William Minter, Gail Hovey, Charles Cobb Jr., eds.. No Easy Victories: African Liberation and American Activists over a Half Century, 1950-2000. Trenton: Africa World Press, 2008. xvii + 248 pp. $29.95, paper, ISBN 978-1-59221-575-1. Reviewed by David Hostetter Published on H-SAfrica (April, 2008) The late Samora Machel, the frst president of The book's title comes from African indepen‐ independent Mozambique, asserted that "Interna‐ dence leader Amilcar Cabral, who said "Tell no tional solidarity is not an act of charity. It is an act lies; claim no easy victories." To that end, the book of unity between allies fghting on different ter‐ is organized into decade-specific chapters that rains for the same objective" (p. 200). The engage‐ cover American solidarity efforts from the ffties ment of Americans with African struggles against through the nineties. Co-editor William Minter colonialism and apartheid is the story of activists provides a valuable overview of American con‐ attempting to live up to Machel's maxim. The edit‐ nections with Africa in his introductory essay ti‐ ed volume No Easy Victories: African Liberation tled "An Unfinished Journey." Minter recounts his and American Activists, 1950-2000 endeavors to personal engagement with the continent while provide a "panoramic view" of a half century of analyzing the solidarity efforts of civil rights, reli‐ solidarity efforts for African independence and gious, labor, student, and left-wing activists. The against apartheid in South Africa. The editors, ac‐ underreported, underappreciated organizing of tivist-scholars William Minter, Gail Hovey, and the ffties, sixties, and seventies came to fruition Charles Cobb Jr., have crafted an account of U.S. in what Minter calls "the antiapartheid conver‐ activism that celebrates the strengths and ana‐ gence" of the eighties, which marked the zenith of lyzes the weaknesses of solidarity with Africa. The American-African solidarity and remains a re‐ book, much like the movement it recounts, is an markable accomplishment (p. 39). Minter's intro‐ ambitious coalition effort. The 8.5 by 11-inch pa‐ duction provides the context for the more special‐ perback combines a foreword by Nelson Mandela ized selections that round out the book. with analytical essays, interviews, personal state‐ The essays on each decade are written by a ments, documents from the movement, maps, and variety of authors, providing a rich variety of per‐ a rich array of photographs. spectives on the trials and triumphs of Africa-fo‐ cused activism. Each essay is accompanied by in‐ H-Net Reviews terviews with and profiles of activists from the to destroy the left-liberal alliance that had previ‐ decade described, providing important personal ously characterized the CAA. insights on the context and character of those During the forties Randolph and his allies suc‐ years. Historian Lisa Brock's contribution covers cessfully pressured President Franklin Roosevelt the ffties, when solidarity with the anti-apartheid to end discrimination by armament manufactur‐ movement began to gain notice. She deals with ers fulfilling defense contracts and compelled the divide between the Council on African Affairs President Harry Truman to end segregation in the (CAA) and the American Committee on Africa military. This record of achievement, along with (ACOA) that frst appeared in 1952. Brock states: the experience of Houser, Rustin, and Bill Suther‐ "ACOA did not give credit to or claim any continu‐ land in the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), is ity with the CAA. Silences in history speak as elo‐ reflected in the strategy and tactics later devel‐ quently as words, and this omission, given the oped by ACOA. ACOA's founders acted not out of times, may suggest if not outright anticommunism fear but from principled political disagreement on the part of ACOA, then at least fear of being as‐ and long-standing practical experience when they sociated with Communists" (p. 63). Brock follows rejected the invitation of Alphaeus Hunton, once her historical evaluation with profiles of George Max Yergan's ally in the National Negro Congress, Houser and Bill Sutherland, both founders of the to join with the CAA in demonstrating support for ACOA, and Charlene Mitchell of the Communist the Defiance Campaign. When it began to champi‐ Party USA, all of whom maintained their Africa- on sanctions and divestment ACOA built upon centered activism from the ffties through the Randolph's exemplary pursuit of concrete nineties. achievements against segregation in the United Brock's essay is interesting and well argued, States to support the anti-apartheid struggle. The but contains a silence of its own in regard to the militant resistance of the CAA and incremental re‐ reasons for the rift among the then small network form advocated by the ACOA would later be of activists concerned about Africa. ACOA's blended to produce a successful new movement founders were understandably leery of the Coun‐ not riven the by the divisions of the old left. cil on African Affairs' connections to the Commu‐ While No Easy Victories details the evolution nist Party (CP). Those who formed ACOA's an‐ of activist strategies, a more explicit analysis of tecedent, the Americans for South African Resis‐ the role of nonviolence is missing. This is unfortu‐ tance (AFSAR), in 1952 in order to support the De‐ nate because ACOA's support for the Defiance fiance Campaign in South Africa included A. Campaign arose in large part from the excitement Philip Randolph along with his protégés Bayard elicited among its founders by the application of Rustin and George Houser. Randolph had re‐ Gandhian methods to the fght against apartheid. signed the presidency of the National Negro Con‐ George Houser's 1953 pamphlet "Nonviolent Revo‐ gress in 1940 after the NCC had affiliated with La‐ lution in South Africa" expressed hope that the bor's Non-Partisan League, effectively aligning it nonviolent precedent set by the Defiance Cam‐ with the Communist Party during the period paign would spread throughout Africa and be‐ when the CP defended the Hitler-Stalin pact. Ran‐ yond. The grand plans of nonviolent activists in dolph's Communist-backed replacement was Max the ffties to build a pacifist international rooted Yergan, co-founder of the International Commit‐ in Africa were tempered by the 1960 massacre at tee on African Affairs, which in 1942 became the Sharpeville as well as the move away from nonvi‐ Council on African Affairs. Yergan's 1947 political olence by the frst wave of independent African about-face, when he turned to the right and be‐ leaders once they gained state power. Support for came an advocate of U.S. Cold War policy, helped 2 H-Net Reviews economic sanctions, advocated by the South ted by the mainstream media. In addition, Robert African liberation movement and adopted by in‐ Van Lierop recounts the production and distribu‐ ternational solidarity campaigners, took hold af‐ tion of his 1972 flm on Mozambique, A Luta Con‐ ter Sharpeville when the African National Con‐ tinua. These examples of grassroots media help‐ gress and its counterparts determined that nonvi‐ ing to build political movements offer inspira‐ olent resistance was no longer sufficient. tional models for activists to emulate in a time The ACOA, the Washington Office on Africa, when the technological options are more bounti‐ and TransAfrica as well as allied organizations ac‐ ful. tive on the local level are all examined. Another Of the many documents and commentaries group that fnally gets rightful recognition is the from movement participants, including Alphaeus American Friends Service Committee (AFSC). Hunton, Julian Bond, and Walter Rodney, the es‐ AFSC, arguably the most indispensable progres‐ say "How I Learned African History from Reggae" sive change organization in twentieth-century by Angela Marie Walters, a student of co-editor America, had a hand in many of the activist ef‐ Lisa Brock, stands out. Walters recounts growing forts dealing with Africa. The Service Committee up in New Mexico, isolated from Africa and made its frst connections in Southern Africa in African Americans yet connected to diasporic con‐ 1932. During that visit AFSC's delegates were host‐ cerns through the recorded works of musicians ed for a time by Max Yergan, then a Young Men's from Jamaica. Although brief mentions of the Christian Association (YMCA) official based in 1986 Sun City album and a section on Miriam South Africa. Despite many years of internal Makeba by Gail Hovey are included, popular cul‐ struggle over the efficacy of sanctions and divest‐ ture as a crucial venue for spreading and ment, as well as the challenge to pacifism posed strengthening support for Africa is not analyzed. by solidarity with liberation movements engaged It is important to remember that at the height in armed struggle, AFSC helped to foster the coop‐ of the anti-apartheid convergence, activists un‐ eration needed for a decentralized, locally led derstood that in order for Americans to be moved movement to be successful. Heretofore most his‐ to action an issue must gain media coverage and torians of anti-apartheid activism have under‐ then amplification through popular culture. The played the centrality of AFSC's contributions to 1984 Thanksgiving eve arrests and subsequent the anti-apartheid struggle. No Easy Victories year-long picketing of the South African embassy, helps to remedy this oversight by establishing that through which TransAfrica launched the Free the Service Committee, through its talented staff, South Africa Movement, stands as the textbook international network, and local U.S. offices, example of how to time and execute a demonstra‐ spread the message of the movement to many tion to maximize media coverage. Books, music, places that would otherwise not have been as con‐ and movies about apartheid proved elemental in nected to Africa's struggles.