Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research (ASSEHR), volume 81 1st International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2016) General Election: Between Money Politics and Political Identity Ahmad Taufan Damanik Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Science, North Sumatera University, Medan [email protected] Abstract—North Sumatra is a richly multi-ethnic province is made up of dozens of ethnic groups, both indigenous e province make up about 36 percent; the rest are migrants where the majority of them are Javanese. Althoughto the province the city and famous migrants pluralism or their and descendants. openness, as Overall, well as groups money indigenous politics is rampant, to th primordialism sometimes a factor in local politics. In the mayoral election in 2010 in the city of Medan, for example, although most of the city's Muslims recently that Rahudman Harahap background questionable when it comes to honesty, there is a campaign that is very powerful and effective way to mobilize their support behind him, given that his rival in the second round mayor race is Sofyan Tan, an ethnic Chinese and Buddhist. Ethnic Chinese and, to a lesser extent, non-Muslims also rallied behind Tan, though not so openly (Aspinall, Warburton and Dettman 2011). As stressed throughout this paper, the choice of a system of Proportional Representation (PR) lists open intensive level of competition between the candidates, especially between candidates of the same party. One interesting result, in the field as in many other parts of the country, is the high level of turnover positions: for DPRD Medan for example, only 30 per cent of the successful candidates were established. Patronage is important, though it comes in many forms - not just the distribution of individual gifts and cash, but also long-term social assistance program that the candidate has in some cases been providing for years. As a result, it tends to only the wealthiest candidates - those who have significant personal assets they have, or can borrow or take donations from relatives or rich sponsors - which has a strong chance of victory. Only a few candidates entered the political rivalry with clear ideas on development policies or government programs. Keywords: Political Party, Parliament and General Election INTRODUCTION not in line with political identity. Research findings in North Sumatera show that political Many experts relate the practice of identity is used as a tool to distribute patronage corruption with money politic when it comes to and also to strengthen it. In this context, struggling for a position through election. The patronage distribution and political identity may liberal democracy era has pushed money politic lead to a dispute either in intra party or in intensely that certainly give impact on the external party. The symbols of group, belief, or practice of corruption to keep growing, as well as other ethnic identity are used to strengthen on manipulation in government. Consequently, distribution and at once to broaden a network of legislative general election then find money ers. politic repeatedly done, not only in a form of vote A special case occurred in Chinese buying, but also in some other forms, such as community,candidates support particularly those who are joined in a programmatic politic, pork barrel, and many social organization of Chinese community named others. Although the organizer of the general PSMTI (Paguyuban Sosial Masyarakat Tionghoa election has firmly notified that money politics is Indonesia). The critical issue in this case was that not allowed, rules and monitoring system still legislative candidates did not do patronage on could not fully prevent and take measures on this their own cost, but passed the cost on to PSMTI offense. Internally, not all the political parties are who raised fund from their community and from willing to take some steps to overcome it. Instead, their respected leaders of Chinese community. they tend to keep it on going continuously. Moreover, in reviewing the back ground as well as Interestingly, the money politics or patronage is the profile of candidates through the internal Copyright © 2017, the Authors. Published by Atlantis Press. 441 This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/). Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research (ASSEHR), volume 81 election, they were financially supported by the percentage of votes as well. Chinese community and certainly by a significant social care, still the moslem leaders mobilized The condition of social cultural of North people from village to village and persuaded them Sumatera to be supporters for Rahudman-Eldin to defeat Sofyan Tan-Nelly. Similarly, primodialism also North Sumatera is feasible to be considered coloured governor election. Gatot-Erry, supported as a miniature of Indonesia. The figure of 13, 2 by PKS together with the force of moslem society million as a total number of its population organization, gained a large votes in east coastal explains the percentage of various ethnic people area of North Sumatera, an area where moslem in Indonesia. There are 38 percents of native people are the majority. Although Tapanuli and which is divided in this following figures: Toba Nias Selatan are not mostly moslem, but by the Batak (19,44 percent), Mandailing (6,32 percent), support and the effort of the regent, Gatot-Erry Simalungun (2,72 percent), Karo (6,64 percent), could win the election. Meanwhile, their rival, Pakpak (0,16 percent), Nias (0,40 percent) and Effendi Simbolon-Jumiran Abdi (Christian Toba- Malay (7,63 percent). Obviously, ethnic people moslem Javanese, supported by PDIP) gained who are originated from outside Sumatera, are at large votes in west coastal of North Sumatera. the highest percentage (60 percents) which Symbols of religion (although not in use to beat respectively covers Javanese (44,66 percent), their rival), is still used to empower the image of Chinese (3,63 percent), Minangkabau (3,30 each candidate. percent), Acehnese (1,26 percent) and some other Therefore, it is clear that beside ethnic groups like Hindi, Arabic and Banten. primordialism, the other factors like money It clearly shows that diversity seems so politics, key figures, such as religious leaders and predominate in Medan. Javanese is on peak with local bossisms as well as the advantage of using its 33 percent, followed by Toba Batak (20,9 bureaucracy, also play roles. It means percent), Chinese (10,7 percent), Batak mobilization of supports is not always single. Yet, Mandailing (9,35 percent), Malay (6,6 percent), it is necessary to note if there are dominant Karo (4,10 percent), Aceh (2,78 percent) followed factors between various factors that give by the other ethnics like Arabic, Tamil, influences. Simalungun, Sunda and some others. Even though the diversity is so predominated that social bulkheads occasionally may reveal in social Research Methodology relationship, or in a situation when it comes to choosing living hood, also in government political, This research applies qualitative fortunately, they could still live in harmony. methodology, and in some cases use shadowing However, primordialism in politic and in approach by following some selected respondents government is tightly knotted in which religion is to know how they set out plan or scenario to win primarily does matter. In Medan mayor election election, how they arrange their success/winning on 2010, for example, religious primodialism team, how they design the forms and the patterns strongly rose up, particularly in the second round of patronage distribution, also to set the strategy of the election. That was when Rahudman-Eldin of how to keep up clientelism, campaign model, (moslem Mandailing- Melayu) were up against and so on. Moreover, researcher conducted an in- Sofyan Tan-Nelly (Buddhist Chinese-moslem depth interview with the candidates, success Minangkabau). Although Rahudman had bad team, and some local people, to deepen the reputation (finally being sentenced by KPK previous output. (Commission of Anti Corruption) due to corruption he committed), while Sofyan Tan was known clean and that he has a strong sense of 442 Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research (ASSEHR), volume 81 OUTPUT Mochtar, Hasyim dan Wong Chun Sen, candidates from PDI-P who represent Tionghoa community, Election Winning Strategy on the basis of Socio Paguyuban Sosial Masyarakat Tionghoa (PSMTI). Cultural Brillian Mochtar is for provincial parliament of North Sumatera (DPRD Sumatera Utara) while Legislative election that uses open Hasyim and Wong Chun Sen are for city proportional system stimulates a venomous parliament of Medan (DPRD Medan). The four battle, not only between candidates of different successfully gained significant number of votes, so parties, but also mainly, between candidates of they deserved seats in DPR RI, DPRD Sumatera the same parties. As a result, surprisingly, in the Utara and DPRD Medan .3 2014 legislative election for DPRD Medan, 70 Candidates from the other social groups percent new comer in politic won the election, also established the basis of main supporters and some of them are still young and are less- additional supporters. Tahan Manahan experienced in politic. 1 Panggabean was partnered with Ruhut Sitompul The key to success began from selecting and Parlaungan Simangunsong, legislative candidates of regional election before setting candidate represented Toba Christian. They winning strategy. Sofyan Tan, for instance, the focused on seeking for supports from Christian PDIP legislative candidate for national parliament society. 4 Tahan M Panggabean also explained (DPR RI) in the local election regional 1 (Medan 1 did socialization not only in Protestant society. and 2, Deli Serdang, Serdang Bedagai and Tebing We also have a good relationship with other, I ased on my experience in the societies at all social level, as well as with Moslem 2010 mayor-election, the main basis of my society.