Media and Internet Concentration in Canada Report, 1984 – 2012 October 2013 The CMCR Project’s 2012 Media and Internet Concentration in Canada Results: Executive Summary The Canadian Media Concentration Research Project has posted the results of its study of the state of media, telecom and internet concentration in Canada based on new 2012 data. The full post with a dowloadable PDF can be found here. The report examines competition and concentration trends from 1984 until 2012 in fifteen different sectors of the network media economy. Using a complete set of data for 2012 and a measure of concentration -- the Herfindhahl – Hirschman Index, or HHI -- the study divides the sectors of the network media economy into the following three categories: Headlines include: • concentration levels have taken a step up in recent years, notably since 2010. • Vertical integration across the digital media landscape more than doubled between 2008 and 2012, as the big 4 – Bell, Rogers, Shaw and QMI – expanded their stakes from internet access, to mobile wireless phone services to more traditional media such as TV and radio. • The big 4 account for nearly 80% of all TV revenues, up from 62% in 2004. • New players such as Wind (mobile wireless) services, TekSavvy (internet access), Blue Ant (TV) and iPolitics (online news) have added diversity to the scene, but their impact has been modest and their future uncertain. • the internet and digital media are often seen as wide open and competitive spaces, but search, social media, smartphone operating systems, and browsers are the most concentrated media of all. Online news is an exception and is one of the most diverse and open media of all. • Google’s share of search dropped significantly from over 80% in 2011 to 68% in 2012. The Canadian Media Concentration Research project is directed by Professor Dwayne Winseck, School of Journalism and Communication, Carleton University. It is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and has the mission of developing a comprehensive, systematic and long-term analysis of the media, internet and telecom industries in Canada. Professor Winseck can be reached at either [email protected] or 613 520-2600 x.7525. Contents Introduction Media Concentration: Contentious Debates, Main Issues Methodology The Historical Record and Renewed Interest in Media Concentration in the 21st Century Competitive Openings and Two (three?) Waves of TMI Consolidation Platform Media Wireline Telecoms Mobile Wireless Internet Access Cable, Satellite and IPTV The Media Content Industries Television Newspapers Magazines Radio Online Media Search Social Networking Sites Browsers Smartphone Operating Systems Internet News Sources The Network Media Industries as a Whole Concluding Thoughts Introduction This is the second report in a multipart series on the state of the media industries in Canada. Building on last week’s report that analyzed the growth of the media economy between 1984 and 2012, this post addresses a deceptively simple yet profound question: have telecom, media and internet (TMI) markets become more or less concentrated over the same period of time? In Media Ownership and Concentration in America, Eli Noam (2009; also see 2013) notes that creating a coherent portrait of media concentration is difficult. Strong views are plentiful, but good evidence is not. Canadian scholar Philip Savage makes much the same observation, noting that debates over media concentration in Canada “largely occur in a vacuum, lacking evidence to ground arguments or potential policy creation either way”. This post addresses that gap by providing a long-term, systematic, data-driven analysis of concentration trends across a dozen or so sectors in Canada for the years between 1984 and 2012: wireline and wireless telecoms, internet access, BDUs (cable, satellite & IPTV), specialty and pay TV, broadcast TV, radio, newspapers, magazines, search engines, social media sites, online news sources, browsers and smart phone operating systems. These are the essential elements of the network media economy. Concentration trends are assessed sector-by-sector and then across the network media as a whole using two common analytical tools -- concentration ratios (CR) and the Herfindahl – Hirschman Index (HHI). While we cite our sources below, by and large, the following documents and data sets underpin the analysis in this post: Media Industry Data, Sources and Explanatory Notes and the CMCR Project’s Methodology Primary. Media Concentration: Contentious Debates, Main Issues Some consider discussions of media concentration in the age of the internet to be ridiculous. Leonard Asper, the former CEO of bankrupt Canwest, quipped, “the media have become more fragmented than ever. People who think otherwise probably believe that Elvis is still alive”. Chris Dornan points to how a Senate report that came out in 2006 was written by a bunch of Senators with their heads buried in the sand. In Bell Astral 2.0, BCE said that while many critics allege that concentration in Canada is high, the evidence, “regardless of the metric employed – proves otherwise” (Bell Reply, para 46). When there are thousands of websites, social networking sites galore, pro-am journalists, a cacophony of blogs, 744 TV channels licensed for distribution in Canada, ninety-five daily newspapers and smartphones in every pocket, how could media concentration possibly be a problem? 1 If there was ever a golden media age, this is it, argue Thierer & Eskelen, 2008. Media economics professor, Ben Compaine (2005) offers a terse one-word retort to anyone who thinks otherwise: Internet. Shackling media companies with ownership restrictions when they face global digital media giants like Google, Amazon, Netflix, Facebook, and so on is to condemn them to a slow death by strangulation (Skorup & Thierer, 2012; Dornan, 2012). Journalist’s too often share this view mostly, it seems, because they rely on industry insiders while considering balance and objectivity to be achieved when two industry insiders are shown to disagree with one another. Critics, in contrast, tend to see media concentration as steadily going from bad to worse. Ben Bagdikian, for instance, claims that the number of media firms in the US that account for the majority of revenues plunged from 50 in 1984 to just five by the mid-2000s. Canadian critics decry the debasement of news and the political climate of the country (here and here). Others see internet as another frontier of capitalist colonization and monopolization (Foster & McChesney, 2012). A third school of scholars aims to detect the influence of changes of media ownership and consolidation by quantitatively analyzing reams of media content. They generally find that the evidence is “mixed and inconclusive” (here). The newest of such studies, Cross-Media Ownership and Democratic Practice in Canada: Content-Sharing and the Impact of New Media, comes to similar conclusions (Soderlund, Brin, Miljan & Hildebrandt, 2011). Such findings, however, proceeds as if ‘impact on content’ is the only concern, or as Todd Gitlin put in many years ago, as if ‘no effect’ might not be better interpreted as preserving the status quo and thus a significant problem in its own right. A fourth school of thought, and one that I largely subscribe to, sees the shift from the industrial media of the 19th and 20th centuries to the online digital media of the 21st century as entailing enormous changes. However, it also argues that these changes also entail an equally enormous “battle over the institutional ecology of the digital environment” (Benkler, 2006, ch. 11). The history of human communication is one of recurring ‘monopolies of knowledge” (Innis, 1951) and oscillations between consolidation and competition (John, 2010; Babe, 1990), so why should we expect this to be any less true today(Noam, 2009; Benkler, 2006; Wu, 2010; Crawford, 2012)? As Noam (2013) states after reflecting on the results of a thirty-country study, concentration around the world is “astonishingly high”. Whether Canada ranks high by international standards, low or in between will be dealt with in a subsequent post. 2 The core elements of the networked digital media – e.g. wireless (Rogers, BCE, Telus), search engines (Google), Internet access (ISPs), music and book retailing (Apple and Amazon), social media (Facebook) and access devices (Apple, Google, Nokia, Samsung) – may actually be more prone to concentration because digitization magnifies economies of scale and network effects in some areas, while reducing barriers in others, thereby allowing many small players to flourish. A two-tiered digital media system may be emerging, with numerous small niche players revolving around a few enormous “integrator firms” at the centre (Noam, 2009; Wu, 2010). All this matters because the more core elements of the networked media are concentrated, the easier it is for dominant players to exercise market power, coordinate behaviour, preserve their entrenched stakes in ‘legacy’ media sectors (e.g. television and film), stifle innovation, influence prices and work against market forces and the needs of consumers and citizens (see here, here, here, here and here). Large consolidated telecom, media and internet giants also make juicy targets for those who would turn them into proxies working on behalf of the copyright industries, efforts to block pornography, and as part of the machinery of law enforcement and national security (see here, here and here). In sum, the more concentrated