which they do when they be 25 or 30 years old; when they be married the husband is for every child which his wife hath, to put in one until he come to three and then no more; for they say the women doe desire them. They were invented because they should not abuse the male sex. The bunches aforesaid be of divers sorts; the least be as big as a little walnut, and very round; the greatest are as big as a little hennes egge. Some are of brasse and some of silver; but those of silver be for the King and his noble men. These are gilded and made with greate cunning, and ring like a little bell."

III Cliapter-III

However Ralph Fitch smirks as he says, here the women 'weare upon their armes infinite numbers of rings made of elephant's teeth, wherein they take so much delight that they had rather be without their meate than without their bracelets. ' 119

We also find some information regarding the maintenance of hygiene by the women. Thus John Fryer says, "they are cleanly, as well in their cookery, as in their bodies, pruning themselves by plucking the budding hairs off their privities up by the roots, they being all as smooth there as the back of their hands.,,12oElaboratingfurther, Fryer mentions:

"As they are careful what they take into their bodies, so are they solicitous to evacuate in good order always washing their fundaments, and squatting when then make water; nor do the women scruple to do their occasions in publick streets or highways, going hand in hand for that purpose at set times of the day, and if any pass by in the interim, will tum their bare backsides upon them, but will hid their faces; and this at sun rise and sunset every day they do in droves; men by themselves and women by themselves; if in the city, most an end, under dead walls, where they have finished, they wash the filth off with their left hand, because they feed themselves with the right. Among them all it is common to make water sitting, as when they evacuate the other way; and it is a shame for anyone to be seen to do otherwise, they sarcastically saying, such a one pisses like a dog which is held unclean standing.,,121

Fryer comments because "they are well proportioned and for that reason not ashamed to show the motion of their bodies, all their limbs being visible, yet love to hide what should not be seen.,,122 Such observation and information can only be found in the travel accounts because many indigenous writers will tend to overlook such minute details.

119 Ralph Fitch, Early Travels in India, p.l3 120 John Fryer, vol2, p.116-117; Tavernier observes the same where he relates about the women of Lahore "all the women are naturally unprovided with hair on any part of the body, and the men have very little of it on the chin". 121 Fryer, vol 1, p.94 and vol 2, p.120-12I; Tavernier however relates an incident ofVontimiita where he says that women are to be seen on the high roads and in the fields following horses, oxen, and cows; these have vowed to eat nothing but what they find undigested in these animals droppings. 122 Fryer, Vol II, p.116

112 Cfiapter-III

A tendency apparent in these travel narratives is the immense importance bestowed upon the notion of fertility and a comparison of the Indian women with the European women. One comes across many such instances in the travel narratives one after another. Fryer observes that "as to the order which nature observes in them they are more forward than ours in Europe, and leaves child bearing sooner." He further says that "it is reported the menstruums of the Africans are pernicious, but there is no such slander here, these being neat, well shaped, and obsequious to their husbands; for the different positions of their veins it's a silly query they being of the same species of the rest of the world, bating their education, which is agreeable to them, and bear as good a meen naturally, as ours instructed by the masters of behaviour." 123To Terry "the women in those parts have a great happinesse above all I know, in their easie bringing forth of children; for it is a thing common there, for women great with childe one day to ride, carrying their infants in their bodies, the next day to ride againe, carrying them in their armes.,,124

De Laet further mentions that they suffer much less than other mortals in child birth: for not infrequently they bear a child at the end of a days journey and on the next day ride forward carrying the infant in the arms.125Manucci,describes an event of a nine year old girl giving birth to a male infant, and mentions that though this would seem improbable in Europe, this (early child-bearing) was, nevertheless, not impossible, more especially in India, where the climate is so hot. In India, he says even the nobles are forced to go about with a "simple cabaya." 126Fryer also comments on the profession of mid wives as he observes "at their labours they seldom call midwives, being pretty quick that way, though there are not a few live well by that profession; known by tufts of silk on their shoes or slippers, all other women wearing them plain: at the end of their quarantine, which is forty days, after the old law, they enter the hummums to purify; and the child, without much ceremony, is named by the parents.,,127

Several other professions adopted by women are narrated in the travel narratives for example Tavernier says that he saw women and children working in mines, who were employed in diverse ways, the men in digging, the women and

123 Ibid 124 Terry, Early Travels, p. 309 125 De Laet, p. 81 126 Manucci, vol2, p.202 127 Fryer, p.237-238

113 Cliapter-III children in carrying earth.128According to John Fryer "since cleanliness is the next in esteem to godliness in human society, I will conclude with the washers which are women as well as Men; they are hired at easy rates, and are the best in the world as our calients transmitted nither declare; they have each a little pit, into which the water springs, are near it a great smooth, on which they beat their clothes till clean.,,129

Fryer on the contrary describes women performing their daily household activities. He states:

"The Indian wives dress their husbands victuals, fetch water, and grind their com with an hand mill, when they sing, chat, and are merry; such prevalency has custom. They make their bread as thin as wafers, baked on broad round plates or stones, commonly of rice; the moors is made of wheat thicker and oblong, bestuck with seeds to correct wind, and mostly baked in a furnace, which they stick to the sides when Dough, as we see cow turds on a mud wall.,,13o

From Tavernier we came to know that:

"Many women on the roads, some of whom always keep fire to light the tobacco of travellers, and those who have no tobacco they even lend a pipe. Others go there to cook rice with quicheri....there are among these women some who have vowed to perform this charity for travellers during a period of seven or eight years; others for more or less time according to their convenience, and they give each traveller bean water and rice water to drink, and two or three handfuls of this cooked rice to eat."l3l

Manucci's observation and remarks on the other hand is a bit witty. While describing Surat he was much amused to see that everybody was spitting something red as blood and was surprised to notice that the inhabitants had broken teeth; which he assumed as a practice to have teeth extracted. Later he was told by an English Lady that it was due to the habit of eating betel. He says that since the women had an addiction of eating betel he therefore comments that the principal business of Indian

128 Tavernier, vol II, p.59 129 Fryer, vol. II, p. 121-122 130 Ibid, p. 118-119 131 Tavernier, p.225

114 Cliapter-III women was to tell stories and eat betel. 132Bernierdescribes a baziir scene where astrologers are seen remain seated on a dusty piece of carpet, and handling some old mathematical instrument, and then he sarcastically remarks that these "wise doctors" were visited by "silly women", wrapped in white cloth from head to foot, whisper to them all the transactions of their lives, and disclose every secret with no more reserve than is practised by a scrupulous penitent in the presence of her confessor.!33

Tavernier reports that during the reign of 'Abdullah Qutb Shah in the 1660s there were 2,000 public women in Golkonda and they had to register with the daroghii. They did not need to pay taxes but had to perform at the court on Fridays. Noting the economic perspective, he mentions that the shops around this place sell tari from which the king derives very considerable revenue. The traveller here indicates the economic aspect of the arrangement of trade of public women as well as the related trade of tari, both of which yielded considerable revenue for the State.134

Another profession adopted by women was that of performers. The women of this class have been explicitly discussed in a number of sources and are also invariably depicted in miniatures. We find different classes of dancing girls start emerging in the accounts- domnis, paturs, kumachnis, parishans and laulis. Where the paturs were the celebrated class of Hindu performers, laulis on the other hand were Muslims. Their association with the court distinguished them from others who performed in markets and streets. Then we hear of nats and natnis, well known as rope dancers, as well as bhiinmati professional magicians. Dancing women used to perform in the principal open spaces in the city, beginning at six o'clock in the evening and going on till nine. These areas would be lighted by many torches and from this dancing they earned a good deal of money. 135 It was clearly an important form of public entertainment. Manucci reports of another class called kanchanis during seventeenth century. He says they were more than five hundred they all rode in highly embellished vehicles and were richly clothcd.l'" Bernier also confirms there elite status by stating that they were of a private and respectable class who attend the

132 ManUCCI,op.cit . ., p. 62 133 Bernier, p. 244. There's also a miniature from Akhlaq i Nasiri, painted sometime between 1590-95 depicts a bazar scene where anastrologer is seen visited by women. Cf. SR Sharma, 'Astronomical Instruments in Mughal Miniatures', in Inge Wezler (ed.), Studies zur Indologie und Iranistk, Pl.IO 134 Tavernier, op.cit, pp.127-128 135 Manucci, , Vol I, p.189 136 Ibid

115 Cfuzpter-III grand weddings of 'umara and mansabdiirs for the purpose of singing and dancing. He says further these did not normally perform as prostitute and did not grant sexual favours to even men of class. 137 Contrary to this there are several instances that these women could be held by the sultan or ruler who then pass them to friendly rulers or nobles as gifts and favours. 138

Nicholas Withington while relating his journey says "keeping on our way, the is" of December, 1613, we came to a village called Callwalla. This towne the King's father after the conquest of Guyseratt, cominge thether, gave to a company of women and their children in their owne profession, which is dancing, etc. At our beeinge here, the women of the towne came into our caravan and danced, every man giving them something; and afterwards they asked openlye: whoe wants a bedfellow? Soe shameless they were.,,139

Much information IS also available on several customs and practices performed by women. They also present before us the marriage customs of both Hindus and Muslims. For the Brahmans they say "they marry very young, not knowing their wives though till at riper years they come to consummate their hymeneal rites." 140

Nicholas Whithington observes:

"They marrye their children verye younge, about the age of three years and under. And some tymes they make promise to one another that

theire children shall marrye together, before they bee borne; as III

137 Francois Bernier, op.cit p.273 138 One such incident is narrated by Badauni. He calls it a case of the love affair of Khan Zaman with Shaham Beg, (1556-57), (qissa-i-ishqbazi-i-Khan Zaman as! ba Shaham Beg). This is the story of Shaham Beg's infatuation with Aram Jan. Aram Jan was a courtesan (lauli) and Khan Zaman had her in temporary marriage. Khan Zaman was much fanatical with Shaham Beg and used to refer to him as 'my lord'. Thus when Shaham Beg expressed a desire for Aram Jan, who is described to have been ravishing and sweet in her movements, Khan Zaman gave her to Shaham Beg; who after sometime gave her up to a fellow Abdur Rehman bin Muayyid Beg. When the news reached the Emperor, he was furious and asked an aghnagh (committee to penalise) to sit regarding the misconduct of Khan Zaman, who asked Shaham Beg to flee. Later Shaham Beg demanded Aram Jan back from Abdur Rehman on the grounds that he possessed her first, when Abdur Rehman refused because he had married Aram Jan, a struggle ensued in which Shaham Beg was killed. This scandal has been mentioned by the contemporaries of Badauni as well. Abul Fazl in his account Akbarnama also refers this scandal. In Badauni's Account we find Aram Jan as a silent commodity being transferred from one hand to other. However Abul Fazl is found critical of these men marrying Aram Jan for lust. But Aram Jan does not receive any sympathy for receiving such treatment by men. 139 Nicholas Withington, Early Travels, p. 208-209 140 Fryer, p. 95, for the Muslims John Fryer says their priests say prayers five time a day and expound the Aleoran once a week, and that on Friday, which day they are not to lye with their women, setting it apart for the service of god

116 Cfiapter-III

example: if two neighbours WIves bee with child, they make a bargayne that if one bringe forthe a sonne and the other a daughter, they shall marrye together. They may not marrye but one of theire owne caste and religion, and they muste bee likewise of one occupation or trade, as the sonne of a baker shall marrye a baker's daughters, provided they bee of one caste and religion. And when their children are three of four years ould, they make a greate feeaste and sett the two children that are to bee married upon two horses, with a man before eache of them for feare of falling, having apparelled them in their beste clothes, all haunged aboute with flowers, and accompanied with the Brammans or priestsand mayne others, according to the state of parents of the children; and soe leade them upp and downe the cittye or towne where they dwell, an dthen to pagod, and thence, after the ceremonies there done, they come home and feaste; and in same manner continue feasting certayne days, more or lesse, according to the weIthe of the parents. And when the children come to bee ten years ould they lye together.,,141

Peter Mundy provides a sketch of one such banquet where women can be seen performing and singing (See plate I). Bernier while describing karkhiinas, where the artisans remain employed the whole day, informs us that they used to marry in their own trade or profession and this custom was observed very rigidly; Bernier arrives at a conclusion that many beautiful girls thus were doomed to live singly, who might have been married advantageously if their parents would connect them with a family less noble than their own.142

Pelsaert however provides a more accurate depiction of marriage ceremonies practised in India. He also provides information about the 'marriage brokers' which he observed. He emphasises that the bride and bridegroom were not allowed to see each other, commenting that he/she must trust to his mother and friends. To quote:

141 Nicholas Withington, Early Travels, op.cit, p. 221 142 Bernier, op.cit, p.259; Terry also remarks that "the gentiles men take the daughters of those to bee their wives which are of their fathers tribes, sect, and occupation; for instance, a merchants sonne marries a merchants daughter. And every mans sonne that lives by his labour marries the daughter of him that is of his own profession; by which meanest hay never advance themselves. He further says that they are married young, at six or seven years old and about twelve come together. Their nuptials as those of the Mahometans are performed with much pompe andjollitie

117 Cliapter-III

"In arranging a marriage the bridegroom has no share in the choice, still less has the bride for the selection is made by the parents or if they are dead, by other friends. When a youth is from 15 to 18 years old, his friends seek for the daughter of a man within the circle of friendship; but this applies to the rich rather than the poor, because as a rule soldier marries soldier, merchant marries merchant, and so on according to occupation. If they know no suitable match, there are female marriage brokers, who know of all eligible parties, the parents will call these in and ask if there is no rich young lady for their son. The brokers understand their business, and instead of one will suggest perhaps twenty five. When the proposals have been thoroughly examined in regard to birth and present position, the parents choose the one which seems to be most suitable. Then the mother, or the nearest friends, go with the youth to the friends of the young lady they have chosen, even if they have no previous acquaintance, and, after compliments, ask if they will give the lady in marriage to the youth. The unfortunate bridegroom is not allowed to meet the ladies, still less to see if his future bride is white or black, straight or crooked, pretty or ugly; he must trust to his mother and friends.,,]43

For the Muslims, Mosserate writes "he allowed incestuous unions with closely related women, excepting only the mother and the sister. He also invented and introduced amongst the musalmans two forms of marriage, first that with regular consorts who may number four and second that with those who are merely called wives, and who may be as numerous as a man's resources allow.,,]44

For some places the travellers exclaims the practice of Polyandry as well. Thomas Coryat while narrating his journey from Lahore to Agra, he observes this practice and thus says: "the people that inhabitate that mountaine observe a custome very strange, that all brothers of any family have but one and the selfe same wife so that one woman sometimes doth serve 6 or 7 men.,,]45Tavernier too remarks the same

143 Pelsaert, p. 81 & 84 144 Monserrate, p. 202; he further writes the Musalaman kings employ this sanction and license of the foulest immorality in order to ratify peace and to create friendly relationships with their vassal princes or neighboring monarchs. For they marry the daughters and sisters of such rulers. 145 Thomas Coryat, Early Travels, p. 244

118 Cfiapter-III when he narrates about Multan and the traders who hailed from there. For them he writes "they have only one wife between two or three brothers of whom the eldest is regarded as the father of the children.,,146

For the travelling mode of the common masses travellers say: " the inferior sort of people ride on oxen horses mules camels or dormedaries (the women like men); or else in slight coaches with two wheels, covered on the top and backe but the fore part an sides open unless they carry women.,,147Similarly De Laet states, "the poorer people, both men and women, ride on horses, donkeys, mules and camels, or sometimes in arts, which hold only two or three and are drawn by oxen: these are only closed in when women are riding in them, in which case they are entirely enclosed.,,148Some curious travellers like Peter Mundy provide the sketch as well (See plate II).

The descriptions of the new regions being explored or heard about are accompanied by remarks about the women and households in those regions. These ethnographic observations were creating a corpus of characteristic traits of communities, which would amalgamate into the European discourse of the colonial times. Manucci projects the women of Assam as ideal wives and of acceptable demeanour. He states: 'The natives of those lands take four wives. Here the women are very lovely, and they do all the work of the house, the men being indolent, except in war-time, when they all go forth to fight.' 149Anotherregion which assumes a clear character in the depiction of the travellers is Kashmir. Bernier was as taken in by the beauty of the landscape as by descriptions of the beauty of the inhabitants of the valley. He describes his fascination at watching the women who generally remained within purdah, and this caters to the allure of the male gaze in the description he provides of the women of the region.150However Pelsaert opines that the women of Kashmir are small in built, filthy, lousy and not handsome. 151John Fryer writes explicitly about the women of Goa that amongst them some are extraordinarily featured and completely shaped, though not of that coruscant beauty our English ladies are; and for mien far beneath them, being nurtured up in a lowly bashfulness,

146 Tavernier, p. 74 147 Terry, p.311 148 De Laet, p. 82 149 Manucci, vol2, p. 93 150 Bernier, pp. 404-405 151 Pelsaert, pp. 34-35

119 Cliapter-III

whereby they are rendered unfit for conversation, applying themselves wholly to devotion and the care of the house. One find a constant comparison between the two be it looks, child bearing or modesty. He further says that they sing and play on the lute, make confessions, pickle Achars, (the best mango Achars coming from them),

and dress, meat exquisitely. 152 While visiting Malabar, John Fryer writes, 'beyond the outworks live a few Portugals Mustezoes or M'steradoes; (half caste) among who are stews and brothels; the women of this coast being the most professedly Lewd of any; being said to instruct the men to be patient, while they act the masculine part in

Lascivious Twines. 153

At some point, the travel narratives incorporated local history or anecdotes while describing the characteristics of a region. Recounting a story from the first decade of the seventeenth century, Manucci provides an emphatic account of the bravery and moral strength of the Marava women of Madura. His account admires the grit and resolve shown by these women to provoke the men of the community by not providing them any services in the household, leading them to avenge the defeat of their Nayaka ruler at the hands of the Madura prince. 154 Another such story is mentioned by Monserrate about the Landighana i.e., house of women, it is said they waged war on the surrounding tribes. They use to train girls to use arms and had a

strong foothold. ISS

Performing Sati however invited attention of many travellers. We find a rather more heroic description of the woman performing Sati instead condemning the institution and insisting how they were being forced by the brahmans who accompanied them. As Manucci remarks:

"I have seen some die with their husband's body in their arms without making a sign of movement. The reason is that the Brahmans provide them with certain beverages - bhang, opium, and such like, which entirely stupefy them. Others, by use of sorcery, become eager, ardent, mad, demanding that the authorities put no hindrance in their way

152 John Fryer, vol 2, pp.27-28, he further says if a stranger dine with the Husband and he consent to have the wife come in and sit at table as our women do, there is no means of persuading her, but she will be much offended if you taste not of everything they cook. The little children run up and down the house naked, till they begin to be old enough to be ashamed. 153 John Fryer, p. 148 154 Manucci vol3 pp. 99-102 155 Monserrate, p. 146

120 Chapter-III

when in search of their beloved, alleging as a reason that they are suffering acutely from deprivation oftheir loved one,,156

However Bernier believed that the power of tradition conditioned the behaviour and drew the widow into performing the act. Male control was ensured through female conditioning which was passed on from generation to generation.f" Bernier also talks about actual social compulsion on them.158Tavernier on the other hand projects a description of Sati, and describes incidents of various regions and differences of performance. Stating that 'I have seen women burnt in three different countries', he describes the distinctions between women being burnt in the 'Kingdom of Gujarat, and as far as Agra and Delhi', in the 'Kingdom of Bengal' and 'along the coast of Coromandel'. 159Manuccihowever perceives it as a caste-based perception of the institution, and delineates the performance of it as a 'ceremony' like child-bearing and marriage. He describes the Sati as a ritual performed among Brahmans Rajahs and the Vaisyas, and discusses them separately. The Brahman widow who becomes a Sati is represented as being seated on the pyre of her husband; the Rajput wife is depicted as jumping into a pit of fire associated with the caste-related notion of honour.16o(Seeplate III) a sketch by Peter Mundy.

The travel narratives also differ on the options available to a widow and the social pressures for them to become a Sati. Describing the life of widows, Manucci remarks that they either become public courtesans or 'wait on their parents' like servants. 'Other women, when the husband dies, since it would be disgraceful in their caste to marry again, and they cannot remain as they are, go from door to door selling rice. They think nothing of this dishonour, which would be counted among Europeans as the depth of misfortune.' 16lTavemier,however, differs from Bernier and Manucci in maintaining that only childless women generally were chosen for Sati: For widows who have children are not permitted under any circumstances to bum themselves with the bodies of their husbands. 162Thus,the voluntary nature of Sati always a question in Mughal India as later they were suppose to take permission for performing Sati. For

156 Manucci, voI3,pp.148-149 157 Bernier, pp 40-41 158 Ibid pp.122-123 159 Tavernier, vol 2, pp 165-168 160 Manucci, vol 3 p 62 161 Ibid, pp 57-58 162 Tavernier, vol2 pp 163-164

121 Chapter-III those who did not chose to be Sati, Fryer states that their life was more miserable. Fryer says "those who have buried their husbands are rifled of all their jewels and shaved always wearing a red lungy whereby to be known that they have not undergone the conflagration; for which cause they are despised and live more uncomfortably than the meanest servant.,,163

Since women were prone to such atrocities another incident deserves to be mentioned. Though this incident is a bit superficial, but shows the very dismal position of widow women. Tavernier narrates before us the case of a merchant named Saintidas whose wife had no children therefore announced she wished for some. On that note her servant told her that her wish would be fulfilled if she had fish. She did so and conceived but in the meanwhile her husband died and the relatives of the defunct tried to take possession of his effects. She therefore related her case to the governor and was given due justice.l'"

Another very important aspect of travel narrative is that they project an equally licentious image of Hindu Brahmans as well as they did in the case of Muslims.lf this description is compared with the attitude of the one about the incidents relating to a sect in a Hindu temple, it has hardly any difference in terms of its purpose. Manucci provides his readers with an equally sensual and exotic account of the religious practices of the sect of 'the Multipliers', at Trimbak village near Nasik district, when he was travelling there as Raja Jai Singh's envoy. Here, he provides a detailed account of the orgiastic practices of the sect devised by a Brahman who had become obsessed with a married woman. 165At another place the same image is created of the Hindu male when Manucci says "1 have stated in my history that the Hindus know no higher delight in the world than consorting with women.,,166Asketch is provided by Peter Mundy where he depicts a scene of a temple where men and women are shown praying (See plate IV)

The travellers often get confused with the practice of Devdasi and relate the same.Bernier writes,

163 Fryer, p.l17-118 164 Tavernier, op.cit, pp. 61-62.Tavernier and Bernier, both describe the condition of women who did not perform sati as dismal. Some of them sold rice. Manucci compares the situation with European widows for whom such work would mean social denigration, but then goes on to say that such work was better than being idle and yielding to the wishes of the devil. They mention that those who went to their parents place were treated badly and others ended up as public women. 165 Manucci, vol 3, pp 138 139 166 Ibid, p.71

122 Cliapter-III

"These knaves select a beautiful maiden to become the bride of Jagannat, who accompanies the god to the temple with all the pomp and ceremony which I have noticed where she remains the whole night, having been made to believe that Jagannat will come and lie with her. In the night one of these impostors enters the temple through a small back door, enjoys the unsuspecting damsel, makes her believe whatever may be deemed necessary, and the following morning when on her way to another temple, whither she is carried in that Trimphal Chariot, by the side of Jagannat her spouse, she is desired by the Brahmans to state to the people all she has heard from the lustful priest, as if every word had proceed from the mouth of Jagannat.,,167

Another similar incident is related by Tavernier. He talks about the different education that the girls who were to become devdiisi received from the usual domestic work in which other girls of the time had to be trained and mentions that they were taken to a temple in Cambay for worship when they reached puberty. He compares the God at the temple with a Greek god.168Tavernier further relates that how these women were exploited by Brahmans and relates another incident in the following way:

"We found a woman who had been three days in the temple without once leaving it, asking the idol from time to time as she had lost her husband how she should bring up her children and support them ..... I entered feeling my way in order to ascertain what took place behind the statue where I found there was a hole through which a man could enter and where without doubt the priest concealed himself and made the idol speak by his mouth.,,169

This type of depiction is not limited to the Brahmans only. Similar is the case ofJaklrs as well who are depicted in the same way. Fryer says "these people beg up and down like our bedlams with an hom and bowl, so that they enter an house, take what likes them even the woman of the house; and when they have paid their mad

167 Bernier, p. 305-306 168 Tavernier, p.58 169 Ibid, p. 211

123 Cliapter-III pranks away they go to repeat them elsewhere" 170Bernier also relates the same "fakirs enter freely into the houses of the Gentiles, where they meet with a hearty welcome, although everybody knows what takes place between the sanctified visitors and the women of the house: this however is considered the custom of the country.,,171

The travellers however never failed to project their chaste and virtuous image in their accounts. Thomas Roe relates his incident how the Emperor had sent a woman slave to him, and how he was forced to lodge her in his house but later he handed her over to a bania as he was troubled with her arrival.172Similarly William Hawkins narrates "the king was very earnest with me to take a white mayden out of his palace and promised she would tum Christian and by this meanes my meates and drinks would be looked by her. In regard she was a Moore I refused but if so bee there could be a Christian found I would accept it. At which my speech the king sought Christian Armenian and of the race of the most ancient Christians, I seeing she was of so honest a descent having passed my word to the king could not withstand my fortunes wherefore I took her and for want of a minister before Christian witnesses I married her.,,173Tavernier on the other hand very aptly remarks that "the Orientals are very much of our taste in matters of whiteness and I have always remarked that they prefer the whitest pearls the whitest diamonds the whitest bread and whitest women.,,174

Fryer proudly remarks that: "Moors think hard for their freedom" and very consciously admits "nor do they conceive a better opinion of our women when they see an Englishman salute them with a kiss, or walk together in a garden to take the innocent diversion there.,,175

It would be, thus, wrong to assume that women were a marginal part of the Mughal Empire. Their seclusion did not, necessarily mean isolation from and ignorance of the world. On the other hand, European travellers, being all male, were outsiders and in fact strangers to this world of women and were probably unable to comprehend its real significance. The accounts left by these foreign observers

170 Fryer, vol II, p.114; Tavernier opines that the fakirs boasts of possessing a prophetic spirit, especially for indicating to women who are sterile the way in which they may obtain children, and how to constrain anyone they wish to manifest love for them 171 Bernier, p. 322 he also says that females would often bring them alms with much devotion doubtless believing that they were holy personages, more chaste and discreet than other men 172 Roe p.154-155 173 William Hawkins, Early Travels, p. 84-85 174 Tavernier, vol, II, p.91 175 Fryer, vol II, p.121

124 Chapter-III probably provide us images and meanings to femininity as it appeared specific to the thought process of men belonging to a different culture. Additionally these travellers probably relied on 'bazar gossip' among other things for their accounts. It is therefore worthwhile to note that the scandals mentioned by some of these travellers, are never repeated by any Indian writer. Though their observation regarding the modes of travelling and the picture that one gets of the ordinary women is vital.

125 Chapter-III

Plate I: The local performers at the functions, reproduced from Peter Mundy, The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia 1608-1667,ed. Richard Camac Temple, The Hakluyt Society, Cambridge, illustration No.16,p. 217

126

Cliapter-III

/""-_.-= - - - -_

Plate III: A sketch of a woman performing sati, reproduced from Peter Mundy, The Travelsof Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia 1608-1667,ed. Richard Carnac Temple, TheHakluyt Society, Cambridge, illustration No.3, p.35

127

Cfiapter- III

Plate IV: Women at temple, reproduced from Peter Mundy, The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia 1608-1667,ed. Richard Camac Temple, The Hakluyt Society, Cambridge, illustration No. 15, p.217

128

c.J-f5tPT'E'R .rv 'R'EP'R'ES'ENT5tTION OJ WO:M'EN IN 'I'.J-f'EL'E{iM 1JOCl1:M'EN'I'S Cliapter ltV

of peace and prosperity under the shadow of royal benevolence and justice.' Another petition is in response of the instructions of a royal lady. The writer was directed to gather and send information about a certain person who has been referred as besa 'adat (wretch). The writer informs the addressee that he had complied with the orders and instructions issued to the shiqdars and amils of the pargands to trace him out and assure her that as soon as any information is received in this regard it would be immediately communicated? Another petition is in response of a communication from a royal lady. After expressing her grateful thanks for the favour, she goes on to say that her directive has been carried out. She was asked to console a certain dignitary who was apparently bereaved at that time.' But by far the most interesting petition is addressed to Bilq1SMakani and it has been sent from Sind where the writer was posted at that time. The petitioner says that he has been serving in the region for the last two years, some of which has been spent in Bhakkar and the rest in Siwistan and Thatta. Earlier he had served in places such as Kabul and Kashmir. As a result, he has remained separated from his family for the last twelve years. As humans are granted short life, he pleads with the queen for the grant of leave to join his family. Thus these correspondence by the nobility show that the Mughal ladies had much say in the administrative affairs.

However this does not end here. Munsh 'at presents before us several diplomatic correspondences as well. It also contains some letters which were exchanged between the ruling houses of Iran and India. It includes two hitherto unpublished letters of Shah Tahmasp to Akbar and Hamida Bano Begum. The significance of this evidence lies in the fact that the letter of Shim Tahmasp to Hamida Bano Begum is unique for more than one reason. Firstly, this letter has not been referred to by any contemporary or later chroniclers. Secondly, it is the only known document of its nature from early Mughal period. One does not come across any other instance of a Mughallady receiving a letter from the ruler of another country."

1 Abul Qasim Namakin, Munshat i Namakin, Aligarh Collection, Maulana Azad Library, AMU, no. farsiya 26; Munsh 'at i Namakin, The Mughal State and Culture 1556-1598 Selected Letters and Documents from Munshat i Namakin edited by Ishtiyaq Ahmad Zilli, Manohar Publications, 2007, New Delhi, Doc. No. 86, P 184 2 Ibid, doc no. 87, pp.184-5 3 Ibid, doc no. 88, pp 185-6 4 Ibid, doc no. 60, pp. 139-144

130 Cfiapter 10/

There are also references of some exceptional powers sometimes given to the ladies of the haram. This exceptional privilege was only enjoyed by the ladies who held the highest rank in the imperial haram such as Hamida Bano Begum, Maryam uz Zarnani, Niir Jahan and Jahanara. It was only the emperor who had the right to issue a farmdn. Farman is a term applied to the royal missive that issued from the sovereign bearing the imperial tugflra and seal. The first two lines of the farmans are always abbreviated in order to distinguish them from ministerial orders wherein all the lines are of equal length. Hukm stands for the edict of Queen mother, or Queen consort. However the connotation of this term is somewhat uncertain as we find a reference in Baburndma by our author referring to Milham Begum's edict as farmdni' while Niir Jahan refers to her edict as a nishdn in the body of the text though the tugflra at the top explicitly calls it a hukm. Hukms like farmdns are crowned with tughrii or "unwdn and their first two lines are abbreviated. Nishan on the other hand denotes an order of a prince or princess or wife of a prince and usually bears tugflra or 'unwiin of the sovereign in addition to that of the grantor as against hukm which is crowned by the tughra or "unwdn of the grantor only."

It is pertinent to note that the edicts bear either "unwdns or tugflras which occur beneath the invocations like Huwal Ghani invariably used by Babur, Humayun and early period of Akbar which was later on replaced by Huwal Akbar and Allahu Akbar. This last invocation continued to be used by Maryam Zamani and Nur Jahan. However Nadira Begum consort of Dara Shukoh, employed Huwal Qadir and Bismillah ar rahmdn ar rahim as invocation while princess Jahan Ara made use of Allahu Akbar and Bismilliih ar rahmdn ar rahim. 'Unwdns are employed in the hukms of Queen mothers, while tughriis figure in the hukms of royal consorts as also in the nishans of princesses. Hamida Bano Begum's "unwdn was Hukm i Hamida Bano Begum; similarly Maryam Zamanis was Hukm i Maryam Zamani. Niir Jahan and Mumtaz Mahal's tughra was Hukm i 'uliydi 'a/iya mahdi 'uliya with their respective names. Nadira Bano Begum's "unwiin was Nishdn i Nadira Bane Begum. Coming over to Jahan Ara she styled her tughra as Nishan i 'uliyai 'aliya mahdi

'uliya Jahan Ara bint i Hazrat Shah Jahan Biidshiin Ghiizi Sahib Qirdni Siini. 7

5 Babur, Baburnama, tr. by A.S Beveridge, Low Price Publication, Delhi, 2006 p. 630 6 S.A.I Tirmizi, Mughal Document 1526-1627, Manohar Publication, 1989, p14-15 7 Idem, Edictfrom the Mughal Harem, ldarah-i adabiyat-i DilIi, Delhi, 1979,pp. xix,xx, xxi

131 (fiapter 10/

The hukms and nishans are embellished with a beautiful seal, each affixed to the right of the "unwdns and tughrds. Such a seal is of peculiar stamp and shape. It usually contains a legend which includes the name and titles of the owner along with the appellations of her father, husband or son along with the year of engraving the seal as is evident from the following few examples: Hamida Bano Begum's shape of the seal was flower with eight petals and the legend inscribed was Harnida Bano bint i 'Ali Akbar; Maryam Zamani styled her seal as pitcher and adorned the legend Wali Nimat Begum wiilidiih i Jahangir Badshah; Nur Jahan's seal had two style and shape Lozenge with the legend Ze mehr i shah i Jahangir shiid chiin mah furuzan nigin i muhrTNur Jahan Badshah Begam i daurdn 1029 and a rose with six petals along with a legend Allahu Akbar Ze niiri mehr i Jahangir Bddshdh i Jahdnbdn, 1033 nigin i Niir Jahan Badshdh gasht furiiziin 19 juliis; Mumtaz Mahal and Nadira Banu Begum followed the round simple shape of the seal with a legend Ze lutfi Haq Mumtaz Mahal dar 'alam ba zill i khuda Shah i Jahan shiid bam dam and Nadira Bano Begum bam dam i shahi baland iqbal 1066; while Jahan Ara inscribed the legend 'Uliya i 'dliya lahan Ara bint i Shah Jahan (See plate I and 11)8

The importance of these hukm lies in the diplomatic features and the historical value of the edicts. As for example taking into account the hukm of Maryam Makani Hamida Banu Begum (See Plate III); it not only adds to our knowledge of their immense power but also show their interest in formulating and following the secular ideas of Akbar. The hukm of Maryam Makani confirms Akbar's Jarman issued on

3Safar 989A.H.l9March 1581 AD.9 The hukm of Hamida Banu Begum says:

Be it known to the karori and diligent officer of pargana Mahavan, in the sarkar of the darul khilafa of Agra, that according to the Jarman of the Exalted and the lust Emperor, the cows belonging to the

indisputable prayer offerer Bithaleshar 10 Zunnnardar may graze wherever they are, and that not a single individual of the khalisa and jagirdar should molest them or prevent them from grazing. They must

8 Ibid 9 Mughal Documents, Doc no. 58 IOBithalesharwas the second son ofVallabhacharya (the founder of the Vallabha sect and preached the bhakti doctrine) who is reported to have impressed Akbar with his learning and piety to such an extent that the emperor called him marifatagah or possessor of divine knowledge and granted him the pargana of Mahavan as a gift exempted from all taxes.

132 .... Cfiapter 10/

allow his cows to graze, and that the aforesaid person should feel at ease. It is incumbent upon them to obey the order and act accordingly, and that they should not act contrary to and deviate from the said order. Written on 1 Ramzan ul Mubarak 989A.H.l29 September 1581 A.D."

Similar is the importance of the hukm of Maryam Zamani (See plate IV) as it asserts to institute an enquiry into the misappropriation of the revenues and usurpation of thejiigir of Mudabbir Beg in the pargand of Chaupala in the sarkiir of Sambhal by Suraj Mal zamindiir and instructs the officer in charge to summon the ri 'dyat and after investigating into the matter he should ensure that all the arrears are paid to Mudabbir Beg and that not a single fulus or jital is appropriated by Suraj Mal. Another significance of this edict lies in the fact that it is the only document which refers to Jahangirs mother as WaH Nimat Begum as Maryam Zamani. This information can therefore be taken to refute the idea that the mother of Jahangir was a concubine; as it was assumed that because Jahangir does not mention his mother by name and all the contemporary accounts remain silent, it was therefore believed by many that Jahangirs mother was a concubine. Hence one cannot be wrong to presume that she was the elder daughter of Raja Bharmal of Amber who married Akbar at Sambhar near Ajmer in 1562AD.'2

Thus the hukm ofWali Nlmat Begum pronounces:

Be it known to the asylum of dignity, perfect in wisdom chieftainship, worthy of kindness and beneficence, Sayyid expectant of favour, that whereas Mudabbir Beg, one of the servants and well wishers of this court, has represented that the revenue authorities have assigned him a jagir in the pargana of Chaupala in sarkar Sambhal in lieu of his pay, but its assets have not been realised by his gumashtas and Suraj Mal, zamindar, has embezzled and usurped them. It is herby ordered that on learning the contents of the order of her majesty, he should summon the riaya before him and making enquiry into the matter get

11 The translation has been checked and taken from Edicts/rom the Mughal Harem, p.4 12 Abul Fazl Ain i Akbari II,p.242; Nizamuddin Ahmad Tabqat i Akbari, II, p.155; Abdul Qadir Badauni Muntakhab ut tawarikh, II, p.46

133 (fiapter IV

all the dues, the present revenue into the matter get all the dues, the present revenue and arrears paid to the aforesaid person, and he should not permit Suraj Mal to embezzle and usurp a single Julus or jital. Considering this imperative he should bring the order to execution and do nothing contrary to it.!3

One point is apparent from the above text that Maryam Zamani possessed inevitable power; the very writing of the hukm explicitly shows her influence and authority

The study thus comes down to Niir Jahan Begum. We have as many as eight hukms of Niir Jahan establishing her absolute power. Our study will undertake two hukms of her one addressing to Jagjrwan Das and the other to Sher Khan a subadar of Gujarat (See plate V, VI). The first hukm shows her concern towards the welfare of ri 'iiya, increasing the revenue and promoting trade confirming JagjTwan Das as Qdniingo of sarkiir Chanderi, siibah Malwa and the other ensures her determination of implementing the orders as she orders and warns Sher Khan for the consequences of not handing over the villages granted by the Imperial Jarman to the physician Hakim Ruhullah of Broach.

Hukm of Nur Jahan addressed to Jagjiwan Das says,

Whereas in accordance with the exalted Jarman of Jahangir, the post of qanungo of sarkar Chanderi, suba Malwa has been granted to Jagjiwan Das, son of Mathra Das, it is incumbent upon the hukkam, ummal, and mutasaddis of the present and future affairs of the said sarkar to consider the aforesaid person as qanungo of that place and his robust arm as all powerful. It will be the duty of the aforesaid person to do his utmost to ensure surplus in the revenues and to promote welfare of the riaya, and not to deviate from it in the least. Orders are issued to this effect also that since Mathra Das, father of the aforesaid person, had constructed katra Nur Ganj in qasba Sironj, the task of making the said katra populous has been entrusted to Jagjiwan

13 The translation has been taken from Edict/rom the MughalHarem,p. 12

134 Chapter IV

das. It is incumbent upon the jagirdars and residents of the said qasba to allow the traders to bring and deal in Kathari goods in the said katra with perfect peace of mind. No one should offer any obstruction, or put impediments. Taking every care in this matter the officials should not do anything contrary to the command. Written on the 17, Bahman,

Ilahi 19/27 January 1625.14

Another hukm of Niir Jahan addressed to Sher Khan is asserted in the following way,

Be it known to the resilient with courage and valour, worthy of kindness and valour, worthy of kindness and favour, entitled to attention and bounty, Sher Khan, who is distinguished and made hopeful of Her exalted graces, that at this time it has been brought to the sublime notice by the arzdasht of the refuge of learning and reputed servant, Hakim Ruhullah, that the addressee, who is entitled to bounty, has not delivered two out of the total number of villages granted as darubast to him by the sublime Jarman as madad i mash and has also imprisoned the grantee's writers on the plea that in the imperial Jarman the amount is specified. This is not a step in the right direction. (It is ordered) now that the day the illustrious nishan is received both the aforesaid villages in entirety may be delivered to the men of the above named grantee with effect from the beginning of the harvest of Rabi of Parsyil and if accidently, the men of one, worthy of favour (Sher Khan) have appropriated some of the said harvest, it should be returned to the aforesaid hakim and it be so settled that no complaint thereof is heard in future and every help and assistance be rendered to him in this behalf. This should be considered peremptory.

Dated 27 Ardibihisht, 22 Julus, 16 May, 1627 A.D. IS

14 The translation has been taken from Edictsfrom the Mughal Harem, p. 30 15 The translation has been taken from Edictsfrom the Mughal Harem, p. 50; Sher Khan was the title of Nahir Khan. Hakim Ruhullah hailed from Broach. He started his studies at an early age and, after acquiring the rudiments of different sciences, devoted himself entirely to medicine wherein he surpassed his contemporaries. He waited on Prince Murad and Prince Daniyal after whose death he joined the service of Abdur Rahim Khan i Khanan under whose patronage he made rapid advance. Subsequently, he was included among the physicians of Akbar's court. While the edict is designated as hukm in the tughra, it has been strangely been referred to as nishan in the text. Nishan, is a

135 Cliapter 10/

During the reign of Shah Jahan, Mumtaz Mahal was the prime lady of the Mughal haram, but her career was short lived as she died on 7June 1631, at Burhanpur as a result we therefore have only one bulan of her (See plate VII). This bulan is addressed to the mutasaddis of pargand Erandol, sarkar Khandesh, appointed Kanoji as deshmukh of the said pargand in place of Suryaji who had taken over that office but as he died a new deshmukh was instructed to adhere to the prescribed regulations of his Majesty to treat the ri'aya and residents of the place in such a way that they may feel satisfied and grateful to him and the population and cultivation of

the parganiimay increase day by day. 16

The bulan of Mumtaz Mahal reads as follows

Be it known to the mutasaddis of the present and future affairs and transactions of the pargana Erandol, suba Khandesh, were made hopeful (of royal favours) that the deshmukhi of the said pargana has for long been assigned to Kanuji, but he has been dispossessed of the said assignment forcibly, by Suryaji. Now when it has been brought to the notice of Her Majesty that Suryaji has expired, the orders of Her Majesty, the most exalted, are hereby issued that the deshmukhi of the said pargana be restored to and confirmed upon Kanuji according to the practice followed in the past. It is obligatory for them to treat the said assignment as conferred upon and attached to the aforesaid person with no one having any share therein. It should be the endeavour of the above mentioned Kanuji to adhere to the prescribed rules and regulations of His majesty: to treat the riaya and residents of that place in such a way that they feel satisfied and grateful to him and the population and cultivation of the pargana increase day by day and practising sincerity, honesty and devotion; he should try in such a way that not a single rupee of the Government in this regard is lost or wasted. It is incumbent upon them to obey the orders and not to deviate from what is commanded and they should pay attention to this

missive of a prince or princess or wife of a prince and usually bears the tughra of the Emperor in addition to that of the grantor as against hukm which is crowned by the tughra/ unwan of the queen• consort/queen mother only as is the case with present edict. ~I. 16 Ibid p.57

136 Cnapter 10/

point under all circumstances. They should treat it as obligatory for themselves. Written on 16 of Mehr, Ilahi, 2/29 September, 1629

A.D.l7

Moving towards the analysis of nishdns by the Mughal ladies; two nishans have been taken into account for our study. However there are many nishiins issued by Nadira Bano Begum, wife of Dara Shukoh and Jahan 1\ra, daughter of Shah Jahan. The nishdns taken for our study are addressed to Raja lai Singh by both the ladies; they bring forth the tussle between the brothers which led to war of succession. The exalted position of Dara Shukoh excited the jealousy of his three younger brothers, Shah Shuja, Aurangzeb and Murad. The overstated reports of Shah Jahan's illness in the year 1657 bred great anxiety in the empire. Shah Shuja proclaimed himself king in Bengal and in accordance with the plan among the three brothers, he advanced to Patna which fell into his hands. When this was reported to Shah lahan, he agreed to Dara Shukoh's proposal to despatch the latter's son, Sulaiman Shukoh along with Raja lai Singh against him [Shah Shuja].18On this note a nishdn by Nadira Bano Begum followed asking Raja lai Singh to collect Rs.50,OOOfromthe imperial treasury so that he might not feel hard pressed for money in this expedition and urging him to make all efforts that might result in the glorious victory.(See plate VIII)

The nishdn of Nadira Bano Begum proclaims:

Be it known to the best of exalted rajas, leader of the grandees of high rank, cavalier of race-course of bravery and heroism, lion of the arena of courage and valour, fitted for sublime royal favours and graces, entitled to infinite bounties and honours, confidant of the most glorified state, counsellor of the august and sublime empire. Commander of the sincere, loyal and devoted troops, Mirza Raja Jai Singh, delighted and exultant at the favours showered upon him by Her august Highness, that the arzdasht which he had recently sent to her Highness as a token of his sincerity and fidelity has been received and perused by Her Highness and whatever he had represented therein,

17 The translation has been taken from Edicts from the Mughal Harem, p. 56-57; it has a circular seal containing a versified legend which constitutes a fine Persian couplet which says, 'By the grave of God, Mumtaz Mahal, in the world, became the companion of Shah Jahan, the shadow of God.' 18B.P Saksena, History of Shah Jahan 0/ Delhi, p.333-334

137 (fuipter IV

has been brought to the notice of Her Highness. It should be clear to the prop of the well wishers of this dynasty of the imperial dignity that today is the day when the bravery, prowess, fidelity and loyalty of that firm pillar of the empire should be made known to mankind and that choicest one of the dynasty of intrepidity and heroism should make such efforts and endeavours that the accomplishment of all the aims and objectives of that prop of empire and his sons may devolve on the favours of the Imperial majesty. He ought to make all efforts and exertions and use all ways and means and should in no way relax so that the best efforts of the most exalted of all the well wishers and faithful servants may result in the glorious victory which will herald all the future victories. He must feel confident of Her Highness's august favours and bounties. Out of great favour His Majesty has ordered the sum of Rs. 50,000 to be given to the select of the faithful servants from the imperial treasury to be taken along with the victorious army so that he may not feel hard pressed for money. Written on 16 Rabiussani,Ju/us31 (1067 A.H/22 January, 1657).19

In response to an arzddsht received from Raja Jai Singh intimating her about the annihilation of the rebels of Kaman Pahari, and the inhabitation of the Rajputs in their place, in pursuance of the instructions of the royal court, Jahan Ara issued nishan lauding the efforts put by him and asked him to proceed to the royal court within four months (See plate IX). In a subsequent arzddsht Raja Jai Singh professed his profound sincerity and attachment to which Jahan Ara again responded him in a nishdn impressing upon him that she looked upon him as her own man and her highness' favours and bounties towards the pillar of the state are on the increase day by day.

The translation for the (Plate IX) which refers to the nishan of Jahan Ara addressed to Raja Jai Singh

Be it known to the bold and valiant, brave and courageous, worthy of innumerable bounties, entitled to distinct favours, Mirza Jai Singh, made hopeful of the grace of Her Highness, that the arzdasht which he

19 The translation has been taken from Edictsfrom the Mughal Harem, p. 66-67

138 .... Cliapter 11)

had recently transmitted, has been received and perused by us and we have read it out to his Majesty word by word. The annihilation of the rebels of Kama Pahari and inhabitation of Rajputs in that pargana has actuated His Majesty to shower all bounties and favours on him out of utmost solicitude and kindness. Accordingly the imprint of his devotion to duty and performance of good deeds are well impressed on the holy and noble mind of His Majesty and as the conquest of Qandahar is engaging the attention of His Majjesty, an imperial Jarman summoning him has been issued by the grace of God. He should reach the imperial court within four months. He must feel certain of the utmost favours and bounties of Her Highness. Written on

17 Shawwal, 1061 A.H .130 October, A.D. 1651.20

It is evident that during this fratricidal war, the importance of Raja Jai Singh had considerably increased. As much as Jahan Ara and Dara Shukoh were seeking support; Aurangzeb was also trying to win Raja Jai Singh over to his side which Raja Jai Singh later joined. Also it makes it clear that these hukm and nishdns issued by the royal women held much substance. This not only confirms their authority over political environment of that period but also the individual position and power they exercised at that time.

Similarly there are severalfarmans of the Emperor Jahangir concerning women and granting them land grants. We also learn from his Tuzuk that he ordered and appointed I:!aji Koka to bring before him needy women." A Jarman from 1610-11 addressed to officials states that Musammat BIbT Joola Koochi has been granted land measuring 150 bigha situated in pargand Haveli Hajipur, sarkar Hajipur, suba Bihar as madad-i-ma 'ash. Orders the officials concerned to deliver possession of the land to the grantee and demand no tax from her.22

20 The translation has been taken from Edictsfrom the Mughal Harem, p. 86-87 21 Tuzuk, p.46 22 Mughal Documents, Farman no.144, p. 87

139 (fuipter FV

Similarly, efarmiin dated 15 July 1611 is directed to the officials and states that Musammat 'Alam Khatun is granted 65 bTgha of land situated in village Jagdishpur, parganaChirand sarkdr Saran, sfiba Bihar, as madad-i-ma 'ash.23

Another Jarman comes from November-December 1612 is addressed to the officials saying 400 bighd of land situated in pargand Chaund, sarkdr Rohtas, siiba Bihar have been granted to Musammat Zainab by way of madad-i-ma 'ash. It also states that as the land is rent free, grantees should not be asked to pay any tax

whatsoever.24

Interestingly, we find at time widows were given land in collaboration as is reflected from one of the Jarman of Jahangtr (dated 21 July 1621). It thus says that Musammat Daulat Bakht, widow of Sheikh I:Iaji,Nimat, widow of Hasan Jao, widow of Allahabad and' Alam KhatITn,widow of Ibrahim have collectively given 150 bighd of land. 'A.lam Khafiin would get 30 bTghawhile each of the remaining three grantees would get 40 bighd of land. He further orders them not to disturb the grant in any way.25

As referred earlier that I:IaJIKoka was asked to bring needy women z farmdn of Jahangir certifies the same. Dated 23 July 1619 aJarman is addressed to the officials informs them that Musammat BIbTShana and her sons have been granted land situated in pargand Dera, sarkiir Lucknow, as madad-i-ma 'ash, they are ordered to release the land to the grantees, after measuring demarcating and consolidating it. On the reverse is the yad dasht prepared and endorsed in the risdld of I:IaJTKoka, a chaukiof Tatar Khan and wdqia nawtsi of Muhammad Mtran. It is recorded in the zimn that the grant has been made at the initiative of Nur Jahan."

Sometimes the said grant was passed to over to the heirs after his/her death. The Nishan of Prince Khurram refers the same. A nishdn dated 23 June 1624 addressed to the officials states that Shaikh 'Abdus Samad and Shaikh Muhammad were granted 400 bighd of land situated in villages Rampur etc. pargand Haveli Hajipur, sarkdr

23 Ibid, Farman no 146 24Ibid,Farman no 151; similarly there are several other Jarmans by Jahangir Jarman 157, Jarman 193,201,221,222,268 25 Ibid, Farman of Jahangir no. 248 26Ibid, Farman no. 221, p. 110

140 ... Cfiapter 11)

Hajipur, sfiba Bihar by virtue ofJarman of Jahangir as madad-i-ma 'ash. On the death of Shaikh 'Abdus Samad the matter was brought to notice of the Emperor. The imperial orders were issued to the effect that the said grant should be renewed and the share of the deceased be released to Musammat BIbT Shanfa and BIbT Fatima, heirs of the deceased 'Abdus Samad. The officials concerned are directed to hand over possession of the land to the grantees. The grant being rent free the grantees should not be asked to pay the land revenue or any other tax.27

There are also several references of hukms addressed in the same direction. The hukm of Itimad ud daula dated 27 November 1619, addressed to the gumashtas of jdgtrddrs and karoris ofparganaPakhrapur sarkiir Bahraich, informs them that a land grant of land measuring 100 bighd by gaz i ilahi situated in the said pargand has been bestowed upon BIbT Sandal and others as madad-i-ma 'ash from the beginning of kharTf crop. Therefore it is directed to the officials concerned to measure demarcate and consolidate the land and hand over its possession to the grantees who should enjoy the proceeds thereof without any obstruction or molestation.i" Another is the parwdn of Itimad ud daula, dated 17 September 1614, addressed to the officials of pargand Hisampur, sarkar Bahraich, it directs them to restore 250 btgha of land in village Kasraula to Musammat BIbT Khunza Jahan, Musammat BIbT Shaha and others_29

Surprisingly few of them also refers to the chaste image of the woman which is reflected from the following: Sanad i Sadaratul 'ulliyatul 'a!iya addressed to the agents of karorTs, andjagYtdars ofparganaBatala, siiba Lahore informs them that the wife of Shaikh Qutb, a chaste and pious lady has been granted 60 bighd of land by virtue of theJarman dated 7 Khurdad, Ilahi 13 as madad-i-ma 'ash from the beginning of the spring harvest of the horse year. It orders the officials to measure, demarcate and consolidate the land in question and hand over possession thereof to the grantee. It further directs them not to molest and harass the grantee for any tax, nor to demand from her anyJarman or parwdncha from year to year.30

Legal and Civil Rights:

27Ibid, Nishan no. 276 28Ibid, Hukm no 226 291bid, Parwana no 169 30 Ibid, No. 176, year 1614-1615

141 Cliapter IV

There have been numerous studies on Mughal administration as well as administration of justice but these were confined to judicial set up specifically" The enquiry into the practice of civil law by the officials as well as of the petitioners has received less attention. However some recent works on Civil Law and Justice under the Mughals endeavour to throw more light on this aspect.32 Thus we learn that there were two officials in-charge for the siiba to administer justice under the Mughal rule. The first was the siibaddr who acted on the judicial powers entrusted to him by the

Emperor. In his absence, the dtwan was the chief judge.33 The second being the provincial qiizi, dealt with the religious and civil cases mostly." The qiizi of the suba was appointed by the Emperor under the seal of the qdzi al-quzzat (the chief qa:?i).35 At times a complaint against the judgement of a qdzi could also be taken up by the chief qiizi if a formal complaint of wrong judgement or of justice denied was mader"

When a civil suit was filed in a court would first specify the name(s) of the muqir and then try to establish the rights huqiiq and claims istihqdq of the seller or owner mdlik over the property (milk, imldk, mamliika) with the help of the testimony (shahadat) of at least two witnesses (shahid, gavah).37 The importance of the witnesses can be determined from the testimony of 'Abu'I Fazl, who writes that it was the obligation of the qdzi to examine each witness separately upon the same point before reaching a conclusion.r" Another important information which needs to be mentioned is that before any business transaction, the deponent or the vendor had to

31 Jadunath Sarkar, Mughal Administration, M.C Sarkar & Sons, Calcutta, 1920, B.S Jain, Mughal Administration of Justice in tr" Century India, Delhi, 1920; Wahed Husain, Administration of Justice During Muslim Rule in India, Allahabad, 1936; Muhammad Akbar, Administration of Justice by the Mughals, Lahore, 1948; M.B. Ahmad, Administration of Justice in Medieval India 1266-1750, Aligarh, 1961. 32 See for example Rafat M. Bilgrami, Religious Departments of the Mughal Period 1556-1707, New Delhi, 1984; Syed Ali Nadeem Rezavi, Civil law and Justice in Mughal Gujarat, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 54th Session, Mysore, 1993. 33 R. Orme, The Historical Fragments of the Mughal Empire, New Delhi, 1974, p. 284, cf. S.A. Nadeem Rezavi, Civil Law and Justice in Mughal Gujarat, 34 Nadeem Rezavi cites, Ali Muhammad Khan, Mira! i Ahmadi, 1, Baroda, 1927, pp 277-83, 309; (supplement), p. 174; he also refers that Arif Qandhari makes a mention of yet another officer, shahna-i 'adalat, who were appointed in all the provinces under Akbar. 35 Mirat i Ahmadi, op.cit., supplement, 1930, pp.179, 199,261. 36 Ibid, I, p. 309 37 NAI 269511-44,docs. 13,14, IS, 18 etc. 38 Abul Fazl, Ain i Akbari, ed. Blochmann, Calcutta, 1867, Vol. I, p. 283. Nadeem Rezavi says, possibly it was for this reason that at times the huliya of the deponent would also be taken into account, but this noting of huliya of the deponent appears confined to Gujarat, this tradition has not been found prevalent in the document of other regions.

142 Chapter IV establish his mental and physical soundness and his right sense (sihat- i nafs wa sabat-i 'aqlr. One more testimony was taken into account that his affirmation was voluntary and of his own accord (ta 'i 'an wa rdghebatany and was being entered into it without any overt or covert pressure (bila ikrah).39

Munsh 'at i Namakin, also contains a large number of legal and contractual documents which throw considerable light not only on legal procedures that were followed during that period but also inevitably reflect the conditions obtaining in the contemporary society. There are documents relating to nikah which throw interesting light on the institutions of marriage." Besides mentioning mehr, four very significant conditions are mentioned in the marriage contract and all these are in favour of women. These conditions are referred in the documents as the four condition of shari 'at, which are well known among the Muslims. This would mean that these were the usual terms of marriage contract during that period. First, the man would not enter into marriage contract with any other woman. Secondly, the man would not stay away from the woman for one complete year in a manner that her maintenance would not reach her and in case this happens, the woman would be entitled to terminate the marriage with one final taliiq (taliiq i bain). Thirdly, unless warranted by some serious offence or perfidy committed by the woman, the man would not beat her in such a manner that leaves its impression on any part of her body. In case of the materialization of any of these conditions, the woman would be at liberty to dissolve the marriage with one final taliiq italiiq i bain) from the man who is guilty of a religious crime (mujrim i shara'ii whenever and wherever she desires and the settlement amount would be payable to her. The fourth condition is that the man would not bring a concubine of any description upon her, be it Indian, Armenian or of any other description. In case he brings a concubine, she would be free to sell the same at the prevalent price and keep the price as part of her marriage settlement. It was only with these stringent conditions that a marriage was solemnized.4l

39 NAI26951l-44, Doc. 1, etc., almost all the documents full this legality. 40 Abul Qasim Khan, Munshat iNamakin, ed. Ishtiyaq Ahmad Zilli, Lytton Farsiya, Docs no. 205-206, pp.333-335; Zilli opines that "Munshat i Namakin is among the largest known collections of insha writings surviving from early Mughal period. The documents put together in this collection provide information on a wide range of subjects relating to the political, institutional, cultural, legal and even religious aspects of Akbar's reign." 41 Munshat i Namakin, p.69-70; Farhat Hasan in his work State and Locality in Mughal India Power Relation in Western India, c.1572-1730, holds that "Such instances of the appropriation of shari 'a by

143 Chapter 10/

Similar conditions of marriage are mentioned by a senes of documents belonging to the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries from Gujarat. These documents, analysed by Shireen Moosvi go on to show that these conditions, as earlier mentioned by 'Abu'I Qasim's Namakin were not aberrations but prevailed all over the century and were quite known and popularly understood up to at least, the eighteenth century.Y

There are also references of individual conditions in few nikahnamas of Surat which a wife might impose over her husband and take surety from him, that in case of non-compliance she would be deemed legally free to divorce him. In one document dated 2 November 1633, we find a husband, a cook by profession, giving surety in the court that he had abstained from consuming liquor for a period of one year. In case he is found indulging in this vice in future, he nominates his wife as wakila, to approach the law and get a decree of divorce.Y It shows that the drawing up conditions even after marriage was quite common.

The conditions mentioned m the documents do not appear to be only theoretical, as there are cases where women were given divorce due to their husbands' violation of these conditions. For example a woman named Habib Bai got her divorce in 1628 as her husband ISQ,aqfailedto provide any maintenance and was absconding

for a long period. 44 A similar case is seen in 1633 of Salima Khatoon getting her

Muslim women were not typical of South Asia. Women were exploiting the contradictions in shari 'a in quite a similar manner in other Islamic countries, as well. It is interesting to note that the marriage stipulations included by women in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in Egypt and Ottomon Kayseri were quite similar to the ones we find in Surat: prohibition from taking additional wives, protecting domestic violence, etc. this not only suggests that the anxieties of women were quite similar across North Africa and west and South Asia, but also underlines the fact that women in all these places were well aware of the strategies to manipulate shari 'a to protect their material and symbolic interest."p.81 42 Shireen Moosvi, Travails of a Mercantile Community Aspect of Social Life at the Port of Surat (Earlier Half of the Seventeenth Century), People, Taxation, and Trade in Mughallndia, Oxford University Press, 2012, pp.275-287; see also Shadab Bano, Women and Property in Mughal India, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, Delhi 2008, pp. 406-415. 43MS.Blochet, Supp. Pres.482, A microfilm in the Research Library, CAS in History, AMU has been used, Surat Doc. ff205 (a) - (b); 44 MS.B1ochet,Supp. Pres.482, Surat Doc. ff['195 (a)-l 96(a).

144 Cfiapter 10/

divorce approved on the same grounds." In 1632, we find Maryam Jf declaring a slave girl independent in lieu of30 mahmudis, and getting rid of her."

The concern of lower class women was more for maintenance, as it is reflected in one of the document from 1619 concerning Maryam and Muhammad Jiu. As stated above, that the husband was obliged to provide maintenance to his wife and if he failed to do so, the wife had the right to seek divorce automatically. Maryam left him and after a certain period the husband returned, and asked her to come back. She refused. On her doing so Muhammad Jiu approached the court asking for restitution of conjugal rights. She in tum produced before the court the written contract and asserted that she did not receive any maintenance for five years, on which the court turned down the appeal of Muhammad Jiu and ordered that she had a right for divorce, and thus gave the verdict in her favour. It appears that she ultimately chose not to divorce him and agreed to remain his wife as we find that two years later a person named Ibrahim takes a surety before the qdzi on behalf of Muhammad Jiu for his payment to her maintenance.Y

Thus it is apparent that the poor women had no respite even after incorporating these conditions and getting divorce from a penurious husband, or perhaps it was difficult to find an appropriate and generous husband for women of Maryam's class.

However worth noting is that, as a non-muslim wife, they were also entitled for mehr. In one of the document (dated 11Februrary.l 686) bainiimd-cum-hibandmd, a baqqdl (banya) purchased a residential building at Cambay for Rs. 7011-AlamgYri• for the payment of mehr of his wife, and gave it to her along with gold and silver jewellery, utensils etc. 48 Another document of 160ctober 1660 records a woman named Phulan to have a share in the ownership of a house from her husband as

me/:zr.49

45MS.Blochet, Supp. Pres.482, Surat Doc. f.205(b) 46 MS.Blochet, Supp. Pres.482, Surat Doc.f.194 (b) 47 MS. Blochet, Supp, Pres. 482, Surat Doc. ff206 (b)- 207 (a) and 207 (a)- 207 (b) 48 NAI 2695/1-44, Doc. No.8 49 NAI 2695/1-44, Doc no. 26

145 CliapterIV

A document of 1550 refers to a Muslim family of Bilgram where we find a daughter and daughter in law of the family share the same residential plot of land (zamTn i sakni) in a way that one having inheritance from father and the other in mehr from her husband. 50

A tamliknama executed by Musammat BIbT Sappo, daughter of Miyan Shaikh Daulat, and wife of Miyan Shah Muhammad, transfers voluntarily all her rights in a plot of land in village Samauddinpura, jointly owned by Shah Muhammad and Miyan Usman, son of Miyan Shamaud Dln Ahwazi, and inherited by her husband as part of her dower, to Miyan Shaikh 'Abdul Haltm son of Miyan Shaikh Barkhurdar. Accordingly Shaikh 'Abdul Halim has taken over possession of the said property."

It therefore appears from our documents that the mehr could be of two kinds. It could be in cash or in kind. It was further divided into mehr i mu 'ajjal and mehr i muwwajjal. Mehr i mu 'ajjal was usually 1/3rd of the actual agreed amount, which had to be paid immediately. Mehr i muwwajjal was the deferred dower and had to be paid later. It was generally 2/3rd of the actual dower.52

There is much evidence in these documents about women inheriting and controlling property. A number of documents from Cambay preserved in the national archives certify that the non-Muslim women enjoyed the right of inheritance over parental property. 53 There are also references of a daughter inheriting the whole property in case there was no male inheritor. 54 Mothers also endowed in favour of their daughters share out of their property. A document thus is evidence for a mother giving her daughter share in a property spread over several villages. 55 Of crucial importance, certainly, is not just the ownership but control over property which is evident from the following instance of 1730, where there is a reference of a Brahman father bestowing a house on his younger daughter by way of sila (gift) and tabarru

50 Documents from Bilgram (Awadh), Transcripts in dept of History Aligarh, No.6 51 Mughal Documents, Document no. 303, p. 132 52 MS.Blochet, Supp. Pres.482,Surat doc. Ff. 198 (a)- (b), 218 (a), 218 (b)- 219 (a), 20 I (b)- 22 (a) etc. 53 It was only under the Hindu succession Act of 1956, that a Hindu (non Muslim) woman was given equal right of inheritance. NAI 2695/1-44, Doc. No.6, 10, 11, 15 etc. 54 NAI 269511-44,Doc. No.1, 5 55 Shamsabad and Bilhaur Documents, Transcripts in Centre of Advanced Study in History, A.M.U., no. 39.

146 Chapter IV

(voluntary) donation. 56 The women were free to sell or mortgage the property without any difficulty. We have a reference of sale deed as early as from the reign of

Humayun dated 29th August 1531. A sale deed executed by BibT Shukir, daughter of Salar Tharu and wife of Salar Sulaiman, in favour of Qazi 'Abdud Daim, son of Ilhadad for selling 16 out of 20 biswds known and reputed as milk and khoti of village Sharafuddinpur, together with cultivated land of village Shaikhanpur, qasbii Bilgram for 450 tanka i 'Adli. The vendor transfers her rights including milk of trees, fruits, water channels, tanks, takab etc., but excluding mosque and graves.57 Yet another sale deed comes from the reign of Akbar dated 22 June, 1574, executed by Bai Pomi, wife of Gardi Asdin and Vura Shapur Asdin in respect of a house sold to Eravd Padam Mahiyar. It bears signatures of the vendors, Bai Pomi and Shapur Asdin, as also of the witnesses.58 Another comes from the year 1579 of BibT Baghi, daughter of Fand

'Ataullah in respect of a piece of land measuring four biswas.59 A sale deed dated 19 November 1626 executed by Musammat BibT Haibat, daughter of Miyan Madan, in respect of half of the house, sold to Miyan Abdul Halim, son of Miyan Shaikh 'Abdul

Hamid for Rs. 2. 60 These documents confirm that the women had the right to property: she could own and dispose off the land and property as she willed.

There are also several instances of women acting as waktl. A perusal of our documents show that the civil suits could be filed, argued and fought on behalf of the deponents; as it was only in 1671 when Aurangzeb formally appointed wakil i shar'i

(lawyers) in all the towns and siibas.61 The earliest evidence for the appointment of a wakil from our documents of Gujarat is of 1621 when a husband authorised his wife to be his wakYlah.62 However the term here appears to stand for a representative rather than a lawyer. Another document from 1629 reflects the same practice of representation where a mother appointed her daughter as her wakil over her property; she was then given the right of either mortgage or sell the house as per her need.63 Not leaving the men behind in this genre, there is an instance of a husband acting as the

56 NAI 2695/1-44, Doc. No. 26

57 S.A. I Tirmizi, Mughal Document, Document. No.5, p.46 58 Ibid, Document No. 34, p. 53 59 Ibid, Document No. 49, p.57 60 Document no. 312, p. 133 61 Khwafi Khan, Muntakhab ul Lubab, Calcutta, 1925,II p.p 249,253; Mohd. Sadiq Khan, Tarikh i Shahjahani (Rotograph in Deptt. of History, AMU), f. 148 (a) - (b). 62 MS.Blochet, Supp. Pres.482, Surat doc, ff. 207 (a)- (b) 63 MS.B1ochet,Supp. Pres.482, Surat doc, ff. 202 (a)- (b)

147 Chapter IV wakil of his litigant wife, and fighting the case on her behalf.64 A case of 1692 shows three men acting as wakil on behalf of their sister in the court of the Qazi of Cambay/" Old women and mothers could also have their sons fighting their legal battles as their wakTls.66

Where such liberties and privileges were enjoyed by the women of that period, there are also references of some misuse of these civil liberties. A case of April 1736 is evidence for the same. Bel Bai, is seen to be converting to Islam to get a share in the property of her deceased father, as per the shar 'a. Mirza Muhammad Taqi who filed a suit on the behalf of his wife on the ground that Nathi, the women's mother declined, saying that as her daughter Bel Bai had converted to Islam, the demand could not be acceded to. The dispute was handed over to the 'ulama (doctors of law) who gave the ruling that to give the share would be in contravention of the din (faith) as the wirsa (law of succession) does not apply to her. Therefore Bel Bai had to withdraw her claim, and ultimately, due to the intervention of certain individuals a sum ofRs. 101- was given to her mother in view of her poor condition."

As we have already seen from several instances that the Muslim as well as non Muslim women, specifically daughters, had share in property. There are examples of daughters inheriting property when no male inheritor was there. Instances are also of family disputes at times when the division was made among the sons and daughters together. There are also instances when brothers were seen trying to appropriate better portions of lands belonging to their sisters.I"

64 NAI 2695/1-44, Doc no. 5, 29; Surat doc. ff200 (b) (a) 65 NAI 2695/1-44, Doc no. 12 66 NAI 2695/1-44, Doc no. 2, 20 67 NAI 269511-44, Doc. No, 29; Another argument which was rightly pointed out by Syed Ali Nadeem Rezavi in his article Civil Law and Justice in Mughal Gujarat, the term shara connote "law" and not necessarily "Islamic law". Therefore the invocation of the shara was meant to be understood as "rule of law", which once entered into, had not to be violated. It was perhaps this same "law", which was dictated by the customs and traditions of the Non-muslims. 68 Shamsabad and Bilhaur Documents, Transcripts in Centre of Advanced Study in History, A.M.U., no.48

148 (fiapter Io/

Thus we can safely assume that the women of Mughal India whether they belonged to the royalty or were belonging to the middle strata, had legal priviliges similar to men of that period. Even if adorned with honorific titles which made their image in the official chronicles as 'chaste' and 'virtuous' women we find that this did not weigh down their activities and did not meant that they had to behave in a particular way because of their titles. As far as the ordinary and 'middle class' women of the period are concerned, even they had all the rights to inherit the property and enjoy full control over it. They could even impose conditions in the nikdhndmds which in turn gave them the right to free themselves from the vulnerable conditions they could get into.

149

Cliapter 10/

SEAL OF NADIRA BANU

.,A JII!!!F'

TUGHAA OF .JAHAN AAA Plate I: Seal of Nadira Banu and Tughra of Jahan Ara, reproduced from

S.A.I Tirmizi, Edict from the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli,

Delhi,1979

150 / Chapter IV

TUGHRA OF NUR JAHAN

SEAL OF NUA JAHAN

Plate II: Tughra and Seal of Nur Jahan reproduced from S.A.I Tirmizi, Edictfrom the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli, Delhi, 1979

151

Chapter IV

Plate III: Hukm of Hamida Banu Begum Maryam Makani reproduced from S.A.I Tirmizi, Edict from the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli, Delhi, 1979

152 1

( ~ I Cliapter IV

Plate IV: Hukm of Wali Nimat Begum Maryam Zamani reproduced from S.A.I Tirmizi, Edict from the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Di1li, Delhi, 1979

153 '/ Chapter IV

Plate V: Hukm ofNur Jahan Begum reproduced from S.A.I Tirmizi, Edict from the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli, Delhi, 1979

154 " J Cliapter Io/

. ... .~: .).

Plate VI: Hukm ofNur Jahan Begum reproduced from S.A.I Tirmizi, Edict from the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli, Delhi, 1979

155

Cliapter [0/

Plate VII: Hukm of Mumtaz Mahal reproduced from S.A.I Tirmizi, Edict from the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli, Delhi, 1979

156 .. ~ Cliapter Io/

"<31..

Plate VIII: Nishan of Nadira Banu Begum reproduced from S.A.I Tirmizi, Edictfrom the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli, Delhi, 1979

157 ,J .~ " ;i A1 "j

i i I Cfiapter 10/

Plate IX: Nishan of Jahan Ara reproduced from S.A.I Tirmizi, Edict from the Mughal Harem, Idarah-i adabiyat-i Dilli, Delhi, 1979

158

C:J-{~p'r'E'R-Y 1J'EPICTION OJ WO:M'EN IN :Mu{j:J-{.Jt£ :MINI.Jt -run'ES

Cliapter-v

Art is the mirror of society, and as such is a visual commentary of man's life and his activities; and it is possible to reconstruct the history of the material culture of the people in rich and vivid form from paintings.' History cannot be written without a bias; but perhaps this pictorial representation may be more precise in nature than a personal interpretation. At the same time, the picture may include incidental details which could have been missed by the historian.2

This chapter deals with the Mughal miniatures depicting women of that era. We find several paintings depicting women in different ways. But before delving into an analysis of these paintings one has to remember that except for one or two women painters, the artists involved in the production of the miniatures were male artists. Moreover the intended audience of these products were also men. However, Nadira

Bano, Sahifa Bano and Ruqaiyya Bano3 are known to have painted during the reigns of Akbar and Jahangir." As per the inscriptions on the two surviving miniatures,

Nadira Bano was the daughter of MIr Taqi.5 She is also described in both inscriptions as pupil of Aqa Riza. Nadira Bano also worked at Salim's atelier at Allahabad. In the inscription apparently a signature she calls herself a servant (slave, banda) of Padshah Salim. Both of her miniatures are made after western engravings." For Sahifa Bano, Verma opines that she seems originally to have been a Persian painter, both her inscribed miniatures being adapted after original by Agha Mirak and Bihzad of the Persian school. Jahangir's autograph on miniature further establishes Sahiba Bani affiliation with the imperial atelier. However no details on painter's background are

I S.P Verma, Interpreting Mughal Painting Essays on Art, Society and Culture, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2009, p.157 2 Geeti Sen, Paintings from the Akbarnama A Visual Chronicle of Mughal India, Luster Press Pvt Ltd, Varanasi, 1984, p.16 3 Sheis known from single undated miniature characteristicof the late fifteenthcentury Safavid school. S.P. Vermasays it is uncertain if she had anythingto do with the Mughal school.No miniature from her brush bearingthe signs of the Mughal qalam is known. He further says Das has however attributedto Ruqayya Banoa miniatureon a Christiantheme executedat Jahangir's atelierbut he gives no reason for so. 4 Accordingly, a folio from Khamsa i Nizami depicts a woman painter busy making a self portrait while her attendant faces her holding the mirror. Also there is miniature of a princess examining a portrait. 5 S.P Verma, Mughal Painters and their work- A Bibliographical Survey and Comprehensive Catalogue,New Delhi, 1994, p.309. 6 The signed painting of Nadira Bano survives in the Gulshan Album, Imperial Library, Tehran.

159 Cliapter-v available.7 Thus, men were the connoisseurs of these images, while the role of women themselves in the productions and formation is less than clear. Probably these consciously constructed images reveal only what was socially accepted and worthwhile to record about women.

In the words of 'Abii'I Fazl "drawing the likeness of anything is called taswlr".8 The Mughal emperors are known to have been great patrons of art. Initially the artists appear to have hailed from centres of Persian art that flourished in Central and West Asia, or worked under the influence of these schools but soon came to incorporate people drawn from various backgrounds. The Mughal School soon came to include artists belonging to various social groups who benefited from the patronage of the Mughal court and higher nobility. The Mughal art is essentially a court art, but it is still one in which people of all class, caste, sex is brought in to complete picture. And, since every part of a Mughal painting aims at perfection in rigorously accurate detail, we have more intimate view of material life than we get anywhere else in pre modem Indian art. We have no specific evidence of any painters accompanying Babur (1526-30), the first Mughal Emperor, to India. But it is likely that there were some painters in his entourage; for he had a love of nature and its depiction. In his memoirs he even offers criticism of the work of the famous Persian painter Bihzad. During the closing years of his successor, Humayun's reign (1550-6), the Persian master painters, MIr Sayyid 'Ali and Khwaja 'Abdus Samad joined the court.

It was during the reign of Akbar (1556-1605), that the Mughal School developed a distinct style of its own. Akbar was the first Mughal monarch who took a deep interest in the promotion of painting, and following the Mongol and Timurid examples, commissioned the work of illustrating numerous manuscripts. When he was a child at Kabul with his father Humayun, he had the opportunity to study Persian painting in the company of the Persian painters Khwaja 'Abdus Samad and MIr Sayyid 'Ali. Akbar's reign was the period when a new synthesis of art took place from the heterogeneous elements viz. Persian, Central Asian and Indian, gathered at

7 S.P Verma says that Clarkes asserts that she was either a Mughal princess or a personage of high rank which he finds unconvincing. sAbul Fazl, Ain iAkbari,tr. H. Blochman,voll, New Delhi, 2010 p.113

160 Cfiapter-'1J his court."Akbar's interest in painting, and the generous patronage he gave to it, may be seen from 'Abu'I Fazl's statements in the 'Ain- i -Akbari

"His Majesty, from his earliest youth, has shown a great predilection for this art, gives it every encouragement, as he looks upon it as a means both of study and amusement. Hence the art flourishes, and many painters have obtained great reputation. The works of all painters are weekly laid before his Majesty by the Diiroghiis and the clerks; he then confers rewards according to excellence of workmanship, or increases the monthly salaries. Much progress was made in the commodities required by painters and the correct prices of such articles were carefully ascertained.r''"

For Akbar the painter's task was to explore both the external and internal qualities of an object. For the first time, a conscious effort was made under Akbar to liberate painting from the strait jacket of sectarian ideology in contrast to the traditional Indian art, which was exclusively concerned with religious themes. A number of gilders, margin ornamentors, line drawers and pagers were employed. The atelier was therefore completely organized with diirogh.iis and clerks. The former laid the work of painters before Akbar who conferred awards upon them according to the excellence of their workmanship. Further to develop the art of painting, he made the materials of painting, easily available by ordering them to be sold at reasonable rates.

Artists were paid monthly salaries. 11

Akbar followed the Timurid tradition in which manuscript illustration received special attention. But painting at his court was not essentially an art of book illustration; portraiture was important too. Akbar's great interest in painting is shown not only by his defence of painting against the censure of conservative Muslims, but by the claim that he made for it as a source of revelation of divine wisdom:

"One day, [says 'Abu'l Fazl] at a private party of friends His Majesty, who had conferred on several the pleasure of drawing near him, remarked: "there are many that hate painting; but such men I dislike. It appears to me as if a painter had quite peculiar means of recognizing

9S.P.Yerma, Catalogue, p.4 10Abul Fazl, Ain iAkbari , p.115 llYerma, Art and Material Culture in the Paintings of Akbar's Court, New Delhi, 1978, p. xxvi

161 Cliapter-'V

God, for a painter in sketching anything that has life, and in devising its limbs, one after the individuality upon his work, and be thus forced to think of God, the giver oflife, and will thus increase in knowledge.v'r

Akbar did not blindly follow the traits set by Persian and Indian art. His innovations begin with an explicit emphasis on drawing from life. Akbar's contact with the European art by 1570s materialized his novel concept of painting and made it functional. The Mughal painters successfully executed psychological images imbued with realism. They did not stop with mere imitation of the European specimens; but went on mastering the basics of European art which generated a new art, brushing aside the past and present of Persian and Indian painting.l '

Akbar's dominant interest in painting was related to its thematic aspects rather than its ideological or spiritual dimensions. At Akbar's atelier there was no attempt to ascribe divine attributes to any individual through pictorial symbolism. It was only during 1ih century that the portraits of the Mughal Emperors were given halos, cherubs, angels, etc., to signify their proximity to divinity. These figurative motifs, directly adopted from the art of Europe, utilised by the painters of Jahangir and Shah Jahan for apotheosis portraits of their royal patrons. Akbar preferred the historical portraits imbibing innate characters of the subject. 14

By the early seventeenth century, covering the last five years of Akbar's reign and the first ten years of the reign of his son, who assumed the imperial title Jahangir, show that Akbar's influence over the arts was fading and his heir Salim who had a natural connoisseur's instinct was gradually emerging as a distinct genre. During the initial phase of his reign, the new Emperor Jahangir continued to refine his tastes as his young artists' attained confidence and maturity. The entire fifteen years period is made complex by the overlapping of the father and son's differing ideals as well as by painters' efforts to develop new modes of expression during the era. IS

12Abul Fazl, Ain i Akbari, p.115. 13Verma, Interpreting Mughal Painting, p.12 14 See S.P.Verma's Introductory note In Sir Thomas W. Arnold revised and ed. by J.V.S. Wilkinson Indian Miniatures The Library of A. Chester Beatty, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, 2008, p. xv 15 Linda York leach, Mughal and other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library, YoU, London, 1995, p.147; Akbarnama and a section of the Nafahat al Uns describing sufi saints represents the Agra atelier, altered by changes at the end of Akbar's rule but still following standards determined by that influential emperor. However YogVashisht and Raj Kunwar add a great deal to

162 Cfzapter-'V

The illustrations of Piidshiihndma like those of Akbar's reign are also an extraordinary artistic achievement and a major historical chronicle. The text written by 'Abdul Hamid Lahori, documents the reign of the Shah Jahan (1628-1658), painted by the greatest of the imperial artists, these 44 illustrations provide an enthralling view of a court unrivalled in its time, with great magnificence, wealth and power. The volume consists of 239 folios, written on gold-flecked tan paper of a thinness and evenness of texture that proclaim high quality. A colophon on the last page of the volume states that the text was copied by the scribe Muhammad Amin of Mashhad, who completed this assignment in 1657-58.16

Mughal miniatures are rich in themes: these range from court scenes, depictions of Emperors, princes and nobles to ascetics and common people as well as flora and fauna. Such richness called for specialization, which seems to have developed in portraiture (single or group- portraits), the drawing of pictures of birds and animals, margin painting and design work.

Collaboration, however, seems to have preceded theme specialization. In Akbar's atelier, the making of a picture was usually divided into two successive stages, viz., sketching or drawing (tarh) and colouring (amal or rangamezi). While one painter sketched, another might do the colouring. Sometimes a third painter finished the main figures (surat) or portraits (chehriinumdii what is generally referred to as line drawing (outline) held the first place in the art since on it depended the entire composition: its rhythm, accuracy in form and features. This task was therefore usually assigned to skilled master painters. 17

Females are infrequently though exquisitely depicted in the paintings. With the help of slight variations in the nose and the chin, a standard form seems to be repeated everywhere. The nose is invariably drawn longish, with a pointed or round tip. The faces are usually oval. A small round chin is replaced by a bulky chin. The eyes, the forehead, the lips and the rest of the face are drawn on set lines (Plate I). The female face and the body carry a certain delicacy about it, but for distinguishing it from that of the male, the artist depends mostly on the clothes, hair and ornaments.

the knowledge of the seminal art created for prince Salim during his years of rebellion from 1600 to 1604 at Allahabad. 16 Milo Cleveland Beach and Ebba Koch, King of the World: The Padshahnama Paintings, an Imperial Mughal Manuscript from the Royal Library, London. !7Verma, Catalogue, p.19.

163 Cliapter-

These are also used to distinguish the status of one female figure from another. The full figure of women are directly drawn on the lines of a set formula- viz. a long slim body, a thin waist, a broad span of shoulders, high breasts, long hands with longish fingers, and generally, the part of the body above the waist shorter than that below.

The characteristic features of the women belonging to the nobility and the commoners are alike. The portraits of women depicted in the illustrations are not the record of actual likenesses. The artist had hardly any opportunity to see the subject of his portrait and under the circumstances he depended on his imagination and the conventional lines for the ideal to emerge. A few characteristics in the treatment of women appear to have been borrowed from the Indian tradition. 18

As we have already seen in all official records, the family tree of the dynasty took the origin back to Timur through the paternal stem. Mirza Haider Dughlat, 'Abu'I Fazl and many other court historians, sought to give the family supernatural ancestry by tracing the tree to a Central Asian female figure, Alanqua, a royal widow impregnated by the rays of the Sun in order to give a divine image and referring to the "Immaculate Conception". The miniatures too do not fail to record Alanqua. We therefore have an illustration in which Alanqua is depicted with her three sons. The image of a mother as in the texts portrays a very chaste and divine image often referring and comparing her with pious women like Rabia and Fatima, one finds the same treatment meted out to them in the miniatures as well. We see that the image of the mother, Alanqua, is drawn bigger in comparison to other subjects (Plate II). In similarly form are the illustrations of Chengizniimii (1596) which recounts the life of the great Mongol Chengiz Khan.

Sometime around 1584 Akbar's painters began the illustration of Tiirikh i Khiindiin Timuriyya or Timurndmii. A close look at the 137 illustrations of this manuscript shows that the artists sought to establish the Timur Mughal connection making the Mughals the rightful heirs to Timur's immense and glamorous Empire and the just and legitimate sovereigns of India. 19 One such miniature (Plate III) illustrates Chengiz Khan with his wife, dividing his Empire between his sons signifying the

18 Verma, Art and material culture,pp31-33. See also A.K.Das, "The Problem of Authentic portraits of NurJahan", Art and Culture Felicitation Volume in Honour of Professor S. Nurul Hasan, ed.A.J.Qaisar & S.P.Verma Jaipur, pp 43-48, 1993. 19 Timurnama, Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, Patna, cf. Amina Okada, Imperial Mughal Painters, Flammarion p.20

164 Cliapter-'1)

immense political influence of women. The illustration depicts the Emperor consulting her, and in the background we can see various women attendants carrying food and attending the Emperor and the lady. Her presence on this occasion and the way she is being consulted shows her eminence. One can validate the previous assumption as we can notice that the image of the Emperor and the Queen is drawn larger than the other subjects.

We can also see royal women presiding over functions and a miniature from Timurndmii depicts such an occassion. A miniature (Plate IV) illustrates Timur asking for the hand of the daughter of Khizr Khwaja Aghlan and presenting gifts. The would• be-queen thus comes with all honour. Those accompanying her are bestowed with precious gifts. Dancing girls and other artists are seen performing, however, other women are seen attending the two significant ladies.

Akbar commissioned a translation of Biiburndmd into Persian. On 24th November 1589, 'Abdur Rahim Khan Khanan, commander in chief of the Mughal army and an accomplished poet and patron of the arts, presented Akbar with a translation of Babur's memoirs from Turkish into Persian. At least four copies of Biiburniimii, all illustrated by imperial artists, are known to exist today, testifying to the importance emperor and family placed on these memoirs by the founder of the Mughal dynasty. One miniature from this (Plate V) depicts Khanzada Begum's retums by Farrukh Chela. At the age of thirty three she was retumed to Babur at Qunduz by Shah Ismail with an escort of soldiers. Seated in front of Babur is Khanzada Begum attended by maidservants. This is a symbolic representation of Khanzada Begum's power and respect which she enjoyed as a senior woman which is clearly manifested in this illustration. Though drawn much later in 1590's as rightly pointed by Ruby Lal "is far from any stigma, or question mark attaching to the status of this retumed relative, she is the main focus of the cast and is represented in a

commanding position." 20 Similarly there is another painting from Babiirniimii depicting Babur consulting and interacting with his ladies, it also depicts various attendants (Plate VI). Babur's frequent visits to ladies of his haram as mentioned in the text, are reflected in the paintings as well.

20 Ruby Lal, Domesticity and Power in the Early Mughal World, Cambridge,2005, p. 134

165 Cfzapter-1/

Akbarniimii paintings contain 117 illustrations where attributed miniatures display 62 names of artists."Akbarndmii miniatures are important for the study of the

16th century Indian society. It must be noted that these paintings introduce episodes which had taken place, some thirty to thirteen years before they were actually painted around the year AD.l590. It is of great credit to the painters and to 'Abii'I Fazl's text upon which they relied, that much of the colour, animation and 'mood' of the actual event are recaptured. At the same time, it cannot be ruled out that a few painters may well have been eyewitnesses, to certain of these events. Passages from the Akbarnamii and the paintings are brilliantly matched, word by word. These paintings thus provide a visual complement to the historical narrative of the Akbarnamd and when compared with other historical sources of Akbar's reign, they enrich our knowledge considerably by their depiction of each event.22

These manuscripts contain scenes of the Mughal haram, in which royal women are particularly depicted in those where marriage and birth of royal princes are being shown. Both Akbarruimd and Tuziik illustrates several birth scenes especially those of the birth of Timur, Jahangir and Murad (Plate VII, VIII and IX). Such illustrations interestingly incorporate all strata of people; the highest margin depicts the haram where the mother is shown reclining on her bed recovering from the travails of child birth attended by various attendants and mid wives. A woman is shown conveying the news to a male attendant; the middle margin depicts the astrologer preparing the charts while several musicians are depicted performing; however on lower margin are shown the ordinary class where alms are being distributed. In one of the paintings from Tuziik (Plate X) the birth of Jahangir is illustrated. In this Hamida Bano is clearly identifiable seated on a chair. Besides the royal ladies among the several birth scenes, we can see several nurses attending the babies. Another painting depicting the rejoicing at Fatehpur Sikri on the birth of Murad shows maid servants in energetic postures. Possibly the mother is reclining behind the curtain, however the baby is shown in the hands of one of the nurse. It illustrates various activities: female attendants crushing something on grind stone, the astrologers are shown forecasting the horoscope and men and women rejoicing at the birth by performing both inside and outside. Such depictions thus bring together every class in one composition. Manucci's verdict is worthwhile to quote here; he says "all

21 For this see GeetiSen, Paintings/rom the Akbarnama, also, S.P Verma Catalogue 22GeetiSen, Paintings from theAkbarnama, p.45

166 Cliapter-v

the court takes part in the rejoicing, which lasts several days, as the King may ordain. Instruments are played and music resounds; the nobles appear to offer their congratulations to the King, bringing presents, either in jewels, money, elephants or

horses. ,,23

Of special interest are the themes of circumcision of Prince Salim, Murad and Daniyal illustrated in the Akbamamii manuscripts where details of the festivities being held in the haram have been shown (Plate XI). This illustrates the joint circumcision ceremony, the eldest Salim is held in the arms of one of the woman, while his brothers, Murad and Daniyal play on the carpet nearby. They are shown surrounded by nurses and attendants. Outside is depicted a mulla and five other man bearing presents, approaching the female door keeper. These examples show that there was no hesitation in drawing the figure of the female members of the Mughal household. Another depicts infant Akbar placed in the care of his nurses (Plate XII). One can see a seated Hamida Bano, with just a few of her court ladies, while the baby is being handed over to the nurses. There are only two women musicians and a simple cradle. The good news is being given out by the gateman.

Other royal women are also found in the illustrations of marnage and festivities. Thus one miniature shows probably the wedding of Humayun and Hamida Bano (Plate XIII). It is attributed to Asi and Daulat. We can see the ladies attending the Emperor and various attendants standing and holding presents, in front of them are women performing and entertaining the guests. Below can be seen men waiting outside with gifts. Another similar illustration of marriage festivities depicts Maham Anaga sitting right beside Emperor Akbar (Plate XIV XIV i double page illustration). The extent of this lady's power is felt by the sumptuous manner in which she celebrated the marriage of her elder son, Baqi Muhammad Khan.

Besides these one cannot forget their literary accomplishments for which they were trained from childhood. There are several illustrations which show girls and boys with their teachers learning to write (Plate XV). The learning and the sophistication of women in the Mughal royal families are of common knowledge. It was not unusual to find among them scholars and poets. In one painting which depicts a school scene one can conclude that that the boys and girls seem to have been

23Mannuci, Mogul India (1653-1708), tr. by Irvine, Low Price Publication, New Delhi, 2010, p.320

167 Cliapter-1)

educated together (Plate XVI). This miniature depicts boys and girls sitting at the master's feet. The school rooms were furnished with small wooden bookstands (rehal) for reading and tablets for writing. The discipline was severe as we can see a boy is having his feet bastinadoed by another, while below a woman is shown with a

boy with a stick in her hands, possibly she is also one of the school masters.24

These painting emerge as clear reflection of the chaste image of royal Mughal ladies as attributed in the texts. There are two paintings representing Akbar and Jahangir attending their mothers. They reflect the great amount of respect and reverence that was attached to the queen mother who represented the ideal chaste Mughal woman. We also find the royal ladies are shielded from prying eyes by the curtained palanquin or riding a horse but fully veiled. At least two miniatures (Plate XVII and Plate XVIII) illustrate Akbar and Jahangir paying respect to their mothers. These two paintings depict Emperor Akbar and Jahangir with their head bent, and emphasise the power wielded by the mother both in private as well as public. The same reverent gait is perceptible by the nobles as well. Other haram women wearing tall chaghtai hats and long veils are represented seated on their horses. What is worthwhile to note, these illustrations too are commissioned by Emperor thus the depiction might be a conscious effort of painter to represent Emperor's mother in a particular way. However, it is significant to note that everything about a mother's position and the reverence attached to her is certified by the way the illustration has been made. Thus the bowing of an Emperor was considered natural and worthy of depiction.

24Manuccistates, few of them were taught in private houses by elderly ladies, the Glorious Quran, the Gulistan and Bostan of Sadi Shiraz. They had highly paid and well educated matrons and superintendents, generally appointed by the Emperors to look after their comforts. The matrons have generally three, four or five hundred rupees a month as pay, according to the dignity of the post they occupy. In addition to these matrons, there are the female superintendents of music and their women player; these have about the same pay more or less. Among them are some those teaching reading and writing to the princesses and usually what they dictate to them are amorous verses. Gulbadan Bano Begum's literary accomplishment is found in her HumayunNama completed around 1587, Salima Sultanam Begum also had good knowledge of Persian language and came to be known as poetess. She not only a versifier, but was also known to have been a collector of books. Another remarkable figure in the field of learning was Nur Jahan Begum she was well versed in History and Persian by the age of fifteen. Mumtaz Mahal was no less famous for her head and heart; she too was well educated and accomplished and was well known for her literary tastes. Jahan Ara is known to have written books MunisulArwah and Sahabiyya true examples of her literary taste. We also know that Saqi Mustaid Khan praises Zebun Nisa for her literary accomplishments. '", 168 tI Cfiapter-'()

Hunting themes seemed to be a favourite of Mughal painters. These are the records of the bravery of the Emperor." Sometimes the royal ladies are also shown accompanying the Emperor. Mostly the scenes are crammed with different animals in a qamargha- a hunting circle. At the centre the qanat are pitched, protected by a curtain, and a curious royal lady steals a peep, around which animals are represented running in various directions to save their lives (Plate XIX).

Occasionally the royal ladies are represented on the battle grounds too. They are here shown in a distant corner, watching the scenes from imiiris (palanquins) or mounted on backs of the elephants or horses (Plate XX). Some paintings, like that of siege of Chittor reveal the women of Rajput houses performingjauhar and reducing themselves to ashes (Plate XXI). Those who did not choose to die were made captives. A Timurnamii miniature therefore illustrates two women who were made captive (Plate XXII). This painting shows the helplessness and humiliation faced by the women which is very apparent from their posture. Another instance is of Salima Sultan Begum being escorted after the murder of Bairam Khan (Plate XXIII). Some serious and emotional scenes from the haram are illustrated. For example the illustration of the death of Timur (Plate XXIV), a deep grief is obvious among the women as well as in the court. We can see women beating their chests, gnawing, veiling the face wiping tears, tossing their arms and a woman is seen informing a man outside, probably one among the courtiers; while others after hearing the news can be seen as tearing clothes in an outburst of sorrow is perceptible. Another similar depiction is from Jiimi al Tawarikh by Basawan where women are seen mourning beside the coffin of Mangu Khan (Plate XXV).

Where we have very limited textual information about the lives of common people, paintings becomes an important source for study of ordinary people and that too of women. These illustrate rural men and women in their daily life and at work. Akbar illustrated many books but the earliest is the Diistiin i 'Amir Hamzii or Hamzanama, a project directed in turn by Mir Sayyid 'Ali and 'Abdus Samad dated (c. 1562-1580). The story had enormous significance for Akbar which can be ascertained from the fact that 1,400 very large illustrations were produced by his atelier over a period of fifteen years. A miniature depicting the meeting of the fathers of Laila and Majnii, lovers separated by family rivalry (Plate XXVI) is one of the

25Geeti Sen, op.cit, p.15

169 Cfiapter-rv most popular and often exhibited work by Mir Sayyid 'Ali. This picture besides depicting the meeting of fathers illustrate many small, and equally stressed details about women; like the laundress wringing out her clothes, another nursing her child, a goat being milked. Thus one finds every minute detail about the household work a woman has to perform.

Our written records, including the 'Aln i Akbari are silent regarding any participation of women in the description of the people involved in the building establishment of Mughal government. However miniatures illustrating the building construction activity do show women labourers, engaged in different works at construction sites: pounding bricks, sieving lime, and carrying mortar. They are also shown performing heavy tasks and being a part of unskilled labour (Plate XXVII, XXVIII, XXIX)?6 They are often shown fully clad but without a veil, though they always covered their heads with a long sheet of cloth called chiidar or orhni. Their dresses show that they belonged to both Hindu and Muslim communities. A Muslim woman is distinguished by her peshwiiz, a one piece garment reaching below the ankles and fastened at the waist line. The main dress of a native women was an angiya(a small jacket, a tight fitting bodice), and a piece of a long cloth (sari) wrapped below the waist line with its end thrown over the head and shoulders. In some regions of Hindustan, particularly Rajasthan, a ghagra or a lahngii (skirt, a petticoat griddled on the waist line and reaching below the knees or up to the ankles) was a substitute of sari. The women labourers shown dressed in angiya and short skirt in the miniature 'Building of the Agra Fort' can be identified with Rajasthani village women??

Mughal miniatures exhibit women engaged in everyday work. Fetching water from the well for domestic purpose was a female occupation. An illustration from

26 Exact studies of members of the lower classes in the context of a scene depicting building construction was for the first time taken up by Bihzad in Persian painting, as is evident in one of his paintings entitled' the construction of the castle ofkhavarnaq'. In this connection, the painters of the Akbari atelier followed the Persian artist Bihzad and produced several identical works in the Baburnama, Akbarnama, The Jami utTawarikh 27 S.P Verma, Ordinary Life in Mughal India The Evidence of Painting, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, p.8-9; A miniature from the Jami-utTawarikh ( 1598) of Akbar's court, Sultan Ghazan Khan built 'Gate of Piety and charitable institutions', too shows a woman carrying motor-cement. The wages of the women and teenage labourers are not on record. The women must have been paid comparatively lower rates than their male counterparts, a practice still current in our times. Irfan Habib finds a woman heavily underpaid for her work and writes that the general underestimation of the value of female labour is shown by the fact that whereas, under Alauddin Khalji's (1296-1316) price regulations, the prices of working men slaves ranged from 10-15 tankas the price for working women slaves was only 5-12 tankas.

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Hamziiniimii illustrates women at well fetching water by throwing down a rope with pot and pulling it up (Plate XXX). John Fryer observes "the village women in India carried pitchers, filled with water, balancing them one over the other on their heads.,,28Another painting depicts a prince returning from a hunting expedition, who pauses at a well where three girls are drawing water and one of the girls hands him a gold vessel of water. The prince is dressed in dark green, mounted on a grey stallion coloured orange beneath, an attendant stands behind holding the prince's hunting gun; a little way off a person waits with a camel to which is tied a recently shot black buck (Plate XXXI). From the miniatures we come to realise that as today, the woman did most of the domestic work: she grounded com, churned curd, fetched water from well and spun cotton_29Additionally she carried food and water for their men at work in fields. Thomas Roe and John Fryer therefore rightly remark that Indian wives dress their Husbands, fetch water, and grind their com with a hand-mill, while they sing, chat and make merry.i" A miniature (Plate XXXII) thus depicts a woman carrying food for her husband, while men are shown performing their jobs. Another show a woman moving behind the cultivator and sowing seeds (Plate XXXIII).3!

It is evident that ordinary woman's life was not confined to indoors, they are also shown assisting their men in every day work in addition to their routine jobs. The females in washerman's family can clearly be seen in sharing the burden of work and in running the laundry. A miniature from the Anwiir-i Suhaili (1596-97) is a fine illustration of it. Here a washer man couple is shown washing the clothes by thrashing them on a rugged stone slab (Plate XXXIV)32

28C.f,Shireen Moosvi, People, Taxation and Trade in Mughal India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2012, p. 139. 29 A miniature 'Ali Dost and Qambar Ali interpose for peace between Babur and Tambal' from Baburnama depicts a woman milling the grain with a rotary hand-mill. Also an illustration of the Miftahul Fuzala- a Persian lexicon, belonging to the Mandu School (1470-90)- also shows a woman working on a rotary hand-mill. In addition to it, a seventeenth century Mughal Miniature further represents a woman handling a corn -mill run by water in a hilly country; Cf. S.P Verma, Ordinary Life in Mughal India. 30 Thomas Roe and John Fryer, Travels in India in the Seventeenth Century, New Delhi, 1993, p. 454 31 This illustration is described in the following way, 'King Dara meeting herdsmen in a landscape'; the king is dressed in yellow with a feather quill headdress, riding a chestnut stallion, one of his two courtiers holding a sunshade over him, a minister talks with the king and introduces one of the herdsmen. Buffalo and horses are herded in the background outside a fortified town, oxen ploughing in the foreground. 32 Interestingly, an event related to an episode from the Ramayana (1590), illustrated at Akbar's court, depicts a washer-man blaming his wife for being away from home for a whole night. It is a lively picture and presents truthfully the living ways of washer-man. A donkey, the most trusted animal to carry the loads shown a large bowl shaped earthen pot to hold water and the washed clothes spread

171 Cfiapter-v

At many times these depictions illustrate matters not evidenced in texts. Such an example in this regard is an illustration of a rural market (Plate XXXV), where women are seen manning village shops and selling their wares and products. This painting portrays a man being enticed on the one hand by the lady sweetmeat seller and on the other by a fish monger with a basket full of fish. The female members of a family are also shown selling milk from the village dairy.

Another illustrates women visiting an astrologer conceding Bernier's remark (Plate XXXVI) in a miniature from Akhliiq i Niisiri. Bernier while providing us the description of Delhi and Agra describes a bazar scene where astrologers are seen remaining seated on a dusty piece of carpet, and handling some old mathematical instrument, and then he sarcastically remarks that these "wise doctors" were visited by "silly women", wrapped in white cloth from head to foot, and whisper to them all the transactions of their lives, and disclose every secret with no more reserve than is practised by a scrupulous penitent in the presence of her confessor.33This miniature illustrates a number of women, some draped from head to foot in hijiib surrounding the bazaar astrologer who sits on a platform in a bazaar square with his instruments and wares spread before him.

Several other miniatures depict the typical rural scene. A miniature from Yog Vashisht (1602) a twelfth or thirteenth century Sanskrit work, giving instruction on the illusory nature of earthly experience and the attainment of liberation from successive reincarnations, (Plate XXXVII) depicts a village scene where few women in frugal attire are shown to hail probably from a very poor background as is perceptible from their clothes. We can notice that to mark the poverty, women are shown bare breasted, one perhaps begging and the other one is shown holding a child. Behind them can be seen an elderly woman too. The characterisation of women trapped in poverty is clearly depicted.r" Another one such painting depicts a woman nursing a baby, sitting in front from of a thatched mud-house (Plate XXXVIII).35

on a rope make the scene familiar to our times as well the mud house with thatched roofs completes the rural background of a washer-man. 33 Bernier, p.244. There's also a miniature from Akhlaq i Nasiri, painted sometime between 1590-95 depicts a bazar scene where an astrologer is seen visited by women. Cf. SR Sharma, 'Astronomical Instruments in Mughal Miniatures', in IngeWezler (ed.), Studies zur Indologie und Iranistk, PI.lO. 34Yog Vashisht 1602 has 323 folios, 41 miniatures Library number: ms. 5; This painting is from Yog Vashisht, done during Salim's initial stay in the fortress and includes some untutored illustrations that may possibly have been contributed by local painters, but also contains a high proportion of extraordinarily expressive works by court artists, chiefly Bishandas and Kesu Das. This illustrates

172 Cnapter-'1J

There are also illustrations of elderly women. A miniature (Plate XXXIX) illustrates a lady with two maids approaches an aged Yogini in a robe with long hair flowing over her shoulders who sits cross legged on a platform before her cell. The yogini holds a fly whisk in one hand and in the other the typical short crutch used by ascetics. A child acolyte squats in the foreground with a begging bowl. There appears to be a deliberate contrast between the austere Yogini and the three sensuously appealing women which in turn raises the question of why there should be any relation between the ascetic and her refined visitors. The character of the Yogini' s wrinkled face, the way transparent fabrics are used to enhance three dimensionally and the delicate quality of the drawing style here are all characteristic of Govardhan's. Another painting (Plate XL) depicts two elderly women converse outside a low thatched hut with a cat beside them. Their wrinkled face and attire completes the picture. Another illustration is from Tiitinama which is a collection of stories illustrated twice at the beginning of the Emperor Akbar's reign. A painting from the manuscript (Plate XLI) illustrates an elderly procuress with a stick in her hand and tries to persuade the lady who is depicted beautifully probably to bring out the contrast (Plate XLI).36

As we have seen in previous chapters that reproduction was one such role from which no woman was exempted and that too of a son. If failing in this duty they were even sent out of the haram, and as far the ordinary class is concerned, if a daughter was born they use to bury them alive as we learn from Jahangir's account. Perhaps this was the reason why women started to believe in superstitions. In one such painting from '[iitiniimd testifies the prevalent superstitions (Plate XLII) and illustrates the story of a Brahman and his wife who had no sons, which was source of

Lavana on a horseback with an attendant waving a chauri behind him, another attendant with a gun, and a mounted companion. The party is arriving at the outcaste village where Lavana is met by his former wife his elderly mother in law and the two other women one holding a baby. 35 Another painting from Yog Vashisht, depicts Lavana in his court dress with a woman beside him converses with a peasant man wearing a short skirt and woman with a baby is shown sitting in front of a hut. The woman by Lavana's side has rescued him on condition that he will marry her and has led him to the home of her parents. 36Tutinama(1580) has 143 folios including 102 miniatures, library number: ms.21; the story relating this painting is about a rich merchant who travels frequently has a beautiful wife renowned for her virtue, but she is desired by a young man of a bad character who sends a procuress to try to persuade her to commit adultery. After this attempt is rebuffed, the youth is able by magic to assume the likeness of the merchant. The merchant's servants are deceived, but the wife feels something is wrong and feigns illness so that she will not have to share her bed. When the real merchant returns there is great confusion, but a judge rules that the man whose account of marriage agrees with that of the wife should be deemed her true husband. Thus she and the merchant are reunited.

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grief to them. Finally a doctor advises the wife that she should eat the gall bladder of a peacock in order to conceive. The only peacock in the city, however, was a much valited one owned by the Raja. By careful planning the Brahman's wife was able to lure it away and kill it."

We have also seen earlier in the chapter dealing with the legal documents that a condition was imposed by the wife that the husband should not beat her in such a way that it leaves a mark on her body. Also from the chapter on official account we have also noticed that several women were prone to domestic violence as well, another painting from Tulinama represents wife bashing depicting the vulnerable position of women (Plate XLIII). However, to give some relief and respite to us we have another painting which depicts that at least in some cases women had an upper hand. Another illustration from Til/intima (Plate XLIV) depicts a retaliating wife who at least had a right to grab and pull the beard of her husband. In the foreground an astonished woman is a witness to the quarrel.

There are several miniatures which depict the festivities in the haram as related in one of the illustration of marriage of Maham Anaga's son in the Akbarnama paintings. Similarly one another representation from Akbarndmii is the performance of Mandu dancers before Akbar also depicting MaharrtAnaga covering her face. What is worth noticing is the attire of the dancers introducing and importing a totally t. different and alien fashion trend, the dance and the attire are therefore not repeated in any paintings (Plate XLV). We also find several miniatures depicting women attending the Emperor and the Princes. Under the pretext on love and youth several paintings project the same a prince being attended by a lady or several other attendants. A painting from Minto Album attributed to Govardhan (Plate XLVI) illustrates a Prince kneeling on a dais, covered with an ornate carpet, passes a shallow cup to his mistress seated beside him, while three other women pose in various attitudes around the couple, possibly displaying their displeasure on not noticing them.

37 This story is further continued when the Brahman's wife unwisely confides in her adopted sister. When the Raja offered a large reward for information about his peacock, the sister went to him. The just Raja told her that if the story were repeated in the hearing of two others, he would reward her; but, while the two observers were hidden in a trunk listening, the suspicious wife saved herself by saying she dreamed that she killed the peacock.

174 Chapter-'f)

Sometimes a bit large gathering was also depicted (Plate XLVII). This painting depicts a Prince tenderly raising a cup to the lips of his favourite. Beside the couple, another courtesan lies in a swoon against a pillow on the lap of one of two seated women. To the left an elderly mulla, a courtier and a military officer are seated. The group, though partly sheltered by a red tent whose flaps are drawn back, is mainly out of doors in an enclosure which is a part of a large army camp seen in the distance. The woman in the foreground appears to have fainted suggesting it a drinking party rather than fallen asleep, as an act which suggests her jealousy of the prince's favourite.

Another similar painting portrays a young noble reclining on a bed in the zandnii attended by five women. One kneels holding his huqqii while the woman beside her prepares to play a musical instrument another brings a bottle of wine, a fourth stands behind the prince with a morchchal at his feet, the fifth grinds sandal paste (Plate XLVIII).

One other such painting which is taken into account in this chapter is the illustration of a prince who is entertained by a woman with wine and fruit on a pavilion terrace overlooking a lake (Plate XLIX). Behind her, two attendants converse, while in foreground a woman kneels between garden beds preparing kebabs over a small fire that she fans. Though this is conventional subject, the artist has employed colour in a fresh way that lifts the composition above the unfortunately mundane work general in this era. By the late seventeenth century, the theme of a prince relaxing surrounded by women was a popular one and this composition seems to have been repeated in various areas.

There are also illustrations where women were used to lure men. The illustration of Gulistiin Sii'di, 1628-29 initial years of Shah Jahan's reign, depicts the graceful picture of the palace garden and the tempting woman is appropriate for Sa'di's narrative about the seductions of luxury. The concubines, with a transparent scarf loosely crossed over her bare breasts and a flimsy muslin skirt, is suitably lissom and provocative (Plate L).38

380u/istan of Sa 'di, 1628-29 has 118 folios library number: ms.22, Chester Beatty Library; A king who was travelling encountered a hermit in the desert and invited him to his place so that others could be inspired by his piety. The holy man at first refused but assented when the King's attendants said he need only try the new environment for a few days. The King installed the hermit in his garden and sent him a beautiful woman and an attractive male slave. Soon the hermit was corrupted by tempting

175 Cliapter-v

In another illustration from Gulistan, Sa'di represents a hot month of July, he is walking in a street and feels faint from the heat the shelters under a portico and suddenly a girl emerges from the house behind offering a drink. The poet is so struck by her beauty that after swallowing the draught he is regenerated (Plate LI).

Besides these amorous depictions of sexuality, a men's gaze can be ascertained from one painting by Mansur probably of a princess or a courtesan (Plate LII). This composition assures the audience with a typically ideal sensuous feminine depiction in the form of transparent garments revealing her body. The reclining posture of hers confirms her pleasure of being pampered as she is shown being massaged by one of her attendant. Linda York Leach however believes that she is a princess and further describe the painting in the following 'a princess in a transparent veil and yellow skirt reclines on a bed between two maid servants. One of them massages her feet as she listens to a female vina player kneeling besides her on a ,1 r· i flowered maroon carpet. The back wall of the room has a painted mural surrounding a , door which shows a man and woman seated beneath saplings with angels flying

overhead...,39

Similarly in one another painting, a pnncess is depicted being led to bed beneath a night sky (Plate LIII). The princess is supported by two of her maids who walk on either side of her, three girl musicians walking close behind; they approach a bed which is being prepared lit by lamps held by two girls. The bed is set beneath a canopy of a pavilion with walls decorated with flowers and niches, brocade hanging covering the doorway."

Besides depicting women attached to court and royal family, the ordinary women were also depicted in lurid ways. A miniature (Plate LIV) thus illustrates eight women who have left a pile of their clothes on the bank bathe in a pool. To enhance the sensuality of the image the pool is shown covered by lotus and other flowers under the moonlight. Behind them a man is shown peering behind the trees. The nudity is not clearly drawn in this miniature perhaps the painter did not had much experience with the nude female figure or was inefficient to draw the same.

delicacies and his companions. When the King and a minster came to visit him, the minister lamented the fall of the pious. 39 Linda York Leach, op.cit, p. 342. 40 The scene of a lady escorted to bed was a popular subject for the later Mughal artists. In most cases however, the bed is already occupied by a prince waiting prince.

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It seems that the impact of European influence on Mughal paintings was very pervasive. And it also seems that the painter took much delight in painting the European subjects, which provided a link between the Mughal art and European art. It was mainly due to the arrival of the Europeans in the sixteenth and seventeenth century. 'Abu'I Fazl describing the events of 1578, remarks that as a result of Akbar's contacts with the European's many of the curiosities and rarities of the skilled craftsmen of that country became known to the Emperor. The popular subject of the Madona and the child was copied and adopted in various forms from various sources (Plate LV). Paintings depicting women nursing were also a much favoured theme of the artists of Akbar, Jahangir, and Shah laban (Plate LVI). Another miniature certifying the European influence can be gleaned from the following miniature (Plate LVII) which depicts a country scene. The attire and portrayal of these women also reflects the European impact. The European impact thus can be noticed in the illustration of nude or semi nude paintings. We also learn from Pelsaert's account that he asked his countrymen for nude pictures to be despatched to India. We also find Thevenot commenting on Indian paintings available in Agra during the second half of the seventeenth century says, they were for the most part indecent and represent lascivious postures, worse than those of Aretin, there are but few civil Europeans that will buy them.41 Could we then surmise that this was an impact of European influence? If it is so, then such works were probably the 'bazaar' paintings.

Thus there are several paintings which depict women in sexual acts too, pleasing the monarchs and prince or attending them. There's a painting of Jahangir drunk on the eve of Holi being attended by the female attendants. Thus the depiction of Mughal patriarch in moments of festivity, had to have women all around so as to enhance the sensuality, and his supremacy attached to it (Plate LVIII).

Another painting (Plate LIX) depicts Prince Murad Bakhsh son of Shah Jahan receiving lady at night. It portrays an impending sexual act; as a young lady is led

41QaiserAhsan Jan, The Indian Response to European Technology and Culture (1498-1707), New Delhi, 1982; However S.P Verma opines "in the renaissance humanism, anatomical presentation of the human body received utmost attention and it reached its culmination in the works of Leonardo da Vinci, Durer, and Michelangelo. Such a rational presentation of human body, encouraged its idealization, to an extent, but also for the nude. In Mughal India, though nude European pictures were introduced, the anatomical study of human body does not seem to have aroused the interest of the artists or their patrons. It is only rarely that we have instances of the depiction of human body with muscular articulation seen in the works of Basawan and others; and these merely suggest adaptation from European examples."

177 Cfiapter-'V towards the bed by other female attendants. The lady however, expresses her hesitation by looking back, but seems ready for the dalliance. A miniature (Plate LX) again depicts Prince Murad and wife in dalliance.

Two miniatures (Plate LXI) and (Plate LXII) are the paintings which illustrate an ongoing sexual act thus depicting the supremacy and virility of a patriarch. The first portrays a woman on bed emphasising the desire by beckoning her arms towards him. However the prince is shown fully dressed. Presence of the two attendants ensures that it is not private moment and thus one can probably say that they are also the part of the act ensuring the manliness of the prince. Another painting is of Prince Salim in bed chamber which denotes an intimate sexual act. The depiction of woman with her blouse open makes her a sheer object for the prince's sexual pleasure; also by confirming her participation by placing her hand on his back. The presence of attendants shows the absence of the notion of privacy even the sexual act is under way.

However this was not just confined to depict the monarch and the nobility in sexual acts, another miniature from the manuscript Raj Kunwar 1603/4 (Plate LXIII) illustrates several men engaged in sexual acts in their respective chambers and a curious man in shown trying to peer from the top."

By the mid seventeenth century we find that such illustrations started getting bolder and obscene. For instance the painting of MuhammadShah (Plate LXIV) engaged in overt sexual intercourse portrays a very licentious and carnal image. It also represents male sexual superiority. Syed MubinZehra opines that the size of the phallus of the Emperor conveys the virility and superiority of the Mughal Emperor. The presence of the sword under the bed depicts his association with war further ensuring his virility and superiority. The most striking aspect of this painting is the presence of halo around the emperor's face and head that attaches divinity of kingship to the emperor.Y However, the representation of the woman makes her a sheer object of pleasure. This bold representation of sexual intercourse of a Mughal Emperor is thus an example for the same.

42Raj Kunwar 1603/4 has 132 folios Library number: ms.37; illustrates a popular Indian romance composed by the Jaunpur poet Qutban in 1503. The Beatty Raj Kunwar is the only surviving illustrated Mughal example of this literary type. 43SyedMubin Zehra, Sexual and Gender Representations in Mughal India, Manak Publications, Delhi, 2010, p.83.

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Another striking change which we get by the mid seventeenth century and eighteenth century is the representations of homosexuality among women signifying lesbianism. Perhaps it was because of loneliness and denial of attention from their husbands which several wives ofthe Emperor and others lead to this. As sex is natural desire, the satisfaction of which is equally important for men as well as for women probably resulted in a sexual urge that found its way in same sex love such as lesbianism. Furthermore, the existing norms of sexuality and seclusion of women further lead to its growth. Though there are paintings which represent homosexual men in an intercourse in late sixteenth and early seventeenth century, the depiction of women in such way can be identified more in late seventeenth century which got much bolder by the eighteenth century. To present an example for the same we have a painting (Plate LXV) representing two women under the Lucknow influence whose embraces mimic those of lovers. One is pouring wine in cup while embracing her and the other touches her shoulder and lays her hand on her wrist. Their closeness strongly suggests a lesbian relationship.l"

The analysis of these paintings confirms that there was no difference in the portrayal of royal women as it was in the case of texts. The attempt to establish the association with Timur and the divine image by portraying Alanqua in the paintings ensures this. Similarly the image of a mother was no different from that of texts, this as a conscious effort is visible in the paintings too. The respect and reverence which was attached with the image of elder women of the royalty can be gleaned from the paintings as well. The only stark difference which can be noticed is that there is a huge difference in the portrayal of women in Baburnamii and women of the later period, this can be probably due the overpowering image of Akbar that overshadowed the royal women, this can be also due to their confinement within the boundaries of haram though which did not curtailed their power but their depiction. This fact can further be ascertained by the instances from Biibumiimii where we see Babur and Humayun as well with the ladies of the haram interacting with each other, which shows their clear involvement in decision making; such paintings are not there from the reign of Akbar which only depicts the royal women in the birth scenes

44 Ibid, we learn from Syed Mubin Zehra work on sexuality that by the mid eighteenth century a poet is known Mir JafferZatalli whose work entitled ChiptiNamah and Gaandunama is referred by her. She says the aspect that Zatalli presents here is the emotional attachment between these two women who are secluded in the haram. The other work Gaandunama refers to homosexual relationship among men.

179 Cfiapter-rv' emphasising their reproductive role. However the miniatures which depict Jahangir and others clearly show that the presence of women was merely meant to entertainthe Emperor and other princes. As far as the ordinary women are concerned, paintings show the relevance of the portrayal of image from the travellers' accounts which give very clear depiction of women. They are depicted performing their daily chores, assisting their husbands and also performing the heavy but unskilled part of workas they are depicted in the building construction; shown carrying loads on their heads and pounding bricks. Some very interesting details can be observed in the paintingsas they are depicted manning the shops and visiting the astrologers. On the other hand the atrocities faced by them as reflected from the texts shows its relevance in the paintings as well. There are also instances where the artists have taken into account the depiction of elderly women from the ordinary background. However the paintings depicting women in sexual acts project them as objects for sexual purpose.

180 Cliapter-v

Plate I: Representation of women's faces, reproduced from Art and Material Culture in the Paintings of Akbar's Court, by S.P. Verma, Delhi, 1978, pl.xxv.

181

Cliapter-v

Plate II: Alanqua with her three sons. An illustration from Chengiznama,1596, Los Angles Country Museum of Art reproduced from Michael Brand and Glunn D. Lowry, Akbar's India: Art from the Mughal City of Victory, The Asia Society Galleries,New York, 1985, p.16.

182 .f. Cliapter-V

Plate III: An illustration from Chengiznama a composition by Basawan, 1596, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, reproduced from Imperial Mughal Painters by Amina Okada, Flammarion, Paris, 1992, pI. 18, p. 21.

183 il~ Cliapter-V

Plate IV: An illustration from Timurnama, reproduced from Timurnama, Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, Patna.

184

Cliapter-o/

Plate V: An illustration from Baburnama depicting Khanzada Begum after her return, folio.13b, reproduced from Miniaturesfrom Baburnama by Hamid Sulaiman, p.07.

185

Cliapter-q)

Plate VI: Babur visiting the Begums, an illustration from Baburnama, folio. 256b, reproduced from, Rumer Godden, Gulbadan Portrait of a Rose Princess at the Mughal Court, The Viking Press, 1980, p.15

'." .~

186

Cliapter-rv

Plate VII: Birth of Timur, an illustration of Akbarnama, British Library Or.12988, [01. 20b reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings from the Akbarnama, New Delhi, 1984, p1.57,p.130.

187

Cliapter-1)

Plate VIII: Birth of Jahangir, an illustration of Akbarnama, I.S.211896, Ace, No. 78/117, reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings from the Akbarnama, New Delhi, 1984, p1.56, p.128

188 tl ,I Cliapter-V

189 f . ~ Cfiapter-'V

Plate X: Birth ofJahangir, 1610-1615, ascribed to Bishan Das, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Inv. 14.657an illustration of Tuzuk, reproduced from Amina Okada, Imperial MughalPainters, Flammarion, p1.l91, p. 158

190

Cliapter-rrJ

Plate XI: Circumcision ceremony of Jahangir, Murad and Daniyal, 1605 an illustration of Akbarnama, folio. 418, reproduced from Islamic Paintingand the Arts of the Book, edited by B.W Robinson, London, p.v.5L

191

Cliapter-v

192

Cliapter-V

193 Ii, Cliapter-v

Plate XIV: Marriage of Baqi Muhammad Khan son of Maham Anaga, an illustration of Akbarnama, I.S 2/1896 double page illustration, Acc.Nos. 8 and 9/117 reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings from the Akbarnama, New Delhi, pl.17-18, p.64-65

194

Cliapter-V

Plate XIV i: reproduced from GeetiSen, Paintingsfrom Akbarnama

195

Cfiapter-'V

Plate XV: A school scene, late 17th Century Collection, National Museum New Delhi, reproduced from K.S Lal, Mughal Harem, Aditya Prakashan, 1988, p1.9

196

Cliapter-V

197

Cliapter-'f/ - <;.... ~: F. _..- __

Plate XVII: Akbar paying respect to his mother, an illustration of Akbarnama,1603- 05, Library Folio.25r, reproduced from Linda York Leech, Mugha/ and Other Indian Paintings From the Chester Beatty Library, Scorpion Cavendish, London, 1995, p.249

198 :", ; Cliapter-V

Plate XVIII: lahangir greeting his mother, an iJlustration from Akbarnama, 1600, National Museum, New Delhi, reproduced from W.G Archer, Indian Miniatures, New York, 1960, p.21

199 ~l If

i.l Cliapter-V

Plate XIX: A hunting scene, an illustration of Akbarnama, LS 2/1897 Ace. Nos 561177double page illustration reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings from the Akbarnama A Visual Chronicle of Mughal India, Luster Press Pvt Ltd, 1984, p1.40, p.IOO-IOI

200

Cliapter-'f}

III <.,! i,

Plate XX: A woman in battle scene being escorted by a man, Miniature from the British Library Akbarnama, 1603-4 (or. 12988, f.125b) reproduced from Rumer Godden, Gulbadan:Portrait of a Rose Princess at the Mughal Court, Viking Press, 1980,p.87

201

Chapter-'fl

Plate XXI: Women performingjauhar, an illustration of Akbarnama, LS 211896Ace Nos. 68 and 69/117reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings from Akbarnama A Visual Chronicle of Mughal India, Luster Press Pvt Ltd, 1984, p1.49-50,p.116-117

202

Cliapter-V

Plate XXII: Wife of a defeated ruler standing before Timur, Timurnama, reproduced from Timurnama, Khuda Baksh Library, Patna

203

Cliapter-V

Plate XXIII: Salima Sultan Begum being escorted to Ahmedabad in 1561, an illustration from Akbarnama Miniature from Victoria and Albert Museum, c.1590, (I.S. 2-1896 6/117) reproduced from Rumer Godden, Gulbadan Portrait of a Rose Princess at the Mughal Court, The Viking Press New York, 1981, p.53

204

Cfiapter-V

Plate XXIV: Death of Timur, reproduced from Timurnama, Khuda Baksh Library, Patna

205

Cliapter-'f}

Plate XXV: A painting by Basawan from Jami al Tawarikh, 1596, former Imperial Library, Tehran, reproduced from Mughal Painting An Interplay of Indigenous and Foreign Traditions, by Ashok Kumar Srivastav, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers pvt Limited, pl.Ill 27

206

Cliapter-tV

Plate XXVI: Meeting of the parents of Laila and Majnu, an illustration of Dastan i Amir Hamza or Hamzanama, 1562-1580, by Mir Sayyid Ali, Iran, Tabriz, Harvard University Art Museums, The Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Gift of John Goeht, formerly in the collection of Louis J. Cartier, reproduced from Milo Cleveland Beach, Early Mughal Paintings, Harvard University Press, 1987, p.12

207

l Cliapter-rv

.;.~';'. .' - . V's•' ... '"'w~\":\t

Plate XXVII: FatehpurSikri complex being built, an illustration from Akbarnama, I.S 2/1896 Ace, Nos 911177,reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings From Akbarnama, A Visual Chronicle of Mughallndia, Luster Press Pvt Ltd, 1984

208 , ~, :·1' Cliapter-V

Plate XXVIII: An illustration of women engaged in Building work of Agra Fort a miniature of Akbarnama, I.S 2.1896 Ace, Nos 45 and 461177double page, reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings from Akbarnama, A visual Chronicle of Mughal India, Luster Press Pvt Ltd, 1984, p1.31-32,p.88-89

209 ,~

iI f r

~ ~: Cfiapter-v

Plate XXIX: An illustration from Akbarnama depicting Agra Fort being built, I.S 21 1896, Ace Nos. 461177 reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings from the Akbarnama A Visual Chronicle of Mughal India, Luster Press Pvt Ltd, 1984, pI. 31-32, p. 88-89

210

Cliapter-V

211

Cfiapter-V

Plate XXXI: A prince receiving water at a well, c.1700, reproduced from Toby Falk, Simon Digby and Michael Goedhuis, Paintings from Mughal India, Colnaghi, London, pI. 26, p.56

212

Cliapter-V

Plate XXXII: Country Scene, a miniature from Anwar i Suhaili 1597, Bharat Kala Bhavan, Varanasi, No. 9069, [,61, reproduced from S.P. Verma, Ordinary Life in Mughal India The Evidence from Painting, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, 2012,pUll.

213

Cliapter-V

Plate XXXIII: King Dara meeting herdsmen in a landscape, 1610, H. Kevorian Collection, reproduced from Toby Falk, Simon Digby and Michael Goedhuis, Paintingsfrom Mughal India, Colnaghi,London,pl.l8, p.40

214

Cliapter-q)

Plate XXXIV: An illustration ofa washer-woman from Anwar i Suhaili 1597, Bharat Kala Bhavan, Varanasi, No 9069, f. 160, reproduced from S.P Verma, Ordinary Life in Mughal India The Evidence from Painting, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, 2012

215 7 I

. .~

':,·i••...I \ ,i; Cliapter-'V

Plate XXXV:A rural shop, signed by Meodas, BM., Oriental Antiquities, no 1920-9- 17-0255, cf. Pinder Wilson, Painting from the Muslim Courts of India, reprodn. No. 76; see also S.P Verma, Mughal Painters and their Work- A Bibliographical Survey and Comprehensive Catalogue, New Delhi 1994, s.v., Meodas

216 .}

j, u 1..'~ . 1 ,1 ,:J -,'1 Cliapter-V

Plate XXXVI: Bazaar Astrologer with his clients, an illustration from Akhlaq i Nasiri, 1590-95, Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan Collection, Museum Rietberg Zurich, reproduced from S.P Verma Ordinary Life in Mughal India The Evidence from Painting, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, 2012, pI. XV

217

Cfiapter-V

Plate XXXVII: Lavana and the outcastes, attributed to Bishandas an illustration from Yog Vashisht, 1602, Library folio 101r, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian paintings from The Chester Beatty Library Vol I, London, 1995, pl 21, p. 160

218 ,f j I Cliapter-tV

Plate XXXVIII: Lavana meets the outcastes, an illustration from Yog Vashisht, 1602, Library folio 87v, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian paintings from The Chester Beatty Library Vol I, London, 1995, p.169

219

Cliapter-V

Plate XXXIX: Ladies visit a Yogini, c.1640, Library number 55.4, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from The Chester Beatty LibraryVol I, London, 1995, p.469

220 , 1

, i, r '.' Cfiapter-tV

Plate XL: Two elderly women conversing, c.1640, library no. 34.15, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library, London, 1995, p1.3.78,p.468

221

Cliapter-'f}

Plate XLI: An elderly procuress, an illustration from Tutinama, 1580, library folio 59v reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintingsfrom the Chester Beatty Library, YoU, London, 1995, p. 47

222 ~' Cliapter-V

Plate XLII: The Brahman's wife, an illustration from Tutinama, c.1580, Library folio 66r, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintingsfrom the Chester Beatty Library YoU, London, 1995, p1.3,p. 31

223 r• Cfzapter-V

Plate XLIII: Wife bashing, an illustration of Tutinama manuscript 1556-1560, The Cleveland Museum of Art, gift of Mrs. A. Dean Perry (62.279, f. 169v), reproduced from Milo Cleveland Beach, Early Mughal Paintings, Harvard University Press, 1987, p. 16

224

Cliapter-V

Plate XLIV: The merchants wife denounce her husband, Tutinama, 1580, Library folio Sr, reproduced from Milo Cleveland Beach, Early Mughal Paintings, Harvard University Press, 1987, p.37

225

Chapter-V

Plate XLV: Mandu dancers, an illustration of Akbarnama I.S 211896, Ace, Nos. 16/117, reproduced from Geeti Sen, Paintings from the Akbarnama A Visual Chronicle of Mughal India, Luster Press Pvt Ltd, 1984, pI 19, p. 66

226

Cliapter-V

Plate XLVI: Price with his women, attributed to Govardhan ,Minto Album 1620-25, folio number 16, Library number 7A.2, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library VoLl, London, 1995, pl 58,p.379

227

Cliapter-rv

Plate XL VII: A prince and his mistress in a camp, attributed to Payag c.1650-60, Library number IIA.20, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintingsfrom the Chester Beatty Library VoLl, London, 1995, pl.73, p. 476.

228 r Cliapter-V

229

Cliapter-rr!

Plate XLIX: A woman entertains a prince, c.1680, Library number l1A.47, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal Paintings and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library YoU, London, 1995, pl.77, p.501

230 j Chapter-V

231 j

I I !

I Cliapter-rv

r ,. \ \/-1

, , _.J

232

Cliapter-v

Plate LII: A princess in her boudoir, attributed to Mansur, 1605-1610, Library number 43.3, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintingsfrom the Chester Beatty Library YoU, London, 1995, pI. 51, p.344

233

C/iapter-V

Plate LUI: Princess being lead to bed, c.1690, reproduced from Toby Falk, Simon Digby and Michael Goedhuis, Paintings from Mughal India, Colnaghi, London.

234

Cliapter-V

,:..:.+,"':;:~ .,s.;,'" ;._ -~~ "'2-

:f:.- ;y.

Plate LIV: Eight women bathing, attributed to Payag, 1650, Late Shah Jahan Album, Library number 7B.38, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mugha/ and Other Indian Paintingsfrom the Chester Beatty Library VoLl, London, 1995, pI 70, p. 446

235 i Cliapter-tV

236 ; I I I

I I I i

I. 1 Cliapter-V

Plate LVI: Madona and child, 1599-1600, The San Diego Museum of Art, Edwin Binney 3Td Collection (1990.293), reproduced from John Guy and Jorrit Britschgi, Wonder of the Age Master Painters of India 1100-1900, Mapin Publishing, Ahmedabad, 2012, pU9, p.61

237

Cliapter-o/

Plate LVII: Country scene, attributed to Sanwala, c.I590-95, Library number IIA.II reproduced form Linda York Leach, Mugha/ and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library YoU, London 1995, pl16

238

Cliapter-rrI

Plate LVIII: Jahangir playing holi, attributed to Govardhan 1615-20, from Minto Album, folio 21, Library number 7AA, reproduced from Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings/rom the Chester Beatty Library YoU, London 1995, pl. 59, p.382

239

Cliapter-V

Plate LIX: Murad Baksh receiving a lady at night, early 18 century collection, National Museum, New Delhi, reproduced from K.S Lal, Mughal Harem, Aditya Prakashan, Delhi 1988, pl.l 0

240 I~ Cliapter-'T/

Plate LX: Murad Baksh with his wife, attributed to Manohar, 1600, Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington DC, 29.80, reproduced from Pratapaditya Pal, Master Artists a/the Imperial Mughal Court, Marg Publications, 1991.

241

(fiapter-'f)

Plate LXI: Prince in his haram, end of seventeenth century collection, National Museum, New Delhi, reproduced from K.S Lal, Mughal Harem, Aditya Prakashan, 1988,p1.II

242

Cliapter-rv'

Plate LXII: Prince Salim in bedchamber, 18century collection, Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, reproduced from K.S Lal, Mugha! Harem, Aditya Prakashan, 1988, pU5.

243

Cliapter-V

244

Cliapter-V

245

Cfiapter-v

Plate LXV: Possibly lesbians, Rajasthan (Jaipur), c.1780, National Museum, New Delhi, size:35.5x25cm, reproduced from Syed Mubin Zehra, Sexual and Gender Representations in Mughal India, Manak Publications, New Delhi, 2010, pl.ll.

246

CONCLl1SION

rf 1 r-t Condusion

The attempt and intention of investigating the lives of the women of Mughal India with the images and perceptions provided by the narratives of the historians and the gaze of the painters, reflected the images and meaning attributed to femininity in the Mughal times. Dominant among the images of 'ideal femininity' is the image of the 'sacred' mother provided by the men's narratives and the male gaze as placed on the highest moral pedestal. Mughal women were therefore adorned with lofty titles and thus an attempt was made by the patriarchs to establish the parameters of the norms to govern the chaste image of royal women. Thus it is important to note that in the official sources as well as in the biographical and private accounts. the image of 'ideal femininity' is emphasized by posing the image of a 'sacred' mother which is tried to be kept divorced from any other aspect of femininity. She is presented as a paragon of virtue who is beyond reproach and is a model for all women to aspire for. Thus' Abu'I Fazl, Mirza Haider Dughlat and even the painters of the Mughal atelier, while delineating Akbar's descent trace his lineage to the semi mythical Mongol queen Alanqua, who after her widowhood became a receptacle of divine grace. This 'divine' impregnation resulted in the birth of three divine-off springs, the youngest of whom, Buranjar Qa'an became the forefather of Timur, and ultimately Akbar. On several occasions the authors compares Alanqua to Mary, the mother of Jesus, thus elevating her off-springs to the divine status. For example, the title of Akbar's mother and wife thus are also associated with the same personality: Maryam Makiini (of Mary's Status), and Maryam Zamiini(Mary of the age). Bestowing such titles convey to us the medieval notions of ideal femininity- 'righteous and chaste', 'cupola of chastity' 'font of spiritual knowledge and glory.' The Alanqua narrative, thus, conveys an image of an ideal feminine sexuality held during that period and the kind of norms set for the women.

This idea of 'ideal femininity' thus became the locus of study in the nineteenth century. Friedrich Engels therefore certainly considered the origin of private property, which led to the overthrow of the mother right, as the great 'world historic defeat of the female sex'. 1 It fostered his utopian dream of freeing women by breaking down

I Fredrick Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, in Karl Marx and F. Engels, Selected Works, vol 3, Moscow, Progress Publication, 1970, p. 231

247 Conclusioti the capitalist mode of production. However, de Beauvoir pointed out that it is by denying the reproductive power of women that this conception of emancipation is made to stand. Other feminists like Kate Millet argued that if male dominance is linked to sexual mode of reproduction, the solution was to reject heterosexual unions. There were other theorists who held the economic system as primarily responsible for mother's powerlessness. Motherhood was originally set up in the family as a historical necessity, but later excluded women's world from production and public life.

It is not the mere fact of motherhood and mothering that makes women vulnerable but their social construction, the implications for women flowing from the meaning attached to the idea of motherhood, and the terms and conditions under which it is allowed to express itself.'

Thus looking at it through the feminist lens, one may agree with feminist like Adrienne Rich and Shulamith Firestone, who were of the opinion that women's oppression in patriarchal culture and society was linked to the identification of women to their bodies and their sexuality. This was central to the nature/culture debate where women were identified with nature primarily because of their biological functions, which was mainly reproduction. Women's bodies and role were therefore regarded as a vehicle for reproduction. Thus it provides culturally coded and socially sanctioned images of the perfect woman constructed by patriarchs. Hence the queen mother became an epitome of the Mughal womanhood. One may say that these idealised images of mother were thus a ploy by men to represent the mother in a particular way. However we do find the same representation of a mother in the travellers' accounts as well. Though relying on bazaar gossips and written with an intention of representing the Orients in a certain way, even they did not dare to malign the image of a mother. Their eminence and power can be gauged more from the legal documents where the hukms unfold the power and authority that they enjoyed in legal matters. Their pre• eminence is also emphasized by drawing the mother figure larger than the rest in the Mughal miniatures. Further the sober attire she is always depicted wearing re• II emphasizes her prominence as a role-model of chastity and sublimity. In the political .~ field too, the Mughal women tried to keep pace with men. Thus we come across

2MaithreyiKrishnaraj, Motherhood in India Glorification without Empowerment?,Routiedge Taylor and Francis Group, 2010, p.22

248 Conclusion

several politically ambitious women, or women who directly or indirectly influenced the political course of events of those times. They solved differences of opinions, settled disputes, secured pardon for their loved ones, acted as an instrument to conclude peace with the enemy, and sometimes even went out themselves to face the enemy. Thus one may conclude Mughal ladies played very significant role from the times of Babur to Aurangzeb even to the extent of changing the complete political scenario. One can therefore say that at least the senior lady and mother figures must have enjoyed the same respect and reverence.

It is however significant to note that it is from Akbar's time that chastity comes to get associated with the female body. Prior to the reign of Akbar, there is little evidence of such obsession with female chastity. However the perceived notion that women are meant to reproduce offspring is perceptible from the Babur's account and can be observed in the regulations of Akbar. Marriage in the eyes of Akbar definitely served the purpose of reproduction however as far as the issue of sati and property rights is concerned we find a benevolent patriarchy prevailing. Empowerment of women is often traced back to the French Revolution and Bengal Renaissance which pronounced the idea of liberty, equality and fraternity; however we see that way back in sixteenth century a Mughal emperor is bothered and identifies with the issues of women. Thus an attempt is made by the Emperor in order to emancipate the condition of women by prohibiting sati to some extent and also in the matters of property rights. This idea has been put forth by D. Rothermund in his unpublished paper 'Akbar and Philips II of Spain'i' Later by the reign of Jahangir and Shah Jahan we see that women if found in deplorable conditions were given the land grants and monetary help. However the conditions were not so perfect as there are instances where women were sent out of the haram if they failed to reproduce. Reproduction was further complicated when it was expected to bring forth a son. Women were also threatened to be divorced. On the other hand rearing and bearing children invited several controversies and scandals which may be roused because of jealousy or to compete to become a chief queen, as we know from the account of Gulbadan narrating the incident of Maywa-jan that how she bluffed her pregnancy. The same is reflected in the travel narratives as well where Tavernier remarks that out

3DictmanRothermund, Akbar and Philip II of Spain: Counting Strategies of Imperial Consolidation, International Seminar on Reason and Tolerance in Indian History, The Akbar Fourth Centenary, October 2006, Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi

249 (onclusion. of jealousy few women caused miscarriages. Thus reproduction and producing an heir resulted in covetousness among the ladies of the haram. The Mughal miniatures as well represent various birth scenes like that of Akbar, Jahangir and Murad thus glorifying the reproductive role of a woman and entrenching the patriarchy firmly. However no such depiction is found for any Mughal princess, we only come across of few narrations of celebrations in the haram.

As we find the prevalence of polygamy in the Mughal household, it often resulted in the absence of a separate time for the wife which also resulted in jealousy among the haram inmates. Even the wives had to go through the loneliness and denial of attention and sexual pleasure as is evident from the texts as well as paintings. It is in this scenario that a wife of the Mughal Emperor Humayun, Bega Begum was found complaining to the Emperor in the account of Gulbadan. The paintings also depict various Emperors and princes being attended by the ladies of the haram. Few illustrations also depict women showing their annoyance on the denial of attention. Similarly, the travel narratives project a crafty and jealous image of the women, suggesting a struggle amongst the co-wives for space with the husband. Mannuci thus remarks that the women's minds dwelling on 'nothing but malice', and that they imagine and try to do things by which they could please her husband and hinder his going near other women. Pelsaert too remarks that the wives 'hate each other secretly'. Another charge was that they were sex starved and thus indulged in adulterous relations. They were even charged of an incestuous relation between Shah Jahan and Jahan Ara. Adultery and incest was however severely punished as apparent from the court chronicles as well as the private accounts. The notion that women were sex starved cannot be altogether refuted. Femininity is often associated with sexual objectification and sexual appeal. Sexual passiveness or sexual receptivity is sometimes considered feminine however sexual assertiveness and sexual desire is considered masculine. We further see even the intimate depictions of sexual intercourse depict women attendants and others which shows that it was not a private act altogether. And to enhance the macho image of the Emperor or prince, other women were also shown in the background. Probably this was the reason that by the mid eighteenth century we have a miniature of lesbians.

No matter what treatment was meted out to the wives, they were expected to be submissive and subservient to their husband. Thus a devoted and subservient wife

250 Conclusion was often praised in the chronicles. Similar platitudes of goodness and affection defining normative character of the devoted wife are reflected in the manner in which Jahangir mentions his wife Man Bai, Another example is projected by Babur when he relates to Apaq Begum. The travellers also took notice of the same and appreciated Haji Begum for her devotion and her service. On the other hand Fryer remarks that the women are comfortable subjecting to the wills of their husbands, being truly no more than chief slaves. However, women of a dominating nature were detested by our authors as reflected in the writings of Babur and others. Even the regulations of Akbar seem to be very repressive when Badauni relates that if a woman quarrelled with her husband she was sent to Shaitanpurah. Thus there were repercussions if a woman dared to challenge the normative behaviour defined by the patriarchs. This is further reflected in the events related by the authors. There are instances of domestic violence which sometimes grew to an extent of murdering of a wife. Such incidents often appear in the official chronicles, private memoirs as well as in the travel narratives. It appears that wife bashing was very common so much so that a painting depicts a woman being beaten by her husband. It is probably therefore we get a separate condition in the nikiihnama that prohibits a husband to beat her wife in such a way that it leaves a mark on her body. We also find there several instances of rape and capturing of women depicting the vulnerable condition of woman. In the words of Ruby Lal "capturing and bartering away was the fate of many women during the peripatetic Mughals". One such incident is the case of Khanzada Begum. Thus the reading of the sources reveals that violation of a woman of the house whether forced, or with due consent was taken to be the ultimate disgrace, both of the family and the community. Probably that very reason made Babur to gloss over the information regarding her thus he says she fell in the hands of Shaibani Khan, however, when the information is supplemented by Mirza Haider Dughlat account we learn that Babur handed over her sister to him in order to save his own life. Similarly Gulbadan's statement that "at length it had to be done" shows a tone of sacrifice made by Khanzada Begum for her brother and for the sake of realm. Records also speaks of when came back or was been rescued as was the case of Khanzada Begum we notice that no social stigma was attached to her as one can expect in today's time. One miniature from the Biiburndmii depicts Khanzada Begums returns by Farrukh Chela. At the age of thirty three she was returned to Babur at Qunduz by Shah Ismail with an escort of soldiers. Seated in front of Babur is depicted Khanzada Begum attended by

251 Conc(usion maidservants. This is a symbolic representation of Khanzada Begum's power and respect which she enjoyed as a senior woman is clearly manifested in this illustration. Though drawn much later in 1590's as rightly pointed by Ruby Lal "is far from any stigma, or question mark attaching to the status of this returned relative, she is the main focus of the cast and is represented in a commanding position." Similarly the way that Gulbadan Bano Begum records the loss of one of the daughters of Humayun during the battle of Chausa reveals that the men preferred to have them dead, or die protecting or avenging their honour rather than face such disgrace. On the other hand the avenues through which women passed into the haram were many. Each Mughal victory brought in numerous women captives. The insistence on beauty was an important criterion inducting women to the haram. Jahanglr at the very beginning of his reign therefore promulgated an ordinance to the effect that collectors and jiigirdars were not to intermarry with the people in their districts without the king's permissions. One illustration from Timurniimii illustrates the captive women standing before the emperor. .i~

Praises are also for women who stood out but they were lauded for the masculine attributes they possessed. For the authors one may say that a successful woman was an anomaly, extraordinary, unlike of other women, admired because of her likeness to a man. The power exercised by a woman was also sometimes abhorred by several authors for example Maham Anaga and Nfir Jahan received much acrimony by the authors of the official accounts and the travelogues except Jahangir.

The legal documents further confirm the power exercised by Niir Jahan. Perhaps the ~. ~ reason of the rancour was because they chose to take decision on their own. This characteristic feature of men further come down to the age of Enlightenment when so I called modem scholars political theorists and philosophers from Plato and Aristotle to I ! 1 Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau, argued for a natural difference between men and .! I women; men being naturally more rational and therefore suited to politics and public I 1 life and irrational women being more suited to the emotional life of the home. To 1 challenge this idea we have several women from royal households, who were women of letters and poetesses, a woman named Nihani stood out in the biographies provided by Badaiini in his third volume. These women were not only accomplished writers but also maintained libraries and constructed madarsas. Jahangir words for Salima Sultan Begum can thus be considered as an example of one such stereotypical notion.

252 Concfusion

However there are few who received due respects as well. Almost all the authors gave highest accolades for Rani Durgavati who had the mind and courage of men. Thus making her an example stood in stark contrast to the typical weakness of "womanhood" because of her energy courage and beauty.

The depiction of mercantile and ordinary class can be more clearly gleaned from the travelogues. The paintings sometimes offer us the visual replica of what the travellers have said. Travellers' accounts have vividly described them from their stature to their clothing's and jewellery making their social strata apparent. All other occasions, the miniature paintings and book illustrations also go on to record facts generally missed out by our written sources. A large number of these depict some of the daily chores in which these women indulged. Fairly good idea of the various professions followed by these women can also be had from these illustrations. Thus we have a miniature depicting women working on a construction site, drawing water, carrying food for her husband, helping her husband in the fields and manning the shops as well. Some depicts women from a very rural background marked by poverty as perceptible from their attire. Some paintings offer a clear reflection of what the travel accounts have said. Consider the example of Bernier when he relates about women visiting the astrologers the imitation of it can be seen paintings. Bernier sarcastically remarks that these "wise doctors" were visited by "silly women", wrapped in white cloth from head to foot, whisper to them all the transactions of their lives, and disclose every secret with no more reserve than is practised by a scrupulous penitent in the presence of her confessor. A painting which we have referred above illustrates a number of women, some draped from head to foot in hijiib surrounding the bazaar astrologer who sits on a platform in a bazaar square with his instruments and wares spread before him. It confirms what Bernier had told us.

Ordinary women rarely appear in the official accounts, however, the legal documents show a more liberal picture of the middle class women where they can be seen inheriting property, fighting legal battles for their rights with their brothers and family members. These documents reveal not only their rights but also their travails. Of much importance are the nikiihnamiis dating back to the period of Akbar and coming down to the is" century which reveal that the women enjoyed a number of rights as a wife: she could decide if the husband could marry a second time, or bring home a concubine or a slave girl. She also enjoyed a right denied in many societies-

253 (ondusion the right to divorce her husband if he failed on any of the conditions included in the marriage contract document. Even a non-Muslim woman had the right to mehr (bride money) from her husband.

254 ~,

!J3i6Ciograpliy

This bibliography consists of works cited as well as consulted:

Sources:

Unpublished Documents and Primary Sources:

Abul Qasim Namakin, Munshat i Namakin, Aligarh Collection, Maulana Azad Library, AMU, no.farsiya 26

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256 rJ3i6[iograpliy

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