The Role of Non-Competitive Multi-Party Legislative Elections in Mubarak's Egypt Maye Salah el-Din Kassem-Ewea Ph.D Thesis School of Oriental and African Studies University of London, 1998. ProQuest Number: 10673208 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673208 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract Abstract In this thesis, the role of non-competitive multi-party legislative elections in Mubarak's Egypt is examined. The personalised authoritarian system of rule which was established in Egypt after Nasser and the other Free Officers took power in 1952, is assessed in order to illustrate how it has been preserved for over four decades, not simply as a result of the immense formal powers which Nasser vested in the Presidency, but also as a result of the disparate clientelist strategies adopted by Nasser and his successors, Sadat and Mubarak. Clientelist tactics which further contribute towards inhibiting the development of formal political groupings and thus the possibility of successful challenges to the system of personal authoritarian rule. The role of non-competitive multi-party legislative elections in Mubarak's Egypt, is subsequently examined in this context. Namely as mechanism intended to further hinder the development of political groupings through the reaffirming and expanding of the clientelist structure of dependency and control linking central government to those on the periphery. 2 Table of Contents Table of Contents Dedication Ac knowledgements Note on Transliteration Chapter One: Problem Statement; theoretical framework; methods of research and framework of analysis 1.1 Introduction 1.2 Theoretical Statement General characteristics of regimes who hold these elections The electoral arena: some government imposed constraints General characteristics of non-competitive multi-party elections Non-competitive multi-party elections as a legitimization tool Non-competitive multi-party elections as an instrument of clientelist co-option and control The case of contemporary Egypt 1.3 Methods of Research Printed material Interviews and non-participant observation: Egypt 1994/5 Non-participant observation and interviews: Egypt 1995/6 1.4 Framework of Analysis Chapter Two: The Presidency in Egypt: Mubarak's Powers; Conceptions and Strategies of Control 2.1 Introduction 2.2 The Egyptian Presidency: an overview Sources of power and authority President by referendum The People's Assembly Presidential Patronage and the issue of political participation Presidential patronage extended 2.3 The Multi-Party Arena under Mubarak Inheriting the political arena 3 Table of Contents Emergence of authoritarian views Interpretations of stability and socio-economic development Strategies to contain and control multi-party participation 2.4 Conclusion Chapter Three: Political Parties in Non-Competitive Elections 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Elections and the National Democratic Party- Organisational structure: an overview Legislative elections and the NDP Electoral candidates for the NDP A standard NDP recruit: Hamdi al-Sharqawi. The effects of economic independence: the case of Ibrahim Kamel Elections and intra-party competition 3.3 The Opposition Parties and Elections Participating in the legislative elections of 1984 Implications of 1983 electoral law amendments Electoral law amendments of 1986 and legislative elections of 1987 Elections of 1990 and the major implications Return of the opposition to electoral participation: 1995 The Neo-Wafd's shifting attitude The Liberal response Co-operating with the authorities: some implications Implications for the remaining opposition The Muslim Brotherhood and the Labour Party 3.4 Conclusion Chapter Four: Contestants; Voters and; the Significance of Personalistic Methods of Voter Recruitment 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Formal Electoral Participation: NDP Candidates Formal NDP event at Hike Step Formal NDP event at Helwan Youth Club Ensuring an audience 4 Table of Contents 4.2b Formal Electoral Participation: Opposition Candidates Jomla and Hayy al-Munira al-Gharbeyya gathering Interacting with the public: selective constraints Unauthorised public interaction: some shortcomings 4.3 Insufficient Party Support: The NDP and the Legalised Opposition Support for NDP and opposition candidates Brotherhood support: one candidate's case The issue of finance One example regarding parties and finance The issue of party manpower 4.4 Individualistic Campaign Strategies Campaign strategies of first-time party candidate More examples of campaign strategies of first-time party candidates Seeking re-election and some consequences Renewing and expanding existing base of voter support Renewing and expanding existing base of voter support (2) 4.5 Conclusion. Conclusion Prevailing and Potential Consequences of Multi-Party Elections in Mubarak's Egypt Extent to which electoral system has accomplished its role as an instrument of clientelist co-option and control The problem of electoral violence Some more potential consequences of the prevailing electoral system The issue of resources The post-Mubarak era and some factors to be considered Consideration of findings: a general perspective Appendix Background information on political parties in Contemporary Egypt Bibliography 5 Dedication Dedicated to my dearest: Mother and Father . Acknowledgements Acknowledgements This study could not have been completed without the assistance received from many people. To start, most of the material in this research was accumulated only as a result of the kindness, generosity and overwhelming co-operation of the political activists, academic specialists and voters whom we encountered during our stays in Egypt. They allowed us to exploit their in-depth knowledge, experience and views with regard to the often perplexing topic of Egyptian politics and elections. For this, words cannot convey my gratitude. Amidst all these exceptional people however, is one individual, Mr i_Abd Al-Ghaffar Shokr, who I discovered to be the best kept secret of researchers and journalists alike. The wealth of information which he provided and the fact that his extensive networks within the political and academic fields greatly helped the smooth progress of my research makes me forever grateful to him. In London, I would like to begin by expressing sincere thanks to my good friend, Sharon O'Brien. During the last two years of writing up this research, it became necessary for me to cease virtually all contact with the outside world. This drastic step was made so much easier because she took upon herself the time consuming role of renewing my library loans and dealing with the majority of my university-related administrative concerns. This much appreciated help can never be forgotten. On the academic front, I must express my gratitude to Prof. Donal Cruise O'Brien. During my first year as an immature Ph.D. student, I was referred to his post-graduate 'State and Society' course. His scholarly brilliance could have been overwhelming had it not been for the fact he also possesses the rare gift of being able to communicate with lesser mortals like myself in a manner which not only made his course highly enjoyable, but also much more beneficial than one could have ever expected. I am also privileged to know someone as outstanding as Prof. Malcom Yapp. Sadly, 7 Acknowledgements Prof. Yapp has now retired, and one can only say that his retirement is a tremendous loss to the students who will never have the chance to benefit from his immense knowledge and experience. While Prof. Yapp taught me as an M.A. student, it was the result of his wise and much appreciated advice and insight that led me to the very fortunate position of furthering my education under the supervision of another tutor from my M.A. days, Dr Charles Tripp. As my dissertation supervisor, I will never be able to convey true indebtedness to Dr Tripp. I am certain that I could not have come this far without his fair, yet challenging supervision. Also, one cannot overlook the genuine kindness and concern which Dr Tripp extends to his students. Even during his long overdue sabbatical year, he still found the time to supervise the progress of all his Ph.D. students. In fact, due to my unintentional, but, nevertheless, inconvenient timing, I found myself bombarding him with more work that particular year than I had produced in all the previous years combined! The unfaltering support which he showed in this respect, not only reflects his generous character, but his utmost dedication to his students. I am extremely proud to have been one of his students. Note on transliteration: For transliteration purpose we have used a simplified version of the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). Given the distinctive inflections of Egyptian speech, it has been decided to transliterate Egyptians’ names in a way that approximates the forms of those names as they would be recognised by the subjects themselves, modifying somewhat the classical orthography. This may also be applied to certain transliterated distinctive Egyptian expressions, institutions or places. I (glottal stop) 6 1 (long vowel) a t—j b dJ t CL> th £ j C h C ]di j d j th j r j z <_>“ s sh U* s L > ^ dh J* t z ? t i gh f j q d k J 1 m f 9 u% n 6 h j (consonant) w j (long vowel) u if (consonant) y (j (long vowel) i f* fatha a kasra e / i dumma o / u 10 Problem statement; theoretical framework; methods of research; and framework of analysis Chapter One Problem statement; theoretical framework; method of research; and framework of analysis.