The British Suffragette Movement: The history of feminist thought Part I. The development of wide-ranging and conceptual feminist frameworks Lin Lovell - Centre for Employment Studies Research (CESR), University of the West of England, Bristol [email protected] In the early years of the Twentieth Century women were oppressed in many ways.Hilary.drew The [email protected] of the vote was both a manifestation, and a cause, of their oppression. But women were far from passive recipients of this oppression. Two main campaigning societies emerged to challenge the status quo: the National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies (NUWSS) and the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU). These societies dominated the suffrage movements between 1905 and 1914. It seems fair to speculate that the activities of the women in these societies has shaped the modern agenda for women and without their efforts the lives of women today would be far worse. The participation of women in society and political life had been, and continued to be, severely restricted during both the Victorian and Edwardian eras. This was due primarily, to the existence of patriarchal systems and, for many women active in these two groups, class relations. Although the Edwardian period represents an important period in the understanding of women's history it also has implications for the study of women's history in general. The term `Feminist´ came into use in the English language during the 1880s indicating support for women's equal legal and political rights with men (Bryson 1992). Throughout history women have largely been excluded from making war, wealth, governments, art and science (Kelly-Godal 1976). The emergence of women's studies in the 1960s had a dual goal, namely, to restore women to history and restore our history to women (Kelly-Godal 1976). Seeking to add women to the fund of historical knowledge has theoretical significance. This first paper (in a series of four) will focus, therefore, on the development of wide ranging conceptual frameworks that women have explored in order to understand the nature and causes of women’s oppression. Paper two considers the further development post the 1990s of the growth and changes of the contemporary analysis of patriarchy The emergence of women's studies and class. The third paper will explore the concept in the 1960s had a dual goal, of intersectionality between patriarchy and class. namely, to restore women to history The final paper will provide an overview of suffrage activity in the South West regions, with particular and restore our history to women emphasis on class structures within the movements. The current paper, then, will briefly explore the history of the development of political participation from the 1860s. The development of early feminist thought and action has been uneven, and until recently a popular image of window smashing dominated the views of women's political action. This paper explores the development of feminist political thought from the 1860s with a brief inclusion of women’s involvement in political pressure groups in the South West. It will then Page | 1 provide a summary of the 'new history' emerging in the 1960s and the late 1970s when discussion focused, primarily, upon whether gender could be developed as a category of analysis. An interest in race, class and gender developed also, with a commitment to history that included stories of the oppressed attempting to understand how the inequalities of power were organised. This encouraged radical, liberal and Marxist feminist analysis. This new and emerging analysis was undertaken by what became know as second wave feminism. One of the key texts in the history of feminist thought was Mary Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Women (1792) that challenged the biological explanation of women's suitability for the public sphere. She was writing at a time of industrialisation, which although opening some opportunities for workingwomen, also subjected them to poor conditions and low wages. For women in the emerging middle classes, they began to see the separation of home and work. The basis of (capitalist) class differences between women started to emerge. But political goals were never far from the surface. Women in cities like Bristol played Women's pressure groups began to be formed and an active part in political movements preceded the emergence of the Edwardian in the late Eighteenth Century suffrage societies. Women in cities like Bristol played an active part in political movements in the late Eighteenth Century (Malos 1983). From the 1860s in Bristol, groups of women began to work together to reflect upon the factors that limited their involvement in society and politics. Their predominant concerns were with issues such as a lack of higher education for women and their exclusion from the professions, such as law and medicine. At the time the franchise for all men was also a contentious issue. Numerous women were convinced that the winning of the vote should be their priority. The Bristol and Clifton Society for Women's Suffrage was formed in 1868 Women also joined and supported more than one issue or cause. For example, Anne Priestman, a middle class woman, involved in the suffrage movement from the 1860s, supported the strike action of the Barton Hill cotton workers (1875) and their right to be unionised.1 It seems reasonable to argue that, although the leadership of the Bristol suffrage movement was generally middle class, it was also concerned with the problems of working class women (Malos 1983). One leading figure in the feminist movement, Sylvia Pankhurst, challenged the male dominance of Socialist politics. Although remembered for her part in the women's social and political union (WSPU) she concentrated her efforts on the poor in the east end of London – where she lived and campaigned from 1912-24. She insisted on grass roots democracy. She, along with other nascent Marxist feminists, argued for the collectivisation of housework and condemned marriage (Bryson 1992). After the gaining of the vote and the intervening two world wars, feminist activity seemed to have entered an harmonious period. In the immediate post world war two epoch, there was no mass Feminist movement as had been the case in the early part of the century. The vote had been gained, and although opportunities were still unequal it could be argued that key pressures of earlier feminists had been met. New sources of employment for middle class women through the 'typewriter revolution' had taken place. Women had gained a significant degree of legal independence and importantly changes in social behaviour and expectations of women had transformed women's lives. It seemed too many that a new age had begun and that the drudgery 1 The Priestman sisters of Bristol were involved in the signing of the petition for women's suffrage presented to parliament by John Stuart mill in 1866 (Malos 1983). They were involved in the suffrage movement. Both Anne and her sister Mary challenged no taxation without representation by refusing to pay their taxes and the authorities seized their possessions. Page | 2 of domesticity had been removed and women could make choices about the career they wished to follow. There was pressure for equal pay, primarily, although not exclusively, from professional women. The developing welfare state ensured that there was some recognition of, and financial support for, women based primarily on their maternal role. In addition, there was a rise in living standards and the availability of consumer goods. It seems that any consciousness raising and protests were isolated and confined to a small minority. For most women there was no ready access to Feminist debates and few knew anything of feminist history and the importance of Simone de Beauvoir's book The Second Sex. This book, published in 1949, was for a generation of women the only available feminist text. In the 'new history' emerging in the 1960s and the late 1970s the accounts of women's history rested upon whether gender could be developed as a category of analysis. A developing interest in the intersection of race, class and gender was the first commitment to history that included stories of the oppressed. This included an attempt to understand how the inequalities of power were organised. Concepts of class most often rested upon Marxist economic principles, working with or against a set of definitions that involved causality running from the economic base to the social and gendered superstructure (Scott 1986). Marxist feminists asked the question 'how do ghettoes of women's work arise?' In the early years they attributed this, often in a functionalist manner, to the needs of capitalism itself. Employers benefitted from the existence of a pool of unskilled labour and their subsequent actions caused gendered inequalities in pay and conditions (Phillips and Taylor 1979). Later, this Marxists feminist perspective was revisited by feminists such as Heidi Hartmann (Hartman 1979) who highlights the need to re-think economic categories relating to women's work. She argues that we must use Marxist analysis to understand the economic laws of motion and the feminist analysis for its strength in understanding the particular In the 'new history' emerging in the 1960s predicament of women (Hartmann 1979). and the late 1970s the accounts of women's But this does not explain why women end history rested upon whether gender could up at the bottom of the hierarchy (Phillips be developed as a category of analysis and Taylor 1979). Several arguments are raised against Marxist conceptions – or at against least feminist conceptions working with Marxist categories. First, because women´s class has generally been categorised through their male partner´s class, and not viewed as a separate class, this misses those cases where a co-habiting couple have different class positions.