Affirming Identity through Musical Performance in a Canadian Arctic Hamlet1 Jeffrey van den Scott, Northwestern University In this article, I explore how the ongoing relationship of daily life. New songs are rarely composed or per- between Inuit and the Southern people and institu- formed. tions that govern them leads to change in the musical During my five years living in Arviat, drum danc- culture of Arviat, Nunavut. In turn, studying this rela- es became less frequent, but were still regularly held, tionship offers a suggestions of what Inuit music may usually in the Elders Centre, centrally located on the look like in the future – an important question, given town’s primary north-south road. After being away the great reduction in the performance and creation of for one year, and returning to the community for my traditional Inuit music I have observed over the past first research trip in 2010, my wife and I were imme- ten years. Turning to sociological critical theory, I diately told “we should have a drum dance for you – seek to understand why Inuit make the musical there hasn’t been one since you left” (Field Notes, choices they do, exploring the meaning created as July 2010). Elders arranged two drum dances during they navigate changing social positions and stratifica- that month. Similarly, in the spring of 2012, as we tion in the rapidly-changing contemporary world (cf. entered an Elder’s home to visit, she quickly arranged Kotarba 2013, 10). to host a drum dance the following evening. By this Home to nearly 3,000 people, the Hamlet of time, a tourism-based organization, Arviat Communi- Arviat – a primarily Inuit community located on the ty Ecotourism, had also been established in collabo- Northwest coast of Hudson Bay in Canada’s Nunavut ration with a Southern agency to provide “traditional” Territory – is well-known and discussed as a musical performances for any visitors to town. Attending re- place, an identity advocated by Nunavut Tourism: hearsals by this group provided more opportunities to “Arviat is perhaps most famous in the territory for its hear traditional Inuit music. Finally, during my win- gifted musical artists, including Charlie Panigoniak ter 2013-2014 trip, there were no drum dances. Some and Susan Aglukark” (www.nunavuttourism.com). I of the key Elders who spearheaded these events in the lived in Arviat from 2004 to 2009, working as a mu- past had passed away, and despite my best efforts sic teacher. Since 2009, I have returned for three re- over this holiday season, I was not able to attend, or search visits, most recently from December 2013 to arrange, a drum dance. With traditional music nearly January 2014, conducting over 25 interviews focused gone, and the remainder being organ-ized by a tour- on the musical life of individuals and the community, ism organization, what fills the void to share stories and collecting ethnographic data as a participant- of oral history and everyday life to bring people to- observer in multiple settings. gether? As I observe it, the meaning of musical prac- Music plays an integral role in multiple communi- tice remains largely the same for the people of ty connections. Music connects people with each Arviat; music still plays a key role in bringing people other through music-making, with the town’s history together, and in affirming their identity as Inuit and through performance rituals, and with the geography as Northerners. The way in which these ideas are of the place through song lyrics. Despite (or perhaps presented and shared, however, continues to change, because of) the changing nature of musical practice, as more Southern genres become infused with the traditional Inuit song has largely disappeared from Inuktitut language and Inuit stories. the community. In 2004, when I arrived, regular In reviewing my interview transcripts, community drum dances were hosted in the Elders Arviammiut (the people of Arviat) make a clear dis- Centre (a mixed-use facility that cares for infirmed tinction between “Inuit Music”, the traditional music Elders while keeping them involved in community of the Inuit, and “Inuktitut Music”, popular Southern activities rather than marginalizing them) approxi- genres that performers sing in the Inuit language. mately once a month. Drum dances consist of a series Adding to the work of several scholars who examine of personal songs, or pisiit (sing. pisiq), sung by a the changing role of traditional music in Inuit com- group of older women sitting in an arc. Individual munities (Lutz 1978; Cavanagh 1982; Piercey 2008), men take turns dancing in the centre of the group, I consider the sense of historical continuity that ac- while beating the large frame drum. The song reper- companies the performance and development of toire contains aspects of the oral history of the com- Inuktitut song. munity, with each song telling a personal story, often Kotarba, Fackler, and Nowotny (2009) demon- about a meaningful hunting trip, or some other aspect strate that language is powerful in defining identity 1 Canadian Folk Music 48.2 (Summer 2014) and nations in their study of Spanish language music the style of Johnny Cash’s music, but glimpses of in the US. Likewise, in the Canadian North, the pres- mannerisms (or at least mannerisms perceived by his ence of and focus on the Inuktitut language compli- Northern audience) are also seen as part of his pro- cates the country’s bilingual political discourse, with jected image as a musician. While many Northerners this aboriginal language achieving official status in know many of Sigjariaq’s songs, “Sinagvisaminik” is Nunavut in 2013 (Nunatsiaq News 2013), and serv- his best-known entry into a potential canon of Inukti- ing to create a symbolic boundary between the Inuit tut song. In a televised 1991 Inuit Broadcasting Cor- population of Nunavut and the rest of the country (cf. poration appearance, Sigjariaq performs the song, Stokes 1994). sitting centre stage while his bandmates play standing While in places such as New Zealand aboriginal around him. Of particular note in terms of manner- folk songs have become part of the nation’s cultural isms is an upward glance and head roll (at 2:20), expression (Thomas 2007), and in Canada Inuit cul- which, while not obvious in Johnny Cash’s recorded ture is becoming a more visible symbol for the coun- performance, is hinted at on the cover to his album, try as a whole (evidenced by the plethora of Inuksuit Personal File.3 (sing. Inuksuk) available in gift shops and built on While the musical style of “Sinagvisaminik” be- the roadside across the country), Inuit use and adapt longs to Johnny Cash – as mentioned above, this is a popular music – represented in this paper by country contrafactum of “Folsom Prison Blues” – the visual and electronic dance music (EDM) – in building a performance and the language of the text are refitted contemporary identity as Inuit, marking the boundary into the Inuit world to the point that in the North, between their North and the white, or qablunaaq, Inuit attribute the characteristic riff that identifies the South. song to Sigjariaq rather than Cash. In describing the Studies that examine the expression of indigeneity meaning of the words, a participant tells me that consider how people use Western genres (such as Sigjariaq “didn’t just write a song, but he actually opera in Pamela Karantonis and Dylan Robinson’s went through it, and he had touched in his life, how 2011 volume Opera Indigene) to present and extend he was struggling or having a hard time, but through traditional practices. Inuktitut popular music, which his music, he’s been lifted up” (Interview with the can be based in many different styles from country to author, June 2012). gospel to house, celebrates Arviat’s identity as a town After Sigjariaq’s passing early in the 2000s, there with strong artistic and music traditions. In discuss- was a period where his music was not performed live ing the role of music in the community, “Ken”, an – but since 2008 this has changed, as his nephew, approximately 45-year-old participant in my re- Peter Shamee, has begun performing this repertoire, search, says the following: and been praised by residents of Arviat for his like- It sounds inspirational in their own language ness to his uncle, even assigning the moniker “the [Inuktitut], and touched about some of them, and new ‘Johnny Cash of the North’”. Another video they really help them out and learn and try to tell shows Shamee playing “Sinagvisaminik” at the they’re really Inuit, and this is our way, and this is Inumaaritt Music Festival in Arviat in 2011. This how we live... So, the white people show their festival occupies a significant place in the musical music to up North towards North, so same thing, life of the town, bringing together musicians from it would be like us, too, the Inuit people, would across the region, and more broadly around Nunavut, spread their own music, too. (Interview with the for three days of live performance in celebration of author, June 2012) Inuit music. In my twin role of participant-observer Through exploration of a single song, and music teacher, I took part in this festival four “Sinagvisaminik”, an example of contrafactum, set- times between 2004 and 2008. ting the tune of Johnny Cash’s “Folsom Prison The vast majority of the performances are popular Blues” to Inuktitut words, we can see how the com- genres performed in Inuktitut. While the audience munity uses rituals of musical performance to solidi- experience is very different from any concert I have fy its collective identity as musical in nature.