W APPRECIATIONS THE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION POAMHA-MATb 3OB NEW APPRECIATIONS 38 Women, War and Revolution in Europe 1914-45 Jane McDermid THE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION NEW APPRECIATIONS Published by the Historical Association NAPOLEON: FIRST CONSUL AND EMPEROR TLltOR GOVERNMENT OF THE FRENCH A.G.R. Sniitb [NA20J I. Collins |NA1| THE SKCOM> WORLD WAR (-,(1 AUTISM R. Shackletun [NA22] J.K.. Dinwiddy [NA2] TUB VERSAILLES PEACE SETTLEMENT THE NORTHERN IRKLAM> QUESTION A.I^ntin (NA23] I Introduction / 5 P.Buckland [NA3] THE ENLIGHTENMENT CURRENCY AND THE ECONOMY IN TUDOR AN1I EARLY H. Duiithorne |NA24] n Women and the First World War / 7 STUAKT ENGLAND VARIETIES <)[• REFORAIATK»N S.Adams [NA4] B. Scrivener [NA26] WOMEN'S ArnruDES TOWARDS THE WAR STALINISM ItHILIHNG A <.'i!)M REALM A. Nove ENA5] WOMEN'S WORK ON THE HOME FRONT D.MacCulloch[NA27] FACTION IN TUDOR ENGLAND AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC TRADITION WOMEN AT THE FRONT E. Ives [NA61 J. Smith [NA29I PETER THE tiREAT THE IMPACT OF THE WAR ON WOMEN AN ENGLISH ABSOLUTISM? M.S. Anderson [NA7| THE LATER STUART MONARCHY WOMEN AT THE END OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR THE JESUITS ANI> THE <:\MHH l<: REFORMATION J. Miller [NA30J J.J. Scarisbrick JNA9] GOVERNMENT ANI> SfHIHCIT LN I ATE MEIHKVAI, SPAIN 1914s THE COMING OF THE FIRS I WORLD WAR G.Redworth fNA31] III Women, Revolution and Counter-Revolution/16 ER. Bridge [NA10] RRITISH DEFENCE POLICY AND APPEASEMENT JACOB1TISM BETWEEN THE WARS RUSSIAN WOMEN AND REVOLUTION E. Gregg [NA11] E. Ranson [NA32] WOMEN AND COUNTER-REVOLUTION IN GERMANY THE ARMADA CAMPAIGN OF 1588 THE FIRST WORLD WAR S.Adams [NA13] H. Strachan [NA331 WOMEN AND ITALIAN FASCISM THE 1'ERSONAL RULE OF CHARLES I VOTES FOR WOMEN IN KRITAIN 1867-1928 1629-40 M. Pugh [NA34] WOMEN, REVOLUTION AND COUNTER-REVOLUTION IN SPAIN CJ.E.Aylmer[NA141 FASCISM! THE INTERNATIONAL PHENOMENON WOMEN AND DICTATORSHIP THE EVOLUTION OF THE BRITISH ELECTORAL R.A.H. Robinson fNA3S] SYSTEM 1832-1987 THE MONARCHIES OF FKKDINAN1I AND ISABELLA M. Pugh[NA15] J. Edwards [NA36] IV Women and the Sceond World War / 27 BK1TISH WOMEN IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY THE FIRST CKI'SAINB UThompson [NA16] S. Hdgington [NA37] WOMEN IN BRITAIN DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR WOMEN AND OCCUPATION WOMEN, WAR AND IDEOLOGY WOMEN AND GENOCIDE WOMEN IN 1945 EDITOR Malcolm Crook DESICN AND PRODUCTION V Notes & Further Reading/ 35 Marco Spiiielli ©Jane McDermid 1997 Published by the Historical Association and printed in Great Britain by Blackmore Limited, Longmead, NEW APPRECIATIONS Shaftesbury, Dorset SP7 8PX. The Hiscorical Association ISBN 085278 404 X in the surface, the period 1914 to 1945 many of the gains made by women in both seems to have encompassed massive World Wars prove to be short-lived, but changes in the position of women in Eu- ideologies, of both left and right, either rope, in response to the demands of war prevented or limited changes in the status and revolution. Yet historians have ques- of women. In addition, a study of this tioned the extent of the transformation, period reveals significant diversity in wom- since the acquisition of the vote, as well en's experience of war and revolution, not as improvements in female education and only between states, but within individual employment, did not in practice bring societies. Certainly, the inter-war depres- women social or political equality with sion, particularly in the 1930s, pushed men. Indeed, at the end of both the First women's rights off the political agenda, and Second World Wars, and of the Span- as the fight against mass male unemploy- ish Civil War, there was a backlash against ment took precedence throughout much of the 'New Woman'. Moreover, the first half Europe. In contrast, in Stalin's Russia, the of the twentieth century witnessed wide- push for modernisation greatly expanded spread demographic anxiety throughout women's education and job opportunities. Europe, which was reflected in the con- However, it did not lead to a revolution in struction of welfare systems and the adop- relations between the sexes. Indeed, what tion of pro-natalist population policies. all European states had in common in the Hence whatever the political system, the inter-war period was a stress on pro- state became increasingly interventionist natalism, with the wife in the role of in social policy, reinforcing the nuclear nurturer, identified not only with the fam- family, with the mother at its heart, and ily but with the welfare state. Thus, in father at its head. 1945, the elements of continuity in the Though some changes were made, war position of women in Europe since 1914 and revolution did not bring any radical were much more striking than those of turning-points for women. Not only did change. the First World War 'hatever the political regime — combatant states for the most part rallied whether a constitutional monarchy to the flag, proclaiming their support for as in Britain, a republic as in France, or the War and suspending their campaigns. an authoritarian state as in Germany and In Britain, the militant Women's Social and Russia — the attitudes towards the use of Political Union (WSPU) was especially vig- women in the First World War were re- orous in support of the war effort. Indeed, markably similar. There was no state plan- Lloyd George, the Minister of Munitions, ning of the involvement of women in the asked Mrs Pankhurst to rally women for war effort. Lower-class women were in- the munitions factories. She and her daugh- creasingly recruited into munitions facto- ter Christabel saw war as providing great ries and took over what were previously opportunities for women. Not all WSPU seen as male jobs, such as in transport; members were happy with the decision to but their position was seen as temporary, suspend the suffrage campaign, but the for the duration of the War only. Middle- Pankhursts prevailed. They were fiercely class women tried, with varying degrees nationalist, attacking pacifists and social- of success, to enter the professions. Al- ists (including Sylvia Pankhurst) as traitors. though there were exceptions, few women In October 1915, the WSPU's paper, The fought as combatants; if women served at Suffragette, was renamed Britannia. the front, it was generally as nurses, or in In France and Russia too, suffragists be- some other support role. The War was seen lieved that loyal support for the War would to offer women unprecedented freedom, bring them the vote. The French suffra- while their men died in the trenches. In gists became increasingly conservative, practice, war brought increased responsi- leading to a significant change in their bilities to women, especially lower-class arguments for the vote, from a basis in women, both urban and rural, who were natural justice (an idea which had its ori- thrust into the role of head of household, gins in the French Revolution of 1789) to expected to provide for the family and pro- what women had contributed to the war duce for the war effort. While feminists effort and could do for national reconstruc- generally continued to support the war tion. They were deeply alarmed by the effort in the hope of winning the vote, work- Revolution of October 1917 in Russia ing-class women grew increasingly desper- which, as we shall see, eclipsed the Rus- ate with the burdens of war. sian feminist movement. Indeed, the Russian feminists, through their support for a war which inflicted such heavy losses Women's Attitudes towards the on Russian troops, alienated both work- First World War ing-class and peasant women. In Germany, there was a similar situa- When war broke out in 1914, the national tion: suffragists believed expressions of loy- female suffrage movements throughout the alty would prove their civic responsibility. 7 Indeed, given the German fear of encircle- There were few pacifists among the femi- government which they opposed. Ironically a bigger role. Feminists, who until then ment, the suffragists believed that women's nists. Still, Johanna Albert! has revealed a too, while pacifism in Germany was gen- had been critical of Cumann na mBan for domestic skills would be a weapon in variety of pacifist organisations and erally associated with socialist women its subservience to men in the nationalist German resistance to their enemies: house- initiatives, both within Britain (such as the such as Clara Zetkin, in Britain Mrs movement, were drawn into the organisa- wives would make best use of limited Women's Peace Crusade, begun in Pankhurst seemed convinced that the anti- tion, partly in response to the Easter Ris- supplies of both food and clothing. In ad- Glasgow in 1916) and beyond (such as the war socialists were German agents, and ing's Proclamation, which promised sexual dition, middle-class women could extend International Committee of Women for Per- she felt vindicated when the Bolsheviks took equality in the future republic. However, their philanthropic work by joining state manent Peace, founded at the Hague in power and prepared to sign a separate Cumann na mBan rejected the 1922 Treaty welfare agencies, as well as continuing 1915). ' Some women supported male peace with Germany. Indeed, she manipu- with Britain which endorsed the partition their voluntary efforts (such as running pacifists, while others opposed the War lated fear of socialism to try to stem the of Ireland. The opponents of this Treaty soup kitchens, distributing second-hand from religious conviction. Although not in- rising criticism of the War, both in the lost the ensuing Civil War, after which clothing and organising childcare), while significant, pacifists were in the minority armed forces and among factory workers. there was a reaction against 'political' lower-class women worked in the factories.