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Totem: The University of Western Ontario Journal of Anthropology

Volume 22 | Issue 1 Article 4

2014 The rC eation of Female Origin Myth: A Critical Analysis of Gender in the Archaeology of Neolithic China Shu Xin Chen McGill University, [email protected]

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Recommended Citation Chen, Shu Xin (2014) "The rC eation of Female Origin Myth: A Critical Analysis of Gender in the Archaeology of Neolithic China," Totem: The University of Western Ontario Journal of Anthropology: Vol. 22: Iss. 1, Article 4. Available at: http://ir.lib.uwo.ca/totem/vol22/iss1/4

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Abstract This essay explores and critiques the creation of female origin myths in the archaeology of Neolithic China. The first example is the debate surrounding the gender relations in the Yangshao culture. The es cond half of the paper focuses on whether or not the possible goddess worship in the Hongshan culture can shed light on the understanding of women. It concludes by stating this kind of gynocentric archaeology does not provide an accurate picture of gender in Neolithic China, or propel the feminist agenda.

Keywords gender, archaeology, Neolithic, China, Yangshao Culture, Hongshan Culture

Acknowledgements Professor Maria Starzmann has provided effective guidance for this work. I also want to thank Professor Gwen Bennett, because her lecture on the Banpo site has inspired me to write this article.

This article is available in Totem: The nivU ersity of Western Ontario Journal of Anthropology: http://ir.lib.uwo.ca/totem/vol22/ iss1/4 Chen: Gender in the Archaeology of Neolithic China

The Creation of Female Origin Myths: A or propel the feminist agenda. However, Critical Analysis of Gender in the Cynthia Eller (2006:185) argues that despite Archaeology of Neolithic China all the problems with gynocentric myth, it still addresses “one of feminist movement’s Shu Xin Chen most difficult questions: How can women attain real power when it seems we have In the field of archaeology, gender has never had it before?” been a subject of constant debate. Essentially, the problem seems to center on the visibility, The archaeological studies of Neolithic as well as the (mis)representation of gender China face similar problems as in Western in archaeological analyses, which oftentimes academia, though the concerns may have means the overrepresentation of men over been more associated with the dogmatic women. For instance, as demonstrated in restrictions brought by national ideology and Lisbeth Skogstrand’s (2010) critical analysis politics than feminist movements. For of androcentric archaeology, the two case instance, the analyses on the Yangshao studies on ancient Scandinavian societies culture have changed through time along tend to have an overall focus on presumed with the diminished influence of the Marxist male roles and activities, as well as paradigm on archaeology. Although recent interpretations from the standpoint of archaeological studies have been fairly free middle-age, middle-class and Western white from the influence of political rhetoric, men. Indeed, this kind of biased and archaeologists still choose a rather intuitive imbalanced analyses of archaeological approach that has been biased by the evidence not only fails to acknowledge contemporary social norms and values women’s roles in the societies in question regarding the social structure and gender and hence provide a full picture of their relations of the society in question, as is social structures, but also tells very little exemplified by the interpretations of the about men themselves, since they are archaeological findings of the Hongshan considered the norm within those societies. culture. Consequently, this kind of myth-creating often masks the accurate What is equally problematic and gender dynamics of the past, as well as fails uninformative is the gynocentric to propel the feminist agenda. overestimation and over-interpretation of women’s roles in some other societies. In this Women in the Yangshao Culture regard, women are often portrayed as First discovered by Swedish goddess worshippers that enjoyed higher archaeologist and geologist Johan Gunnar status in ancient societies, which is Andersson in 1921, the Yangshao Culture, a exemplified by James Mellaart’s “Mother Neolithic society from about 5000 to 3000 Goddess” theory regarding Çatalhöyük and BC in Henan, Shaanxi and Shanxi, was Marija Gimbutas’ expansion on said theory traditionally considered the origin of Chinese (Meskell 1998). Similar to androcentric civilization (Peterson and Shelach 2010:247). archaeology, the lack of analysis on men and Hosted by the Institute of Archaeology in the the overall gender dynamics in the approach Academia Sinica (IAAS), a full-scale to archaeological evidence does not tell the excavation of Banpo village, the type site of true story of women’s roles in those contexts, the Yangshao culture, was undertaken from 1954 to 1957 (IAAS and Pan P’o Museum 24

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1963:8). It is located on a terrace by the Chan matriarchal society is their agricultural River, a branch of the Wei River, in the practice. It was concluded that people at Shaanxi Province of northern China, which Banpo had already developed primitive is covered with loess. According to the initial agriculture and animal husbandry, which report of findings (IAAS and Pan P’o were mostly performed by women, though Museum 1953:9), the site was about 50,000 hunting and gathering were still necessary in m2 in size, and elongated from north to south. supplementing the low production of food There were 46 houses at the site, most of (IAAS and Pan P’o Museum 1963:225). which were concentrated in the south, Similarly, women were also in charge of surrounded by a moat. To the north of the pottery making, at least before the invention residential and economic area was the of the potter’s wheel (IAAS and Pan P’o cemetery. In the eastern section of the site Museum 1963:228). Based on these were the kilns, whereas the western part was economic roles of women, archaeologists destroyed before the excavation (IAAS and maintained that the Yangshao society was Pan P’o Museum 1963:9). organized based on matrilocal and matrilineal pairing marriage (IAAS and Pan The earlier archaeological analyses P’o Museum 1963:225). Since the nature of conducted on Banpo village and Yangshao this kind of union was unstable, villages culture as a whole have been heavily were actually communes that consisted of influenced by the Marxist paradigm that has several households that shared the same been dominating the national ideological kinship, where women were the primary discourse ever since the communist caretakers of their children and the heads of government was established in 1949. As a their households, which in turn dictated their result, archaeologists often tried to higher social status than men (IAAS and Pan superimpose Marxist historical materialism P’o Museum 1963:225). and its unilineal evolutionary model onto their findings. In terms of Neolithic society, Nevertheless, it was the burial sites the Marxist doctrines maintain that it must uncovered in Banpo village that solidified have been a primitive egalitarian matrilineal archaeologists’ argument regarding women’s society, which later developed into a privileges in the Yangshao culture. First, stratified patriarchal one (Shelach 2004:13). those multi-burials, which were laid out Moreover, in the earlier years of the People’s according to sex, served as evidence of Republic of China, archaeology had been matrilineal society because they exploited to serve current political agendas. demonstrated the preferential treatments. Mao Zedong even specifically stated that Specifically, according to the report, women archaeologists should “let the past serve the could be buried with their children while present” (qtd. in Chang 1981:167). It is men could not (IAAS and Pan P’o Museum therefore reasonable to suggest that the state 1963:226). Similarly, the discovery of a was trying to create an egalitarian prehistoric young girl’s grave with a substantial amount China to divert public attention away from of burial goods that indicated she might have the possible social stigma of women and to been the daughter of a clan leader seemingly legitimize their communist reign and goals. supported this hypothesis as well (IAAS and Pan P’o Museum1963:226), even though the One of the aspects of Yangshao culture ownership of her burial goods were unclear, that arguably supports the assumption of a 25

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and could also suggest early social it is still a telling example of the misleading stratification. In addition, spouses were not effect of recreating a matrilineal and buried together, because they did not share matrilocal society based on ambiguous the same bloodline, which, according to the evidence. It is especially ironic, given the initial archaeological analysis, was also seen fact that even during the formation years of as proof for the existence of matrilineal the communist party, female cadres’ society (IAAS and Pan P’o Museum positions have been dependent on their 1963:226). husbands’ (Zarrow 2005:229). Considering the state’s attention was focused on class This early dogmatic analysis of Banpo struggle and proletarian revolution around and the Yangshao culture was later severely the time when the Banpo report was criticized, because the archaeological published, one can argue there were ulterior evidence was not used for scientific motives behind this kind of archaeology of hypothesis testing, but rather tailored to fit in desire, where by creating a so-called the Marxist predisposition. In his analysis on egalitarian and matrilineal society in the the burial goods found in the Banpo cemetery, ancient past, it supports either the Weberian Jiao Tianlong (2001:54) mildly suggests that notion of structured inequality. That is, the perhaps the Yangshao society was a more Yangshao culture serves as a template of egalitarian and bilineal one, instead of one change to delegitimize the contemporary that favored women substantially. patriarchal social mores, or Eric Nevertheless, as early as in 1962, a year prior Hobsbawm’s idea that “[c]ontemporary to the publication of the Banpo desires are appeased by the creation and archaeological report, Xu Shunzhang already maintenance of myths about the past” concluded that Yangshao belonged to the (Meskell 1998:62). That is, the creation of patriarchal stage (Shelach 2004:16). Recent Yangshao myths could either legitimize the osteological analysis of the collective graves contemporary communist agenda, or appease even indicates that the sex ratios in those feminist demands and turn the public’s graves were heavily biased against females, attention towards class struggle. suggesting perhaps infanticide or different mortuary treatments against them (Gao and Goddesses in the Hongshan Culture Lee 1993:295). The interments were mostly Dated back from about 4,500 to homogeneous in the individual graves. It is approximately 2,500 BC, the Hongshan equally possible that Banpo society was not culture was a late Neolithic society located in only patrilineal, but also patrilocal (Gao and the western Liao River and Daling River Lee 1993:289-295). Liu Li (2004:135) even regions in northern China (Jiao 2001:57; further argued that females “were perhaps of Nelson 2002:74). Similar to the Yangshao little importance economically and culture, it is also considered to be part of the politically [within] their natal kin “root” of Chinese civilization, since some of communities”. its features were inherited in the later dynastic period (Nelson 2002:78). Evidence Although the debate surrounding the suggesting intensive agriculture, pottery Banpo village and the Yangshao culture is manufacture, and possible primitive not so much a feminist gesture than an metallurgy has been found (Nelson ideological readjustment reflecting the 2002:76-77). The fine craftsmanship of the similar shift in the national political rhetoric, 26

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artifacts uncovered from burial sites also identified (Jiao 2001:58; Nelson 2002:75). indicates social stratification in which the Within those burials, one of which appeared elites regulated the crafts and possibly the to belong to someone of high status, large associated rituals to maintain their social quantities of painted pots and jade ornaments status (Nelson 2002:77). The two Hongshan were uncovered (Jiao 2001:58; Nelson type sites were Dongshanzui and Niuheliang, 2002:75), though there is no indication of both being ceremonial centres, and merely any human remains. Yet, it is the finding of 25 kilometres apart (Nelson 2002:74), where the “goddess temple” that is truly monumental architectures and religious extraordinary. An irregular structure with icons were found (Jiao 2001:58; Peterson et several painted rooms, the temple measures al. 2010:5756). However, any kind of 18.4-by-6.9 metres (Jiao 2001:58). A number elaborate residence or defensive architecture of fragmented female statues of various sizes is still virtually unknown (Peterson et al. and appearances were also found, some of 2010:5756). which were even two or three times larger than life (Jiao 2001:59). Additionally, the A recent survey suggests that the fragments of a smiling human head with Dongshanzui site and its surrounding region feminine facial features and inset jade eyes once had an elevated population during the were discovered on the floor of the building Hongshan period (Peterson et al. 2010:5760). (Jiao 2001:59; Nelson 2002:76). Both the Yet, the site is mostly known for its stone jades and the female statues display altars and walls that were uncovered by local animalistic traits, exemplified by the pig’s archaeologists in the early 1980s (Jiao lips found on items of both categories (Jiao 2001:58). Built roughly along a south-north 2001: 59; Nelson 2002: 75). They were also axis and formed in respectively round, thought to be made locally, especially the rectangular and multi-circular shapes, the statues, since preservation through a long trip three altars were excavated along with clay would have been extremely difficult (Nelson female figurines and fragments of life-sized 2002:78). female icons (Jiao 2001:58). The smaller female figurines appear to be nude, one of Understandably, the findings from both which is pregnant, while some of the Dongshanzui and Niuheliang can lead to the medium-sized ones depict seated women conclusion that the Hongshan culture was a (Nelson 2002:75), and who could have been society with a pantheon of goddesses. Many some sort of authoritative figures. Sarah scholars have argued those female figurines Milledge Nelson (2002:75) suggests that in represent Chinese “Venuses” that have been contrast to the Niuheliang site, Dongshanzui significant in the formation of Chinese seems to emphasize life, judging from the civilization (Jiao 2001:59). Some propose shapes representing heaven found on the that the figurines were representations of a altars and the female figurines. fertility and agriculture goddess, while others, such as Zhang Zhongpei and even Nelson Notwithstanding, the most noteworthy herself, go so far to suggest that this goddess type site, Niuheliang, is famous for its burials worship may have been associated with a and temples. It covers an area of at least 80 matriarchal social system (Jiao 2001:59). square kilometres (Nelson 2002:75). From There are also scholars who maintain that 1983 to 1985, ten ritual sites and thirteen this “Earth Mother” may have been the groups of stone-mounded tombs were 27

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legendary ancestor of the Hongshan people, illuminating. Especially in the case of and the temple was actually a shrine prehistoric archaeology, without the aids of dedicated to this ancestor (Jiao 2001:59). written records, it is even more difficult to However, whether it was goddess or ancestor unravel the true nature of gender relations worship, it is clear that none of these and ideology by material culture alone. At assumptions are actually able to shed light on the same time, the archaeology itself reflects the gender relations or ideology in the the theoretical frameworks and ideology of Hongshan culture. They only bring more the archaeologists. In the case of the questions than answers. Incidentally, both Yangshao culture, it is evident that the Jiao and Nelson concede that neither the dependence upon the Marxist paradigm has burial goods nor the female icons provide led to the problematic conclusions of much information regarding their meanings, Yangshao being a matrilineal and matrilocal and hence the overall ideology of Hongshan society. Although dissimilar, an intuitive society (Jiao 2001:59; Nelson 2002:78). approach has resulted in varied hypotheses regarding the Hongshan culture, one of It is entirely possible and plausible that which being the same assumption of women played an essential role in Hongshan matriarchy. Although this kind of society, judging from the findings at both gynocentric archaeology does provide Dongshanzui and Niuheliang. Moreover, it is insight on gender and power relations, as also reasonable to argue that those female well as “the general correlation between the figurines were the Hongshan people’s presence of female origin myths and high depiction of their deities. However, one must status of women” (Bacus 2007:44), the be cautioned by the renewed interpretation of absence of men in the picture creates an the “Venus” figurines from Upper Paleolithic incomplete reconstruction of the past. In the Europe, where what used to be considered end, the one thing that gender-biased representations of goddesses or sex objects is archaeology does prove is that gender, even now interpreted to be a reflection of the under a prehistoric context, is far more growing sense of individual among women complex than previously believed. at this time (McCoid and McDermott 1996). The absence of men in those archaeological Future archaeological research on analyses is also troubling. As a result, it is gender in prehistoric China can take several even more problematic to draw conclusions new directions. The dogmatic Marxist regarding the nature of gender relations or paradigm can very well provide testable ideology based on what little information the hypotheses in this regard. It is also crucial to material culture has provided, let alone to not treat the notion of gender as static, even assume that the Hongshan society was a in prehistoric times. Thus, Gideon Shelach matriarchy. This kind of assumptions not (2004:24) proposes “research that focuses on only lacks proofs, but also hinders future the development and change of gender interpretations if it becomes the orthodoxy. relations while retaining the modern notion of multilineal trajectories and taking Discussion and Conclusion advantage of advanced methods of data In an attempt to make gender relations recovery and analysis.” Another direction is and each gender visible in the archaeological to look beyond mortuary practices and record, gender archaeology in China has monumental architecture and rediscover always been both challenging and 28

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gender elsewhere. Albeit dogmatic and crude, Wicker. Walnut Creek, California: the early analysis of gender relations in the AltaMira Press, 2001. 51-64. Yangshao culture based on its agricultural practice proves to be a useful example. All in Liu Li 刘莉. The Chinese Neolithic: all, in order to understand the roles of women Trajectories to Early States. Cambridge: and gender relations in prehistoric cultures, Cambridge University Press, 2004. more data, especially that regarding men, needs to be collected and analyzed, so as to McCoid, Catherine Hodge and LeRoy D. reconstruct a more truthful meaning of McDermott. “Toward Decolonizing gender in the past, the present and the future. Gender: Female Vision in the Upper Paleolithic.” American Anthropologist References Cited 98, no. 2 (1996): 319-326. Bacus, Elisabeth A. “Gender in East and Southeast Asian Archaeology.” Worlds Meskell, Lynn. “Twin Peaks: The of Gender: The Archaeology of Archaeologies of Çatalhöyük.” Ancient Women’s Lives around the Globe, edited Goddess: The Myths and the Evidence. by Sarah Milledge Nelson. Lanham, London: British Museum Press, 1998. Maryland: AltaMira Press, 2007. 39-72. 46-62.

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