DIALOGUE IN AFRICA by JOHN BARRATT THE S.A. INSTIIUTc CF INTERNATIONAL AffAIRS NOT TO BE REMOVED The South African Institute of International Affairs June 1971 PRIVATE PAPER Mr. John Barratt is Director of the South African Institute of International Affairs. This paper, containing the text of a talk given at a meeting of the Uitwatersrand Branch, as well as the discussion which followed the talk, has been produced as a private paper for the information of members of the Institute. It should not be quoted publicly. As the Institute is precluded by its Constitution from ex- pressing an opinion on any aspect of international affairs, the opinions expressed in this paper are solely the respon- sibility of the author. The South African Institute of International Affairs Jan Smuts House P.O. Box 31596 Braamfontein Johannesburg. DIALOGUE IN AFRICA By John Barratt NOTE: This is the text of a talk given at a private meeting of the Witwatersrand Branch of the Institute on 18th May, 1971. The discussion which followed the talk has been reproduced, with the minimum of editing, from a tape-recording. At a meeting of this Branch of the Institute about two years ago I discussed the outward movement in South Africa's foreign relations, and I surveyed the development of this movement from the time of its emergence as a recognisable factor in South African foreign policy in 1965/66. Since then another di- mension has entered into this movement, namely the possibility of some form of dialogue with other African states. My conclusion in 1969, before the talk of dialogue, was that even though the results of the outward movement were very limited, it was a significant factor when seen against the extent of South Africa's international isolation. It is probably still true to say that the concrete results are limited, and, especially to governments and peoples of other countries, it must appear that the advances made in our re- lations with the rest of Africa are slight and do not yet justify the des- cription of a "breakthrough" - a word so widely used in our press nowadays. However, it is necessary to judge the developments of the past few years against the growing isolation of South Africa in the early sixties, as well as the threats of isolation which still continue in various areas of our foreign relations. It may be useful therefore to look back briefly at the situation as it was a decade ago. During the 1950*8, criticism of South Africa in the United Nations and else- where was increasing, but the country's international position was not acute. There were, for instance, no serious threats of sanctions; the United Nations Security Council had not been brought into the picutre; and even in Africa, South Africa was not under strong pressure. Mainly because its contacts in Africa were through the colonial powers, South Africa was able to play a fairly important role in various international technical bodies, such as the CCTA, the CSA and the regional groupings of the United Nations specialised agencies. The independence movement in Africa was well under way and, as you will recall, the South African Government was at first very critical of the increasing speed with which the Western colonial powers were appearing to withdraw from Africa. In the early fifties-for instance, Dr. Maian spoke of an African Charter which would unite mainly the White powers of Africa in a common policy aimed, inter alia, at guiding Africa on the road to "European" civilization and at protecting the African peoples from communist and Asian influence. But by the mid-fifties attitudes in South Africa appeared to be changing. The Prime Minister, Mr, Strijdom, said in 1955 that South Africa should behave towards the new non-White states in such a way that they and South Africa would not face each other as enemies, "but as peoples and gov- ernments which recognise and honour each other's right to exist". By 1957 when Ghana, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco and Lybia had gained their independence 2/ - 2 - Mr. Strijdom recognised that "the whole position has changed in Africa". He recognised, too, that there would have to be contact with new African states in economic and other spheres, and he added: "In the course of time there will have to be ordinary relations and even diplomatic relations". The Minister of External Affairs, Mr. Eric Louw, also spoke at this time of his policy to maintain contact with other states in Africa whether they were European or African controlled. These indications of changing attitudes, of a recognistion of the new inter- national situation, especially in Africa, were perhaps the beginnings of an "outward" policy by the Government and an attempt to prevent South Africa's isolation. But the beginning of the new decade saw a dramatic turn for the worse in South Africa's international position. The critical occurrence was of course Sharpeville and the other racial disturbances which occurred in various parts of South Africa in 1960. The United Nations Security Council, was, as a result, asked for the first time to consider South African racial policies as a possible threat to world peace, and throughout the world cri- ticism of the South African Government reached new heights. The South African economy suffered, and within a little more than a year South Africa was forced to leave the Commonwealth. The new and extreme external pressure on South Africa was due not only to events within the country, but also to the fact that 1960 was the peak year of the anti-colonialism campaign. In that year alone sixteen African states achieved independence and were admitted to the United Nations. The colonial powers, with the exception of Portugal, had now in effect given up all attempts to resist the pressures on them to withdraw from Africa, and, as fast as they were able to, they were handing over authority to African Governments. In this process they had no inclination to defend South Africa. The threat of isolation which had been building up during the 1950's now became very real for South Africa, both in Africa and in the international community generally. During the early sixties, South Africa's membership of several international organisations was ended, and in others effective participation was no longer possible, including all those concerned with Africa. At the same time the reaction within South Africa was to go on to the defensive, which further increased the political isolation. The mood among the electorate was not one which encouraged talk of contact with Black African states. White South Africans to a great extent built a psychological wall of reaction against the potential threat of Black Africa and a generally hostile world. This re- action was strengthened by a widespread view in the Western world that South Africa was in fact under imminent threat of violent erruption from within and irresistible pressure from Black Africa. In a lecture in 1960, the historian, Dr. C.W. de Kiewiet, pictured South Africa in a state of siege and tension as the African states emerged to political independence. He said: "World opin- ion limits South Africa's opportunities to take whatever strong steps may be necessary to strengthen her position and widen the margin of safety...South Africa is isolated and in danger. Destiny is marching to its borders. It will cross them in ways unseen and unpreventable. When it crosses them it will ask for a reckoning that I cannot fortell." This may sound unreal now, but it was the mood in the early sixties, and it is against this background that we must judge the developments of the second half of the sixties and of the past year in particular. The outward movement 3/ - 3 - has reflected a growing urge within South Africa, not only by the Government, but by businessmen, industrialists, scientists and so on, to break out of the threatening isolation. They have realised that no individual and no country can thrive in isolation, and this realization has led to active steps to find and to develop new contacts. The outward movement has not been concerned only with Africa. It has in- volved efforts to expand trade and diplomatic contacts in Asia and Australa- sia and moves to establish new links in various fields with Latin American countries. There has also been a more pragmatic attitude in recent years towards the .United Nations, and in general a less defensive attitude towards criticism. .But it is mainly in respect of South Africa's relations with Africa that the outward policy has become known, and it is here that the results of the policy have been most significant when judged against South Africa's complete isolation in Africa early in the sixties. I do not intend now to give another survey of the outward movement, but rather to look in more detail at the recent developments. However, in order to set the scene, it can be recalled that the highlights of this movement in Africa were the full acceptance of the independence of our three small neigh- "bburing states and the development of co-operative relations with them; the establishment of friendly relations with Malawi, including the exchange of diplomats and the substantial assistance, both financial and technical, given to Malawi by South Africa; the increasing contacts both official and unofficial with Madagascar and also Mauritius; and the development of some links, mostly economic with other African states, in spite of their official position to- wards South Africa, which was one of supporting the OAU policies of boycott.