What Is i Revolutionary Leadership? ° 1 SECOND EDITION FOUR ARTICLES FROM LABOUR REVIEW Publ ished by SPARTACIST 75 c.t. What Is Revolutionary Leadership? SECOND EDITION Building the Bolshevik Party: Some Organizational Aspects Brian Pearce. 6 What Is Revolutionary Leadership? Cliff Slaughter 13 Lenin and Trotsky On Pacifism and Defeatism Brian Pearce 24 (Appendix) Learn to Think: A Friendly Suggestion to Certain Ultra-Leftists Leon Trotsky 33 Class, Caste and State in the Soviet Union Tom Kemp 36 The Class, the Party and the Leadership Leon Trotsky 49 Ii f 1 ., "j I I Pub I i shed by SPARTACIST I Box 1377, GPO, New York, N.Y. 10001 ~ 1970 I ~ Second Printing 1973 I political a c com mod a t ion and organizational need not be in agreement with every detail capitulation to the national bourgeoisie in the they contain to find in them understanding and colonial countries, to liberalizing sections of guidance on the central tasks of revolutionists the Soviet bureaucracies, and to left - posing today. It is enough that they are, taken as a 1 i political leaders and trade union centrists at whole, an invaluable collective contribution to j home. Since the Trotskyist movement has the current phase of the struggle for revolution­ historically lacked a mass base, this course ary socialism. I poses the threat not only of revisionist de­ generation but of ultimate total liquidation as Geoffrey White I well. Berkeley, August 1964 The Socialist Workers Party has now defin­ I itively embraced these revisionist tenets as the basis for its world view. At home it has eagerly capitulated to the reactionary ideology I of black nationalism, thus undercutting its role on the only active front in the U.S.A. Having proclaimed Cuba a workers state without sig­ nificant deformations, the S. W.P. is unable to bring forward even a blush at Comrad Castro's endorsement of peaceful coexistence, or more than a sotto ~ "they had it coming" at the arrest and imprisonment of the entire Cuban Trotskyist leadership. In the crisis over the Kennedy ass ass ina t ion, it crawled before bourgeois public opinion. With political decay has come, inevitably, decay of internal life. For the last year the S. W.P. majority has taken to expelling its left cr itics from the party. The four pieces which we now present to an American radical audience are part of the struggle against this revisionist tendency in the world Trotskyist movement. They we r e published in 1960, 1961, and 1962 in Labour Review, theoretical organ of the Socialist La­ bour League of Great Britain. With the defection of the S. W.p. to the enemy camp, the burden of the struggle has fallen mainly on this organiza­ tion. Labour Review, and its successor, the British Fourth International, have been valued weapons for English reading Marxists. Although dealing with such apparently disparate topics as paCifism, the Soviet social order, and the history of the Russian Bolsheviks, the articles J illuminate various aspects of one c en t r a I question, the need for conscious Marxist leader­ ship, organized in a revolutionary party, at the head of the industrial working class. (2) They are a sharp attack on the spontaneous growing-over theories of the revisionists. One 1 (2) The revolutionary Marxist program flowing from this aim has been s y s tern at i call y and comprehensively set forth in the international resolution "World Prospect for Socialism." 3 I j in truly Stalinist fashion by the Healy clique at an Preface to the Second Edition IC international conference in London in 1966. The Healyites, including Healy's subservient A­ merican mentors, the "Workers League" of Wohlforth & Co., continually attempt to make political capital out of the fact that the SL existed separately from the IC for a long period of substantial political a­ The re-issuance of this pamphlet, after a long greement. Wohlforth has just completed a six-part, period of unavailability, is indeed a welcome event. 24-page series on Spartacist in his Bulletin, which, These articles on revolutionary leadership are still, am 0 ng many other distortions, outright lies and as Geoffrey White's introduction of 1964 described horrendous slanders much too numerous to go into them, "an invaluable collective contribution to the here, asserts that we of the SL are unable to explain current pha se of the struggle for socialism." The the political ba s is for the split. Parodying Trotsky, title piece by Cliff Slaughter is perhaps the best re­ Wohlforth demands that we explain the" social ori­ statement of the Trotskyist purpose in English since gins" of Healy's well-documented comintern-like the dea th of Trots ky. Furthermore, we have been a­ bureaucratism, which includes physical gangsterism ble to add to the pamphlet Trotsky's long out-of-print and use of the bourgeois apparatus of repression a­ superla tive article, "The CIa s s, the Party, a nd the gainst other tendencies within the labor movement. Leadership", which stands among the most valuable Actually, the Spartacist League and its predecessor, and incisive treatments of the revolutionary vanguard the Revolutionary Tendency in the Socialist Workers and its relation to the class in Marxist literature. Party, were cognizant of the errors of Healy-both The unfortunate fact that the movement to which organizational and political-at least since 1962. the authors of the original four articles from Labour Indeed, it was the fact that the Spartacist tendency Review belong, the Healy-Banda Socialist Lab or spoke of these errors and sought to correct them League of Great Britain and its International Commit­ within the fra mework indica ted by the principled po­ tee of the Fourth International, has degenerated con­ litical agreement with the IC, which made the Healy­ siderably from the anti-revisionist position it held ites seek to drive us from their midst at all costs! earlier requires some expla na tion. These articles re­ The theoretical problems which had led to the flect a stage through which the SLL was passing, a domina nce of Pa bloism within the Fourth Interna tiona 1 stage in which it possessed the formal political pro­ centered on the expansion of Stalinism after World gram of Trotskyist opposition to the Pabloite revi­ War II, and, particularly, on the creation of new, sionism within the Fourth International discussed in anti-capitalist states in Yugoslavia and later in White's introduction, a s well a s the not inconsider­ China and finally Cuba, not on the basis of prole­ able talents of Marxist scholarship to be found here. tarian revolution, but on the basis of independent It lacked the fundamental theoretical keys to under­ Stalinist or petty-bourgeois-led movements based s ta nding the origins of Pa blois m, however, a nd its primarily on the peasantry. The Pabloist response rigid orthodoxy wa s incapa bl e of a nswering the que s­ to these developments involved a bandonment of the tions which gave rise to the revisionism in the first vanguard party and a working-class perspective (see pIa ce . Furthermore, the Heal y group pers is ted in White's introduction). The Spartacist tendency felt such destructive political and tactical errors that its that the early opposition of the SWPtoPabloism was actual program-that is, the sum total of its actions, based on a rigid orthodoxy which failed to solve the as opposed to its words-w3s one of splitting and problem and left the SWP open to make the same sabotaging the struggle to rebuild a Trotskyist inter­ capitulation themselves on the question of Cuba a national movement. Since the period in which this decade la ter, a nd furthermore tha t the opposition of pamphlet was first printed, the SLL' s mistakes and the IC to Pabloism had much the same character. In theoretical incapacities have led to greater and his remarks on the political report a t the 1966 Lon­ greater contradictions, and finally, in a process not don conference, Spartacist delegate Robertson said, yet complete, to an abandonment of Trotskyism and "Two decisive elements have been common to the capitulation to the very Pabloism it supposedly set whole series of upheavals under Stalinist-type lead­ out to combat. erships, as in YugoslaVia, China, Cuba, Vietnam: This history is intimately bound up with the ori­ 1) £. civil ~ of the peasant-guerrilla variety, which gins and development of the Spartacist League of the ... if victorious ... smashes capitalist property rela­ U.S. The S.L. grew out of a tendency within the tions ... (and) 2) the absence of theworkingclassas Socialist Workers Party which, in its struggle a­ a contender for power, in particular, the absence of gainst the rampaging Pabloism seizing control of the its revolutionary vanguard: this permits an excep­ SWP in the early sixties, attempted to align itself tionally independent role for the petty-bourgeois with the International Committee on the basis of a­ sections of society •.. " These circumstances do not greement with the IC's formal anti-Pabloist stand. open the road to socialist development without a This collaboration proved difficult at best, and was further, political revolution, nor do they in a ny sense ultimately smashed in a grotesque split engineered deny the need for proletarian revolution or assert an 4 his torically independent role for the petty-bour­ tris t a nd rev is ionis t a nd its movem ent to be ba ck in­ geoisie: "On the contrary, precisely the petty-bour­ to the petty-bourgeois revisionist Pabloite ca mp geois pea sa ntry under the mos t fa vora ble historic under the pressure of