The Basis for a New Classification 0F Caribbean Pottery

ETHNOTYPOLOGY: THE BASIS FOR A NEW CLASSIFICATION 0F CARIBBEAN POTTERY

Peter 0’B. HARRIS

Résumé La céramique forme la partie plus grande des assemblages archéologiques typiques de la Caraibe, mais la méthode Rouse, la classifie d’une manière générale, par le style. Je propose une méthodo- logie nouvelle, qui se base dans la réalité ethnologique, et qui classifie la céramique d’une manière spécifique, par les vases. Je reconstruis l’ethnotypologie de quatre sociétés amérindiennes, plus ou moins en relation avec la Caraibe. Jointes a un exemple actuel de l’organisation duale dérivé des Etats Unis amérindiens, je crée une base de données ethnologique pour servir de référence a l’archéologie de la Caraibe. Figure 5 : Photographie sous microscope polarisant (cliché F.Convertini) J’examine les deux hypothèses majeures qui soutiennent la méthodologie, et les trouve valables, sauf lorsque les Informations ne sont pas complètes. Je propose une série de fonctions-de-vase hypothétiques, sur laquelle s’établira une classification régionale des typologies insulaires de vases et des tessons stratifiés.

Abstract Pottery is the 1argest component of most Caribbean archeological assemblages. Rouse’s classiflcation method is based on artifact attributes, and only classifies pottery generally, by style. A new methodolog/ is proposed, which is based in ethnographic reality, and which classifies pottery specifically, by vessel-type. Ethnotypologies are Indian North America, an ethnographic database is created as a reference for Caribbean archeology. The two major assumptions underlyIng the new methodology are reviewed and found to be valid, except in areas of incomplete data. A set of hypothetical vessel-functions is proposed, as a basis for regional classification of island vessel typologies and stratified sherds.

Resumen L’alfareria forma la parte más grande de las asemblajes archeologicos tipicos del Caribe, ma el método Rouse la clásifica generalmente, solamentepor estilo. Se propone una nueva metodologia, basado en la realidad eth- nográfica la alfareria especiaficamente, por vasija. Se recostruyen etnotipologias de cuatro sociedades Indigenos, que se relacionan en diversos grades con el Caribe, Junto con un ejemplo actual dedoble organización Indigena de las Estados Unidos de América, ellas crean un database etnográfico como patrón de referencia por l’archeologia del Caribe. Se revistan las dos grandes suposiciones que sostienen la nueva metodologia. Parecen válidas, excepto los ejemplos de datas incompletos. Se propone una serie de funciones hipotéticos de vasija, sobre la cual se esta- blecerá una clasificación regionale de las tipologías Isleñas de vasijas y de los fragmentos estratificados.

Figure 6 : Photographie de céramiques expérimentales (Cliché D Bonnissent) KEYWORDS: classification, pottery, gourds, function, attributes, dual organization.

344 345 DEDICATION Harris ( 1976) classifies a three-component sample from Tobago Into vessel-shapes and their specific decoration-modes. Then (1978) he creates preliminary vessel-assemblages for Rouse’s styles in This paper is dedicated to Jacques Petitjean-Roget. Firstly my focus on vessel-types consciously fol- Trinidad and Tobago, based on lows his lead (Petitjean-Roget 1968). Secondly his major role in Caribbean archeology is widely complete vessels In published literature, to guide future classification of stratified sherds in those under-recognized, and I wish to correct the record publically. His introduction to Archeology publl- two islands. shed in French and English in the journal Paralleles ( Petitjean-Roget 1970) is a state-of-the-art sum- Independently, Robinson ( 1985) classifies a sample of informative sherds from Puerto Rico into mary for its time, and should still be required reading for university students entering the vessel- types, defined by material, manufacture, form, and tentatively function. Caribbean field. The ensuing analysis of his 1960s excavations at Diamant, Martinique, is equally This method is clearly aimed at defining pottery assemblages. It nests wlthIn Rouse’s framework an outstanding report in Caribbean archeology. Instead of adopting Rouse’s of styles, and has brought out areas of conflict between them ( Robinson 1985). Relationship to eth- modes or Ford’s wares, he creates a new pottery typology based on iconography and form, and nocultural , functlon has been raised, but not fully addressed. There have been few followers, and replaces judgemental quantification of data by percentages. the methodology has never been made explicit. Possibly because few Anglo researchers read French, these contributions are not mentioned in a The aim of this paper is to elaborate a new method of classifying Caribbean archeological pottery, recent U.S. history of Caribbean archeolgy. Nor were they recognized in a 1994 official presentation which wlll on Martinique archeology, possibly because the two previous state officials, Mario Mattioni and ( 1 ) define pottery assemblages by vessel - types. François Rodriguez-Loubet, chose to edit him out of official history, 1 wish to thank Dr Giroux for ( 2 ) relate vessel- types to ethnocultural function. correctIng that omission on the flrst day of the congress. Jacques’ major contribution to Caribbean This classification wiII promote functiona1 reconstruction of archeological assemblages clarify spa- archeology deserves to tial and temporal boundaries between assemblages; and support eventual reconstruction of be respected globally, not only in the small world of the Intellectual French Caribbean. Amerindian political ethnicity and history in the Caribbeaen, NEW METHODOLOGY INTRODUCTION In the worId of ethnographIc realIty, vessels are classifIed by function, and all other variables are Three methods of pottery classification are currently in use. Rouse’s method is used by most resear- secondary (Rice 1987). From a real-world perspective, the styles, wares, iconography and form of chers. Sherds are classified by modes ( indicator-attributes of paste, vessel-part, or decoration) to Carlbbean archeology are all secondary attributes. Uslng my own Britlsh middle-class ethnocultu- define a series of pottery styles re as a model, I realized that all societies hove a structure for classifyIng their own vessel-assem- Styles are plotted onto a spatio-temporal chart to reconstruct an outline blages, in this structure, which I call ethnotypology, vessels are classifed by function and coded by of prehistory. This was the primary need of Carlbbean archeology in the 1930- 60s. In two remar- attributes. kable books, Rouse structures the disorganized archeology of Puerto Rico ( Rouse 1952) and The epistemologies of ethnotypology and archeology diverge, but can be integrated, The functio- Venezuela ( Cruxent and Rouse 1958) into outlines of national prehistory. Today he pursues a simi- nal vessel-types of ethnotypology are redefined as Hypothetical-Vessel-functions to satisfy the lar aim at the regional level ( Rouse, AIlaire and Boomert 1985 ). archeological perspective. However for datailed reconstruction of prehistory, his ceramic-tige cultural assemblages are unsa- The artifact attributes of archeology are redefined as Codes to meet the perspective of ethnotypo- tisfactory. Pottery, the major component, is defIned generally by style, rather than specifically by logy. vessel-type. Potential for the Interpretation of ethnocultural function is minimal. Boundaries bet- This integration creates a typology in which the primary axis is Hypothetical Vessel- function and ween the secondary axis of Codes comprizes all observable artifact attributes, subdivided under Ware, assemblages are notably imprecise. Precision is further reduced by use of artificlal rather than real Iconography, and Form. stratlgraphy. The Yeloz-Yargas-Sanoja (Ford) method has been used to classlfy large amounts of pottery In Some people may have problems with a hypothetical primary axis. However Shepard (1971) points Guyana (1950s), Dominican Republic, and Venezuela (1970-date). Sherds are classified primarily by out that this is the foundation of modern biological taxonomy. Previous biological classifications ware and decoration, and secondarily by vessel-shape and size, to create a detailed pottery profile were based on observable attributes. When the theory of evolutionary descent was mode the pri- for each excavation unit. Profiles are than seraited into phases, the equivalent of Rouse’s styles. mary axis, attributes became secondary. Evolutionary descent became the major research target, This method provides much fuller data. However multi-site chronology seems difficult to recons- and in lime became for less theoretical. truct, possibly because of the spatial axis present In seriation. lnterpretatlon of ethnocultural funct- Let us check our response to a Hypothetical Vessel-function from Caribbean archeology. Cassava- lon is also dlfflcult, because profiles are organized In terms of ware, and are difficult to reorganize griddle ( Flgure 1) is one of the few pottery artifacts treated by Rouse as a vessel-type. Few people in terms of vessel-shape and size. query its hypothetical function, which is derived from Caribbean ethnohistory and Amazonian eth- The Pinchon-Petitjean Roget-Harris-Robinson method is a local Caribbean development, wlth a nographic analogy. It is identified by six observable codes, two of which, paste-recipes and size- small but respectable history. Sherds are classified by vessel-shape.2 PInchon ( 1952) divides par- range, have never been researched; doubtless due to our preoccupation with this artifact as an agrl- tial-to-complete vessels into domestic (plain, simple decoration) and ritual (elaborate decoratlon); cultural marker. Vessel- and function can be hypothesized from ethnohistoric description, ethnographic analogy, and functional relates them where possible to ethnographlc functlon. Jacques Petitjean-Roget ( 1968, 1970 ) a clas- design. As information from vessel residues, archeological context, human-bone isotopes enter the sifies a large stratified two-component sample from MartInlque into vessel-types defined by deco- database, function will become increasingly less hypothetical. Rice (1987) highlights several pro- ratlon, shape, and slze. He has little problem in asslgnIng informative sherds to vessel -type. blems in classifying pottery assemblages. The divergent perspectives of ethnography and archeology are the main difficulty. 346 347 However the new classification structure is based on both perspectives, and allows entry of both The pottery assemblage is based on a census of 17 households ( DeBoer and Lathrap 1979: fig 4.3, ethnographic and archeological data. Another problem concerns multiple and secondary vessel- table 4.3). Ideologically the assemblage is divided into Domestic and Formal/Ritual domains. use. I suspect multiple-use is rare in Caribbean archeology. First key assumptlon of the new classi- Domestic is subdivided into Cookware, Liquidware and Foodware. Each Domestic vessel -type is fication is that each vessel -type is made for one specific function. This will be checked against a identified by three to rive codes. Cookpots are indicated by four codes. Three code the class (spe- relevant ethnographic database. Secondary-use is not measured by the new classification, which is cial clay-temper mix for lower vessel ; simple plastic decoration; cookpot shape). Vessel -types ( based on function coded into the vessel at the design- manufacture stage. Secondary use may be beer; daily slow; medicine) are coded by size. Lower part of the vessel is made from black organic hypothesized from ethnographic analogy, and confirmed by archeological context. clay with mainly caraipé temper. A test on potter variation of this mix (n=11) shows minimal Potter-variation is also a problem.3 Several studies confirm that correlation between function and deviation (ibid:fig 4.4). 0ccasionally vessel-interiors are smudged.8 Decoration codes include nic- form, or function and technology, is never 100%. The new classification groups all secondary king, punctation, incision, corrugation. These codes seem to continue the Cumancaya archeologi- variables ( technology, temper, iconography, size, shape) under the heading Codes. Second key cal tradition, which dates back to ca AD 800. Consumption vessels are identified by two codes assumption of the new classification is that function is always indicated by at least one code. (clay-temper mix; exterior painting and varnish). The paste recipe calls for a mix of red and white clays with mainly sherd temper; but potter- variation in clay ( 64% ) and temper ( 15% ) shows the unreliability of this code alone. Exterior decoration comprizes slip, fineline painted motifs, and Protium spp resin varnish. Liquidware vessels are identified by four further codes. Two code the class (interior waterproofing; exterior painted colour-code for liquids). Broad function (container; Two theoretical assumptions under lie ethnotypology and the new classification; decanter; drink- bowl) is coded by shape. Vessel-types are coded by size. Vessel-interiors are water- ( 1) Each vessel-type is designed and manufactured for one specific function. proofed with /Hymenaea courbaril resin. Exteriors are painted with black-and-red fineline motifs ( 2 ) This function is encoded by a predictable set of codes. Although codes wiIl vary from vessel to on a white slip, and varnished. vessel due to potter-variation, each individual vessel will be given at least one code from the pre- Painting and colours seem related to the Caimito and Napo archeological styles; while motifs seem dictable set. to continue the Cumancaya tradition. Three sizes of vessel-type are mode in the container-shape (beer; , water; traveling-canteen) ; one in the decanter-shape ( beer-decanter) ; and three in the ETHNOGRAPHIC DATABASE drink-bowl shape While the function of individual pottery artifacts is discussed in several archeological reports ( eg ( fiesta beer ; dally beer ; traveling drink ). Foodware vessels are identified by three further codes AlIaire 1984, Boomert 1986, Harris 1989), there is no comprehensive body of ethnographic data on (group of three vessel-shapes; exterior colour-code for foods; interior finish). The exterior painted Caribbean archeological assemblages. To remedy this void, pottery and gourd ethnotypologies are colour-code is the inverse of liquidware, white fineline motifs on a red slip, plus varnish. Interiors reconstructed for four ethnographic or ethnohistoric Indian societies,4 with varying degrees of distinguish between wet-food (smudged, presumably to more surface seal) and dry-fard ( plain ; or Caribbean relationship (Figure 2): simple broad-painted motifs). Formal/Ritual vessels have fewer codes, but meaning is distinctive. * Twentieth century Shipibo-Conibo ( upper Amazon). Women’s beer-dipper/bowls * Twentieth century East Tukanoan peoples ( northwest Amazon). are used as fiesta beer-decanters, suspended from a stick ; or as drink-bowls for personal use, or * Seventeenth-twentieth century Mainland Carib (coastal Guayana).5 loaned to the man of their choice. Shapes include female or male sexual organs, birds, manati ( Roe * Seventeenth century Island Carib ( Lesser Antilles). 1982:324, note 55). I suspect all are animals with sexual meaning, and represent the power of fema- Each assemblage is tabulated by Functional Yessel-type as rows, and Codes (Ware, Iconographic, le sexuality. The girls’ puberty ritual seems designed to control the same power. The cookpot is for Form ) as columns ( Tables 1-4).6 The Shipibo-Conibo sample is well-documented; the others are cookIng a set of domesticated wild animals eaten at the fiesta. The washpot holds the solution of less so. Since dual organization seems to be present in protohistoric Hispaniola (Harris 1994), but hot water and piri. piri used to staunch bleeding after the clitoridectomy. Both are coded, inversely, is not reported in the above societies, a brief description of this social strategy from a twentieth cen- with the decoration for dry-food bowl interior. The vagina-cover is worn for 1-2 months after the tury Pueblo people ( southwest United States) is added for reference. operation to assist healing, and is typically painted.9 About a year later there is a second fiesta for hair-cutting, and the girl’s hair is caught. In a vessel coded by a distinctive shape. Washpot and Twentieth century Shipibo-Conibo (Upper Amazon). hair-vessel are presented to the woman specialist who performs the operation. Formol/Ritual ves- This Panoan-speaking canoe-people lives along the banks of the Ucayali mainstream. Despite sels are often coded by newness, i.e., beer-bowls for visitors, beer and foodbowls for fiestas, gifts Intermittent periods of heavy European contact, they retain a generally Indian culture. They are not by women of the fiesta host household to helpers tram other familles. Fiestas account for 50% of swidden agriculturists, and consider themselves superior to the forest annual pottery breakage ( DeBoer and Lathrap 1979:135, note 8). Reportedly a large olla or jar was Indians of the same language family, who live on the minor streams. In fact they raid the forest used in former limes for secondary or primary burial beneath the house floor. This may involve women and children for slaves. Major crops , comprize plantains and maize grown in the rich-soil secondary use of a beer-vessel, which would Orly be code by archeological context. floodplain, and manioc and bananas grown on the poor- soil bluffs. Fish from lakes and rivers form Shamans and sorcerers utilize the medicine cookpot, beer-decanter, and presumably beer-decanter, the maIn source of protein. Typical daily meal is a stew of boiled fish and plantains or manioc. Main and presumably beer-bowl, to prepare and consume their magic drinks. Shamans also smoke a pipe fiesta is the girls’ clitoridectomy ritual, which reportedly disappeared in the 1950s. Shamans use to dream up designs for the women, to use on pottery and textiles. Shipibo-Conibo ethnotypology tobacco to contact their spirits, while sorcerers use Banisteriopsis and Brugmansia Pottery is made by demonstrates a multi-linear relation-ship between functional vessel-types and codes. Use of seve- women. Ethnotypology (Table 1) is very well documented ( DeBoer and Lathrap 1979; Lathrap ral codes effectively removes the effect of potter variation. In the Domestic domain, primary 1970; and Roe 1982, on the girls’ puberty ritual),7 and is a rare example of ethnographic research emphasis is on ware, which communicates broad categories of functional behaviour (cooking; driven by archeology. liquids; tord). 348 349

Wares tend to be coded by technology, decoratlon, and shape; and vessel-types by size. The Formal Despite incomplete data, most vessels are distinguished by three codes. Distinction botween fema- Ritual domain has no special ware, and vessel-types tend to be coded by iconography and mea- le Lagenaria and male Crescentia gourd-vessels is untypical of western thought. Further data are ning. In terms of Caribbean archeology, the Domestic assemblage plus griddle provides a useful needed to clarify three areas of unclear coding ( Lagenaria food or drink-bowl ; Crescentia snuff or reference set of vessel-types and codes, We should note potential presence of the beer-decanter, and beeswax bowl ; gourd pigment or tobacco-snuff container). In terms of Caribbean archeology, seve- use of a casuela-shape for drinking. Meaning of the women’s ritual beer-bowl is sufficiently dis- ral aspects have potential for ethnographic analogy. Potstands support domestic vessels, ritual tinctive, to allow wide scope for interpretation by individual potter-artists. The fiesta beer-decan- gourds, and are incorporated into the yajé -jar as its tall cylindrical base. Brightly painted decora- ter affers one ethnocultural explanation for archeological suspension-holes. Both domains illustration of this jar codes the hallucinogenic effects of its contents, and te the use of inverse decoration codes to specify difference (food from drink; girls’ puberty ritual its lug-handles are perforated for suspension from the rafters when not in use. Incense is the most from normal domestic behaviour ). Archeological accumulations of unused bowl -sherds may sacred substance. Socio-political relationships underlying the imported pottery food-dish are not in represent a fiesta. the current database, but can be researched. Crescentia ritualware reminds us that important artifacts can be absent from the archeological assemblage.

Twentieth Century East Tukanoan peoples (Northwest Amazon) Seventeenth-twentieth century Coastal Carib (Guayana) This intermarrying set of canoe-peoples from the Tukanoan language-family occupies the forested rivers of the Vaupés region. Loose clusters of related communities, each comprizing a single mul- tifamily longhouse, are located along a section of river. They retain much of their traditional cultu- In the 1600s, the coastal lowlands of Guyana, Surinam, and French Guyana were mainly occupied re. The main vegetable staple is manioc, grown by swidden agriculture, and mode into cassava- by Lokono from the Arawakan language-family and Kalina (alse Caribisi, Galibi) from the Cariban bread. Fish and game are the main sources of protein. Fresh supplies of cassava-bread and coca are language-family. The pattern seems to have been one of loosely interspersed villages, with Lokono made daily by women and men in parallel activity-cycles. Hot manioc-juice is served at dusk. dominating on the coast, and Caribs on the inland rivers (Boomert 1984:fig 2). Some Carib villages Spirit-foods include beer, coca, tobacco (as cigars or snuff), and the hallucinogenic Banisteriopsis survive in the coastal zone totay. The main vegetable staple is manioc, grown by swidden agricul- drink yajé. Usually these are consumed only by men and at night. Shamans contral a powerfully ture, and made into cassava-bread. The main meat dish is «pepper-pot,» a thick soup made by boi- smelling beeswax incense, which represents the supreme female deity. Pottery is made by women. ling meat or fish, peppers, and cassareep.11 Guayana is a centre of tobacco shamanism. Some prac- They also cultivate the Lagenaria vine, and moke the fruit into domestic gourd-vessels. Men collect titioners contact their tutelary spirits through tobacco-juice alone, others through tobacco-juice and the fruit of the Creeescentia tree, and make it into ritual gourd- bowls. Ethnotypology (Table 2) is tho hallucinogenic takini, others through tobacco-juice and peppers. Shamans also smoke very long not a major research focus of the sources ( Reichel-Dolmatoff 1978, on the use of yajé;; Christine cigars. The vessel assemblage comprize pottery ( made by women) and gourds ( not in my databa- Hugh-Jones 1979, Stephen Hugh-Jones 1979, 1985, on Barasana activities and beliefs; Moser and se). Ethnotypology (Tables 3a, 3b) is reconstructed from the following (Boomert 1986, Allaire 1984, Tayler 1985, on the Tukano; Goldman 1963a, 1963b, on the Cubeo). The overall assemblage seems who have assembled a large amount of othnohistoric and recent vessel data; Gillin 1936, on wes- reasonably complete, but vessel data are only adequate in the case of yajé-vessels. Ideological tern Carib ; Cornette 1991 , on eastern Carib ; also isolated data from Im Thurn 1883 ; Roth 1915, domains seem to be Domestic, Ritual-female (or beer), and Ritual-male. Each comprizes polished 1924). The overall assemblage is probably complete, including ethnic names of most vessel-types. smudged pottery blackware and gourds with a black varnished interior. Domestic vessels seem to Differences in present-day coding occur between the west (Guyana) and east (Surinam, French be identified by three codes ( undecorated blackware or Lagenaria gourd; shape; size). The decora- Guyana), and there are important gaps in vessel-data. Ideological domains seem to be Domestic, ted probable food-dish imported from the Kuripako is an exception. Pottery shapes include the Beer, and Shamanic. In the past, Domestic may have been subdivided into Cooking (blackware)12 griddle, probably three sizes of cookpot ( manioc-Juice/beer; fish/meat; breakfast/utility), three and Consumption (painted pottery or decorated gourd). 13 sizes of special pot (toasting coca; serving manioc-juice; cooking and serving pepper-sauce), and Cookware vessels are identified by three codes (lack of docoration shape; size). Formerly ( 1780s) the hourglass-shaped potstand/firedog. Lagenaria shapes include the water-jar, and possibly three the code may have been a glossy blackware, produced by smudging and varnishing with Hymenaea sizes of bowl (food; drink; dipper). My current database gives no distinction between Lagenaria courbaril resin. Gellin ( 1936) says all pots are sealed with a varnish inside and out, but the sheen food and drink- bowl. Ritual-female vessels may be identified by only one code ( basketry on the soon wears off. The cookpot shape has long been called «buckpot» by Europeans, and may once blackware beer-jar; decoration on the gourd-bowl). Beer-jar shape is not reported. If it is the same have been Lokono.14 Yessel -types ( beer ; pepper- pot stew ; mixIng bowl ; pepper-sauce) are coded as the manioc-Juice/beer cookpot, the only coding is openwork basketry round the body. The by size. Liquidware vessels are identified by two to four codes (exterior painted pottery or unde- Lagenaria beer-bowl is coded by hatched L- motifs, similar to those applied to Crescentia rattles. corated gourd; paste; shape; size). Broad function is coded by shape ( container; bowl). East and Ritual-male vessels seem to be identified by three codes ( blackware with yajé -type decoration or west ware and decoration codes differ. In the east (French Guyana), exterior painting and varnish undecorated Crescentia gourds; shape; size). Yajé-decoration is a free-style finger-type painting in characterize pottery water-jars, water-bottles, and some bathing-bowls. Containers (water-jar, red, yellow, and white ( yajé -Jar; trumpet). The yajé -jar is a very specific shape, a medium-mouth water-bottle, dual water- bottle) are also coded by a porous grey paste with caraipé temper, which collared-pot, with tall cylindrical base, and two lug-handles perforated for suspension. There are keeps the contents cool through evaporation. Shape and size probably code vessel-type, but are not two sizes of Crescentia bowl; one for coca, tobacco-snuff, or beeswax; and a smaller size for yajé.. reported in my current database. In the west (Guyana), waterware is made from undecorated Gourd containers (pigment; tobacco-snuff) are presumably pearshaped, and made from Crescentia, gourd. but they are not described in my current database. At present, no distInction is reported between Crescentia bowls for coco, tobacco-snuff, and beeswax; or between gourd containers for pigment 351 and tobocco-snuff.10 350 Yessel-types (two sizes of water-jar, traveling canteen; drink-bowl, dipper) are coded by species, shape and size. Two pottery Vassels (cassareep-jar, work-bowl) are coded by shape and size. Ethnotypology is derived from the following sources (Allaire 1984, Boomert 1986, on vessel names, Unspecified pottery is occasionally decorated in two distinct modes. Although attributed to craft functions, and shapes; Jacques Petitjean-Roget 1963, summarizing Breton and La Borde on pride, these may equally be residual codes for liquid (painted black-brown motifs) and beer (inci- Guadeloupe and Dominica ( 1635- 54), and St Vincent ( ca 1650); Anonyme de Carpentras19 on sed band on shoulder), which have now lost their relevance. Martinique (1619-20) in Moreau 1987; Philoponus (1621) and La Borde’s (1674)illustrations in On current data, Foodbowls seem difficult to distinguish from unpainted bathing-bowls. 0ne can Hulme and Whitehead 1992). The assemblage is probably complete. Functions represented by ves- hypothesize two codes ( shallower shape; lack of decoration), but more data are required. Beerware sel-names correspond closely to the domestic vessel-set of the other ethnotypologies. But data on vessels are identified by two to four codes ( exterior simple plastic decoration ; interior, painting shape and size are poor. Hopefully Allaire’s excavations in St Vincent will fill this void. Ideological and varnish; shape; size). Although decoration (notched, scalloped, or pointed rim; nicked, incised, domains seem to be Domestic, Beer, and Ritual. or appliqué band; studs on body) is found in all vessel-types, it is not present on all examples. Cookware may be identified by three codes (blackware; shape; size). The shiny blackware was pro- Broad function is coded by shape (container, bowl); and vessel-type by size. Containers typically duced by smudging and resin varnish. Griddle and fish-chimney shapes are described, but the have a large bowl-shaped collar, presumably for pouring;15 and the body occurs in four shapes. cook pot is not. La Borde’s illustrations show three sizes of a medium-mouth gobular pot. Body Vessel -types , (jar, presumably traveling-jar and decanter)16 are coded by size. Bowls occur in two shapes conform loosely with the ethnohistoric blackware buckpot from Guayana, at this time a shapes (simple; composite), but no functional distinction is reported in the current database. In the Lokono artifact; and with archeological caraipé-tempered Mayoid vessels from Trinidad, which east ( French Guyana), beer-bowls have an additional decoration code ( interior painting and var- have been linked with the Nepuyo (Boomert 1985). La Borde’s vessels are decorated with an appa- nish; sometimes also exterior). This is inverse application of the eastern code for 1iquids, rently painted overall fineline design, which relates them to the Polychrome Tradition of fate pre- Shamanic items are identified by two codes (specific shape; exterior painted pottery or undecora- historic Guayana, but is surprizing on cookware. Vessel - types ( sweet-patata beer or plantain; fish; ted gourd).17 Pottery goblet is reportedly used to offer beer to the spirit of manioc gardens (Gillin hot breakfast beer ; crab-flavoured pepper- sauce) are presumably coded by size. 1936). Spouted gourd-vessel is for pouring tobacco-juice or pepper-juice into the nose;18 pottery spouted-vessel may have the same function, Reportedly trumpets were used formerly for signaling ( Roth 1924). Consumptionware may also be identified by three codes (porous paste or gourd; shape; size). The Most vessels are distinguished by at least two codes. Present-day ethnotypology suggests a wea- goglet 20 or water-cooling jar, is made of porous pottery by definition, and is probably also coded kened version of an earlier coding system, in which decoration may have been standard. However by shape; no gourd water-jar is reported. Gourd-bowls (bathing; drink; dipper) are probably coded coding is unclear in only two areas ( food or bathing-bowl ; beer-cookpot or jar). The presence of by size. La Borde illustrates a hammock-shaped «plate,» presumably from gourd, with the same different body-shapes in some vessel-types (beer-jar; beer-bowl) may reflect cultural mixture exterior decoration as his cookpots. This may be for food. during trie colonial period, rather than functional code. Beerware may be identified by two to four codes (size; shape; possibly handles; decorated gourd). In terms of Caribbaen archeology, note the widespread use of vanish, and bathing-bowl as a poten- Beer is brewed from cold ingredients. Pottery vessels ( beer-jar; decanter for passing beer to the tial vessel-type. Shamanic practices alse supply useful information. As insistantly maintained by guests) are coded by size. They may also be coded by hardles. Martir’s description of large vessels Henry Petitjean-Roget, the archeological two-tube nostril-bowl may be designed for shamanic observed in Guadeloupe ( 1493) implies the presence of hardles (Allaire 1984:125). 0viedo ( 1535- ingestion of tobacco or pepper juice rather than cohoba. 47) describes huge two-handled beer- jars on the lower 0rinoco ( Boomert 1986: 50). Philoponus’ illustrations ( 1621 ) show two sizes of a deep wide-mouth vessel with one or two hardles; which Seventeenth century Island Carib ( Lesser Antilles) however contain human limbs. Finally hardles are a typical functional feature for tilting (beer-jars), transport and pouring (beer-decanter). Gourd-vessels (traveling-canteen, fiesta beer-bowl) are This maritime canoe-people occupied the islands from Grenada to St Kitts. They called themselves coded by shape and decoration. Reported modes include polish, painting (black motifs on red), and Kalipuna or Kalinago, and viewed themselves as junior branch of the mainland Kalina of Guayana. engraving. La Borde’s illustration shows the same exterior fineline decoration21 as his oher vessels. However linguists have assessed their languages (women’s and men’s) as structurally Arawakan Ritual items probably have two codes ( natural material such as gourd; shape). Men’s gift gourd- with numbers of Cariban lexemes (Hoff 1995). The Cayoid style of pottery centering on St Vincent, bowls and canteens have been described under Beer. Pearshaped mini-gourds are used for sacred some with caraipé temper, suggests small-scale Kalina migration into the Windward Islands from substances (tobacco-powder, black fineline pigment, human ashes). Material of the stove-shaped AD 1250. These data suggest a people of Arawakan blood-descent, with a long history of trading cigar- stand set out for the good spirit is not reported. and wife-exchange with the mainland Kalina, Despite incomplete data, vessels are probably distinguished by at least two codes. Coding is The main staples comprized manioc, sweet potato, and plantains, grown by swidden agriculture, unclear in three areas ( beer-cookpot or container ; bathing, drink, or beer gourd- bowl). Decoration and made respectively into cassava-bread and thick soup. The main protein sources were fish and may not be as widespread as suggested by La Borde’s illustrations. In terms of Caribbean archeo- crab. 0ne daily meal was eaten communally by the men in the men’s hut in the early morning, pre- logy, one should look for pottery versions of gourd- vessels. ceded by a pot of hot beer. Turtle-oil soup was prepared by the men. Spirit-foods included tobacco-powder (chewed on long journeys), and long cigars ( smoked communally at war-councils). Important activities included collective overseas raiding of non-Kalina communities, to capture male warriors for collective ritual consumption and additional wives. lt is unclear who made the Tewa Dual 0rganization (Southwest U.S.A) pottery; gourd-vessels were made by the men. The present-day Tewa live in six autonomous villages in the upper Rio Grande of New Mexico. They have been village agrlculturalists since AD 500, and reached their present location probably ca AD 1450 after a long migration. 352 353 Their dual organization is selected as a reference example for several reasons. In the face of agres- HYPOTHETICAL VESSEL-FUNCTIONS IN CARIBBEAN ARCHEOL0GY sive Spanish and Anglo contact, they evolved a socio-political system which keeps traditional beliefs separate, and gives their culture an unbroken history. Their dual organization is not based on two intermarrying moieties, but is a socio-political strategy, which seems in their myth of A preliminary assemblage of Hypothetical yessel-functions (Table 5) is derived from the four ath- origin to be spliced onto an earlier unitary organization. Most importantly, the anthropologist who notypologies. This functional baseline will classify Caribbean archeological pottery into a frame- describes the system ( 0rtiz 1969) is Tewa, and is a member of a functioning dual society. work based on ethnographic analogy and ethnohistory. In the Domestic domain, functions and ves- All Tewa men and women belong to one of two mutually exclusive societies. The Summer society sel-size are expected to conform closely with twentieth century ethnography. Ware, size, and is responsible for agricultural rituals and activities. The Winter society is responsable for hunting. aspects of form are largely expected to reflect family functional requirements (baking; boiling; During May-0ctober, the community is governed by the Summer society chief, and during liquids; food). In the Ritual domain, ethnohistory is expected to be a better guide. Here function November-April by the Winter chief. Each society has its own divine ancestress, communicates and vessel-size are likely to be shaped by much higher levels of religio-political power than obtain with its own set of spirits, organizes its own festivals, and has its own ritual artifacts and dress. The in present-day Indian societies. Some archeological vessel-types have been added to this domain ( two sets are clearly differentiated, most noticeably by colour. Winter colours are red ( warfare, hun- In parentheses). Iconography and overall vessel-shape reflect style more than function, and are ting) and white (winter). Summer colours are black ( rain-laden clouds), green (growing crops), and omitted because they will be derived from the archeological data. Bakeware comprizes a range of yellow (sunshine). Children enter the moiety of their father. Members undergo three rituals a moie- griddles. Pastes are probably high in organics and low-fired, to delay thermal fatigue. Temper may ty name ( by firstbirthday), induction (age 6-10), finishing (age 10-15). After marriage, Tewa may be be minimal, to maximize heat retention by the clay. Surface treatment should include a rough lower chosen as an annual official: these are appointed in pairs, one from each moiety. 0r they may join surface to accelerate heating, and a smooth upper surface to reduce stick. Size is unfortunately not a specialist society, which operates at the community, not the moiety level. After death, souls are one of Rouse’s modes; but a range of sizes is reported in Puerto Rican 0stionoid ( Rainey 1940; not grouped by moiety, but by service-level (ordinary, official, specialist). Change of moiety occurs Robinson 1985), and may reflect different activities. Boilingware comprizes a range of cookpots ( occasionally; when an ordinary woman marries a man of the other moiety; or when a child or ordi- beer, daily stew, pepper-sauce). Paste is probably high in organics and low-fired, for thermal life. nary Tewa receives assistance from a spirit of the other moiety. Ethnographic statistics suggest that Wet-finishing by hand ( uneven surface) would produce a surface seal similar to a slip, to reduce dual organization may have been the norm in pre-contact. Indian societies, especially those which seepage of liquids. Smudging ( firing in a reduced atmosphere) and polishing would produce a are film matrilineal. Dual subsistence (agriculture; fishing) is typical of Caribbean archeology. stronger surface seal. Because of vessel size, beer-pot paste is likely to be abnormally thick. Yessels Potential moiety codes include; are Iikely to be deep ( more than half maximum diameter), to allow long boiling; with rounded or sloping lower bodies to maximize exposure to heat. Mouths are likely to be wide, to facilitate access * painted red motifs on a white background as opposed to engraved crosshatch ( Saladoid). with a dipper. Handles may be present, to facilitate removal from the fire, or cooking by suspen- * gold or shell guanins as opposed to stone beads22 ( Taino origin myth). sion. Liquidware comprizes a range of jars and bowls (beer, water, traveling). Jar paste may be slightly porous, to produce cooling through evaporation. 0therwise, paste is likely to be fine and better Validity of the Assumptions fired, to reduce liquid seepage. Various strategies improve surface seal. Interiors may be burnished when leather-hard (striated surface). Surfaces may be wet-finished with a tool late in the drying phase, to produce a self-slip and then polished (smooth even surface) ; or painted with resin while How valid are the two assumptions underlying ethnotypology? still hot. Jars are likely to have necks to facilitate pouring. Handles may serve different purposes: Manufacture of vessel-type for specific function is clearly shown in the well-documented Shipibo- tilting (very large stationary beer-jars); transport and decanting ( medium water-jars filled in the Conibo assemblage. In the other assemblages, uncertainty is present in only a few underdocumen- river) ; attachments for suspension cords or securing the lid (traveling-canteens). Also handles may ted vessel-types. The first assumption seems reasonably valid. Encoding of function by at least one have different designs: for insertion of the fingers; as knobs for grasping; as loops or perforations predictable code is abundantly demonstrated in the Shipibo-Conibo domestic assemblage, where for suspension. Foodware has no technological design requirements, other than distinction from three to five codes per vessel-type give ample allowance for potter variation. In the ritual assem- drink-bowls. Probable residual deposits of pepper in food-bowls would make this distinction func- blage, codes are fewer but distinctive, and a variety of symbols permits artistic variation without tionally desirable. Beerware technology has largely been covered under Liquidware. Beer-jar paste change in meaning. In the other assemblage, two to four codes are probably present per vessel-type, is likely to be abnormally thick because of vessel size. The decanter is likely to have a specialized but vessel data are incomplete. shape, with a spout on one side and hardle(s) on the other or at 90°. The intermediate status of beer The second assumption has 100% validity in the well-documented Shipibo-Conibo assemblage. A between domestic and ritual domains is likely to be reflected in simple non-representational ico- similar degree of validity is possible in the others, but fuller vessel data are required before a sta- nography ( simple modeling, red-rims, simple incised motifs). Ritualware is likely to include hal- tement can be made. Shipibo-Conibo and Coastal Carib use of inverse decoration, and East lucinogenic drink, hallucinogenic snuff, tobacco, male enemy sacrifice, and possibly dual organi- Tukanoan distinction of female and male gourds by species suggests that coding is a fundamental zation. Vessels belonging to one activity-set are likely to be coded by a shared iconography. For ins- part of Amazonian mental structure. Suspected loss of iconographic meaning in twentieth century tance hallucinogenic drink artifacts may be given Skyworld-related iconography (bright colours, Coastal Carib vessels suggests that 100% validity might still be present in archeological assem- birds). Hallucinogenic snuff artifacts may be given Underworld-related iconography (crosshatch, blages. turtle, snake, cayman, frog, armadillo, bat). If dual organization is presents moieties are likely to be coded by contrasting or inverse iconography. Ritual vessel-typ are still extremely hypothetical, although research has been done on hypothesized hallucinogenic drink vessels ( Harris 1989). 354 355 REGIONAL DATABASE OF ISLAND TYPOLOGIES 1986 The Cayo complex of St Vincent: Ethnohistorical and Archaeological aspects of the Island Carib problem. Antropologica 66: 3-68. Fundacion La Salle, After the congress, I applied the new classification method to a two-component stratified pottery Caracas. sample from Antigua comprizIng six 25 cm artificial levels. I found analysis complicated by the simultaneous presence of two objectives. At the macro-level, I was tring to define pottery assemblages by vessel-types. At the micro-level, I was trying to track change of vessel-type within and between assemblages. I now see the new classification as a mutually supportive three- level pro- CORNETTE, A. cess. First step is creation of a regional data structure, so that distribution of shared vessel- types can be 1991 La Céramique Galibi en Guyane Française: Etude morpho-stylistique et technique. plotted, and contextual data from individual vessels pooled to clarify hypothetical vessel-function. Proceedings of 13th ICCA, Curaçao, 1989 (2): 509- 523. AAINA, Curaçao. Second step is development of preliminary island typologies based on 25 100% complete vessels from published literature and museum collections.23 This is a matrix of archeological Vessel-types. Hypothetical Vessel-functions form the columns, grouped into Cooking, Liquids, Fool, Beer, and CRUXENT, J. M. And I. ROUSE Ritual. Pottery Assemblages form the rows, based largely on Rouse’s styles. 1958 An Archeological Chronology of Venezuela, vol1. Pan American Union, Washington, D.C. Third step is the classification of stratified sherds against the island typology. As information enters the matrix, the typology is continuously tested and refined. Construction of a regional database is a major work investment, but the benefits to Caribbean DEBOER, W. R. and D. W. LATHRAP archeology in terms of social and historical reconstruction would be enormous. it would make a good 1979 The Making and Breaking of Shipibo-Conibo Ceramics. Ethnoarchaeology : Implications collaborative project for IACA. of Ethnography for Archaeology, ed. Carol Kramer: 102-138. Columbia University Press, New York.

REFERENCES CITED GILLIN, J.

1936 The Barama River Caribs of British Guiana . Harvard Peabody Museum, Cambridge. ALLAIRE, L. GOLDMAN,I.

1984 A reconstruction of early historical Island Carib pottery. journal of Southeastern 1963a The Cubeo: Indians of the Northwest Amazon . University of Illinois Press, Urbana. Archeology 3(2): 121-133.

1963b Tribes of the Vaupés Caqueta region. Handbook of South American Indians Vol III: The ANONYME DE CARPENTRAS Tropical Forest Tribes : 763-798.

1987 Un Flibustier Français dans la Mer des Antilles en 1618/1620, ed Jean-Pierre Moreau. Editions Jean- Pierre Moreau, Clamart. HARRIS, P. O’B.

BOOMERT,A. 1976 Excavation report on the ceramic site of Golden Grove, Tobago. Proceedings of 6th /ICCA, Guadeloupe, 1975: 145-157. Florida Museum of Natural History, Gainesville. 1984 The Arawak Indians of Trinidad and Coastal Guiana, ca 1500-1650. The Journal of Caribbean History 19(2): 123-188. 1978 A revised chronological framework for ceramic Trinidad and Tobago. Proceedings of 7th ICCA, Caracas, 1977: 47- 63. Centre de Recherches Caraïbes, Montréal. 1985 The Guayabitoid and Mayoid series: Amerindian culture history in Trinidad during

Late Prehistoric and Protohistoric times. Proceedings of 10th ICCA, Martinique, 1983 : 1989 The importance of Ritual Hallucinogenic Drinks in Trinidad and Tobago archeology. 93-148. Centre de Recherches Caraibes, Montréal. Paper presented at 13th ICCA, Curaçao, 1989. Ms in possession of author. 356 357 ORTIZ, A. 1994 Nitaino Indians: a preliminary ethnographic outline of contact Hispaniola. MA the sis on file at Florida Museum of Natural History, Gainesville. 1969 The Tewa World: Space, Time Being and Becoming in a Pueblo Society.Universityof Chicago.Press, Chicago. HOFF, B. J,

1995 Language contact, war, and Amerindian historical tradition: The special case of the PETITJEAN- ROGET, J. Island Carib. Wolves from the sea, ed Neil L. Whitehead: 37- 59. KITLV Press, Leiden.

1963 The Caribs as seen through the Dictionary of the Reverend Father Breton. Proceedings of 1st ICCA, Martinique, 1961 (2): 43- 68. Société d’Histoire de la Martiniquet, Fort-de- HUGH-JONES, C. France.

1979 From the Milk river: Spatial and temporal processes in Northwest Amazonia. Cambridge 1968a Etude d’un horizon Arawak et proto-Arawak à la Martinique à partir du niveau 1 du University Press, Cambridge. Diamant.Proceedings of the 2nd ICCA, Barbados, 1967: 61-69. Barbados Museum, Barbados.

1968b Etude d’un horizon Caraïbe a la Martinique à partir du niveau III du Diamant. HUGH-JONES, S. Proceedings of the 2nd ICCA, Barbados, 1967 : 125-133. Barbados Museum, Barbados.

1979 The Palm and the Pleiades : Initiation and cosmology in Northwest Amazonia. Cambridge 1970 L’Archéologie Martiniquaise. Paralleles 36/37: 4-67. Periodica, Montréal. University Press, Cambridge.

PINCHON, R,

1985 The maloca. a wor id in house. The Hidden Peoples of the Amazon 77-93. British Museum, 1952 Introduction a l’Archéologie Martiniquaise. Journal de la société des Américanistes 41: London. 305 - 35

HULME, P. and N, L. WHITEHEAD eds RAINEY, F. G.

1992 Wild Majesty : Encounters with Caribs from Columbus to the Present Day. Clarendon Press, Oxford. 1940 Porto Rican Archaeology. New York Academy of Sciences, New York.

IM THURN, E. F. REICHEL-DOLMATOFF, G. 1883 Among the Indians of Guiana. Reprinted 1967, Dover Publications, New York. 1978 Beyond the Milky Way: Hallucinatory Imagery of the Tukano indians. UCLA LatinAmerican Center, Los Angeles. LATHRAP, D.W.

RICE, P. M. 1970 The Upper Amazon . Praeger, New York. 1987 Pottery Analysis : A Sourcebook . University of Chicago Press, Chicago. MOSER, B. and D. TAYLER ROBINSON, L. SICKLER 1985 The Cocaine Eaters. The Hidden Peoples of the Amazon . 39- 75. British Museum, London.

358 359 1985 Ceramic ramains from El Bronce archeological site, Puerto. Archaeological Data Recovery at El Bronce, Puerto Rico: Final Report, phase 2: appendix F. NOTES Report for US Army Corps of Engineers, Jacksonville.

ROE, P.G. 1This paper alse consciously follows Irving Rouse’s focus on total cultural assemblages. My aim is to redefine the pottery component from style to vessel- assemblage. 1982 The Cosmic Zygote: Cosmology in the Amazon basin . Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick. 2 Boomert and Chanlatte Baik also place primary emphasis on form.

3 I compare this to the range of dishes produced by many cooks using the same recipe. ROTH, W. E. 4 I hope to publish the detailed databases at some future date. 1915 An Inquiry into the Animism and Folklore of the Guiana Indians. Reprinted 1970. Johnson Reprint, New York. 5 Guayana refers to the region defined by the Rios Negro, Orinoco, Amazon, and the Atlantic.

6 In these tables, sizes are defined arbitrarily as VL ( 40 cm diameter and above), L ( 30- 39 cm ), M ( 20-29 cm), S (10-19 cm ), VS (under 10 cm ). In archeological assemblages, sizes will be defined by 1924 An Introductory study of the Arts, Crafts, and Customs of the Guiana Indians. Thirty- actual clustering. Shapes are defined as follows: eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Smithsonian Institution, Washinton D.C. Pot deep inflected vessel with inflected neck. Jar ditto with corner-point neck. Bottle enclosed vessel with long narrow neck. ROUSE, I. Casuela neckless restricted vessel with high-level body-keel. Vase ditto with low-lever bocy-keel. 1952a Porto Rican Prehistory: Introduction; Ecavations in the West and North . New York Dish shallow bowl: height is 25% of maximum diameter or less. Academy of Sciences, New York. deep height is 60% of maximum diameter or more.

7 Data on tobacco practices for all four societies are derived fram Wilbert ( 1987). 1952b Porto Rican Prehistory: Excavations in the interior, South and East; Chronological Implications . New York Academy of Sciences, New York. 8 I suspect organics delay thermal fatigue. Interior smudging would increase surface seal.

9 An archeological example from early in the Cumancaya phase is incised ( Roe 1982:94 ). 10 Possibly no distinction is needed. Preparation and consumption of coca and tobacco-snuff are ROUSE, I., L. ALLAIRE and A. BOOMERT sufficiently similar to place both substances in the same category. Conversely the power represented by snuff, beeswax, and pigment is sufficiently different, that the vessels may be coded by contents or residue rather thon craft work. 1985 Eastern Venezuela, Guianas, and the West Indies. Chapter prepared for Chronologies in New World Archaeology, second edition. 11 This preservative/seasoning is produced by boiling down the poisonous liquid drained from the squeezing-tube. SHEPARD,A.O. 12 «Black eerthen pots, some of which are of enormous size... and varnish[ed]... for cooking meats 1971 Ceramics for the Archaeologist . Carnegie Institution of Washington, Washington, D.C. or preparing drinks for feast days» ( Lescallier 1798, in Allaire 1984: 126 ), 13 «Finely painted ear then pots and dishes» (Warren 1669, in Boomert 1985:46). «All of the pots not WILBERT, J. to be used over the fire are nothing more than hollowed calabashes of various sizes, often worked elaborately ( Terraube 1799, in Allaire 1984: 127). 1987 Tobacco and Shamanism in South America . Yale University Press, New Haven. 14 This blackware cookpot was reportedly traded by the Lokono to Europeans from the early seventeenth century, and manufactured by both Lokono and Kalina in the late nineteenth century (Boomert 1986:50- l, figs 20A.2, 16.1-8). 360 361 15 Handles, presumably for pouring, may be another code. Some of Boomert’s two-handled Figure 1. Cassava-griddle, a hypothetical vessel-function from Caribbean archeology. examples are reported as tuma yene, the usual name for meat-cookpot. But one example ( 1986: fig 19.8) conforms with all the codes for beer-jar. Gillin’s vocabulary ( 1936:266) also leads me to sus- Hypothetical vessel-function CASSAVA-GRIDDLE pect that tuma yene is the generic Carib word for pottery. based on Caribbean ethnohistory and 16 The two latter functions are not reported, but are suggested by vessel-design ( Boomert 1986: figs 19.5 and 19.3). Amazonian ethnographic analogy.

17 But note an apparently gourd drink-bowl (eastern Carib), with apparently painted interior Ware-codes * thick. representing the powerful Aramari snake- spirit ( Roth 1915:fig 2 ). * smooth upper/rough lower surface. 18 Farabee (1918, in Wilbert 1987:35) reports Wapishana use of tobacco-juice. Roth (1924:247) reports Makusi use of pepper- juice. * probable thermal paste.

19 In accepting this source, I rely heavily on Henry Petitjean-Roget’s familiarity with the early Iconographic codes * very rare decoration. French sources on Brazil ( 1504- 60) and the Anti lles. A paper discussIng the authenticity of this source is much needed. Form-codes * flat or edged circular shape.

20 It is not clear whether this vessel is of Amerindian or European origin, or booth. The word *range of sizes. derives from the Portuguese gorgoleta (Chambers Dictionary 1972). The Guyana equivalent is called kumuti ( Lokono) or takwari ( Cariban); kumuti is first mentioned in the late seventeenth Century ( Boomert 1986:50). .

21 This design needs to be checked against the exampie in the Louvre, with added European gold- work and precious stones, reported by Allaire ( 1984: 131 , note 6). Figure 2. Distribution of the four Amerindian societies reported in the ethnographie database. 22 Or green-stone frogs.The association of women with jewelry and babies with frogs in Pane’s version may be moiety icons, not a textual corruption as usually assumed.

23 For an earlier rudimentary attempt, see my drawings of preliminary Trinidad and Tobago vessel-assemblages based on Rouse’s styles (Harris 1978 : fig 7-15)

362 363 FUNCTIONAL WARE-CODES ICONOGRAPHIC CODES FORM-CODES FUNCTIONAL WARE-CODES ICONOGRAPHIC CODES FORM-CODES VESSEL-TYPES (technology) (decoration, history, meaning) (size, shape, special features) VESSEL-TYPES (technology) (decoration, history, meaning) (size, shape, special features) Domestic domain Domestic domain COOKING(5) COOKING(5) cassava-griddle iron, formerly pottery, stone - VL flat plate beer cookpot dual clay/temper mix simple incision, punctation, VL wide-mouth pot beer-pot formerly glossy blackware - VL dp w-mouth collared-bowl daily stew cookpot . (upper) red clay/sherd finger-nail notching, L ditto cookpot . smudging, resin varnish - L-M ditto medecines cookpot . (lower) black clay/ caraipe corrugation: (Cumancaya M ditto mixing-pot - M ditto set of 3 hearth firedogs occasional interior smudging tradition) short solid pillars pepper- sauce pot - S ditto kiln for firing small vessels L inverted open-ended bowl CONSUMPTION-LIQUIDS (7) LIQUIDS (8) beer jar red & white clay/sherd mix exterior painting & varnish VL madium- neck jar water-jar porous grey paste+caraipe exterior painted L/M medium-neck jar+ lid water jar interior H. courbaril resin . black & red fineline on white L ditto - *occ L med-neck pot (Sur) traveling drink canteen waterproofing ground: (Napo/Caimito M ditto water- bottle ext ptd, ext ptd/inc, composite M/S bottle+stopper beer decanter tradition) M wide- mouth jar stacked-ring shape twin-bottle and bridge-handle communal /fiesta beer-bowl . Protium spp resin varnish L casuela ? size individual /daily beer-bowl M ditto bathing-bowl pottery occ ext pdt,int ptd, body studs L steep open-bowl traveling drink-bowl S ditto work-bowl - M half-gourd shape CONSUMPTION-FOOD(2) cassareep-jazr - S deep casuela wet-food bowl red & white clay/sherd mix exterior painting M bowl-shapes x 3 water-jar kwa’i gourd - VL pear shape+ hole dry-food bowl (wet) interior smudging . white fineline on red ground . open sloping (1) morutuku gourd - L-M melon/sphere shape+hole (dry) interior plain/ painting . vertical- wall casuela (2) traveling-canteen kwa’i gourd - ? M pear-shape+ cord . broad simple- motifs drink- bowl kwa’i gourd - M. S-deep, S half- gourds ? dipper pawsi ,iyongkwa’i gourd - S deep-shallow half-gourd Formal/ Ritual domain (6) women’s fiesta beer- decanter consumptionware sexual organs/animals S biomorphic shapes /bowl . (? power of female sexuality) . suspension holes in rim FOOD (1) girls’ puberty cookpot cookware int ptd (int dry- food design) VL cookpot food-bowl pottery - L-S steep open-bowl ditto washpot cookware ext/ int ptd (ditto design) cookpot ditto vagina-cover ? ware painted, ? design VS lozenge-shape ditto hair-vessel ? consumption-ware ? flaring vessel, ? size (visitor beer- bowl) liquidware new, unused M casuela (fiesta beer and foodbowls) liquid and food-ware new, unused L ditto Table 3a Ethnotypology of the seventeenth-twentieth century Coastal Carib ( Guyana): Domestic (women- potters’ gift- vessels) new . (to fiesta helpers) beer (? and food) bowls after ritual (to specialist) puberty washpot,hair vessel domain. (? burial vessel) ? ware (? 2 ndy use of beer- vessel) VL pot or jar shamanic- pipe pottery or wood+ bone painted or incised S conical- bowl+short stem

FUNCTIONAL WARE-CODES ICONOGRAPHIC CODES FORM-CODES Table 1 . Ethnotypology of the twentieth century shipibo-Conibo ( upper Amazon ). VESSEL-TYPES (technology) (decoration, history, meaning) (size, shape, special features) Beer (4) FUNCTIONAL WARE-CODES ICONOGRAPHIC CODES FORM-CODES beer-jar formerly varnished blackware occ notched rim, studs on body VL buckpot+bowl-top VESSEL-TYPES (technology) (decoration, history, meaning) (size, shape, special features) some women network on body occ studs on keel VL casuela+bowl+top occ appliqué at base of neck VL ditto+2 half-handles Domestic domain (12) occ simple incision on ext rim ? VL 2-handled casuela CASSAVA -griddle pottery - VL edged disc VL medium- neck jar manioc- juice/ beer cookpot burnished smudged blackware - VL deep open- bowl VL medium-neck pot fish/ meat cookpot - ? traveling-jar + bowl-lid - 2-handled buckpot+inverted- breakfast cookpot - ? - bowl with. pegs, ? size utility bowl - S deep open- bowl (? beer- decanter) notched rim, studs on body S buckpot+bowl-top men’s coca/ tobacco toast-pot - L medium- neck pot - S medium-neck jazr manioc -juice jar - M ditto studs on keel S casuela+bowl-top pepper sauce cookpot/ jar - S ditto ? M 2-handled casuela potstand - tall waisted cylinder beer-bowl interior ptd&varnished;rim S open bowl ? food- dish imported Kuripako pottery int wall ptd(basketry motifs) flaring-wall open- dish notched, scalloped, points; S composite open bowl water- jar Lagenaria gourd - whole gourd, ? size ext punctate, studs on keel food-bowl ditto with int black varnish - half- gourd, ? size manioc- juice bowl - ditto, ? size Ritual/Shamanic domain (6) manioc- juice dipper - ? S ditto shaman’s:. beer-goblet pottery exterior painted M wide-footed beaker . ?tobacco-juice nose-pourer pottery exterior painted M/S bottle+1-2 eccentric Ritual- female domain (2) spouts, bridge-handle beer- jar blackware+basketry network - VL ? shape . ?tobacco-juice nose-pourer gourd,? pawsi - VS bottle-gourd, hole in stem & beer-bowl Lagenaria gourd with interior ext hatched rectilinear motifs L half-gourd side black varnish . tobacco-juice drink-bowl ditto, ? kwa’i - M half-gourd . takini drink-bowl ditto, ? iyongkwa’i - VS half-gourd Ritual-male domain (5) ceremonial trumpet pottery exterior painted M-S elongate 2-3 belly tube yajé-jar blackware ext fresh-painted free-motifs M deep medium-neck pot: (occ burial-urn) pottery (2 ndy use) studs on body beer-jar ..(red, yellow, white on black) .pair perforated lug handles (body-paint container) bamboo scratched simple designs ? S tube base ptd white+vagina motif .tall cylinder-base trumpet ext painted yajé-motifs L narrow open-ended pot (red, yellow, white on black) ritual-bowl (coca, tobacco- Crescentia gourd with interior - M half- gourd -snuff, beeswax) black varnish pair of yajé-cups gourd, ? species - VS half-gourd Table 3b. Coastal Carib ( continued): Beer and Ritual domains. red&black pigment containers ditto, ? species ? ? tobacco-snuff container gourd/snail-shell+cane/bone - VS whol-gourd/shell+tube (fiesta tobacco- snuff tube) bone - long tube (individual ditto) bone - short V-shaped tube (coca- scoop) bone or leaf - VS garden-trowel shape 364

365 Table 2. Ethnotypology of the twentieth century East lukanoan peoples ( northwest Amazon). FUNCTIONAL WARE-CODES ICONOGRAPHIC CODES FORM-CODES VESSEL-TYPES (technology) (decoration, history, meaning) (size, shape, special features) MARINE MAMMALS AND AMERINDIAN CULTURES OF THE LESSER ANTILLES An analysis of interaction and customs Domestic domain

COOKING (6 ) butali cassava-griddle pottery - L flat plate Lesley SUTTY ruara beer boiling-pot shiny blackware ? VL steep-bowl/buckpot turay fish cookpot smudging, resin varnish ? ?L, ? cauldron-shape (? tulua) beer drink-pot ? ?M, ? shape Résumé tomahiem pepper-sauce pot ? ?S, ? shape yali. gali fish-chimney - inverted-bowl shaped cylinder

CONSUMPTION (5) L’interaction entre les cétacés, les baleines et les dauphins et les vagues migratoire initiales et suc- boutella water-jar ? porous pottery - goglet-shape, ? size cessives des cultures amérindiennes vers la Caraïbe est absente non seulement de toute littérature, bathing-bowl coui tree-calabash - L ? half-gourd rita drink-bowl - L half gourd mais de leur céramique et de toutes couches archéologique. L’art de ces peuples anciens, transpo- taba dipper - S heart/pear-shape half-gourd lita food-dish ? hammock-shaped, ? size sant fidèlement leurs croyances et vie de tous les jours, est relative aux activités tant culturelles que

Beer (4) traditionelles. Les tribus Ciboney, Saladoïd, Huecoïd, Arawak et Caraïbe pratiquaient à la fois la shamaku beer-jar ? blackware - VL, ? 2-handled buckpot récolte et la chasse . Il y avait une abondance remarquable des quelques 28 espèces de mammifères tulua beer-jug - M, ?ditto comori traveling-canteen tree-calabash )ptd (black motifs on red), whole-gourd+small hole marins pendant la période néolithique et céramique longue de 5000 ans . Ces animaux marins- le rita fiesta beer-bowl ) polished, ? engraved L half-gourd plus grand de la création, ne pourraient pas passer inaperçu . Mais quelles impressions et quelles Ritual domain (4) tobacco-powder flask mini-gourd (for long journeys) finger-shape and size réactions étaient ressenties par ces peuples face à ces baleines et ces daupnins ? aperçu pendant de black fineline paint-flask (for painting eyelids) VS pear-shaped nombreux siècles, soit de loin, soit de prés par ces observateurs amérindiens, infiniment proche de ash-containers (male power) ditto,neck-cluster of about 12 cigar-stand ? (offering to chemeen) bottom of portable-stove (?) la nature . Nous n’en savons peu et si le mystère semble rester tout entier, de nombreux faits nous (men’s gift-calabashes) tree-calabash decorated beer-canteens and bowls (grave vessels:men) ? blackware (pair inverted over eyes) 2? pepper-sauce pots emmenent sur un chemin révélateur . ditto: women) (accompanies woman) cookpot Abstract ditto: captain) (on head of each slaves) fish-cookpot

Interaction between cetacaceans, whales and dolphin, and the early successive waves of amerindian cultures infiltrating the Wider Caribbean Region is absent from litterature, art forms and archaeological excavations Table 4. Ethnotypology of the seventeenth century Island Carib ( Lesser Antilles) relative to the traditions and cultural activities of Ciboney, Saladoid, Huecoid, Arawak and Carib hunter/gatherers . The abundance of more than 28 marine mammal species during one of the longest and most HYPOTHETICAL WARE-CODES ICONOGRAPHIC CODES FORM-CODES peaceful habitational periods in the history of mankind, cannot be doubted . But the effect the most impressi- VESSEL-FUNCTIONS (temper,thickness,finish) (decoration, history, meaning) (size, shape, special features) ve animals of creation had on those who oberved them from sea and shore, over a period of some 5000 years Domestic domain Codes vary according to Style Shapes vary according to Style COOKING remains steeped in mystery . Careful analysis of relevent facts is most releaving. CASSAVA-griddle griddle paste, smooth upper/ plain, ? simple decoration VL flat/edged plate (? other-griddles) rough lower surface M-S ditto beer cookpot cookware paste, smoothed VL) deep, inflected angles, cookpot finish, self-slip, smudging L-M) wide-mouth,? handles pepper- sauce cookpot S no handles The genesis of marine mammals :

CONSUMPTION water-jar porous paste (gourd) L narrow-med neck, handles « there was the ‘ baleine ‘, ‘ cahalot ‘ and the ‘ marsouin ‘ who were goodly and the ‘ cetus ‘ who traveling-canteen fineware, self-slip (gourd) M ditto (whole-gourd) drink-bowl interior burnish (gourd) M open-bowl (half-gourd) had great scales on his back and floated on the surface, pretending to be an island . When the dipper (gourd) (S half-gourd) food-bowl fineware M open-bowl sailors came there to rest, the perfidious animal exhaled sweet smelling breath which attached them to him and then he swallowed them up . « Beer beer-jar thickware ? simple decoration VL wide-med mouth, handles beer-decanter fineware, self-slip,polish, M med-neck,handles,spout fiesta/communal beer-bowl resin L bowl, casuela Guillaume le Clerc de Normandie , daily/individual beer-bowl M ditto Bestiaires Divins Ritual domain An introduction to the species : hallucinogenic-drink jar fineware, self-slip, polish, ?skyworld associations L-M med-nar neck, suspension ditto drink-bowl black interior seal (painted in bright colours, L-M bowl Marine mammals spend their lives in the ocean but are air breathing creatures, giving birth to live ditto-cup/decanter bird,? jaguar) S bowl/handle ditto-stand fineware M cylindrical young . More than 33 species have been sighted in the Wider Caribbean over the centuries . These hallucinogenic-snuff dish ? underworld associations M-S open bowl/tray, pedestal ditto dual-bowl/dish (engraved crosshatch,dots M-S dual/divided vessel include whales, dolphins, West Indian Manatee and the Tropical Monk Seal . («incense-burner») turtle,frog,bat,armadillo) M cylindrical, vent-hole Cetaceans range in body size from 1.5 to approximately 26 metres and are highly migratory species tobacco-juice jar ? shaman associations M restr-bowl, pedestal ditto drink-bowl (human) S bowl moving from subpolar waters to the extreme warmth of the tropics . (ditto nostril-bowl) S 2- tube, restr- bowl (guayza pendant) human face S plaque They are known to form pods or shools varying in size from 5 to 2000 animals . (kidney-shaped dish) M kidney-shape ( ? drum) L bulbous cylinder 366

367 Table 5. Hypothetical vessel-functions for Caribbean archeology.