Global Goods and the Spanish Empire, 1492–1824

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Editorial matter and selection © Bethany Aram and Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla 2014 Remaining chapters © Respective authors 2014 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, Saffron House, 6–10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2014 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of St Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN 978–1–137–32404–7 This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental regulations of the country of origin. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Global goods and the Spanish Empire, 1492–1824 : circulation, resistance and diversity / edited by Bethany Aram (Ramón y Cajal scholar, Universidad Pablo de Olavide of Seville, Spain) and Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla (full professor of early modern history, Universidad Pablo de Olavide of Seville, Spain). pages cm Summary: “Drawing upon economic history, cultural studies, intellectual history and the history of science and medicine, this collection of case studies examines the transatlantic transfer and transformation of goods and ideas, with particular emphasis on their reception in Europe. It critiques and enriches Atlantic history and the history of consumption by highlighting a degree of resistance to unfamiliar goods and information as well as the asymmetrical and violent nature of many types of exchange. It considers agents who forged networks and relations within and beyond the Spanish Empire, including Jesuit missionaries, Sephardic merchants, African laborers and farmers from Oaxaca to Santo Domingo to the Piedmont. While uniting increasingly homogenous and connected societies, the expansion of European horizons also generated diverse interests and divergent material cultures”—Provided by publisher. ISBN 978–1–137–32404–7 (hardback) 1. Spain—Commerce—History. 2. Spain—Colonies—America—Commerce—History. 3. America—Commerce—History. 4. Consumer goods—Spain—History. 5. Consumer goods—America—History. 6. Material culture—Spain—History. 7. Material culture— America—History. 8. Business networks—History. 9. Europe—Foreign economic relations—America. 10. America—Foreign economic relations—Europe. I. Aram, Bethany. II. Yun Casalilla, Bartolomé. HF3685.G55 2014 382.094607—dc23 2014024811

Typeset by MPS Limited, Chennai, India.

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Contents

List of Figures and Tables vii Acknowledgements viii Notes on the Contributors ix

1 Global Goods and the Spanish Empire, 1492–1824: State of the Art and Prospects for Research 1 Bethany Aram Part I Cultural and Intellectual Constraints 2 The Early Modern Food Revolution: A Perspective from the Iberian Atlantic 17 María de los Ángeles Pérez Samper 3 The Difficult Beginnings: Columbus as a Mediator of New World Products 38 Consuelo Varela 4 Accommodating America: Renaissance Missionaries between the Ancient and the New World 53 Antonella Romano 5 America and the Hermeneutics of Nature in Renaissance Europe 78 María M. Portuondo 6 The Diffusion of Maize in Italy: From Resistance to the Peasants’ Defeat 100 Giovanni Levi Part II The Social Use of Things 7 Taste Transformed: Sugar and Spice at the Sixteenth-Century Hispano-Burgundian Court 119 Bethany Aram 8 Diet, Travel, and Colonialism in the Early Modern World 137 Rebecca Earle 9 Asian Silk, Porcelain and Material Culture in the Definition of Mexican and Andalusian Elites, c. 1565–1630 153 José Luis Gasch-Tomás

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10 Interest and Curiosity: American Products, Information, and Exotica in Tuscany 174 Francisco Zamora Rodríguez Part III Connected and Contrasting Societies 11 Mexican Cochineal and European Demand for a Luxury Dye, 1550–1850 197 Carlos Marichal 12 Hispaniola’s Turn to Tobacco: Products from Santo Domingo in Atlantic Commerce 216 Antonio Gutiérrez Escudero 13 Global Trade, Environmental Constraints, and Local Conflicts: The Case of Early Modern Hispaniola 230 Igor Pérez Tostado 14 The Resilience and Boomerang Effect of Chocolate: A Product’s Globalization and Commodification 255 Irene Fattacciu Final Thoughts 15 The Spanish Empire, Globalization, and Cross-Cultural Consumption in a World Context, c. 1400–c. 1750 277 Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla

Selected Bibliography 307 Index 319

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Bethany Aram

Atlantic history, defined by Alison Games as global history applied to the Atlantic world, has inspired debates and forums, scholarly journals, monographs and an impressive number of edited collections in recent years.1 The ocean’s historiography, populated by prolific scholars, teems with synthetic approaches and theoretical analyses, published continually.2 In such deftly traveled waters, at first glance it would appear difficult to make an original contribution. The monumental Oxford Handbook of the Atlantic World, c.1450–c.1850, edited by Nicholas Canny and Philip Morgan in 2011, has provided an indispensable reference, while focusing and renewing the state of the art. In an extended review of the work, Cécile Vidal noted that Atlantic history continues to be centered mainly upon the Americas.3 Vidal relates this “amerocentrism,” perhaps more precisely “north-amerocentrism,” in present-day Atlantic history to the fact that many of its most prestigious practitioners, and certainly most of those involved in recently published collective volumes, are based at universities in the United States. The state of the art, logically, has been shaped by the availability of academic funding. Recently, it has also been enriched by the growing availability of primary source material through the internet. The Atlantic, as Karen Kupperman has pointed out, is an anachronism.4 Although scholars of Iberian empires developed Atlantic approaches as early as the 1940s and 1950s, the field emerged explicitly an area of study in the 1960s following the interest of Jacques Godechot, Robert Palmer and Bernard Bailyn in “Atlantic revolutions.”5 In the aftermath of World War II and at the onset of the Cold War, these scholars called attention to the “democratic values” and “common political heritage” articulated in the North American and French upheavals of the eighteenth century. Some early proponents of the Atlantic approach, associated with the defense of “Western civilization,” have even been seen as lending academic credibility to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.6 Their emphasis on revolutions, in any case, remains alive and well within Atlantic history, and has been

Copyrighted matrial – 978–1–137–32404–7 Copyrighted matrial – 978–1–137–32404–7 2 Bethany Aram fruitfully extended to Haiti.7 At times, however, the field’s foundational concern with the Enlightenment and “democratic” thought has privileged the eighteenth-century north Atlantic world.8 Exacerbating this tendency, the institutionalization of “Western civilization” at some United States universities, also in the context of the Cold War, inexplicably marginalized Ibero-America. On the eastern coast of the United States, programs in Atlantic history founded at Harvard University and at the Johns Hopkins University have been especially influential, training and attracting generations of scholars. Anchored slightly further south, the Johns Hopkins Program, whose found- ing fathers in the 1970s included Philip Curtin, Jack Greene, Richard L. Kagan, J. G. A. Pocock and A. J. R. Russell Wood, embarked upon a less primarily Anglo-American trajectory toward global history. This tendency finds continuity in Philip Morgan’s collaboration with Nicholas Canny, former director of the Moore Institute for Research in the Humanities and Social Studies at the National University of Ireland, Galway.9 More surprisingly, each of the main North American schools of Atlantic history published a collective volume in 2009. These collections, edited by Bernard Bailyn and Patricia Denault on the one hand and Jack Greene and Philip Morgan on the other, exemplified the divergence of the pioneering Atlantic schools in the United States. While Bailyn highlighted northern “currents” in the field and derided “elusive Braudelians,”10 Greene and Morgan addressed the major criticisms regarding Atlantic history.11 Meanwhile, dynamic contributions to the field have emerged at other centers: New York University’s program in Atlantic History, founded in 1994; the Universidad Pablo de Olavide’s graduate program in “Historia de Europa,” “El mundo mediterráneo y su difusión Atlántica,” inaugurated by Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla, Cinta Canterla and Giovanni Levi in 2001; the Centro de História d’Aquém e d’Além-Mar (CHAM) in Lisbon and the Azores established in 2003; and Mondes Américains, Sociétés, Circulations, Pouvoirs (MASCIPO), active in France since 2006. All of these complement an Ibero- American tradition in Cologne, Hamburg, Graz and Munich, to name only some of the most active centers.12 African and Iberian contributions to Atlantic history have prolifer- ated, although specialists in the North American Atlantic world have not always been receptive to them. A revival of scholarly interest in the African Atlantic, led by Linda Heywood, John Thornton and David Eltis among others, re-vindicates its cultural impact and demographic importance. The compilation and use of an online database of over 35,000 slave voyages pioneered by Eltis continues to revolutionize the field.13 Subtly shifting Atlantic history’s temporal and geographical orientation, recent efforts to write it from the “bottom up” socially as well as geographically have made the field more inclusive. The work of John Thornton and Herman Bennett, among others, has gone beyond the model of the plantation complex to recover the

Copyrighted matrial – 978–1–137–32404–7 Copyrighted matrial – 978–1–137–32404–7 Global Goods and the Spanish Empire 3 agency of free as well as enslaved Africans in the sixteenth- and seventeenth- century Iberian Atlantic world.14 Recent syntheses, emphasizing interactions among Europeans, Africans and Native Americans, have also reflected this growing interest in exchanges among different groups, defined according to origin, occupation, religion or other affiliation, in a field where the ideas of political theorists and governing elites previously occupied center stage. In this way, Atlantic history would appear to be recovering its African and Afro-American origins.15 In contrast to the African Atlantic, much important early work on the Iberian Atlantic took place on the peripheries of self-proclaimed Atlantic historiography, without invoking it explicitly. A touchstone for the Iberian field, although detached from the impulses that inspired Palmer and Godechot, remains Pierre and Huguette Chaunu’s 12-volume Séville et l’Atlantique (1504–1650).16 Also predating the “Atlantic” label, the work of Charles Verlinden proved particularly influential in connecting the medi- eval Mediterranean to early Iberian expansion, while that of Antonio Rumeu de Armas related Castile to the African Atlantic.17 Other contributors, led by C. R. Boxer, Vitorino Magalhães Godinho and John H. Parry,18 emerged among experts in Spanish American legal systems (including Lewis Hanke, Manuel Giménez Fernández and Demetrio Ramos),19 migration (such as Magnus Mörner, Peter Boyd-Bowman or Ida Altman)20 and historical demography (represented by Woodrow Borah and the “Berkeley school”),21 in addition to scholars of commerce and trade (Antonio Céspedes del Castillo, Antonio García-Barquero, Carlos Martínez Shaw),22 culture (Robert Ricard, David Brading, Carlos Alberto González Sánchez),23 and networks (Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla, Ana Crespo Solana),24 as well as many others. In recent years, scholars of the Iberian Peninsula and Ibero-America have become more openly “Atlantic” and “global.” Specialists in the Iberian Atlantic, including Kenneth Andrien, Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra, J. H. Elliott, Felipe Fernández Armesto, Tamar Herzog, Richard L. Kagan, Sabine McCormack, Anthony Pagden, Carla Rahn Phillips and Stuart Schwartz have addressed, and in some cases even joined, the New England establishment. They have emphasized that the early modern Atlantic world was overwhelmingly African and Iberian.25 The innovative work of these scholars and others—particularly Serge Gruzinski, Sanjay Subrahmanyam and Pedro Cardim26—has begun to integrate the Ibero- American world into a global perspective. The eighteenth-century British Empire looks less ground-breaking as its Iberian predecessors become better known. For scholars of Ibero-America, and particularly Spain, the attempt to apply the analytical model that Ferdinand Braudel developed for the Mediterranean to the Atlantic makes a lot of sense.27 Interestingly enough, the Atlantic histor- ians least receptive to Braudel’s work have been the most prone to inherit problems long identified in his Mediterranean: a Euro-centric emphasis on

Copyrighted matrial – 978–1–137–32404–7 Copyrighted matrial – 978–1–137–32404–7 4 Bethany Aram the “collective destiny” or unity of the oceanic world and an avoidance of its internal frontiers.28 Conflict and violence, inevitably part of Atlantic (or any) history, may be better approached through local, contextualized scrutiny. Although few imperial histories have dared to overlook resistance, Atlantic history, marked by an enthusiasm for circulation and exchange, often avoids analysing impediments to it. Counteracting such impulses, the transatlantic slave trade and the rise of plantation slavery have long received attention, and scholars are now beginning to examine other, more ambigu- ous, processes of destruction and coercion associated with the migration of persons and the displacement of goods. Another recommendation for elaborating Atlantic history from the “bottom up” endorsed by Alison Games has been the idea of following commodities around (and potentially beyond) the Atlantic.29 The commodity biography, a genre pioneered by Sidney Mintz,30 has gained popularity in recent years. Fruitful attention has been dedicated to products including chocolate and tobacco, cod, cotton and even books.31 Such approaches to Atlantic history have traced and sometimes even celebrated the circulation of peoples, products and ideas. Yet a resistance to change and innovation—rather than a desire for exchange—may have constituted the norm and offered advan- tages within many cultural, social, political and intellectual relations during the Old Regime.

The present volume makes no attempt at comprehensive coverage of any single territory or time period. Rather, it offers a multi-faceted collection of case studies designed to engage issues of resistance, diversity and globalization in different proportions, depending on each chapter’s focus and its author’s perspective. Like the compilation by Antonio Possevino studied in Chapter 4, the present volume aspires to be “selective, not exhaustive.” The editors have avoided imposing strict temporal or spatial frontiers in order to encourage authors to follow the commodities and ideas. Moreover, placing the Spanish Empire from the sixteenth through the eighteenth century at the core of our focus facilitates an understanding of its permeable and shifting borders. In some cases, transgressing these boundaries proves crucial in order to understand the role of the Spanish Empire in the process of globalization. Unlike monographs devoted to single commodities, the case studies selected for this volume bring together original approaches to an empire from within and without as a dynamic, evolving and contested entity rather than a closed or complete framework. They explore how polities were crucial for the circulation of goods and their rejection in some areas, as well as how new products and forms of consumption, not to mention the divergent impact of global expansion, transcended political units. All of the chapters that follow explore asymmetrical processes of the acquisition, rejection, appropriation and transformation of information and products from the

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Americas. They suggest that the “conquest” of Europe by American goods may have been just as negotiated, selective and varied as that of America by European soldiers, settlers and missionaries. Along similar lines, the ecological impact of the spread of plants and animals on lands new to them remains an ongoing concern.32 In Europe, the products of Atlantic exchange were neither immediately nor uniformly embraced. Some, in fact, were rejected and resisted for many years, as in the case of American maize in Piedmont or Asian silk in Seville, discussed in Chapters 6 and 9. Yet, in other cases, ruling elites, like the Burgundian Habsburgs (Chapter 7) or the Medici (Chapter 10), competed to acquire novel and rare goods of distant origins. A number of the studies collected here focus on specific commodities, including cochineal, tobacco and chocolate (Chapters 11, 12 and 14) in order to examine the choices and behaviors of the groups that rejected, sought, used, transformed and/or consumed these products. The need for concrete, local contexts has obliged many of the authors to situate their studies in the areas they know the best. For this reason, this volume applies the idea of examining the demand and uses for new products mainly among southern Europeans in order to write history from the “bottom up.” It could also, however, prove rewarding in future studies of groups of African or American consumers. Africans and Native Americans, often considered mainly as producers or even products (slaves), also exercised agency as consumers of goods from around the world. Although the chapters that follow focus primarily on the impact of American products in Europe, the methodologies they develop may also prove useful for examining the choices of Americans, and particularly Africans, as consumers of Atlantic goods. A preference for the eighteenth-century British Empire, familiar in self- styled Atlantic history, may be even more pronounced in the literature on consumption.33 The consumer society that emerged in eighteenth-century Britain, although the best known to date, has set the scale and even been considered the norm for Europe and for the Atlantic world.34 From the standpoint of Iberian empires, however, Britain’s “consumer revolution” need not be a foregone conclusion. A trans-national focus on commodities can place empires in a global context, as recent studies of silver have demonstrated. Since silver has been studied very well in connection with the Spanish Empire,35 the present volume focuses on other products. Chapters that consider goods that have been studied elsewhere, such as maize, spices or chocolate, do so in order to say something new about them. A look at these goods and the people who consumed them from diverse perspectives makes the Spanish Empire appear more global, dynamic, diverse, porous and productive. This is a particularly welcome corrective to Dutch, British or even United States imperial histories implicitly or explicitly written against a negative, extractive and over-regulatory Spanish model. The Atlantic approach, like other forms of trans-national history, undermines such stereotypes.

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While highlighting attempts to control the circulation of peoples and ideas, an imperial outlook is challenged and renewed by persons and products that resist regulation. The chapters that follow deliberately include areas whose elites defined themselves in contraposition or even opposition to the Spanish Monarchy. They show Jesuit missionaries, Sephardic merchants, African laborers and Oaxaca peasants, among others, forging feeble, flexible imperial frontiers. Far from being national history in new clothes, a “bottom-up” approach to the empire enables these chapters to explore how an empire’s weakness facilitated its survival. A sustained, explicit approach to the Spanish Empire and its sphere of influence, including collaborators as well as competitors, also enables researchers to chart very different responses to the same goods in distinct regions, at particular moments and among different social groups. This facilitates exploration of the prevalence and longevity of Old World views, acknowledging the reluctant pace of adaptation to change among many Europeans and examining how different groups articulated and defined themselves by seeking and adapting or, on the contrary, resisting “American” products. This approach emphasizes the diverse responses, from reluctant to enthusiastic, to goods that became increasingly accessible in Europe after 1492. A focus on the Spanish Empire also offers the possibility of following people and products beyond the confines of any single ocean to reach other parts of the world. Europe’s early modern empires, whether Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch, English or French, extended well beyond the Atlantic, as did the products taxed, demanded and consumed within them. Along these lines, imperial frameworks may facilitate more global approaches to the Atlantic. They also offer specific strategies for “provincializing Europe,”36 as Giorgio Riello has demonstrated in a recent study of cotton in which China and India figure prominently.37

Far from imposing boundaries, unity or consensus, the present volume persist- ently returns to the Spanish Empire in order to explore the nature of early globalization, as well as its divergent results. It offers concrete perspectives by considering specific agents at precise nodes of cultural and economic exchange. In this way, the book hopes to complement some of the most stimulating recent work that illuminates Iberian empires, which has taken the form of sweeping, total history.38 The chapters selected and revised for this volume demonstrate that the analysis of specific sources, problems and networks still has a lot to offer. Ranging from the late fifteenth century to the early nineteenth century, the chapters that follow emphasize the impact of overseas experiences and goods on different groups of Europeans. While certain lines of enquiry and reflection run throughout the volume, three parts have been designed, somewhat artificially, to emphasize the book’s most original and important arguments, which its chapters develop from different perspectives. Against

Copyrighted matrial – 978–1–137–32404–7 Copyrighted matrial – 978–1–137–32404–7 Global Goods and the Spanish Empire 7 the idea of an effortless, automatic diffusion of American products in Europe, Chapters 2 through 6 consider cultural and intellectual constraints that conditioned or impeded the acceptance of new ideas and goods. María de los Ángeles Pérez Samper considers an Atlantic revolution in food—one that took centuries and had a broader impact than the Atlantic revolutions dear to Palmer and Godechot. Taking a long-term approach to the ques- tion of cultural and culinary exchange, Pérez Samper indicates that, while Europe’s elites embraced adaptations of American products, like chocolate, peasants initially rejected others, such as maize and potatoes. Pérez Samper weaves diverse testimonies, including those of chroniclers, ambassadors and travelers, into a wide-ranging overview of the transformations in food and culture that originated in the wake of 1492 and in some cases met opposition as late as the eighteenth century. In Chapter 3, Consuelo Varela contrasts the expectations of Christopher Columbus with the realities that he encountered in four voyages to the Americas. She explores the “difficult beginnings” of European colonization with particular attention to tobacco, recorded in the explorer’s diary; Caribbean pearls presented to Queen Isabel; cacao, which enabled Columbus and his crew to survive their third voyage; other early exports including brazilwood (used to extract red dye); and indigenous slaves. On early journeys to obtain such exotica, Varela notes, sugar cane, livestock and sewing needles crossed the Atlantic in the opposite direction. Rather than transforming their worldview, the Atlantic experience reaffirmed the faith of Columbus and his contemporaries in the existence of sirens, Amazons or the fountain of eternal youth. Missionaries who crossed the Atlantic after Columbus, particularly the Jesuits studied by Antonella Romano, produced reports and books that enabled Europeans to begin to assimilate “the Indies,” East and West, within their (inevitably Euro-centric) worldviews. Examining volumes compiled by Antonio Possevino and José de Acosta, Romano highlights the crucial role of networks of learned missionaries in the transmission and “accommodation” of information about the Americas, spread through the impact of Jesuit writings and Jesuit education on many European elites. Like Possevino and Acosta, Benito Arias Montano, who is studied by María M. Portuondo in Chapter 5, sought to accommodate the American experience within Biblical tradition. For this reason, Portuondo argues, Arias Montano’s ‘hermeneutics of nature” minimized the impact of Atlantic products and American novelty in general. It is precisely the resilience of this classical and Catholic European intellectual framework that this book contributes to a more nuanced, circumspect view of European responses to American goods. Concluding Part I, in Chapter 6, Giovanni Levi offers a new perspective on the diffusion of maize by addressing multiple levels of cultural and social resistance to its diffusion, followed by the spread of pellagra, an illness caused by niacin deficiency, in northern Italy. Although peasants and

Copyrighted matrial – 978–1–137–32404–7 Copyrighted matrial – 978–1–137–32404–7 8 Bethany Aram landowners initially refused to plant maize, the agrarian crises of the 1590s, 1620s, 1630s and 1690s led to its diffusion. By the eighteenth century, maize comprised some 45 percent of agricultural production in the Piedmont region, a shift reflected in contracts that often stipulated the payment of salaries in maize. The ensuing widespread, and even exclusive, reliance of peasants on polenta led to the ravages of pellagra, which inspired a lively medical debate from 1770 and into the 1800s. While authors recommended 35 different cures for pellagra, including the importation of American spices, the evolution of medicine away from homeopathic remedies led maize-eaters to overlook the most obvious solutions to their malady. As Levi indicates, the spread of “new” products catalyzed and challenged the development of science and medicine. The diffusion of Atlantic products, far from being immediate and beneficial, could encounter important barriers and produce unforeseen disasters. The divergent effects of early globalization remain crucial to Part II, on the social use of things, which emphasizes the role of specific groups of consumers in rejecting, adapting or transforming new and newly-available goods. In Chapter 7, Bethany Aram examines the ostentatious and cere- monial role of spices in early sixteenth-century receptions and representations of Hispano-Burgundian rulers. After propelling European expansion and becoming more accessible, however, spices lost value as an exclusive symbol of sovereignty. Customs changed, and the ship that once displayed edible spices on the banquet table acquired new uses. Humoral understandings of health, which informed the demand for spices, also shaped early modern European attitudes toward travel and dietary change. In Chapter 8, Rebecca Earle explains that Spanish travelers identified familiar foods with their homeland, while considering certain products, particularly meat and wheat bread, as essential to their good health. They understood travel and dietary change as physically disturbing, hazardous experiences. While confront- ing their own fragility, Spanish conquerors also attributed the illnesses of Africans and Native Americans to the disruptive effects of travel and new foods. The agents of early modern globalization suffered its consequences first-hand. As consumers, however, such agents made clear choices and developed distinct tastes. In Chapter 9, José Luis Gasch-Tomás compares the use of imported luxury goods, especially silks and porcelains, among elites in Seville and Mexico City from 1581 through 1620. Based on a statistical and anthropological analysis of post-mortem inventories, Gasch-Tomás argues that Mexican elites were eager to adopt Asian luxuries, especially for re ligious garments and home furnishings, while those of Seville preferred more Italianate styles. Unlike the elites of Seville, according to Francisco Zamora Rodríguez, the rulers of Tuscany eagerly sought information and goods from the Americas. In Chapter 10, Zamora examines how merchants, consuls and Jesuits catered to the Medicis’ demands for American products and

Copyrighted matrial – 978–1–137–32404–7 Copyrighted matrial – 978–1–137–32404–7 Global Goods and the Spanish Empire 9 information about them. Watching over Atlantic trade, these consuls and their networks connected Lisbon and Cadiz to Livorno. Like Romano and Levi, Zamora views the Spanish Empire’s permeable and contingent nature from beyond its political frontiers. Part III of this book puts the accent on the asymmetrical processes and results of early globalization: connected and contrasting societies on both sides of the Atlantic. In Chapter 11, Carlos Marichal uses data on the export of cochineal from Oaxaca, Mexico, to argue that European demand for luxury textiles drove an increase in the cultivation of the nopal plants breeding the insects crushed to produce the high-quality red dyestuff, as well as to a rise in the trade in this low-weight, high-value commodity. While officials in Mexico required indigenous communities to pay tribute in cochineal, Marichal explains, the Spanish Crown attempted to limit the spread of information about its production and prohibited upon pain of death the export of the nopal cactus, maintaining a virtual monopoly on cochineal until 1820. According to Marichal, Oaxaca peasants responded to falls in the price of cochineal by intensifying nopal cultivation. Unlike Oaxaca peasants, the Española planters studied by Antonio Gutiérrez Escudero in Chapter 12 confronted setbacks by trying to cultivate a succession of different export crops. Their struggle to survive culminated in the “turn to tobacco,” which became, like cochineal, an important monopoly for the Spanish Crown. Remaining on the island of Hispaniola (Española), in Chapter 13 Igor Pérez Tostado examines the role of Atlantic products—mainly sugar, cattle and slaves—in the construction of an inter- imperial frontier. He considers the impact of environmental constraints and low-scale violence on the self-definition of contrasting, interdependent identities on both sides of a contested border between Spain and France. A “bottom-up,” interactive approach to the formation of identities can also be seen in Irene Fattacciu’s study of the proliferation and diversification of chocolate consumption in Chapter 14. Fattacciu examines the increased demand for and production of chocolate in eighteenth-century Europe, especially after the Spanish Crown granted the Guipuzcoana Company a monopoly over the export of cocoa from Caracas in 1728 in an attempt to reclaim the trade from the Dutch. The increased demand for Caracas cocoa in Europe also led to an increase in the production of Guayaquil chocolate, whose competition with the Caracas variety kept prices low, facilitating chocolate’s further diffusion and diversification. Together, the chapters in this part raise important questions about the impact of war, the alleged “civilizing missions” of imperial powers, the role of contraband and the definition of identities through the differentiation among products and tastes. To conclude the volume, Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla offers some final thoughts in Chapter 15. Reaching beyond an Atlantic framework, his reflections high- light the book’s contribution to the fields of trans-national history and the history of consumption. Yun’s emphasis on “cross-cultural consumption,”

Copyrighted matrial – 978–1–137–32404–7 Copyrighted matrial – 978–1–137–32404–7 10 Bethany Aram rather than “cultural transfer” or “exchange,” facilitates attention to the diverse responses to and results of early modern globalization in an Atlantic framework. He argues that the temporal, geo-political and geo-cultural dimensions of the Spanish Empire with its Portuguese connections are crucial to understanding global processes of the diffusion, adaptation and rejection of new products. Placing this volume’s chapters within the wider recent literature, Yun highlights their contributions to a more nuanced understanding, neither triumphant nor condemnatory, of the history of Europe in the world. Rather than a “new product,” he offers a promising approach to the Spanish Empire, European history and global history. Considered together, the 15 chapters of this volume provide new perspectives on questions that have mainly been examined to date from the standpoint of political history. The transversal themes of new products and European responses to them cut across and enrich a variety of disciplines. Drawing upon economic history, cultural studies, the history of consumption, the history of medicine and the history of science, the chapters depict a more complex, poly-faceted Atlantic. This volume, more than the sum of its chapters, leads to a remarkable convergence of perspectives and opens paths for future research.

Notes

The thoughtful advice of one of Palgrave’s anonymous reviewers has guided the re-formulation of this chapter, as has that of Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla. It has been supported by the Junta of Andalusia’s “Proyecto de Excelencia” P09-HUM 5330, “Nuevos productos Atlánticos, ciencia, guerra, economía y consumo en el antiguo régimen.”

1. Alison Games, “Atlantic History: Definitions, Challenges, and Opportunities,” American Historical Review 111 (2006), 741–57, as well as the other contributions to the American Historical Review (AHR) forum in the same issue. Also in 2006, the William & Mary Quarterly published a forum on Atlantic and world history with contributions by Alison Games, Philip J. Stern, Paul W. Mapp and Peter A. Coclanis, “Forum: Beyond the Atlantic,” William & Mary Quarterly 3rd ser., 63:7 (2006), 675–742. Among the journals featuring Atlantic history, Nuevo Mundo, Mundos Nuevos was founded in 2000 and Atlantic Studies in 2004. See, for example, Federica Morelli and Alejandro E. Gómez, “La nueva historia Atlántica: Un asunto de escalas,” Nuevo Mundo, Mundos Nuevos (5 April 2006), and William O´Reilly, “Genealogies of Atlantic History,” Atlantic Studies 1:1 (2004), 66–84. An important overview can be found in Nicholas Canny, “Atlantic History, 1492–1700: Scope, Sources and Methods,” in Horst Pietschmann, ed., Atlantic History: History of the Atlantic System, 1580–1830 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2002), 55–64. 2. For an excellent state of the art, see Cécile Vidal, “Pour une histoire globale du Monde Atlantique ou des Histoires connectées dans et au-delá du Monde Atlantique?,” Annales, histoire, sciences sociales 2 (2012), 391–413. Most recently, see Harold E. Braun and Lisa Vollendorf, eds, Theorizing the Ibero-American Atlantic (Aldershot: Brill, 2013). 3. Vidal, “Pour une histoire globale,” 410.

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4. Karen Ordahl Kupperman, The Atlantic in World History (Oxford University Press, 2012), 4 and following pages (ff.), for an admirable synthesis. 5. See Robert R. Palmer and Jacques Godechot, “Le problème de l’Atlantique du XVIIIème au XXème siècle,” in Relazioni del X Congresso Internazionale di Scienze Storiche, vol. V: Storia contemporanea (Florence: G. C. Sansoni, 1955), 219–39; Robert R. Palmer, The Age of Democratic Revolution, 2 vols (Princeton University Press, 1959, 1964); and Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992 [1964]). 6. Bernard Bailyn, Atlantic History: Concept and Contours (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), 6–21; Canny, “Atlantic History, 1492–1700,” 55–64, esp. 55–6, O´Reilly, “Genealogies of Atlantic History.” 7. Laurent Dubois, Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004); Wim Klooster, Revolutions in the Atlantic World: A Comparative History (New York University Press, 2009). See also Manuela Albertone and Antonio de Francesco, eds, Rethinking the Atlantic World: Europe and America in the Age of Democratic Revolutions (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). 8. In recent years, leading voices for the centrality of Iberian experiences to Atlantic history have been Eliga Gould and Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra. See Eliga H. Gould, “Entangled Histories, Entangled Worlds: The English-Speaking Atlantic as a Spanish Periphery,” American Historical Review 112:3 (June 2007): AHR Forum: Entangled Empires in the Atlantic World, 764–86, and Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra, “Entangled Histories: Borderland Historiographies in New Clothes?,” American Historical Review 112:3 (June 2007): AHR Forum: Entangled Empires in the Atlantic World, 787–99. 9. Nicholas P. Canny and Philip D Morgan, “Introduction: The Making and Unmaking of an Atlantic World,” in Nicholas P. Canny and Philip D Morgan, eds, The Oxford Handbook of the Atlantic World, c.1450–c.1850 (Oxford University Press, 2011), 1–17. 10. Bernard Bailyn, “Reflections on Some Major Themes,” in Bernard Bailyn and Patricia L. Denault, eds, Soundings in Atlantic History: Latent Structures and Intellectual Currents, 1500–1830 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), 1–43, esp. 7. 11. Philip D. Morgan and Jack P. Greene, “Introduction: The Present State of Atlantic History,” in Jack P. Greene and Philip D. Morgan, eds, Atlantic History: A Critical Appraisal (Oxford University Press, 2009), 3–33. 12. Renate Pieper and Peer Schmidt, eds, Latin America and the Atlantic World / El Mundo Atlántico y América Latina (1500–1850): Essays in Honor of Horst Pietschmann (Cologne: Böhlau, 2005). 13. Linda M. Heywood and John K. Thornton, Central Africans, Atlantic Creoles, and the Foundation of the Americas, 1585–1660 (Cambridge University Press, 2007). See also www.slavevoyages.org. 14. See John Thornton, Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400– 1800, 2nd edn (Cambridge University Press, 1998 [1992]) and Herman L. Bennett, Africans in Colonial Mexico: Absolutism, Christianity, and Afro-Creole Consciousness, 1570–1640 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003). 15. Thomas Benjamin, The Atlantic World: Europeans, Africans, Indians and their Shared History, 1400–1900 (Cambridge University Press, 2009) and John K. Thornton, A Cultural History of the Atlantic World, 1250–1820 (Cambridge University Press, 2012). 16. For the Iberian Atlantic, the pioneering and indispensable work remains Pierre and Huguette Chaunu, Séville et l’Atlantique (1504–1650), 12 vols (Paris: SEVPEN, 1955–60).

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17. Among other works see Antonio Rumeu de Armas, España en la África Atlántica (Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Africanos, 1956) and Charles Verlinden, The Beginnings of Modern Colonization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970). 18. Vitorino Magalhães Godinho, L’économie de l’empire portugais aux XVe et XVIe si- ècles (Paris: SEVPEN, 1969); C. R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415–1825 (Manchester: Carcanet, 1991); and J. H. Parry, The Spanish Seaborne Empire (London: Hutchinson, 1966). 19. Manuel Giménez Fernández, Nuevas consideraciones sobre la historia, sentido y valor de las Bulas Alejandrinas de 1493 (Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispano- Americanos, 1944) and Lewis Hanke, Bartolomé de las Casas, 1474–1566 (Santiago, Chile: Fondo Histórico y Bibliográfico José Toribio Medina, 1954). Among other works by Demetrio Ramos, see his edited collection La ética en la conquista de América: Francisco de Vitoria y la escuela de Salmanca (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1984). 20. Peter Boyd-Bowman, Indice geobiográfico de cuarenta mil pobladores españoles de América en el siglo XVI (Bogotá: Instituto Caro y Cuervo, 1964); Ida Altman, Transatlantic Ties in the Spanish Empire: Brihuega, Spain & Puebla, Mexico, 1560– 1620 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000). 21. Sherburne Cook and Woodrow Borah, Essays in Population History: Mexico and the Caribbean (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971). 22. Antonio García-Barquero, Andalucía y la Carrera de Indias (1492–1824) (University of Granada, 2002 [1986]); Carlos Martínez Shaw and José Oliva Melgar, eds, El sistema atlántico español (siglos XVII–XIX) (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2005). 23. Robert Ricard, La conquista espiritual de México (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1994); David A. Brading, Mexican Phoenix: Our Lady of Guadalupe, Image and Tradition across Five Centuries (Cambridge University Press, 2002); Carlos Alberto González Sánchez, Los mundos del libro: Medios de difusión de la cultura occidental en las Indias de los siglos XVI y XVII (Universidad de Sevilla, 2001), trans. as New World Literacy: Writing and Culture across the Atlantic, 1500–1700 (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2011). 24. Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla conceived of the present project as a continuation of the volume he edited, Las redes del imperio: Élites sociales en la articulación de la Monarquía Hispánica, 1492–1714 (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2009). See also Ana Crespo Solana, Mercaderes atlánticos: Redes del comercio flamenco y holandés entre Europa y el Caribe (Córdoba: Servicio de Publicaciones, Universidad de Córdoba, 2009). 25. See Carla Rahn Phillips, “The Iberian Atlantic,” Itinerario: European Journal of Overseas History 23:2 (1999), 84–106, and Amy Turner Bushnell, “Indigenous America and the Limits of the Atlantic World, 1493–1825,” in Greene and Morgan, eds, Atlantic History, 191–221, esp. 192. 26. Serge Gruzinski in La pensée métisse (Paris: Fayard, 1999), trans. as The Mestizo Mind: The Intellectual Dynamics of Colonization and Globalization (New York: Routledge, 2002); Sanjay Subrahmanyam, “Sobre comparaciones y conexiones: Notas sobre el estudio de los imperios ibéricos de Ultramar, 1490–1640,” in Roger Chartier and Antonio Feros, eds, Europa, América y el mundo: Tiempos históricos (Madrid: Marcial Pons, Ediciones Jurídicas y Sociales, 2006), 239–62. 27. Ferdinand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Time of Philip II, 2 vols (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995 [1947]). 28. Such criticisms of Braudel’s model were articulated in Andrew C. Hess, The Forgotten Frontier: A History of the Sixteenth-Century Ibero-African Frontier (University

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of Chicago Press, 1978). See also John Marino, “The Exile and his Kingdom: The Reception of Braudel’s Mediterranean,” Journal of Modern History 76:3 (September 2004), 622–52. 29. Games, “Atlantic History,” esp. 756. 30. Sidney Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New York: Penguin, 1986). 31. Marcy Norton, Sacred Gifts, Profane Pleasures: A History of Tobacco and Chocolate in the Atlantic World (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2008); Regina Grafe, Distant Tyranny: Markets, Power and Backwardness in Spain, 1650–1800 (Princeton University Press, 2012); González Sánchez, Los mundos del libro. 32. Alfred W. Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900–1900 (Cambridge University Press, 1986). Since François Chevalier’s classic, La formación de los Latifundios en México (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1999 [1952]), much work has focused on Mexico, including Arij Oouweneel, Shadows over Anáhuac: An Ecological Interpretation of Crisis and Development in Central Mexico, 1730–1800 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996), and Elinor G.. K. Melville, “Conquest Landscapes: Ecological Consequences of Pastoralism in the New World,” in Le Nouveau Monde –Mondes Nouveaux: L’experience americaine (Paris: École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, 1996), 99–113. 33. For this critique, see Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla and Fernando Ramos Palencia, “El sur frente al Norte: Instituciones, economías políticas y lugares comunes,” in Fernando Ramos Palencia and Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla, eds, Economía política desde Estambul a Potosí: Ciudades estado, imperios y mercados en el Mediterráneo y en el Atlántico ibérico, c.1200–1800 (University of Valencia, 2012), 11–38. 34. For the centrality of the British model, see Maxine Berg and Elizabeth Eger, eds, Luxury in the Eighteenth Century: Debates, Desires and Delectable Goods (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2003) and Veronika Hyden-Hanscho, Renate Pieper and Werner Stangl, eds, Cultural Exchange and Consumption Patterns in the Age of Enlightenment: Europe and the Atlantic World (Bochum: Dieter Winkler, 2013), esp. 11. 35. See Carlos Marichal, “The Spanish-American Silver Peso: Export Commodity and Global Money of the Ancient Regime, 1550–1800,” in Steven Topik, Carlos Marichal and Zephyr Frank, eds, From Silver to Cocaine: Latin American Commodity Chains and the Building of the World Economy, 1500–2000 (Chapel Hill, NC: Duke University Press, 2006), 25–52; Alfredo Castillero Calvo, Los metales preciosos y la primera globalización (Panamá: Banco Nacional, 2008). 36. Dipesh Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton University Press, 2000). 37. Giorgio Riello, Cotton: The Fabric that Made the Modern World (Cambridge University Press, 2013). For a more theoretical framework see Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe. 38. By Felipe Ferná ndez-Armesto see, for example, Near a Thousand Tables: A History of Food (New York: Free Press, 2004), or Pathfinders: A Global History of Exploration (New York: W. W. Norton, 2007).

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Index

Acapulco, 26, 59, 153, 156, 207, 280 257–8, 260, 265, 267, 280–1, 290, Acosta, José de, 7, 19–20, 23, 27, 32, 293, 295 58–64, 66, 68, 90, 93–4, 129, 144, Cádiz, 9, 45, 47, 176–7, 179–83, 187, 218, 281, 286 202–7, 209, 225, 227, 264 Africa, 17–18, 26, 56–7, 67, 119, 139, capitulaciones, 39, 43–5 146, 175, 234, 267, 279–80, 284, Campeche wood, 176, 200, 205 288, 290 Canary Islands, 20–1, 28, 38, 43, 50, agriculture, 18, 111, 142–3, 208, 230, 211, 213, 216, 219–20, 238, 245–6, 232, 238, 245–7 285, 288 ají, see pepper, red Canton, 160, 165 Aldrovandi, Ulisse, 93 Caracas, 9, 235, 257, 261, 263–4, 266–7 aljófar, see pearl Carvajal, Pedro de, 236 Almeyda, Father, 177, 180 Casa de la Contratación (Seville), see Amazons, 7, 49–50 House of Trade (Seville) anona, see custard apple Casas, Bartolomé de las, 27, 39, 41, Antwerp, 17, 66, 79, 81–8, 94, 124, 43–5, 220 202–3, 283 Castro Rivera, Gaspar de, 236 araticù, see custard apple cattle, 9, 21–2, 46, 103, 105, 141, 217, Arias Montano, Benito, 7, 78, 79, 81–8, 219, 235, 243 89–94, 281, 286, 292 Cavalli, Tommaso, 180 Aristotelian philosophy, 54, 62, 78, Charles I, King of Castile and Aragon, 80–1, 93–4, 286 see Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor Atlantic history, 1–5, 154 Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, 23, 25, axí, see pepper, red 46, 67, 121, 125, 127, 198, 286 chili or chile, see pepper, red Bacon, Francis, 80, 91 chinoiserie, 167 bezoar stone, 83, 128–9, 154, 298 chirimoya, see custard apple biombo, see folding screen chocolate, 4–5, 7, 9, 25–6, 28–32, 46, Blois, 123 120, 162, 182–4 Bobadilla, Francisco de, 43–4 makers’ guild, 263, 266 bodies, European understandings of, recipe, 31–2, 182, 263, 266–7, 281 137, 140, 146–7 chronicler, 7, 19, 29, 45–6, 67, 141–2, border, 4, 9, 57, 60, 65, 79, 81, 233–4, 184, 217, 282, 286 238–48, 259, 289, 295, 299 climate, 20, 42, 48, 80, 103, 138–9, 143, Brazil, 17, 64, 120, 175–7, 180, 182–4, 145–6, 219–20, 248, 259, 292 186, 237, 279, 280, 290 cochineal, 5, 9, 181, 197–213, 290–1, 298 brazilwood, 7, 40–1, 45, 47, 176, 182, cocoa, 9, 256–67 200, 221, 290 criollo, 261, 266 see also Campeche wood forastero, 266 Cold War, 1–2 cabinet of curiosities, 57 collection, 32, 83–4, 287 see also collection see also cabinet of curiosities cacao, 7, 25–6, 31, 34, 40, 46, 124, 183, Colón, Cristóbal, see Columbus, 187, 221, 230–1, 233, 235–8, 245, Christopher

319

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Colón, Diego, see Columbus, Diego Española, island of, 9, 20, 22, 32, 39, colonialism, 137, 146 41–7, 49, 127–9, 144, 216–24, colonial trade office, see House of Trade 230–5, 237–8, 240–1, 247–8, 282, (Seville) 295 Columbus, Christopher, 7, 17, 19–20, 25–7, 32, 38–50, 84, 120, 127, Fernández de Oviedo, Gonzalo, 19–21, 139–40, 143, 218–19, 288 28, 32, 141, 184, 198, 217–20, 282, Columbus, Diego, 39–40, 218, 220 292 commerce, 3, 28, 79, 126–7, 175–9, 181, fish, 38–9, 49, 144–5 197, 200, 204, 216, 222, 230, 236, Florence, 102, 174–82, 184, 186–7, 239, 244, 265, 291 201–3, 205 commodification, 255 Florentines, 175, 287 see also commoditization folding screen, 154, 157–8, 159, 163–4 commoditization, 284 food, history of, 100–6, 111–12 complexion, 137–40, 142–5 confection, 121, 123–4 Genoa, 28, 47, 175, 183–4, 187, 205–6 contraband, 9, 130, 211, 213, 219–20, Genoese or Genovese, 175, 202, 207, 222–3, 234, 239, 264 282, 287–8 see also smuggling ginger, 31, 45, 121, 124, 127–30, 218–19, consul, 8–9, 174–81, 182–4, 186–7 221, 233–5 consumption, history of, 9–10, 177, 179, Ginori family 255–6, 277, 293, 295, 297 Bartolomeo, 180 corn, see maize Francesco, 180, 182 Cortés, Hernán, 25, 46, 49–50, 198–9, Lorenzo, 175, 177, 180, 182–6 295 Niccolò, 180 cross-cultural exchange, 274, 280, 292– globalization, 4, 6, 8–10, 18, 33–4, 54, 3, 297–9 120–1, 130, 153–4, 200, 237, 255, Cuevas, Las, Carthusian monastery of 266, 277–8, 280, 289, 291, 295, (Seville), 43 298–9 Cuneo, Michele de, 47 Goa, 277 custard apple, 32–3, 183–6 gold, 23, 26, 38–41, 45, 47, 84–5, 93, 125–6, 144, 163, 165, 178, 199, 200, Dajabón, 243–4 205, 208, 217–20, 231–2, 234, 259, discourse, 60–4, 153, 232–3, 239, 246–7, 279, 284–5, 293 274, 298 Guayaquil, 9, 257, 263–4, 266–7 Drake, Sir Francis, 219 Guipuzcoana Company, 9, 264, 266–7 drugs, 38, 121–4, 126–7, 129, 131, 262, 286 health, 8, 27, 42, 106, 109, 120, 123, Dutch East Indies Company, see VOC 128–30, 139, 142–7, 257 Hernández, Francisco, 23, 27–8, 46, 79, Empire 286 British, 3, 5, 119–20, 283–5 hides, 220–2, 234–5, 239 Dutch, 282–5 Hincha, 242–3 Ming, 279 Hispañola, island of, see Española, island Mughal, 279 of Ottoman, 119, 279 homesickness, 140, 142–3, 145 Portuguese, 1, 5–6, 17–18, 55, 278–9, House of Trade (Seville), 47, 79, 127–8, 285, 289, 291, 294–6, 299 218, 220–1, 225, 227, 286 Spanish, 1, 5–6, 17–18, 55, 278–9, humoralism, 8, 120, 137–8, 140, 145–6, 291, 294–6, 299 292

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Jews, 182, 187, 282, 285 Palano Tinoco, Manuel, 235 Sephardic, 6, 176, 182, 187 palo de Campeche, see Campeche wood João III, King of Portugal, 121, 127 pan de palo, see yucca papa, see potato katana, 157–8, 164 Paradise, Earthly, 48–9 pearl, 7, 40–1, 45, 47–8, 85, 128–9 Legazpi, Miguel López de, 153 peasantry, Italian, 7–8, 100–9, 111–12 Lescallier, Daniel, 230–1, 246 pellagra, 7–8, 100–6, 109, 113 Lisbon, 2, 9, 17, 38, 124–5, 156, 175–7, pepper 179–83, 185–7, 290 red, 23–31, 33–4, 41, 122–6, 128, 130, Livorno, 9, 175–6, 178, 181–3, 186–7, 175, 177, 205, 260, 290 202–3, 205 Spanish, 260 Peru, 17, 19, 21, 26, 29–30, 55–9, 62, Madrid, 25, 30–1, 59, 159, 161, 164, 64, 85, 93–4, 127, 167, 175, 178, 174, 176, 180, 182–3, 238–9, 243, 184, 199, 279 259, 261, 266–7 Philip I, King of Castile, 122 maize, 5, 7–8, 18–19, 21–6, 26, 28–30, Philip II, King of Spain, 18–23, 46, 63, 32, 40–1, 100–9, 111–12, 141, 203, 81, 127, 129, 153, 177, 234, 286–7 208, 221, 223, 261, 290, 296, 298 Philippines, 17, 26, 59, 127, 153, 155, Manila, 59, 153, 160, 165, 207, 280 165, 168, 207, 223, 280 Manila galleon(s), 26, 153, 159, 162, Philip “the Handsome,” see Philip I, 165, 168, 207 King of Castile Margaret of Austria, 122, 125–6 Piedmont, 5, 8, 105, 106, 108, 110–11 Martyr d’Anghiera, Peter, 67, 143, 219 pigs, 21, 46, 141, 186, 221, 290, 294 Medici, 5, 8, 38, 174–87 plantation, 2, 4, 120, 209, 216–19, 220–4, medicine, early modern, 8, 27, 101–3, 226–7, 231–4, 236–7, 239, 241–8, 126–7, 137–9, 286, 297 286, 295 Moluccas, 27, 64, 127, 130 Plantin Press, 81–3, 283 Monardes, Nicolás, 24, 27, 32, 46, political economy, 127, 238, 278, 295 79–80, 125, 128–9, 281, 287 porcelain, Chinese, 8, 153–4, 157–9, 162, 166 não, see nef Possevino, Antonio, 4, 7, 58, 64–8, 281, natural history, 61–2, 78–80, 82–3, 129, 286 283 potato, 7, 21–6, 28–30, 32, 41, 87, 221, nef, 125–6, 130–1 290, 296, 298 networks Pouancey, Jacques Neveu de, 240–1, 246 aristocratic, 183, 187, 257–9, 261, Puerto Plata, 240 262–3 consular, 9, 179, 281, 287 ranching, 22, 234, 244–5 diplomatic, 281, 287 Redi, Francesco, 185–6 Dominican and Franciscan, 7, 280 repartimiento system, 209 functionaries’, 280, 285, 287 Revenga, Manuel de, 243 Jesuit missionary, 7, 54, 56–8, 66, 68, Rodríguez de Fonseca, Juan, 42, 122–3, 174, 180, 187, 280, 287 127

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Royal Tobacco Factory (Seville), 224–5, 240–2, 245, 257–8, 261–3, 265–7, 227, 237 281, 283, 286–7, 293 Ruíz Martín, Felipe, 202–3, 205–6 spice(s), 5, 8, 17–18, 23, 27, 29–31, 38, 40, 119–31, 260, 263, 279, 285, 290 Saint-Domingue, 212, 216, 220, 230 spice ship, see nef see also Española, island of Suárez, Francisco, 81 Santiago de los Caballeros, 220, 223–4, sugar, 7, 9, 20, 29–32, 41, 46, 119–20, 230, 240, 243 122, 124–5, 130, 146, 175–6, 182–3, Santo Domingo, city of, 32, 41, 47, 184, 204–5, 216–21, 224, 230–7, 128–9, 216–17, 219–22, 224–7, 230, 244–5, 260–3, 266–7, 281, 285, 288, 235, 238, 239–40, 242–3, 245 290, 295 science, history of, 10, 53–6, 58, 78–81, 106–8, 112–13, 289 tithe (diezmo), 108–9, 111, 208, 224 scientific revolution, 54–5, 107, 154, tobacco, 4–5, 7, 31, 39, 46, 120, 175, 288, 292 181, 183, 187, 205, 216, 221–7, 230, Segura Sandoval, Francisco, 240 232–5, 237, 255, 258, 281–2, 286, Seville, 3, 5, 8, 17, 22, 24, 26, 32, 289–91, 293, 295, 297–8 38–9, 41, 43, 45–7, 59, 79–80, 82–3, tomato, 24–5, 28, 33–4, 41, 290 87, 94, 125, 127–9, 154–9, 161–7, Tovar, Simón de, 83, 87 179–81, 186, 202–6, 218–19, travel, dangers of, 138–40, 142–6 221–5, 227, 234–5, 237, 283, 286–7 turkey, 21, 23, 25, 27–9, 46, 210 sharecropper, 100, 109, 112, 244 Tuscany, Grand Duchy of, 8, 174–8, sheep, 21, 109, 141, 221 180–1, 183, 186 silk, Chinese, 5, 8, 153–5, 159–63, 166, 200, 290–1 unicorn horns, 128–9 Silva Enriques, Pedro de, 175 Silva family, 175, 183 Valladolid, 57, 124 silver, 5, 83, 125–6, 162, 163–5, 178, Venetians, 119–20, 128, 203, 285 179, 198–200, 204–5, 207–12, 220, Vespucci, Amerigo, 45, 48, 67 279–80, 284–5, 289, 295 vineyard, 22, 68 siren, 7, 49–50 violence, 4, 9, 120–1, 154, 240–1, 247–8, slaves 277, 289, 294–5, 299 African, 2–5, 9, 22, 42–3, 129, 142–3, VOC, or Vereenigde Oostindische 216–19, 221–2, 224, 226, 231–8, Compagnie (Dutch East Indies 238, 243–5, 247, 279, 282, 284, 288, Company), 120, 284 295–6 American, 7, 9, 41, 43, 57, 144–7, 197, wheat, 8, 18–19, 22–3, 28–9, 100, 104–6, 209, 257 108, 110–12, 141, 143, 146, 217–18, smuggling, 45, 127 220, 290 Spain, 3, 9, 17, 19–23, 25–33, 38, 41, wine, 19, 21–2, 32, 40, 109, 121–4, 126, 46, 48–9, 54–5, 57–8, 82, 100, 102, 129, 140–1, 143–4, 146, 202, 220 127–8, 131, 140–1, 143, 146, 165, 176–7, 181, 183, 186, 200–3, 206, yerba mate, 280–1, 293 210, 216–19, 221, 224–5, 227, 234, yucca, 220, 280