THE FINANCES OF A TWENTIETH CENTURY BUDDHIST MISSION: Building Support for the Theravada Nuns' Order of Nepal SARAH LEVINE* The giving and receiving of donations (dana) is a reciprocal exchange between the lay and monastic communities by which both stand to profit. In return for their donations, by which they demonstrate and cultivate attitudes of non- attachment to material goods and interest in the welfare of others, Buddhist lay people look to generate spiritual merit to earn them health and prosperity in this life and a good rebirth. Since ancient times dana has provided Buddhist monks and nuns with food, clothing, and shelter in return for which they have been charged with serving the world as exemplars of renunciation, practitioners of meditation, and performers of ritual1. Nuns however, who, by virtue of their gen- der, are viewed by donors as a “lesser field of merit”, now, as in the past, are at a significant economic disadvantage relative to monks2. This is especially the case for Theravada Buddhist nuns in Nepal where the Theravada tradition is rather recently established. Although there is inscriptional evidence for the exis- tence of Buddhist nuns in Kathmandu and Patan from the fifth through the eleventh century, the likelihood is that they belonged to the Mulasarvastivadin school3. In any event, there is no record of the existence of Theravada nuns in the Kathmandu Valley, “Nepal” of pre-modern times, before 1931. This paper looks at how, over seven decades (1931-2000), Nepalese nuns have struggled to create a viable economic base. Introduction Theravada Buddhism in its “modernist” or “Protestant” form reached Nepal in the 1920s when a handful of Newar men brought the “good * Harvard University 1 T. Lewis, 2000: 8. 2 See, T. Bartholomeusz, 1994: 191-194; M. L. Falk, 2000: 37-57; N. Falk, 1980: 207-224; H. Havnevik, 1989: 121-124; H. Kawanami, 1990, 1(1): 17-40; 2000: 159-171. 3 P. Skilling, 1993/94, 29-49. Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 24 • Number 2 • 2001 218 SARAH LEVINE news” back from India to the Kathmandu Valley4. Strongly critical of the traditional laicised form of Vajrayana Buddhism which they perceived as elitest, esoteric, overly ritualistic, and largely irrelevant to the lives of ordinary Buddhists, these young people had gone in search of an alter- native. The Valley had provided a conduit for the transmission of Buddhism to Tibet5 and many Nepalese painters and image makers had followed in the footsteps of the early missionary and translator monks to work on Tibetan monasteries6. Since the Second Conversion, Tibetan lamas had maintained a continuous presence at Valley stupas and other sacred sites; meanwhile, by gradual increments Newar Buddhist mer- chants had come to dominate the trans-Himalayan trade and thus had had significant exposure to Tibetan Buddhism in Tibet itself as well as in the Valley7. Not surprisingly, a few of these young Newar “seekers”, after receiving teachings from Tibetan lamas at the great stupa of Svayambhu, went north to Tibet, took ordination and spent time in monasteries in Lhasa and Shigatse8. But then, dissatisfied with the teaching and practices to which they were exposed there, they travelled south again to India where, at Kushinagar, Sarnath and Bodh Gaya, they encountered Maha Bodhi Society missionaries9. They were convinced that their approach, with its egalitarian emphasis and focus on teaching, preaching, and tex- tual study, was what they had been searching for and, together with oth- ers who had come directly to India from Nepal, they took Theravada ordi- nation and came home to reform Newar Buddhism10. What they had in mind was to cleanse it of certain features such as castism and blood sac- rifice, absorbed over the centuries from Hinduism; to focus on the figure of the Buddha as Teacher in place of the complex Hindu-Buddhist pantheon; to re-introduce monasticism which had vanished from Newar 4 The concept of Buddhist “modernism” was first formulated by H. Bechert (1967), who described the ideological and organizational origins of the Buddhist revival movement in Sri Lanka. G. Obeyesekere (1970) coined the term “Protestant Buddhism” to describe the same movement. 5 See A. Chattopadhayay, 1967; E. Obermiller, 1931; D. Snellgrove, 1957. 6 A. W. Macdonald and A. V. Stahl, 1979: 35. 7 T. Lewis, 1989 (38)31-57. 8 Mahapragya, 1983. 9 H. Bechert and J.-U. Hartmann, 1988(8)1-28. 10 R. Kloppenborg, 1977(4)301-322. THE FINANCES OF A TWENTIETH CENTURY BUDDHIST MISSION 219 Buddhist monasteries in the middle ages when monks had married and, following the Hindu model, metamorphosed into householder priests; and to bring buddhadharma to every man and woman in their community. Although they received ordination and some instruction from Maha Bodhi missionaries who would continue to advise them from a distance for decades, they brought their mission to Kathmandu with nothing but their robes, begging bowls and a few religious anthologies composed of selec- tions from Pali texts translated into the Newari language. Unlike the Vajrayana priests with whom they would soon be competing for lay sup- port, they had no temples, no endowment lands, and no tradition of pañcadan (alms of husked and unhusked grain) behind them11. Econom- ically, they were on their own. Background to the Mission Inscriptions indicate that Hindus and Buddhists have lived side-by-side in the Kathmandu Valley at least since the period of the Licchavi kings (400-900 CE.)12. As late as the mid-nineteenth century more than half the Newar population, the dominant ethnic group of the Valley, identi- fied themselves as Buddhists13. Although their kings almost always declared themselves sivamargis or Hindus, they were also patrons of Buddhist institutions and festivals. Prithvi Narayan Shah, the Nepali- speaking Hindu king of the small hill state of Gorkha who conquered the Kathmandu Valley and drove out the last Newar king in 1769, continued in the role of patron, as did his immediate successors. But in 1846 Jung Bahadur, seized power and, he and his successors, known as the Rana family, keeping four successive monarchs under virtual house arrest, ruled Nepal as their private fiefdom for 105 years, a era which, for Newar Buddhist institutions, was one of precipitous decline. By the end of the Rana period the great majority of Newars identified themselves — if only for political and economic purposes — as Hindus. In the 1920s, when the 11 The Vajrayana monastic community — male members of the Vajracarya and Sakya castes — may receive dana four times a year from the laity. On these occasions, the main gift is a mixture of husked and unhusked rice. See, D. Gellner, 1992: 180-181. 12 M. Slusser, 1982: 171-181. 13 D. Wright, ed. 1972. 220 SARAH LEVINE first Theravada missionaries appeared in Kathmandu, almost the only Newars who still called themselves Buddhists were those whose caste- affiliation gave them no alternative, notably members of the two priestly castes, Vajracarya (household priest: Nep:purohit; New:gubhaju) and Sakya (temple priest: Nep:pujari; New: bapha), and the nine Uray mer- cantile and artisan subcastes14. The Urays included merchants (sahuji) who were active in the India- Tibetan trade which for centuries had passed from Patna on the Gangetic Plain through the Kathmandu Valley and thence by one of several routes to Shigatse and on to Lhasa. When, following the Younghusband expe- dition of 1904, trade was re-routed through Kalimpong and thence by a newly constructed road to Gangtok, over the Nathan La pass into Tibet and on, via Gyantse to Lhasa, Uray merchants re-located their operations from Kathmandu to Kalimpong and Calcutta. It was a handful of these wealthy traders who financially supported the first Nepalese converts to Theravada Buddhism both during their spiritual explorations in India and later, after receiving monastic ordination, on their return, as missionaries, in the Kathmandu Valley. Uray interest in the Theravada “message” was in part fueled by a conflict with their Vajracarya household priests which flared in the early 1920s and continued for almost thirty years until it was finally resolved in the law courts15. By that time many in the Uray community had become alienated from Vajrayana Buddhism and, other than for traditional life-cycle rites whose significance was more social than religious, had turned to the Theravadins. For the first twenty years the missionaries encountered strong oppo- sition from the government. Fearful of any challenge to their control, the Ranas did their utmost to keep the country isolated from anything that might threaten the status quo, most particularly democratic and equalitarian ideas which, in the first decades of the twentieth century, were spurring on India's march towards freedom16. The Theravadins, by their own account, were reformers not revolutionaries — their objective was to purify their tradition not to destroy it. Nevertheless the Ranas 14 This included nine inter-marrying subcastes: Tuladhar, Kamsakar, Tamrakar, Baniya, Rajkarnikar, Silpakar, Silrikar, Sindurakar and Sthapit. T. Lewis, 1995: 38-79. 15 C. Rosser, 1966: 68-139. 16 See, M. Hoftun, W. Roper and J. Whelpton, 1999: 2-13. THE FINANCES OF A TWENTIETH CENTURY BUDDHIST MISSION 221 were suspicious of them right away and, for twenty years from 1930 when the first newly-minted monks appeared in Kathmandu until the regime was overthrown and the monarchy restored in 1951, harassed, imprisoned and even exiled them. Orthodox Hindus, the Ranas were fiercely protective of the rigid caste system which, by the Mulukhi Ain (Law Code) of 1854, they had imposed upon the population of the entire country, Hindus, Buddhists, Muslims and tribals alike, and which they believed certain Theravadin activities undermined17. Most especially, they objected to the alms round because in their view begging for cooked food — rice cooked in water, the staple of the Nepalese diet — violated brahmanical rules of commensality.