057: The Seleucid Empire – My Brother’s Keeper It is July in the year 246 BC, and King Antiochus II of the Seleucid Empire has suddenly died at the age of 40 in the city of Ephesus in Asia Minor, having ruled since 261.1 His death was sudden and unexpected, and rumors of poison swirled about. Some ancient writers like Appian, Pliny the Elder and Porphyrius lay the blame directly on the feet of Antiochus’ first wife, Laodice I, whom he was visiting at the time.2 She is said to have been driven to act by jealousy and insecurity after being divorced by Antiochus so he could take the hand of Ptolemy II’s daughter Berenice as his new wife following the end of the 2nd Syrian War in 253/252. As much as a “scorned lover” trope makes for excellent storytelling, it is more than likely just that, a trope. While a couple of ancient historians and writers accuse Laodice of killing Antiochus, no contemporary writings found in the Babylonian Chronicles or Astronomical Diaries make mention of foul play, and some like Eusebius merely states that he fell ill and died.3 Death by disease in the ancient world could come swiftly and unexpectedly, even in the prime of one’s life and with access to the best doctors. As I also explained in the last episode, too much importance might be placed upon the Seleucid-Ptolemaic marriage alliance following the 2nd Syrian War, and Laodice probably did not undergo any loss of status given the polygamous nature of Hellenistic monarchies.4 Much of the blame seems to be unwarranted, and a similar comparison could be drawn between Laodice and Livia Augusta, the wife of the Emperor Augustus and alleged poisoner in the eyes of Roman historians like Tacitus and Cassius Dio. In addition, several of our surviving histories are likely based on an original work by Phylarchus, a historian of the Ptolemaic court who was looking blame the Seleucids as instigators of the 3rd Syrian War. Still, even if she didn’t murder Antiochus, queen Laodice was more than willing to get her hands a bit dirty. Laodice was the mother of two boys named Seleucus and Antiochus, but Berenice had just given birth to a son shortly before Antiochus II’s death. Laodice needed to act before anything could be done to threaten her children’s access to the throne (and by extension, her own safety). Since he was the eldest male of the dynasty, Seleucus (now Seleucus II) was proclaimed king by his mother, though in all likelihood he had been proclaimed as joint king prior to his father’s passing as per Seleucid custom.5 Being in Antioch, Berenice would not have heard about the king’s death for at least several weeks, but when she did she tried to gather any support that she could.6 Even with this cry for help, mother and child were soon set upon by assassins and murdered on the initiative of Seleucus, Laodice, or perhaps 1 Babylonian King’s List 6, Obv 11.; BCHP 10 Rev.5-6 ; Eusebius, Chronicles, Pg. 251 2 Appian, Syrian Wars, 65; Pliny the Elder, Natural History, 7.53; Porphyrius, Fragments, 43 3 Eusebius, Chronicles, Pg. 251 4 Coşkun, A. “Laodike I, Berenike Phernophoros, Dynastic Murders, and the Outbreak of the Third Syrian War (253-246 BC)” in “Seleukid Royal Women: Creation, Representation and Distortion of Hellenistic Queenship in the Seleukid Empire” edited by Coşkun, A. and McAuley, A. Pgs. 116-118 5 BCHP 10 Rev.5-6; Coşkun, A., “The War of Brothers, the Third Syrian War, and the Battle of Ankyra (246-241 BC)” in “The Seleukid Empire, 281-222 BC: War Within the Family” Pg. 202; Coşkun, A. “Laodike I, Berenike Phernophoros, Dynastic Murders, and the Outbreak of the Third Syrian War (253-246 BC)” in “Seleukid Royal Women: Creation, Representation and Distortion of Hellenistic Queenship in the Seleukid Empire” edited by Coşkun, A. and McAuley, A. Pg. 119 6 P. Gurob (P.Petrie II, 45; III, 144); Justin, Epitome, 27.1 both of them.7 Brutal? Certainly, though well within the normal course of royal politics during the Hellenistic period. Though the threat to their legitimacy was now gone, it appears that Berenice’s pleas would be posthumously answered by her brother Ptolemy III Euergetes, the new king of Egypt following Ptolemy II’s death earlier that same year. The younger Ptolemy would declare war upon Seleucus and invaded Syria that September in order to protect his nephew and sister’s claims for the throne – at least, this is what surviving fragments of official Ptolemaic reports tell us.8 More than likely Ptolemy had been preparing for war since he took the diadem, given the remarkable speed with which the army had been assembled and marched across the border.9 Peace treaties only lasted about as long as both signing parties were alive anyways, so Ptolemy Philadelphus’ death essentially guaranteed a renewal of hostilities.10 The troubles afflicting the Seleucid realm must have made it even more appealing for Ptolemy to invade when he did as well. A Seleucid governor of Ephesus named Sophron had taken control of the city in a coup in July or August. This was apparently a preemptive move to save himself from the plotting of Laodice according to the historian Phylarchus.11 Ptolemy would eventually be given Ephesus during the war, so it is very tempting to imagine backroom deals being cut between Sophron and the Egyptian court (though no direct evidence exists for this idea).12 The invasion of Syria was remarkably smooth: Euergetes almost certainly knew that Berenice and the boy were dead, but he chose to withhold this information from Berenice’s supporters who greeted him as far north as Seleucia-in-Pieria and even Antioch, places where he received a welcome as a defender of the true heir.13 It seems bizarre to think that Ptolemy faced almost no resistance bypassing the Seleucid Tetrapolis, and at some point he must have had to reveal his hand regarding his deceased sister and nephew.14 At what was clearly the lowest point for the Seleucid war effort (and arguably their lowest point across a century of Seleucid-Ptolemaic antagonism), Ptolemy and his army managed to cross the Euphrates River and besiege Babylon by December.15 While it certainly falls short of the boasts of Ptolemy’s propagandists who claim he campaigned in lands like Bactria and India, such an accomplishment was truly impressive –never before had the Egyptian army managed to penetrate this far into Seleucid territory.16 A fragment of the Babylonian chronicles gives us an account of the fighting that took place: Ptolemy and his commanders first besieged Seleucia-on-the-Euphrates before turning 7 Justin, Epitome, 27.1; Polyaenus, Stratagems, 8.50; Appian, Syrian Wars, 65 8 P. Gurob (P.Petrie II, 45; III, 144); Piejko, F. “Episodes from the Third Syrian War in a Gurob Papyrus, 246 BC”, Archiv fur Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete, 36, 13-27.; SEG 42.994 9 Coşkun, A., “The War of Brothers, the Third Syrian War, and the Battle of Ankyra (246-241 BC)” in “The Seleukid Empire, 281- 222 BC: War Within the Family” Pg.200 10 Grainger, J.D. “The Syrian Wars”, Pg. 154 11 Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae, 13.593 12 Coşkun, A., “The War of Brothers, the Third Syrian War, and the Battle of Ankyra (246-241 BC)” in “The Seleukid Empire, 281- 222 BC: War Within the Family” Pg. 200 13 Justin, Epitome, 27.1 says 14 Grainger, J.D. “The Syrian Wars”, Pg.160 argues that Ptolemy may have been received as a visiting king and not as a conquering force, but I don’t agree with the logic. 15 Appian, Syrian Wars, 65; Grainger, J.D. “The Syrian Wars”, Pg.162 does not believe Ptolemy besieged Babylon. 16 OGIS 54; Polyaenus, Stratagems, 8.50 their attention to Babylon itself.17 Despite a defense by the Seleucid garrison, the Ptolemaic army (described as “Haneans”) managed to capture a part of the city, and massacred many of the refugees inside.18 Ptolemy had taken control over enough of Mesopotamia to warrant him installing a man named Xanthippus as his governor over the region.19 One of Seleucus’ subordinates, also named Seleucus, had attempted to drive off Ptolemy and Xanthippus’ siege of Babylon, but he and his troops had failed and were surrounded and slaughtered by late January or February of 246.20 The text cuts off at this point, and we are not sure how far Ptolemy got in his conquests, but he returned to Egypt in order to deal with some sort of internal strife by the middle of 246.21 At this rate though, he had taken much of Syria, Mesopotamia, and parts of Asia Minor. These were humiliating circumstances – where was Seleucus II during all of this? It appears that Seleucus was attempting to amass allies and armies, and hoping that his subordinates would be able to keep the Ptolemaic forces at bay for the time being. In Asia Minor, we see that Ptolemy experienced difficulties when the Macedonian king Antigonus II Gonatas had taken the opportunity to inflict a major defeat to the Ptolemaic navy near Egyptian holdings in the Aegean.22 Pro-Seleucid factions clashed with Ptolemaic factions in places like Smyrna and Magnesia-ad-Sipylos, the former of which was rewarded by Seleucus later on for its staunch loyalty to him as reported in a couple of inscriptions.23 Seleucus had also been able to build alliances with some of the local dynasts, marrying off his sisters to the Iranian kings of Pontus and Cappadocia.24 At some point in the early years of the war a massive fleet was organized to fight against the Ptolemaic naval hegemony, but a great storm tore the ships apart and nearly killed the young king.25 Despite this setback, Seleucus crossed the Taurus Mountains sometime in 244 to retake much of the Seleucis in Syria and his administration would be minting coins in Antioch by the end of the year, a victorious campaign that earned him the nickname Callinicus (beautiful victor).26 I hate having to repeat myself like a broken record, but unfortunately there are not enough sources to give any specifics beyond cursory descriptions and extrapolations for much of the war.