PART TWO

The Charisma of Autocracy ’s Dictatorship in

 Julia Eckert

In issue No. 129 of MANUSHI, Julia Eckert’s article “ Shivshahi in the Mohalla” described how and why Shiv Sena has managed to entrench itself so deeply in the social, economic and political life of . In this article, she explains the complexity of the autocratic command structure that allows party supremo Bal Thackeray to reign unchallenged over his party.

he autocratic control of Bal belief in the factuality of this personal Thackeray over the Shiv Sena relationship does not seem to be Tis probably the party’s most defeated by contrary experience. notorious feature. Bal Thackeray, Loyalty, Real or Feigned? Balasaheb, the movement’s founder Expressions of utter loyalty form a and undisputed leader, the Sena narrative which sainiks believe in but Pramukh (leader of the Sena) is said to which has a representational objective rule the organisation with dictatorial at the same time. It partly corresponds powers. It is his charismatic appeal that with their attitudes and feelings, and is assumed to inspire his followers, and partly is the idiom of legitimacy and it is his “remote control” which is said identity. Within the organisation there to govern Mumbai. In the self- explained. In the self-description and is no other legitimate way to speak representation of the Shiv Sena, the interpretation by some observers about the relationship of a sainik to supreme command and the supreme (Heuzé 1995) the family-ness of the Bal Thackeray. The rule of the Sena obedience based on conviction, Sena is its vital characteristic and the Pramukh is justified by the “love” and dedication and love for the leader are base for its appeal. The belief in the the admiration of his followers - mainly central. “He is the only leader in the utter accessibility of Bal Thackeray is their love. To question this love is to country who gets 100 percent upheld even when their conviction of question the legitimacy of his rule and loyalty”1 declares the Shiv Sena web- having immediate access to the is thus done only in hushed tones. He site. Supremo is not supported by holds the reigns of power not qua Unity and solidarity, love for the experience. The importance of a election but due to his “charisma” - leader and unquestioning loyalty is personal rather than an institutional that is qua the belief of sainiks in his regularly presented to the outsider at relationship with the leader is related superior qualities. first. Thackeray employs the family to his legitimacy being founded in the The regular and frequently simile when speaking about his supposed love - a personal kind of love standardised expressions of love and relationship with his sainiks (literally, - of his followers. And the sainiks’ obedience sometimes take on a rather soldiers): “I look upon the sainiks as routine character. This routine extends my children. A family can only run “ I look upon the sainiks even to the much mentioned hysterical when one man makes the decisions.”2 as my children. A family shows of love, adoration and He is said to “know every one of us. can only run when one dependence. A rather amusing account We are like his children and can have man makes the of the preparation to such a show of no secrets from him,” as an aspiring decisions.” desperation upon the announcement lady pramukh (leader) rather fearfully of one of the strategically sulking

No.130 13 retreats of Bal Thackeray was emphasise that Thackeray is volunteered by an aspiring Shakha Bal Thackeray has time disinterested in power altogether, that Pramukh (leader of the branch): “When and again advocated a “he has shunned power [i.e. political Balasaheb announced his retreat we “benevolent office] all these years.”5 In their had just been called for a seminar. dictatorship”4 as the representative declarations they When we heard of his decision, we were most beneficial form of propound that he offers his told to go to his house and plead with 6 government for . engagement as a service to the people him. But we hadn’t eaten yet and the and therefore will seek only the food had been ordered. So we decided people’s good and not his own. to eat first and then go to Matoshri decided by him. The policies framed Privately, sainiks express their (Bal Thackeray’s residence). So we had by him are carried out faithfully to the knowledge about and criticism of the the food - or else it would have gone end.”3 Bal Thackeray has time and various scandals which the front ranks, waste! Then some of us went to his again advocated a “benevolent and above all the Thackeray family, are house...” From this account the dictatorship”4 as the most beneficial involved in. The incompatibility of their agitated pleadings and hysterical form of government for India. knowledge about corruption and desperation of sainiks sways between Lokshahi, parliamentarian rule, having crimes in the front ranks and their belief a routine performance, a duty almost allegedly failed, because it did not in the incorruptible rule does not seem with a clear choreography and a felt provide the long promised to be double speak. Rather, sainiks need to beg him not to retreat from development to the Indian nation, it is separate the realms of public office and public life. Members of the party Shivshahi, the monarchic rule of the private business and make a distinction themselves interpret their motives to warrior king , which serves as a between political and “purely join in the “hysterical” pleadings model for the Sena. Accordingly, economic” corruption. Personal according to the context of the dictatorial rule and anti-democratic enrichment is said to be a “human recounting: when the story of structures within the Shiv Sena are, in weakness” and is forgivable as long “hysteria” is told in connection with the eyes of the sainiks, part of the as politics stays “pure” and “for the the explanation of the various personal projected counter-politics of “getting people”. The purity of conviction is, in motives to be part of the Sena, then things done” and justified by the the Sena’s terms, identical with the desperation expressed in such acts failure of other forms of decision militancy, the unfaltering and is presented as “real emotion”. When, making, namely the parliamentary one. uncompromising pursuit of “what however, the story of “hysteria” is told In this view, the supposedly dictatorial needs to be done”. Radicalistic in connection with the expression of rule of Bal Thackeray firstly provides postures and militancy are therefore personal discontent, “hysteria” is them with clear decisions on which to quasi per definition opposed to presented as routine endeavour. act. These univocal decisions are, in corruption - just as much as any form Moreover, sainiks consider the their eyes, solely aimed at obtaining of debate, of compromise is regularly legitimacy resting on such emotional “the best solution”. Sainiks repeatedly presented as political corruption. bonds to be superior to that which Corruption is in this construction rests on rational procedures, like Lokshahi, intrinsically linked to democratic elections. Thus, the unity of the procedure, and democratically organisation and loyalty of its members parliamentarian rule, legitimised power. “Every politician are assumed to be stronger and based having allegedly failed, wants only power and they do on selfless conviction rather than because it did not provide everything to get it. See how they give instrumental interests. the long promised out sarees to all the poor womenfolk. Benevolent Dictatorship? development to the Indian But the worst is what you do not see: The autocratic position of Bal nation, it is Shivshahi, the see how Pawar sold his skin to the Thackeray is referred to as the feature monarchic rule of the underworld. He does what they want. I of the organisation which makes it mean, he is a strong politician. Also a warrior king Shivaji, which particularly trustworthy. leader, but he sells himself just for “Balasaheb... being the sole head of serves as a model for the power,” said a young and wealthy the entire organisation, there is no Sena. resident of Pedder Road who is an chance of vetoing any of the policies admirer of . “The Indian

14 MANUSHI politician is corrupt. All politics is declared “I will take action with due also once declared: corrupt. And the masses don’t care. consent of my Supremo, Bal “We all take Balasaheb as our supreme They give their votes for a scrap of Thackeray.”8 This relates not only to commander. Whatever he says is an anything. Because they know that most large scale concerted actions, like order for us, and we don’t go against leaders are corrupt. But they know that bandhs (the downing of the shutters, a it.”10 Bhujbal made it all too clear by Bal Thackeray is not interested. They general strike) and agitations but also his subsequent defection to the believe him. Balasaheb does not want to election strategies and government’s Congress Party that this is an power. He does not want wealth. He is development projects. The mode of organisational principle, functional for happy. He has a good family ... He just operation of the Shiv Sena as a the Sena’s specific mode of operation, says what he thinks is right,” asserts a governing party is usually described rather than a personal one. sainik from the first generation of with reference to Bal Thackeray’s Autonomy of Shakhas Sena’s cadres. He had been with the “remote control”, that is his final say What matters is the appearance of movement from the time of the “son- over any government decision. As final control. Because at the same time, of-the-soil” politics. founding member of the Shiv Sena and the centralised structure of the Sena The theme of “betrayal by former Transport Minister Pramodh relies on a high degree of local democracy” as well as that of the dangers of party rivalry holds sway far beyond the Sena’s constituency. The failures of governance are attributed to the modes of parliamentarian decision making. Moreover, their case is strengthened by the fact that the high moral expectations from the Indian democracy established by the Independence struggle (and its leaders) have been led down by post- Independence politics, especially in recent decades. Opposition to what they see of politics is particularly virulent when party rivalries come to dominate Indian politics. When governments fall because of failed coalitions, for example, they are often Dictator alright, but hardly benevolent. attracted to the idea of a strong ruler, the philosopher king or the decisionistic autocrat. This despair Navalkar states: “It is not unusual for autonomy for various operations. This about the failings of Indian democracy him to read an item and immediately does not contradict the centralisation stands in strange contrast to the call up the minister concerned. That’s of leadership but complements it. numerous examples of its evident how the remote control-thing really Despite the relentless references to and 9 success, to its liveliness and strength works.” It is also expressed in the fact demonstrations of the supreme and its increasing expansion. that state guests first pay their respects command of Bal Thackeray, the “Remote Control” Politics to Thackeray, as the visits of, for shakhas have a degree of autonomy in The representation of the absolute example, former , the activities and services they offer. It control of Bal Thackeray is frequently Deve Gowda, or Rebecca Marks and is left to the shakhas to create their affirmed by the public demonstrations her successors of the American energy clientele through the services offered of obedience and obeisance of even company Enron demonstrated. When locally. Moreover, shakhas are senior members of government. Former government activities are visibly responsible for the funding of their Chief Minister declared undertaken without his consent, as for respective activities- the collection of himself to be a puppet in his hands.7 example, the plans for a renovation of donations and protection money. Anand Dighe, probably one of the most the Mumbai airport, those responsible Indeed, it appears that underneath the independent leaders of the Sena, too will quickly be reprimanded publicly. autocratic leadership the Sena operates

No.130 15 as a network of multi-layered or more efficient, and they are wider institutions that are dispersed and The shakhas have a spread and more firmly entrenched. The autonomous to differing degrees. degree of autonomy in operative autonomy of the shakhas, Rather than interpreting this diffusion the activities and strengthened by the myth and principle of command as a sign that “the party’s services they offer. It is of unity inherent in the charismatic organisational coherence may be left to the shakhas to organisation, creates the potential for faltering” (Katzenstein, Mehta, Thakkar their involvement in larger issues. create their clientele 1998, 234) the sainiks claim that this But autocratic rule, far beyond duality of autocracy and autonomy is through the services relying on an assumed charismatic a central feature of the Shiv Sena’s offered locally. appeal, and more than being an mode of operation and has been so from organisational device integrating the beginning. The diffusion of is mounting. Agitations, even against solidarity and autonomy also has a command does not mean that the their own government, help keep the motivational role in centralising the organisation cannot act as a close-knit movement alive and prevent it from rules of ascension and the promises network and as a tightly controlled being subsumed under the party’s and prospects for “making it and being “army” at times. Rather, the two modes interests - which itself is in the interest made”. of operation stand in complementary of the party to a certain degree. In accordance with the relation to each other: The shakhas Thackeray performs the balancing act authoritarian ideal, the hierarchy of the function autonomously in their between movement and party by Sena is gathered in Bal Thackeray’s everyday activities, guided by a certain switching between his role as the hands. Rank is officially determined by general directive concerning the types foremost sainik and that of the “remote success in the public arena, that is by of activities, their overall intent and the control” political master. being a leader who can rally crowds. line of justification and explanation Shakha Norms “If you can’t bring a mob you are a given out through Saamna and The relative autonomy of the flop,” stated a shakha pramukh through Thackeray’s speeches. They shakhas is thus a strategic command aspiring to become a corporator. The thus establish structures of power, structure which affirms the pre- chances of promotion within the Sena, control over revenue, and the eminence of the movement before the for example of acquiring an election command over a local clientele that can party. It represents and realises the ticket, depend partly on the size of the be mobilised when the party demands ideal of participation, involvement and patronage, that is the votes or support it. Since the overall unity is beneficial self-help through this specific modes that the candidate can command. Thus for the functioning of the individual of autonomous operation. It affirms the rank is ideally a matter of personal ability shakhas and fiefdoms because it accessibility of the Sena’s institutions; although the size of the patronage provides them with clout beyond their and it is this quasi-autonomy which depends not entirely on personal skills immediate size, both sides benefit from also distinguishes the Sena from the but also on the needs of a shakha’s this combination of autonomy with structures of patronage of its clientele. elements of central control. competitors, as for example, those of Where the word of the leader The autonomy of the individual the Congress. They might be equally replaces formal procedures, aspirations shakhas and of shakhas towards the take a different course. Thackeray’s Sena government serves to affirm in control over promotion and ascension, practice the pre-eminence of the Thackeray’s control over strongly exercised in his re-shuffles and movement before the party. The promotion and ascension, party “face-lifts”, make all positions autonomy of the shakhas counteracts strongly exercised in his shaky: who comes, who goes and who the processes of formalisation that re-shuffles and party stays is Bal Thackeray’s decision. As have occurred in the organisation, “face-lifts”, make all it is not a regular procedure of especially in connection with its positions shaky: who promotion or election but the governmental role. The organisational comes, who goes and who “discovery” by Bal Thackeray (or one strength of the sainiks, usually of his twelve “national leaders”, the confined within their respective stays is Bal Thackeray’s Netas) that can make one’s fate in the shakhas, is frequently mobilised on a decision. Shiv Sena, many sainiks put their hopes larger scale when internal discontent on him and aim at excelling in his eyes.

16 MANUSHI It is considered within his power to “make” somebody; it is by his will that simple sainiks rise to fame bypassing norms of hierarchy and rank through excellence (defined according to the Sena’s specific needs) or by proving themselves in the eyes of the Supremo. One sainik was promoted to be a gata pramukh, the lowest rank of the hierarchy, after 15 years of being a member of the organisation. But he still felt his hour had come, and he still believed in the endless possibilities for his own ascension. “From here I will become shakha pramukh. And then I can become corporator. As a corporator you can do everything. You do not Bal Thackeray with Manohar Joshi, , have to worry anymore. I will give up Udhav Thackeray and Raj Thackeray my job. I can make my money as a fellow pramukhs. “This morning I was shakha pramukh...And when I will be Because his attention is very busy. I was very lucky because promoted I will start my own many people had come to see me and business...I am very happy today. My so central to careers of just then X came by and so she saw wife is very happy.” This is the vital those within the party, that many people come to me. They’ll myth motivating those with aspirations dissent is smothered, or know that I do a lot of work for them,” to engage themselves in party work. at least dissuaded simply stressed one aspiring party worker. Thackeray’s party’s internal power by the aspirational logic Having many clients means the is affirmed precisely by this focus of of autocratic control. command over “a mob” when one is all aspirations on gaining his attention, needed for larger Sena activities. “I want by trying to please him first and when he was replaced as pramukh. to come up. But I have no chance to foremost, and be thus considered for Others secured the “rights” to small show my potential. In this ward I can’t any possible opening. Because his business ventures like the zhunkar get a mob. ... I want to make a attention is so central to careers of bhakar stalls on the “territory” of breakthrough. I live in tension because those within the party, dissent is others. They were established as part I missed my only chance to become smothered, or at least dissuaded simply of a government programme to supply corporator. They (the previous by the aspirational logic of autocratic cheap food for the poor and at the same pramukhs) prevented it. Everyone control. time serve as channels of patronage works only for himself... The upper Ascension Strategies and public appeal for the owner. The layers know who is good and who is Thus competition, rather than “take-over” of a stall, by acquiring the bad. But they want peace and quiet,” solidarity is the rule of the internal license for a certain area, thus was the frantic outcry of an working of the party. Stories of intrigue prevented the “owners” of the territory exasperated Shakha Pramukh of an and backstabbing are rife in the from gathering the necessary number affluent area shortly after the Municipal accounts of the organisational life. of clients to impress those at the higher elections in 1997. People “steal” connections or the levels. It was important for pramukhs Hopes – and thus loyalty – are, attention of senior members, they that they be called upon for help. The however, also strongly connected to the prevent others from doing their social more the clients put their hopes on perceived general fortunes of the work by, for example, not handing over them, the more they could demonstrate movement. When prospects of funds or equipment. One Shakha their influence and the more visible this expansion, and of individual access to Pramukh refused to hand over the influence would be. Pramukhs wanted the spoils of power seem to be severely ambulance, which had been donated to be seen as influential not only by threatened, individual hopes and to the shakha by the tempo union, their clients but even more by their aspirations among the lower ranks of

No.130 17 the Shiv Sena turn into despair. When A Symbiotic Existence several electoral debacles in the late Unity and solidarity, as When hopes are bound within the 90’s exposed the overall potential of well as autonomy, all structures of the party the close relation expansion and thus of individual subsumed under between aspiration and loyalty political careers as limited where they autocratic charisma reinforces the myth of unconditional had previously appeared unlimited to differentiate the Sena devotion to the centre of command. many a shakha pramukh, aspirations Charisma is thus just as much the of rising to political office suddenly from other parties as a grooming of an image as an seemed vain. The loss of seats and the party of accessibility, organisational principle. It monopolises concurrent loss of individual loyalty and command. aspirations, and thus directs action; it prospects, however far removed from integrates autonomy and unity by the parliamentary scene, severely making autonomous operations the hope of acquiring posts by the general challenged the loyalty of even ordinary base of success within the internal expansion of the Shiv Sena is failing, activists. “I will never make it now. My hierarchy, and linking the strength of re-shuffles open up the avenues of one chance is gone. We will not have the whole to the actions of the single ascension internally. Then those another chance. The voters have left unit – and vice versa: The shakhas us,” moaned one Shakha Pramukh. In dissenting will stand alone as wielding their influence with the backing despair, he drastically reduced his everybody else is eager to make the of the mighty Sena, and the Sena activities for the party as he did not most of the redistribution of posts. It wielding its influence because of the see any possibility of benefiting from triggers considerable nervousness as actionism of the shakhas. Unity and it in terms of a personal increase in the possibilities appear immense - even solidarity, as well as autonomy, all access to positions of power and if they are not. But failing to catch them subsumed under autocratic charisma money. After the Sena lost the means having missed a chance which differentiate the Sena from other parties Assembly elections in 1999, he does not come about very often. This as a party of accessibility, loyalty and considered leaving the Sena for good. nervousness alone reorients attention command. The personalisation of What is projected publicly as from the disillusionment and the relations stipulate the experience of a unfaltering loyalty to the leader, a faltering hopes towards internal world, in which each one is given loyalty which is based on a personal activities and the eagerness to prove protection, a home and a role, that is love and adoration, turned up its oneself before the party’s high personal and of collective importance. underbelly and revealed the command. It produces the image of accessibility aspirational motivation of Thackeray’s following. The movement needs success for all its members in terms of victories and success in gaining spoils. In order to motivate sainiks to engage themselves they need the prospect of ascension. Expansion equalled or at least substituted for charisma. But this meant that party failures get to be seen as charismatic failures, threatening and questioning the very myth of unity and purpose. The intricate connection of loyalty and aspiration thus develops a dynamic which, when aspirations within the folds of the party appear to be futile, has well-nigh a centrifugal force. Re-shuffles can recreate the hope for ascension. When external Sainiks on a rampage outside a cinema hall : a mere handful of expansion seems to be limited and the hoodlums make national headlines!

18 MANUSHI and informality; and informality keeps all hopes centred on the leader. Moreover, charisma does not exhaust Now Available in Paperback itself; it is perpetuated by all those who ascribe to it because it is the gravitational Religion at the Service of Nationalism centre that keeps the system spinning. & Other Essays Literature Cited Madhu Kishwar  Heuze, Gerard, 1995: Cultural Populism: The Appeal of the Shiv Oxford University Press, 1998 Sena, in: Sujata Patel and Alice Thorner Paperback edition : 2001

(eds.): Bombay: Metaphor of Modern This collection of essays from MANUSHI written between 1984-96 in India, Bombay: Oxford University response to specific situations of ethnic violence and conflicts triggered Press, p. 213 - 247. off by the politics of religious nationalism in India and the struggle of Gupta, Dipankar, 1982: Nativism in a regional parties against overcentralisation of power: Metropolis: The Shiv Sena in Bombay,  analyses the causes and forces behind communal conflicts and : Manohar massacres in India  pays special attention to the specific impact on Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod, Uday and the role of women in ethnic conflicts  makes suggestions for Singh Mehta and Usha Thakkar, 1998: keeping ethnic conflicts under control and strengthening the tradition The Rebirth of Shivsena in of peaceful co-living among various communities within a democratic framework. : The Symbiosis of Discursive and Institutional Power, in: 323 pages,  Price: Rs 295  Overseas Price: US $ 15 Amrita Basu and Atul Kohli (eds.): Send advance payment to MANUSHI TRUST Community Conflicts and the State in Our New Address: C1/3 Sangam Estate, No.1 Under Hill Road, Civil India, Delhi: Oxford University Press, Lines, Delhi-110054. p. 215 - 238. Footnotes 1Shiv Sena website Available from MANUSHI 2Quoted in Gupta 1981, 97 3"Sampoorna sanghataneche te swatah a VHS cassette of six short films in karte-darthe aslyane tyanni tharwilelya dhornaas sanghata-netoon koni kho by Madhu Kishwar ghalnyachi shakyata sootram nahi.” Saamna, 20.1.1998 THEMES 4On the advocacy for benevolent dictatorship   see for example TOI 23.1.1997, p. 2; Liquor & State Policy India’s Traditional Technologists Onlooker, May 16-31.1981; see also Gupta Dowry: Compulsion vs Need Licence Permit Raj: 1981, 139. 5Shiv Sena website www.shivsena.org A View from Below 6Ibid. The Disinheritance of Women Agriculture & Sarkari Controls 7 , 23.1.1997 Duration: Half an hour each. 8Anand Dighe, Sena President in Thane, in an interview in TOI 14.9.1998 Price: Rs.1500 (for all six inclusive of postage in India) 9India Today, 15.12.1995 10Chhagan Bhujbal, former Sena member who US$ 50 (Overseas) inclusive of airmail postage. later defected to the Congress, quoted in Gupta 1981, 99. Now also available in CD-ROM and NTSC format at the The author is currently working at the Max Planck Institute for Social same price. Anthropology in Halle, Germany. Her research on Central Asia and India Our New Address: focuses on questions of conflict, identity and the state in political and MANUSHI, C1/3 Sangam Estate, No.1 Under Hill Road, legal anthropology. Julia Eckert lives Civil Lines, Delhi 110054. in Berlin.

No.130 19